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CHAPTER X.
1. Gipps.—In 1838, when Governor
Bourke left Australia to spend the remainder of his life in the retirement of
his native county in Ireland, he was succeeded in the government of New South
Wales by Sir George Gipps, an officer who had recently gained distinction by
his services in settling the affairs of Canada. The new Governor was a man of
great ability, generous and well meaning, but of a somewhat arbitrary nature.
No Governor has ever laboured more assiduously for the welfare of his people,
and yet none has ever been more unpopular than Gipps. During his term of office
the colonists were constantly suffering from troubles, due, in most instances,
to themselves, but always attributed to others, and, as a rule, to the
Governor. It is true that the English Government, though actuated by a sincere
desire to benefit and assist the rising community, often aggravated these
troubles by its crude and ill-informed efforts to alleviate them. And as Sir
George Gipps considered it his chief duty to obey literally and exactly all the
orders sent out by his superiors in England, however much he privately
disapproved of them, it was natural that he should receive much of the odium
and derision attendant on these injudicious attempts; but, on the whole, the
troubles of the colony were due, not so much to any fault of the Governor or to
any error of the English Government, as to the imprudence of the colonists
themselves.
2. Monetary Crisis.—During twelve years of
unalloyed prosperity, so many fortunes had been made that the road to wealth
seemed securely opened to all who landed in the colony. Thus it became common
for new arrivals to regard themselves, on their first landing, as already men
of fortune, and, presuming on their anticipated wealth, they often lived in an
expensive and extravagant style, very different from the prudent and abstemious
life which can alone secure to the young colonist the success he hopes for. In
Sydney the most profuse habits prevailed, and in Melbourne it seemed as if
prosperity had turned the heads of the inhabitants. The most expensive liquors
were the ordinary beverages of waggoners and shepherds; and, on his visit to
Port Phillip in 1843, Governor Gipps found the suburbs of Melbourne thickly
strewed with champagne bottles, which seemed to him to tell a tale of
extravagance and dissipation.
3. Land Laws.—Whilst many of the younger merchants were thus on their
way to ruin, and the great bulk of the community were kept impoverished by
their habits, the English Government brought matters to a crisis by its
injudicious interference with the land laws. The early years of South
Australia, and its period of trouble, have been already described. In 1840
South Australia was on the verge of bankruptcy, and the Wakefield policy of
maintaining the land at a high price had not produced the results anticipated.
Now, many of the greatest men in England were in favour of the Wakefield
theory; and, in particular, the Secretary of State for the Colonies—that is,
the member of the British Government whose duty it is to attend to colonial
affairs was a warm supporter of the views of Wakefield; so that when the people
of South Australia complained that their scheme could not be successful so long
as the other colonies charged so low a price for their land, he sympathised
with them in their trouble. “Who,” they asked, “will pay one pound an acre for
land in South Australia, when, by crossing to Port Phillip, he can obtain land
equally good at five shillings an acre?” To prevent the total destruction of
South Australia, the Secretary of State ordered the other colonies to charge a
higher price for land. New South Wales was to be divided into three districts.
(1) The Middle District, round Port Jackson, where land was never to be sold
for less than twelve shillings an acre. (2) The Northern District, round
Moreton Bay, where the same price was to be charged. (3) The Southern District,
round Port Phillip, where the land was of superior quality, and was never to be
sold for less than one pound an acre.
A great amount of discontent was caused throughout New South Wales by
this order; but South Australia was saved from absolute ruin, and the Secretary
of State declined to recall the edict. In vain it was urged that a great part
of the land was not worth more than two or three shillings an acre; the answer
was that land was worth whatever people were willing to pay for it. For a time
it seemed as if this view had been sound, and land was eagerly purchased, even
at the advanced prices; in 1840 the amounts received from land sales were three
times as great as those received in 1838. But this was mostly the result of
speculation, and disastrous effects soon followed; for the prices paid by the
purchasers were far above the real value of the land. If a man brought a
thousand pounds into the colony and paid it to the Government for a thousand
acres of land, he reckoned himself to be still worth a thousand pounds, and the
banks would be willing to lend him nearly a thousand pounds on the security of
his purchase. But if he endeavoured, after a year or two, to resell it, he
would then discover its true value, and find he was in reality possessed of
only two or three hundred pounds: every purchaser had found the land to be of
less value than he had expected; every one was anxious to sell; and, there
being few buyers, most of it was sold at a ruinous price. Men who had borrowed
money were unable to pay their debts, and became insolvent. The banks, who had
lent them money, were brought to the verge of ruin; and one of the oldest—the
Bank of Australia—became bankrupt in 1843, and increased the confusion in
monetary affairs. In order to pay their debts, the squatters were now forced to
sell their sheep and cattle; but there was scarcely any one willing to buy, and
the market being glutted, the prices went down to such an extent that sheep,
which two years before had been bought for thirty shillings, were gladly sold
for eighteenpence. Indeed, a large flock was sold in Sydney at sixpence per head.
Fortunately, it was discovered by Mr. O’Brien, a squatter living at Yass, that
about six shillings worth of tallow could be obtained from each sheep by
boiling it down; and, if this operation had not been extensively begun by many
of the sheep-owners, they would, without doubt, have been completely ruined. So
great was the distress that, in 1843, the Governor issued provisions at less
than cost price, in order to prevent the starvation of large numbers of the
people.
Yet, the Secretary of State in England knew nothing of all this, and in
1843 he raised the price of land still higher, ordering that, throughout all
Australia, no land should be sold for less than one pound an acre.
4. Immigration.—It is not to be imagined, however, that the English Government ever took
to itself any of this land revenue. Every penny was used for the purpose of
bringing immigrants into the colony. Agents in Europe were appointed to select
suitable persons, who received what were called bounty orders. Any one who
possessed an order of this kind received a free passage to Sydney, all expenses
being paid by the Colonial Government with the money received from the sale of
land. The Governor had the power of giving these orders to persons in New South
Wales, who sent them home to their friends or relatives, or to servants and
labourers, whom they wished to bring to the colonies. Now, Governor Gipps
imagined that the land would continue to bring in as much revenue every year as
it did in 1840, and, in the course of that year and the next, gave bounty
orders to the extent of nearly one million pounds. But in 1841 the land revenue
fell to about one-twentieth of what it had been in 1840; so that the colony
must have become bankrupt had it not been that more than half of those who
received bounty orders, hearing of the unsettled state of the colony, never
made use of the permission granted. Governor Gipps was blamed by the colonists,
and received from the Secretary of State a letter of sharp rebuke.
As for the immigrants who did arrive in New South Wales, their prospects
were not bright. For a long time many of them found it impossible to obtain
employment. Great numbers landed friendless and penniless in Sydney, and in a
few weeks found themselves obliged to sleep in the parks, or in the streets,
and, but for the friendly exertions of a benevolent lady, Mrs. Chisholm, who
obtained employment at different times for about two thousand of them, their
position would, indeed, have been wretched.
Mrs. Chisholm founded a home for defenceless and friendless girls, of
whom nearly six hundred were at one time living in Sydney in destitution,
having been sent out from home with bounty orders, under the impression that
employment was certain whenever they might land at Port Jackson.
Gradually the return of the colonists to habits of prudence and thrift
removed the financial distress which had been the primary cause of all these
troubles. Land ceased to be bought at the ruinously high rates, and goods returned
to their former prices.
5. Separation.—But these were not the
only cares which pressed upon the mind of Sir George Gipps. He was entrusted
with the management of the eastern half of Australia, a region stretching from
Cape York to Wilson’s Promontory. There were, it is true, but 150,000
inhabitants in the whole territory. But the people were widely scattered, and
there were in reality two distinct settlements—one consisting of 120,000 people
round Sydney, the other of 30,000 round Port Phillip. The latter, though small,
was vigorous, and inclined to be discontented; it was six hundred miles distant
from the capital, and the delays and inconveniences due to this fact caused it
no little annoyance.
There was, indeed, a Superintendent in Melbourne, and to him the control
of the southern district was chiefly entrusted. But Mr. Latrobe was undecided
and feeble. Though personally a most worthy man, yet, as a ruler, he was much
too timid and irresolute. He seldom ventured to take any step on his own
responsibility; no matter how urgent the matter was, he always waited for
instructions from his superior, the Governor.
Under these circumstances, it was natural that the people of Melbourne
should wish for an independent Governor, who would have full power to settle
promptly all local affairs. In 1840 they held a meeting in a room at the top of
the hill in Bourke Street, to petition for separation from New South Wales.
But, next year, the Sydney people held a meeting in the theatre to protest
against it. Here, then, was another source of trouble to Gipps; for, from this
time, the colony was divided into two parties, eagerly and bitterly disputing
on the separation question. Governor Gipps and Mr. Latrobe were not in favour
of separation, and, by their opposition, they incurred the deep dislike of the
people of Port Phillip. The authorities at home, however, were somewhat
inclined to favour the idea, and as Gipps was necessarily the medium of
announcing their views to the colonists, and carrying them into force, he
became unpopular with the Sydney colonists also. No man has ever occupied a
more trying position; and a somewhat overbearing temperament was not at all
suited for smoothing away its difficulties.
Colonial Secretary’s Office, Sydney.
6. Representative Government.—In 1842 a meeting was held in Sydney to petition for
representative government. The British Parliament saw its way clear to concede
this privilege; and in July, 1843, the first representatives elected by the
people assembled in Sydney. The new Council consisted of thirty-six members, of
whom twelve were either officials or persons nominated by the Governor, and the
other twenty-four were elective. It was the duty of this body to consult with
the Governor, and to see that the legitimate wishes of the people were attended
to. Six gentlemen were elected for Port Phillip; but residents of Melbourne
found it impossible to leave their business and go to live in Sydney. The
people of Port Phillip were therefore forced to elect Sydney gentlemen to take
charge of their interests. However, these did their duty excellently. Dr. Lang
was especially active in the interests of his constituents, and in the second
session of the Council, during the year 1844, he moved that a petition should
be presented to the Queen, praying that the Port Phillip district should be separated
from New South Wales, and formed into an independent colony. The Port Phillip
representatives, together with the now famous Robert Lowe, gave their support
to the motion; but there were nineteen votes against it, and this effort was
supposed to have been completely baffled. But Dr. Lang drew up a petition of
his own, which was signed by all the Port Phillip members and sent to England.
Nothing further was heard on the subject for some time, until Sir George Gipps
received a letter from Lord Stanley, the Secretary of State, directing him to
lay the matter before the Executive Council in Sydney; and stating that, in the
opinion of the English Government, the request of Port Phillip was very fair
and reasonable. An inquiry was held, the Sydney Council sent to England a
report on the subject, and received a reply to the effect that steps would at
once be taken to obtain from the Imperial Parliament the required Act.
The people of Port Phillip were overjoyed, and in 1846 gave a grand
banquet to Dr. Lang to celebrate the occasion. But they were not destined to
quite so speedy a consummation of their desires. The English Government which
had given so favourable an ear to their petition was defeated and succeeded by
another Government, to whom the whole question was new. Year after year passed
away, and the people of Port Phillip began to grow impatient, and to complain
loudly of their grievances. First of all, they complained that, although it was
a well-recognised principle that the money received by Government for the waste
lands of any district should be employed in bringing out emigrants to that
district, yet the Sydney Government used much of the money obtained from the
sale of land in Port Phillip for the purpose of bringing out new colonists—not
to Melbourne or Geelong, but to Sydney itself. And thus, it was said, the
people of Sydney were using the money of the Port Phillip district for their
own advantage. And, again, the people of Melbourne complained that, although
they were allowed to elect six members of the Legislative Council, yet this was
merely a mockery, because none of the Port Phillip residents could afford to
live in Sydney for five months every year and to neglect their own private
business. The former of these accusations seems, so far as we can now
determine, to have been unfounded; the latter was undoubtedly a practical
grievance, though more or less unavoidable in every system of representation.
7. Earl Grey.—For a year or two the English Government forgot all about the separation question;
and, in 1848, the wearied colonists at Port Phillip determined to call
attention to their discontent. Accordingly, when the elections for that year
approached, they determined not to elect any member, so that the English
Government might see of how little use to them their supposed privilege really
was. It was agreed that no one should come forward for election, and it seemed
likely that there would be no election whatever, when a gentleman named Foster
offered himself as a candidate. This placed the non-election party in a
dilemma; for if they declined to vote at all, and if Mr. Foster could persuade
only two or three of his friends to vote for him, then, since there was no
other candidate, he would be legally elected.
Now, at this time, Earl Grey was Secretary of State for the Colonies;
and when some one proposed to nominate him for election, in opposition to Mr.
Foster, the idea was hailed as a happy one. The non-election party could then
vote for Earl Grey, and he would be returned by a large majority. But Earl
Grey, being an English nobleman and a member of the British Government, would
certainly never go to Sydney to attend a small Colonial Council; so that there
would be, in reality, no member elected. But the attention of the Secretary of
State would be drawn to the desires of the district. Earl Grey was triumphantly
elected, and when the news went home it caused some merriment. He was jokingly
asked in the House of Lords when he would sail for Sydney. And for several
weeks he underwent so much banter on the subject that his attention was fully
aroused to the long-neglected question. He weighed the matter carefully, and,
resolving to do the people of Port Phillip full justice, sent out word that he
would at once prepare a Bill for the Imperial Parliament, in order to obtain
the necessary powers. At the same time he intimated that Queen Victoria would
be pleased if the new colony should adopt her name. Nothing could give the
colonists more satisfaction, and they waited with patience until affairs should
be properly arranged in England.
8. Sir Charles Fitzroy.—All this
agitation, however, had not taken place without much irritation and contention
between the people at Port Phillip and their Governor at Sydney, from whose
authority they wished to free themselves. Sir George Gipps had much to harass
him, and in 1846 he was glad to retire from his troublesome position. He was
succeeded by Sir Charles Fitzroy, a gentleman in every respect his opposite. By
no means clever, yet good-tempered and amiable, he troubled himself very little
with the affairs of the colony. The Sydney Council managed everything just as
it pleased; Sir Charles was glad to be rid of the trouble, and the colonists
were delighted to have their own way. As for the separation question, he cared
very little whether Port Phillip was erected into a colony or not.
In 1850 the news arrived that Port Phillip was to be separated from New
South Wales, and in the middle of the next year its independence was declared.
Its Superintendent, Latrobe, was raised to the dignity of Governor, and the new
colony received its Constitution, conferring on it all the legislative and
other powers which had previously been possessed only by New South Wales.
9. Abolition of Transportation.—It was during
this period that the English Government resolved on sending no more convicts to
Australia. A committee of the Imperial Parliament held an inquiry into the
effects of transportation, and reported that it would be unwise to continue the
system. From 1842, therefore, there was practically a cessation of
transportation, although the majority of the squatters were averse to the
change. They found that the convicts, when assigned to them, made good
shepherds and stockmen, and that at cheap rates. They subsequently petitioned
for a revival of transportation; but, after some hesitation, the British
Government resolved to adhere to their resolution to send no more convicts to
Sydney. Van Diemen’s Land was still unfortunate; it was to receive, indeed, the
full stream of convicts, but from 1842 Australia itself ceased to be the receptacle for the criminals of Great Britain.
CHAPTER XI.
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