THE SUMERIAN EPIC OF PARADISE, THE FLOOD AND THE FALL OF MAN

INTRODUCTION

In the autumn of 1912 the author copied, among about fifty others, a triangular fragment of a tablet in the Nippur collection in the Museum. This fragment, which had been numbered 4561, can be distinguished clearly in the right upper corner of the obverse and right lower corner of the reverse of the restored tablet shown in Plates V and VI which show the tablet in its natural size. The contents of this fragment were first mentioned by my colleague, Professor Sayce, at the June meeting of the Society of Biblical Archaeology in London, at which our lamented friend, Professor R. F. Harper, was present and contributed memorable remarks.An epitome soon afterwards appeared in the London Times. Later the Museum authorities found other portions of this remarkable text which obviously contains a Sumerian version of the Flood and the Fall of Man, antedating by at least a thousand years the version in Hebrew. The photograph will show how well the Museum authorities have succeeded. To my original fragment they have added one large fragment and one small one which practically restores this large six column tablet. This edition has been made from my copy of the original fragment and photographs of the later joins.

The composition is of an epical nature and probably represents more nearly than any production yet discovered the national epic of the religious and cultured Sumerian people. The theme is too humanitarian and universal to be called national, but in those days, and in that part of the world, Sumerian culture was synonymous with world culture and her great religious traditions became universal traditions, adopted by the Semitic peoples who subsequently came upon the scene of history. The colophon describes the composition as a "hymn of praise."

Synopsis

The theme which inspired this epic is the Fall of Man, and it will be generally admitted that this theme suggests the most profound ideas and inspires the deepest emotions of man. Enki the water god and his consort Ninella or Damkina ruled over mankind in paradise, which the epic places in Dilmun. In that land there was no infirmity, no sin and man grew not old. No beasts of prey disturbed the flocks, and storms raged not. In a long address to her consort, Ninella glorifies the land of Dilmun, praising its peace and bliss. And all things were so.

But for some reason which is all too briefly defined Enki the god of wisdom became dissatisfied with man and decided to overwhelm him with his waters. This plan he revealed to Nintud the earth mother goddess, who with the help of Enlil the earth god had created man. According to Col. 11 32 Nintud under the title Ninharsag assisted in the destruction of humanity. For nine months the flood endured and man dissolved in the waters like tallow and fat. But Nintud had planned to save the king and certain pious ones. These she summoned to the river's bank where they embarked in a boat. After the flood Nintud is represented in conversation with the hero who had escaped. He is here called Tagtug and dignified by the title of a god. He becomes a gardener for whom Nintud intercedes with Enki and explains to this god how Tagtug escaped his plan of universal destruction. This at any rate is the natural inference to be made from the broken passage at the end of Col. IIIof the obverse and the beginning of Col. I of the reverse. Enki became reconciled with the gardener, called him to his temple and revealed to him secrets. After a break we find Tagtug instructed in regard to plants and trees whose fruit the gods permitted him to eat. But it seems that Nintud had forbidden him to eat of the cassia. Of this he took and ate, whereupon Ninharsag afflicted him with bodily weakness. Life, that is good health in the Babylonian idiom, he should no longer see. He loses the longevity of the prediluvian age.

Such in the Sumerian epic is the conception of the fall of man. His great loss consists in being deprived of extreme longevity and good health. The fall from primeval sinlessness is not mentioned here. But we infer from column two that sin had already entered into the souls of men before the flood and caused Enki to send that great catastrophe. In a real sense, therefore, our epic contains both the fall from purity and the fall from longevity. The latter is brought about by eating of the tree, and this was considered the greater disaster. We now find that man is fallen on toil and disease. Wherefore the gods send him patrons of healing, of plants, and various arts to comfort him and aid him in his struggle for existence.

Dilmun

Tablet No. 4561 locates Paradise in Dilmun and apparently Tagtug the gardener dwelled here after the flood. Also the epical fragment of Creation and the Flood published by Dr. Poebel says that Ziudgiddu, the king who survived the deluge, received eternal life and lived in the mountain of Dilmun. This land is frequently mentioned in the inscriptions of all periods as an important province in the extreme south of Babylonia. Sargon the ancient speaks of Dilmun in connection with the Sea Land, after which he turned his attention to Der a city in Ashnunnak on the Elamitic border.

Magan (Arabia), Meluhha (Egypt), Gubi and the mountain of Dilmun are mentioned together by Gudea, and the boats of Dilmun, Magan and Meluhha occur together in a lexicographical list. The copper of Dilmun, Magan and Meluhha is mentioned in another text. Geographical lists also connect Eridu and Dilmun, a fact of special interest, since Eridu, on the Euphrates near the head of the Persian Gulf, is the most famous center of the cult of Enki the water god. Our text affords abundant proof that Enki was also connected with the religious traditions of Dilmun. Nebo, the city god of Barsippa and also connected with the Enki water cult, has at least eleven Sumerian titles as a god in Dilmun, whence we may suppose that Barsippa derived this deity from Dilmun. Also Zarpanit, consort of Marduk, son of Enki, has seven Sumerian titles as a deity of Dilmun. Thus Dilmun was associated with the water god in the earliest Sumerian traditions and in Babylonian theology.

Still more noteworthy is the constant association of Dilmun with Elam and Ansan. Zarpanit of Dilmun is followed by the Zarpanit of Elam in a theological list of gods. Astrological texts also reflect the ancient importance of Dilmun and its association with Elam, in that eclipses occurring in the third month (Sivan) portend the ruin of the king of Dilmun, and those occurring in the second month (Ajar) portend the ruin of the king of Elam.

Delitzsch many years ago identified Dilmun with the island Bahrein; although that scholar does not expressly defend this identification, yet this inference has been accepted and generally adopted. The identification with the largest of the Bahrein islands has been suggested to scholars by passages in the inscriptions of Sargon, who in describing his invasion of Bit-Jakin (the seacoast land at the head of the Persian Gulf) and Elam says, "Upiri king of Dilmun, who had made an abode in the midst of the sea towards the East, like a fish a distance of 30 kasgid heard of the might of my royal power and brought tribute."If this passage be taken literally we must infer that an island is intended, or as Delitzsch says, "at any rate a peninsula." But we now know that in Assyrian historical inscriptions the kasgid or hour's march was 5346 meters or 3.3218 English miles. If we suppose that Sargon intended to state the distance from the innermost shore of the Persian Gulf as it was in his day, that is 15 or more miles further inland than at present, we assume that Dilmun lay about 100 miles from that point, say a degree and a half south of modern Basra. Of course Dilmun, if it designated a province on the Elamitic side of the Persian Gulf in the region of modern Laristan, may have included all the small islands off that coast such as Shaikh Shuaib, Kais and Kishm. All of these are considerably more than 100 miles from Basra, but Sargon may be using some point farther south as his place of reckoning. Dilmun cannot be an island in another passage of this same Sargon who says, "The land Bit-Jakin which lies on the shore of the salt stream as far as the boundaries of Dilmun as one land I ruled." Here Dilmun and Bit-Jakin form a contiguous territory. On the whole the identification with a strip of land from about the twenty-ninth degree of latitude southward along the eastern coast of the Persian Gulf including the islands off the coast perhaps as far as the strait of Ormuz and the Arabian Sea will satisfy all the known references concerning Dilmun. The expression of Sargon, "in the midst of the sea," will then refer to one of the small islands of the province to which the king Upiri fled.

This location of the Sumerian Paradise will explain also the curious geographical boundary given in the Hebrew tradition concerning the Garden of Eden. In Chapter II 10-14 of Genesis the Hebrew preserves a geographical description which is obviously derived from Sumero-Babylonian cosmology and can be understood only by comparing the description with a Babylonian map of the world as they understood it. Fortunately such a map for early Babylonian and Assyrian cosmology exists.Here Babylon is the center of a flat circular surface, with the land of Aslur located to the right. On the upper edge the draughtsman indicates mountains, probably the highlands of Armenia. In the right lower corner is the city Dir and at the left bottom Bit-Jakinu or the seacoast lands. Beyond this to the south appear canals (e-ku) and marshes (apparu). In the upper left corner, i. e., in the northwest, the scribe places the Hittites (ba-at-tim). Around this circular world flows the naru mar- ra-tum, the bitter river, which is the Babylonian name for the Persian Gulf. Beyond this stream lie at least five regions or countries of whose existence the geographers had a vague monition.

Let us suppose that the ancient Sumerians held the same conceptions in regard to Paradise. Around it flowed the "Bitter Stream", or the Persian Gulf, upon whose eastern bank tradition located Paradise in the land of Dilmun. Into this stream on the north flow the Tigris and Euphrates. In the far southeast the Indus flows into the Arabian Sea, which the Sumerians probably regarded as a continuation of the world encircling bitter stream and in the far southwest flows the Nile from Ethiopia into the Mediterranean Sea in which they saw the western segment of the same bitter stream. Now all this agrees admirably with the Biblical account. "And a river issued from Eden to water the garden and thence it divided itself and became four branches." This river issuing forth from Eden is the Persian Gulf and the encircling bitter stream as Sayce first saw. In Hebrew and Assyrian idiom res nari, "head of a stream," or "head," when applied to streams means the mouth of the river, as De- litzsch Paradise has long since emphasized. The four branches are rivers which flow into the stream which constantly encircles Paradise. "The name of the first is Pishon; this is the one that surrounds all the land of Havilah where there is gold." The Pishon I would identify with the Indus which would lead us to assume that Havilah here indicates India or in a vague manner the far east. "And the name of the second river is Gihon; this is the one that surrounds all the land of Ethiopia." Jewish and Christian tradition identified this river with the Nile and the identification follows both from the connection with Ethiopia and from Babylonian cosmology. "And the name of the third river is Hiddekel, which is the one flowing before Assur." The city Assur, which lay on the eastern bank of the Tigris below the greater Zab, appears to have been unknown to Sumerian rulers as late as the era of Dungi (circa 2400 B.C.). The city itself was a Mitanni or Hittite foundation and not until shortly before Sumuabu, founder of the first Babylonian dynasty (circa 2232-2218 B.C.), do we hear of Semitic rulers at Assur. But cities in northern Mesopotamia such as Assur and Karkemish according to recent excavations at low levels on those sites are shown to be extremely old, perhaps even older than the more famous cities of Sumer which surpassed them in culture and fame. In any case we cannot suppose that Assur was unknown to the early Sumerians at least in a vague way and consequently the mention of Assur here does not imply that the source Gen. II 10-14 is of later origin than the other portions of the Hebrew story of Creation, Paradise and the Fall of Man in Gen. II 4-III 24. Genesis II 14 states finally that the fourth branch of the encircling stream is the Euphrates. The Biblical statement is, therefore, perfectly intelligible when the passage has been interpreted on the basis of Babylonian cosmology.

The End of Paradise

Our poem omits the primitive history of the Creation and prediluvian kings, for its motive is to describe the Fall of Man. It begins, therefore, with a description of the blissful state of man as it existed immediately before the Flood. In all the land of Sumer men and animals dwelled together in peace; sin and disease had not yet afflicted humanity. And in this land lay an especially favored garden in Dilmun. Dilmun has two designations which are indicated by two ways of writing the name, dilmun-ki, "the city of Dilmun", and kur-dilmun, "the mountain of Dilmun", or more accurately "the Dilmunian mountain". This is the method employed in our tablet and in Poebel, Cr. VI 12. Ordinarily, however, kur-dilmun-ki is employed for “the mountain of Dilmun”. According to Sumerian grammar kur prefixed to a name indicates the land of which the city in question is the capital. Strictly speaking we should render kur-dilmun by the "Land or Province of Dilmun". But kur means both mountain and land. In case of those provinces which were mountainous the Sumerians and Babylonians spoke of it as the "Mountain of X," and not the "Land of X." An interlinear text has pu kur-dilmun-ki-ka = ina bur-ti sa-di-i dil-mun, “At the well of the Mountain of Dilmun (Ishtar washed her head)”. The reader will, therefore, understand that dilmun-ki means the city, kur dilmun, the province or land which is here rendered by "Mountain of Dilmun."

Since after the Flood the king Tagtug becomes a gardener and a garden is expressly mentioned, and since after the curse Dilmun is mentioned as under the protection of one of the patron genii, we infer that the Sumerians regarded the Land of Dilmun as the garden of Paradise and the religious center of Sumer. Of its city Dilmun, where Enki the water god ruled mankind and in whose temple he revealed secrets to Tagtug, our epic says, “His city was the home which assembles the Land (of Sumer)”. Sumer or the land of the Sumerians is related to the land of Dilmun in the same way as in the Hebrew, “A garden in Eden”," Eden or the plain of southern Mesopotamia is related to the garden.

According to the Hebrew version the first of mankind Adam and his consort forfeited the blessings of Paradise almost immediately after the Creation. On the other hand, the Sumerian version allows us to infer that mankind enjoyed this blissful state until the Flood. In the days of one Tagtug who is mentioned as a king, and probably the king of Dilmun, man became sinful and so Enki⁴ ended the Utopian age with the Deluge.

The Poem on the Creation and the Flood

A poem on the Creation and the Flood, likewise in six columns and in the same script as the one under discussion and also found in the Museum collections (No. 10673), belongs to the same cycle of epical literature concerning the origin and fall of man. This composition, which has been published by Dr. Poebel in Vols. IV and V, is unfortunately much more fragmentary than the text of No. 4561. The styles of the two poems are strikingly similar. The tablet previously published is devoted entirely, so far as the fragment permits us to infer, to the period from the Creation to and including the Flood. It appears to have described somewhat minutely the creation of man and the political affairs of Sumer before the Flood. Also the Flood is minutely described, but the portion of the fragment which gave the reason why Enki destroyed mankind is not preserved. At the end we learn that the gods caused the king Ziudsuddu, who escaped, to dwell in Dilmun. Evidently the postdiluvian history of man did not form part of the theme of this epic as it does in our own. Moreover, it agrees with the Semitic Babylonian account in two vital matters. The name of the royal hero of the Flood, Zi-ud-sud-du, is obviously identical with Zi-ud, the Sumerian original of Uta-napishtim, Semitic name of this hero in the eleventh book of the Epic of Gilgamish, where the Semitic Babylonian version is given at great length. The element suddu, which means “to be long”, had been omitted before the name was translated into Semitic. And like the Semitic Babylonian version this hero is transferred to the island of the blessed. For in Poebel’s tablet we must assume that Dilmun still retains after the Flood its ancient character of a land of the blessed. Sumerian tradition probably rehearsed the story of this hero’s translation to one of the islands off the coast of Dilmun the ancient land of Paradise. And the Semitic version says that Utanapishtim was made like the gods and taken by them to a far-away place at the mouth of rivers. This probably refers to Dilmun, the traditional Paradise into whose encircling stream poured the four great rivers of the primitive cosmos. This tradition of the translation of the hero of the Flood to the blessed isle must have been widely spread among ancient peoples and it is curious that it has not survived in Hebrew tradition. Berossus, as reported by Polyhistor, says that this hero, whom he calls Xisuthrus, disappeared in the air and was seen no more, and Abydenus reports Berossus to have written that “The gods translated him from among men”.

The References to the Creation of Man

As we have seen, our poem refers to the creation of man only incidentally. According to Babylonian tradition, as reported in Berossus, ten kings ruled from the creation of man until the Flood and these reigns covered a period of 432,000 years. Our composition in regard to this long period during which there was no sin and men grew not old, makes no reference to these ten kings, but begins with the last of the kings who ruled in prediluvian times. In the description of the Flood, however, our text says that “Nintud mother of the Land (of Sumer) had begotten mankind”. The verb employed here means ordinarily “to beget, give birth to”, and another passage is still more explicit. The mother goddess under the title Ninharsag says to the Earth God Enlil, “I have begotten thee children”. And Enlil is also called “the begetter”, or “father begetter”, the same verb being employed as in the case of Ninharsag. All these references to the direct descent of man from the Earth God and the Earth Goddess we must interpret figuratively. Sumerian, Babylonian and Hebrew tradition agree in regarding man as a creature fashioned in some mysterious manner by the hands of the gods or a god. Undoubtedly the Sumerians, whose greatest and most ancient deity was mother earth, attributed the creation of human kind exclusively to this virgin goddess, a rôle which became attached to that type of mother goddess who presided over childbirth. In the evolution of this religion the earth god, primarily the brother of the mother goddess, became associated with her in the creation of man; the Sumerian Epic of the Creation and the Deluge speaks also of Anu the heaven god and Enki the water god as deities who assisted the earth goddess and the earth god in fashioning the “Dark-headed people”, and the creatures of the field. But the references to the creation of man in Sumerian and Babylonian poetry generally agree in describing the mother goddess, under the titles Aruru and Mami, as the deity who made man from clay. In the poem ofAtarhasis and Ea, Mami the mother goddess restores men upon the earth by creating them from clay.

“When she had recited her incantation and had cast it upon her clay, fourteen pieces she pinched off. Seven pieces on the right she placed, and seven pieces on the left she placed. Between them she put a brick ... she opened. She ... the wise wives, seven and seven mother wombs; seven create males and seven create females. The mother womb creatress of fate caused themto complete, yea these she caused to complete (their offspring) in her own likeness. The designs of men Mami designed”. A religious text of the late Assyrian period in form of an acrostic has the line, “The workmanship of the hand of Aruru are the things with the breath of life altogether”.

Not only did the Sumerians and Babylonians retain this tradition concerning the creation of man from clay at the hand of Aruru, but they believed her capable of thus creating a human being at any time and for any necessity. In the first book of the Epic of Gilgamish, the people of Erech call upon her to create a being capable of protecting them from the violence of Gilgamish.

''Unto the mighty Aruru they called. 'Thou O Aruru hast created [Gilgamish], and now create his likeness. Like unto the spirit of his heart may his spirit be. May they strive with each other and may Erech repose/^{^[1]} When Aruru heard this she formed a likeness of the god Anu in her mind. Aruru washed her hands; clay she pinched off and cast it upon the field . . . Enkidu she fashioned, the hero. "

The only important Sumerian hymn to Aruru as the creatress of men is the interesting but badly damaged liturgy to her in eight sections inscribed on a prismatic prayer wheel now in the Ashmolean Museum. Although this important text has been partially restored from two duplicates we are still unable to fully understand its general import. It is clear that the liturgists intended to compose a chant in eight sections to Nintud the creatress to be sung in her temple at KeS. Since each section ends with the mournful refrain, "Who shall utter lamentation", and the seventh section speaks of calamities which befell the city we may suppose that, like all other Sumerian liturgies, our text was written as a lamentation concerning some local calamity. But in the composition of this liturgy the scribes have given more than ordinary attention to the legends which concerned the cult in question. At the end of each section they have added a refrain in four lines which obviously refers to the creation of man in the image of Ninib (assirigi) and of woman in the image of the mother goddess Nintud.

I would now render this refrain in the following manner:

"In accordance with the incantation of the earth

design a form may man bear.

Their strong one like Ninib (assirgi) in form

may a mother beget.

Their lady like Nintud in form shall be”

Marduk Associated with Aruru

Thus beyond all doubt the Nippurian school of Sumerian theology originally regarded man as having been created from clay by the great mother goddess. But later tradition tended to associate Enlil with Nintud or Aruru in the creation of man. We have no reference to such a tradition concerning Enlil,but Semitic tradition repeatedly associates Marduk with Aruru in this act and even goes to the extent of regarding him as alone having created man. This evolution of the tradition concerning Marduk is, I venture to think, based upon an earlier one concerning Enki. In any case this association of a great god in the act of creation cannot be earlier than the Hammurapi period, for in our text (Rev. II 44) Enlil accuses Ninharsag of having herself created two creatures. Nevertheless, following a tendency to regard Marduk the god of Babylon as the chief actor in the ancient Sumerian tradition, a tendency which is repeated later by the Assyrians with their god ASur, the Babylonians ascribe the creation of the ordered world, its cities, its rivers, its vegetation and the beasts of the field to Marduk. And in reciting the various orders of creation by Marduk they tell us that he also "built" mankind. In this act Aruru assists him; "Aruru built with him the first men." The text from which this description has been taken belongs to the period of the first Babylonian dynasty. Like many other important literary documents it forms part of an incantation, and in this case an incantation for the dedication of a temple.³ Sumerian and Semitic sources seem to agree in bringing the mother goddess into connection with the creation of man only. She has apparently, in all the known sources, no clear connection with the creation of the world, or its animate and inanimate nature.

Her Connection with the Story of the Decapitation of Marduk

On the whole the theology and traditions concerning Nintud or Aruru belong to the Nippurian school which taught that the earth god Enlil created the universe and assisted the mother goddess in creating man. Over against the teaching of this school we have constantly to keep in mind the teaching of the Eridu or southern group of theologians who taught that Enki or Ea not only created the universe but mankind as well. It is, therefore, not surprising that we find the great Babylonian Epic of Creation teaching that Marduk the son of Enki created man from blood and bone. A grammatical commentary on this epic says that Marduk created the dark-headed people. The description of this act occurs at the beginning of the sixth book as restored by Dr. L. W. King and runs as follows:

"When Marduk heard the discourse of the gods,

His heart prompts him as he devises a clever thing.

As his mouth is opened he speaks unto Ea.

That which he conceives in his heart he imparts unto him.

My blood I will fix together, bone I will fashion.

I will cause man to stand forth, verily man shall be . . .

I will build man, the dweller of the earth.

Verily let the cults of the gods be established and may these occupy their shrines."

This well-known passage has been properly elucidated by King, who compares the statement of Berossus:—“And Belus seeing a land deserted but fruitful commanded one of the gods to take off his head and to mix earth with the blood that flowed therefrom, and to fashion men and animals capable of bearing the air”." An earlier source detected by Zimmern in a tablet of the first Babylonian dynasty shows that this idea of creating man from earth mingled with the blood of a god belongs originally to the Eridu school. This tradition taught that Mami at the instigation of Enki and other gods fashioned man from clay and the blood of a slain god. At least such conclusions force themselves upon us from the few words which we can decipher upon this tablet.

The Eridu Tradition

In the tradition concerning the creation of man by Marduk we have apparently to do with a Babylonian transformation of the Eridu view which taught that Enki or Ea the water god created man from clay, which the Nippurian schools taught concerning Aruru, In the so-called bilingual Babylonian version which associates Mami with Marduk in this act we have a composite tradition made by the Babylonians from two Sumerian sources. And in the Babylonian source just discussed the Eridu view of the origin of man from a mixture of clay with the blood of a god has been associated with the Nippurian teaching concerning Mami. An Assyrian fragment, however, shows that the Semites retained the pure Eridu tradition in some quarters. According to this source "the gods" created the heavens and the earth, the cattle and creeping things, after which Enki created "two little ones"A tablet from Babylon of the late periodbut doubtlessly resting upon a much earlier text says that Enkipinched clay from the sea and built the various minor deities, patrons of the arts, of agriculture, etc., after Which "he created the king to care for the temples and men to care for the cults." We have, therefore, evidence for a tradition which taught that Enki had created mankind from clay.

Relation of the Two Sumerian Poems to These Traditions

The poem of Creation and the Flood appears to have completely confounded these traditions for here both Enki and Ninharsag create mankind, but Enki alone brings the "cattle and fourfooted beasts of the field" into being, and causes cities to be built. Obviously the later bilingual account discussed above depends upon this poem. This Sumerian poem also agrees with the Babylonian bilingual account on one other vital point in that it speaks of the origin of mankind as "the seed of mankind," or the first men. The fragments of this poem permit us to infer that the god Enki of Eridu is here regarded as ruling over mankind in prediluvian times. The Poem of Paradise, the Flood and the Fall of Man agrees entirely upon this latter point. Both poems incorporate fully the Eridu tradition of paradise the organization of an Utopian society by the creator Enki and the destruction of mankind by this same water god. Both agree also in describing the mother goddess Nintud as weeping for mankind whom she had created and planning to save them. Our poem, however, retains the Nippurian point of view regarding the creation of men, for here Nintud is consistently described as having created them. It will be seen, however, that already in the Sumerian period of great creative literature and theological speculation, a strong tendency had arisen to accept the Eridu tradition and that the creation of man from clay at the hands of a mother goddess began to lose prominence in the teachings of the Nippurian school who moulded the views of succeeding Semitic theology. The Eridu point of view is the one accepted in Hebrew tradition, borrowed no doubt from the Babylonians of the first dynasty, and imbedded in one of the oldest Hebrew sources, "And God fashioned man of the dust from the ground." The problem of giving animal vitality to this creation of clay does not appear in the earlier Sumerian sources. In fact the Babylonian sources speak of animal vitality, napisti, generally in connection with animals only. In any case they have not suggested an origin for the inception of vitality and intelligence into the creature whom Aruru or Enki had moulded, other than the late tradition that the blood and flesh of a god gave vitality and a soul to the creature of clay. The Biblical statement, "And he blew into his nostrils the breath of life² and the man became a living being," has, so far as our material goes, no equivalent in any Sumerian or Babylonian source.

The Greek Tradition Concerning Prometheus

Classical scholars seem to be agreed in assuming that the legend of the fashioning of man by Prometheus came into Greek mythology in the Alexandrian period; several drawings of this mythological event are known from the late period, in which Prometheus fashions several youths from clay. In one of these scenes Athena or Minerva presents to these clay figures a dove, by which the artist intended to indicate that Athena gave to men their souls. Orelli, however, remarks upon the sixteenth ode of Horace: "The legend concerning the creation of men from clay by Prometheus was unknown to Homer and Hesiod, and was first mentioned by Erinna." Now Erinna, a Greek poetess and contemporary of Sappho, seems to refer to this story in the following lines:

"Out of tender hands (came) the pictures, oh most agreeable Prometheus!

And men are like unto thee in wisdom."

It would appear, therefore, that the story began to invade Greek mythology as early as the seventh century. We have then no conclusive evidence for assuming that it was borrowed from Babylon, but the rapid propagation of the myth after the works of oriental writers like Berossus and Lucian became widely known tends to confirm the writer in this belief. The Greek traveler Democritus says that he was at Babylon, and Clement of Alexandria states that Democritus translated the story of Ahifcar into Greek. This proves that Babylonian influence was already exerting itself in Greece in the fifth century.

More authentic in classical Greek tradition is the myth of the fashioning of Pandora, the first woman, and the cause of all human sorrows. So well known was her creation by the potters that Sophocles devoted a tragedy to the subject called "Pandora or the Forgers." Only a few fragments remain, one of which has become well known and taken to refer to the myth of Prometheus and the creation of men:

"And to knead the first primeval clay with the hands."

If this passage refers to the creation of men and not of Pandora, then the poet surely referred to the fashioning of the latter in some lost passage. He apparently knew of her creation at the hands of several divine potters, for he says in verses ascribed to this tragedy by Hermann:

"Go ye on the way now, all ye skillful people,

Who the grim-eyed Ergane of Zeus with standing

Winnowing fans beseech, ye who beside the anvils

Fashioned with hands soulless matter,

Obedient to the heavy hammer and the blows."

Thus Sophocles already exhibits traces of an early belief in the assistance of Athena who was said to have given life to the creature of clay. "Pandora, whom the gods moulded as the first woman," says Apollodorus, and Hesiod says that Vulcan made Pandora from clay. Others tell of the origin of men from the semen of Ouranos the heaven god, a doctrine taught also in Orphic literature:

“(I have sung) the birth of powerful Brimo, and also

the unhallowed deeds

Of the earth-born giants, who spilt from Heaven the dread

Seminal fluid, the primeval, whence was generated

The race of mortals who dwell upon the boundless earth forever”.

This Professor Gilbert Murray tells me is good Orphic doctrine and he cites another line from their teachings:

"Child of earth am I and of the starry Heaven."

A schola cited in Anthologiae Palatinae p. 270 says that Prometheus made men from clay and put into them a voice and a soul. A similar teaching from the Orphic collection is: "And man, says Orpheus, was moulded by God himself from earth and received from him a reasonable soul, even as the all-wise Moses has revealed these things."

Thus we see that the Greeks first explained the inception of life and soul to the assistance of the mother goddess. This assistance permeates the whole Babylonian tradition, but there she confines her work to assisting in moulding the clay. We seem to be here in the presence of a tradition in Greece which although strangely like the Babylonian is nevertheless either wholly independent or a borrowing modified by Greek thought. The origin of the soul and life was explained in Babylonia by the fact that the creatress mingled the blood of a god with the clay. This view seems to survive in Greece only in the story of Dionysus Zagreus; for they said of him that man's soul came from his blood and that the body had been made from the ashes of the blighted Titans.

The Egyptian View

The Egyptians have nearly the same story regarding the creation of man. Here the river god Khnum, who is frequently called the potter, is represented in the same rdle of Enki the water god of Eridu. And like Enki in Babylonian symbolical mythology he has the head of a ram in Egyptian representations of him. Unfortunately we possess no details of this legend in Egypt; our argument is based solely upon the inferences which we draw from the sculptures of Deir el Bahari and Luxor. The former represents Khnum in the act of moulding the embryonic figure of the future queen Hatshepsut from clay on a potter’s wheel. The frog-headed goddess Heket extends the ank, sign of life, to the nostrils of the clay figure, in order to give it life. The sculptures of Luxor represent in the same manner the ram-headed Khnum moulding the figure of the future king Amonhotep III. Here, however, it is Hathor who extends the symbol of life to the moulded clay. These scenes, which are contemporary with the Cassite period in Babylonia, are much later than the Sumero-Babylonian legends. Whether these ideas are based upon an earlier Egyptian tradition or not I am unable to say. The similarity of ideas and details is striking and a borrowing from Sumer seems to me probable. The theme of a life-giving mother evidently runs through the whole fabric of ancient mythology and has been embedded in Hebrew tradition in the story of Eve.

The Biblical Form of the Assistance of the Mother Goddess

In Genesis 3, 20 we have a tradition that the name of the first woman was Hawwa, a name which probably represents a survival of an ancient west Semitic mother goddess. Like all other peoples the western Semites must have worshipped the earth mother goddess and considered her as the creatress of men. Hawwa has probably survived as the first woman in Hebrew tradition after this people had become thoroughly imbued with Babylonian ideas. She yields her place as the creatress in the native tradition to the Babylonian teachings of Eridu which represents a god as creator assisted by Nintud-Aruru-Mami the great goddess of childbirth. Under the influence of this myth which they seem to have borrowed in its entirety the Hebrews transformed Hawwa into the mother goddess who assists in the creation of man. As wife of the first man she gives natural birth to the first human child, but the phraseology used by the Hebrew in describing the birth of Cain is taken directly from the bilingual poem of the creation of man by Marduk and Aruru. For, as we have seen, in that version "Aruru fashioned the seed of mankind with him."And the Hebrew says of the birth of Cain, "And she conceived and bore Cain and she said, 'I have created a man with Jahweh.' "The word used for "with" in each language is philologically the same and the form of expression shows clearly enough the survival of the Babylonian myth.

Hawwa like the Sumerian earth goddess was connected with serpent worship in prehistoric times. Scholars have long since connected her name with the Aramaic word for serpent hawwe. That hawwa really was an ancient ophidian goddess is proven by the fact that the name hawwat has been found in Phoenician with the title of a goddess. This important inscription, which preserves the only reference to this lost deity, was found in a necropolis at Carthage and belongs to a late period. A devotee addresses a curse against his enemies to her as, "Queen Hawwat, goddess and queen." Since the imprecator placed the sheet of lead on which he wrote the curse in a sepulchre, we have generally inferred hawwat to have been an underworld deity. This argument and these facts are all accepted views of Biblical criticism, but the arguments from Babylonian sources have not been used by Old Testament scholars. The author has collected material in the chapter on the ophidian and oracular deities in Tammui and Ishtarto indicate how important was the serpent character of the Babylonian mother goddess. In fact the first sign used to write her name probably represents a serpent coiling about a staff. Curiously the type of mother goddess who became the special patron of childbirth retains special connection with this ophidian character. A mythological text says that Nintud, "From her girdle to the soles of her feet appears with scales like a serpent." The Babylonians identified Nintud with Serpens or Hydra in their mythology. Although none of her titles which we shall presently discuss reveals any ophidian connection, nevertheless, the major mother type Innini or Ishtar, especially the local type KA-DI at Dir retains distinct titles of an ophidian character and the facts adduced above complete the argument. Thus Aruru-Nintud-Mami, the Babylonian mother goddess who assisted Marduk in the creation of man, was clearly connected with serpent worship; this fact probably hastened her identification with the western tfawwa.

This poem begins by describing how the god Ea (i. e., Enki) created Adapa in the sea; whereupon he became mighty,his build became well developed, his growth was extensive.He became skilled in navigating the seas by aid of the winds.Ea had equipped him carefully, and he was exalted much in fame. The fragment refers to his great wisdom, his four eyes and his lips. The Scheil fragment goes on here with the description of his wisdom. Like Adam of the Biblical account he possessed that infinite knowledge which enabled him to give names to all things with the breath of life.

"I caused him to be equipped with a vast intelligence to reveal the forms of the land."

usurat mati, the forms of the lands, means in Babylonian theology the divine concepts of things, which exist in the world, as well as their outward material forms. The idea which God has of a thing constitutes its reality, fixes its fate; its outward form is the result of this divine idea. To design the usurtu of a thing is to fix its fate (simtu) and to give it a name (sumu). The Hebrew says that whatsoever Adam called each living thing of the field and each bird of the sky that was its name. Philologically the Babylonian word for "name," sumu and the Hebrew cognate sem, have no connection with the word for "fate," Simtu, but the Babylonians regarded the name of a thing as its reality. The names of things define the divine concept of them, and to name a thing practically means in their theology to determine its essence. The Hebrew statement really coincides with the Babylonian statement concerning Adapa.

Ea, says our poem further, gave unto Adapa wisdom but not eternal life. Ea created him like a sage among men.The Anunnaki, sons of the water god and divine spirits of the waters of the lower world, gave him his name. The Biblical account also represents Adam as a seer of great wisdom who defined the names of living things. The kind of wisdom which he did not have seems to have consisted in the knowledge of right and wrong, the consciousness of the distinction between purity and impurity, modesty and obscenity. But this limitation should not obscure the important fact that the wisdom of Adapa is also in a large measure attributed also to Adam. And the Hebrew like the Eridu version regards this hero as mortal. The Babylonian poem describes Adapa as one clean of hands, a priest who anoints, who studies the divine instructions. He joined with the bakers in preparing food for Eridu. He prepared the sacred table for the cult of Enki and removed it. He sailed on the Persian Gulf to catch fish, the trade of Eridu. The Scheil Fragment breaks off with the description of how Adapa sailed out to sea with a fair wind, guiding his ship with an oar. The south wind, however, blew furiously and threw him into the sea. Whereupon in rage he broke the wings of the south wind, who for seven days ceased to blow. Anu the heaven god sends his messenger to investigate, who reports that Adapa broke the wings of the south wind. Upon hearing this Anu rose from his throne and cried, "Bring him to me." And so Ea knew that which the heaven god saidand he took Adapa, and caused him to have boils and clothed him in a coarse mourner's garment. Before his departure to appear before the heaven god Ea gives him the following advice:

" Adapa before Anu the king thou shalt go,

[When thou takest the way of heaven],^{^[2]} when unto heaven

Thou ascendest, when to the gate of Anu thou drawest nigh,

At the gate of Anu, Tammuz and Giszida will stand.

They will see thee, they will question thee. 'Oh man

For whom are thou become so? Adapa for whoma

mourner's garment dost thou wear?' 'In our land two

gods have disappeared.

Therefore I am thus become.' 'Who are the two gods

who from the land have disappeared?'

'They are Tammuz and Giszida.'

These shall look at each other, and cry aloud.

These a favorable address unto Anu shall speak.

The beaming face of Anu they shall cause thee to behold.

When before Anu thou standest,

food of death they will hold out to thee;

not shalt thou eat. Water of death they will hold out to thee;

not shalt thou drink. Clothing they will hold out to thee;

clothe thyself. Oil they will holdout to thee; anoint thyself.

The advice that I gave thee not shalt thou neglect.

The injunction that I said to thee mayest thou hold fast."

Provided with this ruse to obtain the intercession of the guards of heaven's gate, Adapa ascends to heaven. In the guise of a mortal attending the wailings for the dying gods he excites the compassion of these ascended deities who present him to Anu. Without affording these divine patrons the opportunity of interceding Anu demands of this mortal his reason for breaking the wings of the south wind. He explains how this wind upset his boat and threw him into the sea. Here Tammuz and Giszida stand beside Adapa and intercede for him. It is evident from what follows that Tammuz and Giszida explained to Anu that Ea had revealed wisdom unto this man and had initiated him into magic so that he was able to control the winds by his curse. He had also taught him modesty and given him fame. This revelation of wisdom had thus brought him into conflict with the go.ds for he now possessed power to oppose them. Anger had entered into his heart also and had caused him to be violent. And so Anu pardons this mortal and utters the following remarkable words:

"Why has Ea to mankind impure the matters of heaven

and earth revealed, and a coy heart

created in him and made him a name?"

The gods do not appear to envy man the wisdom of understanding the realities of things but the knowledge of good and evil, the sense of decency and consciousness of imperfections.

The Eridu version claims that man obtained this knowledge by revelation from his creator the wise Ea and that Anu discovered it in the way described above. The Hebrew version does not represent the possession of philosophical insight into the meaning of things as dangerous to man. Only the consciousness of indecency do the gods envy him and this he obtained by eating of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil. In the main Hebrew version this results in the loss of Paradise and the entering into the world of toil and sorrow. And in the issue of his disobedience this threat is fulfilled: "By the sweat of thy brow thou shalt eat bread until thou returnest to the ground, for from it thou wast taken; because thou art dust and unto dust thou shalt return."

The Eridu version makes man mortal from the beginning, or at any rate credits him only with extreme longevity. When the father of the gods at the gates of heaven discovered that a certain kind of knowledge had been given unto him he expressed concerning this revelation words from which we may perhaps infer that this wisdom would bring woe to mankind. Obviously the Eridu teaching and the teaching of the main Hebrew source are independent theological masterpieces, both attempting to explain the loss of Paradise, but both developing an explanation upon similar independent lines.

The Nippurian version in our tablet undoubtedly starts with the supposition that man in Paradise is originally a perfectly moral being but the problem as to his ejection is obscure. I shall attempt to state the argument of this version and its relation to the Eridu and Hebrew versions subsequently.

The Legend of Adapa has now a curious denouement. As in the Bible so here the principle motive is to explain how mankind lost his boundless happiness. After Anu's expression of astonishment at the revelation of knowledge to man he decides to complete his likeness to the gods by bestowing upon him immortality;

"Now what shall we do for him? Bread of life

offer to him, let him eat." Bread of life

they offered to him; not did he eat. Water of life

they offered unto him; not did he drink. Clothing

they offered him and he clothed himself. Oil

they offered him and he anointed himself.

Anu beheld him and cried in astonishment at him,

"Come, oh Adapa, why hast thou not eaten, not drunk?

Not shalt thou remain alive."

And so Adapa is dismissed from the courts of heaven and brought back to earth. For the further events in this version of the Fall of Man we must depend upon a fragment of the Assyrian copy which does not permit us to obtain a very clear idea of the issue. The fragment belongs to the obverse of a rather large tablet, consequently we know nothing about the last fifty or more lines of this poem. The first lines contain a somewhat different phraseology of the scene in heaven. In fact K. 8214 is a duplicate of the last lines of the Amarna or Canaanitish version but the phraseology differs so greatly that scholars have failed to detect this fact.

1 and he

2. Oil he commanded for him and he anointed himself.

3. Clothing he commanded for him and he clothed himself.
4 Anu because of the deed of Ea cried loudly saying,

5. "Of the gods of heaven and earth as many as there be who verily would have commanded thus?

6. Who makes his command to sur pass the command of Anu?"

7 Adapa from the horizon of heaven to the zenith of heaven

j8 looked and saw its grandeur.

9. Then Anu, as regards Adapa, upon him placed

10. Of the city of Ea he instituted sacerdotal rights for him.

11 his priesthood to glorify unto far away days as a destiny he fixed.

12. At the time when Adapa the seed of mankind

13. with bis cruelly broke the wings of the south wind,

14. and ascended to heaven, this verily so

15. is issued. And whatsoever of ill this man has brought upon men

16. and the disease he has brought upon the bodies of men,

17. the goddess Ninkarrak will allay it.

18. May illness depart, may sickness turn aside.

19. Upon this man may his horrorfall

20. sweet sleep not shall heenjoy.

joy of heart of men.

Unfortunately this fragment allows no decision concerning the loss of eternal life in the Assyrian version. However, we may assume that it contained essentially the same story of Adapa’s rejection of the bread and water. Nevertheless, the text preserves a few precious lines which show that Anu, father of the gods, places a curse upon humanity because of Adapa. As to whether these human sorrows were brought into the world because Adapa had surreptitiously received the revelation of the knowledge of good and evil or because he had refused the offer of immortality, our text remains equivocal. The story of the breaking of the wings of the south wind is a motive incomparably less effective than the scene of the temptation in the Hebrew story. The Eridu version both in the Assyrian and Canaanitish redaction leaves little opportunity for any wilful disobedience on the part of man. Yet his sin is equally fatal, for he attained forbidden knowledge and lost for humanity eternal life; through the jealous designs of the water god it is true, and not by his own choice, nevertheless the same penalty follows. Adapa brought woe and disease upon men, and his own sorrows became the most horrible of all. But the gods send a patroness of medicine to heal mankind; Gula or Ninkarrak in fact is the goddess of healing par excellence in Sumero-Babylonian religion. On the analogy of the Nippur version of the text we may suppose that this Eridu version ended by describing the mission of other patrons of civilization sent by the great gods to console humanity.

The Nippurian Version of the Fall of Man on the Tablet in the University Museum

In handling the different teachings concerning the loss of Paradise we must, in order not to fall into grievous error, regard each body of teaching as the result of independent speculation in different theological centers. At Eridu the catastrophe results almost wholly through intrigues of a god. Man is here not a free agent, but the pawn of the higher powers.¹ All the versions start with the supposition that when man was created he enjoyed perfect happiness in paradise, oblivious to the existence of indecency, to the knowledge of right and wrong and possessed of perfect health. The major Hebrew version also concedes him great wisdom if 1 rightly understand it. The Nippurian school allows that men inhabited Paradise until the Flood which seems to have been brought about by the creator god Enki because men did not show respect unto him. However this may be, the problem of the origin of sorrow is not propounded in the teachings of this school until after the Flood. We hear nothing of any famous forbear at the beginning of things who possessed vast intelligence. Only after the Flood does Enki begin to reveal wisdom unto Tag- tug the gardener. And the statement in regard to this revelation must be taken with caution for the text is obscure. It is clear, however, that after the Flood Enki becomes intimate with this gardener. Our tablet is obscure regarding the original state of man in respect to immortality. I infer, however, that, like the theologians of Eridu, it also assumes that man did not possess immortal life. In the Flood they dissolve like tallow, says our text, and there seems to be no reference here to even a lost opportunity of attaining this infinite boon.

Enki's conversation with Tagtug in the secret chamber of the temple is broken by a damaged portion of the tablet at the top of the second column of the reverse; but shortly after we read of various plants which grew in the garden, and that the mother goddess commanded Tagtug to take and eat from all except the cassia. We must assume that the goddess had placed this plant in a special category after the list of plants from which she allowed mankind to eat. For when we reach the name of the cassia the phraseology used in connection with the previous plants changes, and it is called the plant whose fate Ninharsag had determined. This goddess had obviously forbidden Tagtug to eat from the cassia, for immediately after he takes and eats he is cursed with human frailty. The Anunnaki, who as children of Enki were the special friends of the newly created men,³ sat in the dust to weep over this direful calamity. Ninharsag in rage regrets that she had created mankind. In a broken passage at the top of Rev. III which follows the story of the Fall we find Ninharsag and the earth god Enlil planning to send divine patrons to assist fallen humanity. Of this latter motif we have a trace in the Eridu version where Ninkarrak, i. e., Gula, is sent to heal disease which entered into the world because Enki had revealed knowledge unto Adapa. The Nippurian text names eight divine patrons; over against these I here place the patrons of civilization in the Hebrew (J) narrative.

The Nippur text represents the Fall as following directly upon eating of the cassia. No revelation of the knowledge of good and evil is mentioned. The curse of Ninharsag seems to be caused by disobedience and this is the sole motif we can read into this the earliest of all doctrines on the Fall of Man. The plant in question if connected with either of the two trees mentioned in the composite narrative of the Bible must be identified with the tree of life. Our text has am-ga-ru before which the determinative for plant (u) must be supplied. This is clearly identical with am-ga-ra, or Semitic kasii, cassia, the most important of all medical plants in antiquity. It is, however, not necessary to assume that the pundits of Nippur, or the myth makers of early Sumer regarded the cassia as a plant capable of bestowing eternal life upon those who ate its fruit or chewed its leaves. The Hebrew undoubtedly knew of such a plant and the same legend appears in the Assyrian Epic of Gilgamish. Since Tagtug actually ate from the cassia and consequently brought disease into the world, the plant could not have been regarded as a "tree of life," in the sense of the later Assyrian and Hebrew legends. Undoubtedly the Sumerians regarded the cassia as having marvelous healthgiving properties, but I do not believe that we have here any theory concerning a plant capable of bestowing immortality. The theory taught by the early Sumerian sages seems to be as follows: Man in Paradise had perfect health, extreme longevity, and lived peacefully without toil. For some reason not explained to us he failed to show respect to Enki his creator, and hence all but a few pious were destroyed. In this universal deluge Paradise also disappears and thereafter man must live by toil. Wherefore after the deluge Tagtug becomes a gardener, a human raised to the station of a god, for he has now this title. The problem of the origin of sin does not concern them. They put forward no theory in regard to it, their only teaching in this regard is that sin is a purely religious matter. It consists in disrespect toward the gods and in nothing more or less. But the Flood eliminates all the wicked. After the deluge Tagtug, and we presume his pious mariners, continued a different life in Paradise.² The earth had now become hostile, wherefore the survivor of the deluge became a tiller of the soil. Such was the explanation of the loss of Paradise. But a more serious misfortune was now to follow, namely the entrance of disease and abbreviated mortality. To explain this the sages of Nippur taught that the mother goddess had forbidden man to eat from the cassia. This command he disobeyed and lost, as we have seen, pre-diluvian longevity. They do not appear to have held any views concerning mystic powers which this plant might bestow, so that the interdiction of the cassia is wholly arbitrary. As our text stands the only reason for this injunction seems to be that of testing the obedience of man. I fail to find any other meaning here. In a sense the mother goddess is the temptress who caused this great disobedience.

Have we here the origin of the temptation of Adam by his wife Eve? We know that Eve like Ninharsag was originally an ophidian mother goddess. Has this led further to the Hebrew story concerning the serpent? In Hebrew mythology the ophidian as well as the goddess character of Eve seems to have been lost sight of. Perhaps her serpent origin is retained in the peculiar form in which we know it there. Suppose that the general tradition obtained that a serpent goddess placed this daring temptation before man. Suppose that by the involved crossing of ideas in the evolution of this legend the goddess became the consort of this sorely tried ancestor of man. Evidently the serpent alone would be left to figure as the tempter. Such seems to be the probable construction we must place upon this story. Here it has a doctrinal aspect. The sages of Nippur solve these problems with the minimum of mythological structure. The temptation does not appear in their sacred books. But obviously imaginative folklore sought at once to restore the old motifs, if in fact they had ever given them up. It is conceivable that to these expounders of Sumerian theology the story of a goddess temptress was current mythology. In any case their theories about the origin of toil, the hostility of nature on the one hand, and the origin of bodily weakness on the other are based upon views wholly different from those taught in the legend of Adapa. They place the whole guilt upon man as a free agent. They do not represent the gods as envying him knowledge of any kind. Here man from the beginning passed from catastrophe to catastrophe because he himself failed to have the inflexible will to obey the gods.

The Hebrew Tradition

The oldest Hebrew document which traces the history of man from his creation to the days of Terah and Abraham,or the mythological and theological reconstruction of their history when analyzed will be found to be another product evolved from the Babylonian doctrines. Here the loss of Paradise and the entrance into the world of disease together with the hostility of nature to man follow shortly after his creation. He appears to have enjoyed the peace of Paradise for only a brief period. For in his Paradise the creator God had placed a tree called the "Tree of the knowledge of good and evil." But Adam like Adapa was initiated into the most profound philosophical knowledge. In wisdom he lacked only the awareness of indecency. Otherwise his knowledge equaled that of the gods. This kind of knowledge could be obtained by eating from this tree, a fact which he did not know. And his creator added the threat that in the day of his eating thereof he would fall a victim to disease. Then a woman is created for his consort to whom a serpent reveals the true meaning of the forbidden tree. She ate and she gave also to her husband, whereupon their eyes were opened and they lost their innocence. Whereupon woman is afflicted with the pangs of childbirth and subserviency to man. And for man God cursed the earth, whereby he henceforth lived only by toil. Both are expelled from Paradise.

Theologically this story is a masterly combination of the Eridu doctrine, known to us only in the Semitic legend of Adapa, and the doctrines of our Nippur tablet. The Adapa legend has influenced the Hebrew particularly in causing the Fall to be placed at the beginning of civilization and in attributing the origin of disease to the forbidden possession of the knowledge of good and evil. In Adapa's case temptation does not figure in the problem. On the other hand, the Nippur teaching has given them the idea of a tree, which under influence of the Eridu school they construct into a tree of knowledge. For given on the one hand the doctrine that man of his own wilful disobedience ate of the fruit of a tree, and on the other that his fall was due to the revelation of knowledge, the ancients inevitably formed a legend regarding a tree of knowledge. Moreover, the idea of temptation latent, and innocently so in the Nippur doctrine, here becomes an important factor. The sin is explained not alone as a wilful act but as the act of a will overcome by the cajolery of woman. This factor is original in Hebrew. The idea of a woman tempter in Sumerian is wholly different. Here she is the ophidian mother goddess who places temptation before man only in that she forbids him to eat to test his obedience. But as we have seen the Nippurian doctrine based probably upon a richer and more concrete mythology easily gave rise to the serpent tempter and the woman in Hebrew.

In the ultimate analysis of the origin of human suffering the Hebrew like the tablet No. 4561 traces its cause to man's own frailty. His wavering will fails to comply with the plain injunctions of deity. We have in neither document any trace of divine jealousy, nor any erroneous action whose cause could be traced to superior instigation as in the Adapa teaching.

On the other hand, we seem to have an equally ancient Hebrew document embedded in the text of Genesis 2 and 3 which incorporated more clearly the teachings of Eridu. Here in a gloss in verse 9 of chapter 2 we hear of a tree of life.

And at the end of chapter 2 we again come upon traces of this document which knows of the same tree forbidden in Paradise. "And Jahweh Elohim said, 'Lo, man has become like one of us in knowing good and evil and now lest he put forth his hand and take¹ from the tree of life and eat and live forever.' And so he drove out the man and caused him to dwell east of the Garden of Eden, and he stationed the cherubim, the flaming sword which revolves to guard the way of the tree of life."

This document probably adopted the Eridu teaching concerning the acquisition of knowledge, attributing it to a surreptitious revelation by a god. Here too the gods envy man this knowledge and take steps at once to prevent his attaining immortality. The Eridu school also raise the problem of man's loss of immortality in connection with his acquisition of knowledge. It is, therefore, reasonable to suppose that a Hebrew document which depended upon that source, would raise the same problem. Now this teaching regarding eternal life for man is late in Babylonia. Such a thing could not occur as possible in the Sumerian schools whose whole attitude toward man regarded him as dust of the earth to which he must inevitably return. But a longing after this priceless boon gave rise to that widespread belief that after all the gods possess bread and water which bestow eternal life, or that in some far away Paradise grows an herb of healing to infuse mortals with immortality. In Babylonian tradition this plant was well known, and the same idea traveled westward to the Hebrews. They too adopted this same theory that man lost immortality through the jealousy of the gods; here by being expelled from Eden before they proceeded to eat from the tree of life, there because a jealous god had advised his protege not to partake of the bread of life.

The story of early Hebrew origins as told by the priests of a later age speaks of no Paradise and mentions no sin until the days of Noah.¹ We may infer, ex silentio, however, that this document supposed that in the long ages ruled over by the ten patriarchs men lived in a sinless state enjoying extreme longevity. According to this narrative, in the days of the tenth patriarch the world became full of violence, wherefore God destroyed all but this patriarch and his family in the deluge. This scheme of the priestly writer agrees with the theologians of Nippur. That Hebrew narrative makes the Flood begin on the 17th day of the second month, the text of tablet No. 4561 on the 1st of the first month. There it rises five months² and recedes until the 27th of the second month of the next year, in all one year and ten days; here the flood endures eight months and nine days. Thus the priestly narrative approximately agrees with the tablet No. 4561 in the chronology of the Flood. On the other hand, the older Hebrew story makes the waters rise 40 days and recede 21 days, a much shorter period. This chronology agrees more closely with that of the Semitic Babylonian story where the waters increase six days and cease the seventh. At a distance of twelve double hours march³ UtanapiStim sees the top of a mountain. The time taken to reach it is not given, but after the landing he waits seven days to send forth a dove. Since he sends two other birds at intervals we suppose that seven days separated these, so that we have the same story as that of the ancient (J) narrative in Genesis 8, 6-12, where Noah sends three birds at intervals of seven days each. Hence we have on the one hand the long chronology of the Sumerian account and the priestly Hebrew narrative, and on the other the short chronology of the Babylonian version and the ancient Hebrew document. In a sense the revelation of wisdom to Tagtug the gardener in the tablet No. 4561 is parallel to instructions which God reveals to Noah in the priestly document.¹ Both conversations follow immediately after the Flood. If the priest's narrative in Hebrew knew of any further story of the disobedience and loss of continued good health which should follow here he has left us no trace of it. Nevertheless his close adherence to the theories of the Nippur school is clear enough. After the Flood he fills in the history from that event to the age of Abraham by a genealogy of nine patriarchs, whose lives are of considerable length.² Nevertheless even here we have a rapid decline in longevity and the ages of these are on the whole less by half than those of the ten patriarchs before the deluge. The Babylonians also told of the incredible ages of the heroes before this catastrophe. We are, I believe, on safe grounds in assuming that in agreement with the sages who wrote our epic of the Fall of Man there was in Babylonia a deeply rooted tradition that the greatest of all catastrophes, the loss of long life, overtook mankind only after he had lived in Paradise for many ages. Such I believe to have been the doctrine adopted by the scribe to whom we owe the priestly narrative in

Hebrew. He surely pursued his investigations beyond the Semitic poems of Babylonia, rehearsed by the Canaanites before the Hebrew occupation. He must have come under the influence of the great Babylonian renaissance which set in, in the middle of the seventh century; an age when the scholars of Babylon studied the theological systems of their remote past. The theologians of Nippur particularly attracted them as we know from their corpus of temple liturgies.¹ The tablet which forms the subject of this volume proves the profundity of their thinking in the region of ethics and philosophy. We venture to think that no document has yet been recovered from the ruins of the past to which such a volume of influence can be traced from our own civilization for the immense period of four thousand years. The great Hebrew documents, which propound the harassing problem of the origin of human sorrows, would have been impossible without the pious and scholarly teaching of these pre-Semitic poets of Nippur. And we all realize, perhaps too little, the incalculable influence which these Hebrew masterpieces have exercised upon the ethical and religious mentality of a considerable portion of the human race.

The Babylonian Tradition Concerning the Pre-diluvian Period

Old Testament critics speak of Gen. '4, 16-23 (J ) ^as the Cainite genealogy,² and the ten patriarchs of Gen. 5 (P.) as the Sethite genealogy. The earlier list of the J. document with its seven patriarchs is obviously based upon the Sumero-

Babylonian tradition of divine patrons of industries. The early Hebrew legend constructed these into a genealogy. The Sethite genealogy of the later P. document although employing all of the seven earlier patron names, except for obvious reasons Abel, in more or less modified forms and in slightly different order has, as is well known, attempted to reproduce the Babylonian scheme of ten legendary kings who ruled during the 432,000 years before the Flood. The Babylonian kings in this legend were not all divine patrons but some were famous mythological rulers who belong to that period of longevity before the Fall of Man. The Hebrew in both documents has thoroughly transformed the Babylonian sources. The list in Gen. 5 reproduces, it is true, the spirit of the Babylonian legend of the ten kings, in that it holds them to be rulers in a long dynasty and largely misunderstands those who had a connection with the arts.¹ In fact this genealogy has largely replaced the names of the Babylonian by the names of Hebrew patrons of civilization, whose meanings were clear to J., but wholly misunderstood by the authors of P. This Babylonian list which is preserved only in the fragments of Berossus² seems to contain both Sumerian and Semitic names. I translate so far as possible in order to show that they are not all based upon the idea of patrons of the arts;

1. Alorus, of Babylon, a Chaldean. Source unknown. Reigned 36,000 years.

2. Alaparus. Probably for Adaparus, Adapa, a Sumerian, a sage. Reigned 10,800 years.

3. Amelon, of Pantibiblus (i. Sippar?). This name is Semitic, Babylonian amelu, "man." Reigned 46,800 years.

4. Ammenon, the Chaldean. This name is probably from ummanu, "skilled workman," and is the only name in this list which clearly suggests connection with divine patrons of culture. Reigned 43,200 years.

5. Megalapos, of Pantibiblus. Reigned 64,800 years.

6. Daonus, a shepherd of Pantibiblus, Reigned 36,000 years. The Greek calls him a shepherd, which suggests perhaps that the Babylonians have preserved here the name of a patron of flocks, like Abu of our text or Abel of the Hebrew. The shorter form of the word Daos, preserved in Abydenus may perhaps stand for Acuk, we have already assumed a confusion of this kind in Adapa(d) = Alaparus. Laos by interchange of liquids l>r might revert to an older Raos; there would then be no difficulty in seeing in this name the Babylonian re'u, Hebrew rd'e "shepherd."

7. EvcSw/xzxo?, Euedorachus of Pantibiblus.² Doubtlessly identical with the Sumerian mythical sage Enmeduranki, king of Sippar, to whom the oracular gods Shamash and Adad revealed the mysteries of divination; said to have been created by Ninharsag herself.^{^[8]} The name is pure Sumerian, and means "Lord of the decrees of the totality of heaven and earth." Reigned 64,800 years.

8. 'Afm^fwi>os, Amempsinus, a Chaldean from Laranchae, i. e., Larak.⁴ Reigned 36,000 years. Generally regarded as Semitic for Amel-Sin, "Man of Sin,"⁶ but I doubt this. The name must be of great antiquity and, originating in a Sumerian center, should be Sumerian. Sin, the name of the moon god, is also a somewhat late Sumerian contraction for the earlier Iu-en. However, no better suggestion has been made.⁶

9. 'Hirapriys, Opartes,⁷ a Chaldean of Laranchae. Reigned 28,800 years. Berossus makes Opartes the father of Xisuthrus, hero of the Flood. According to the Babylonian version the father of Uta-napiStim^{^[9]} was Ubar-^dTu-Tu* moreover Uta- napiStim is said to have been a "Man of Suruppak," and Laranchae and Suruppak were probably names of adjacent quarters of the great city Isin. Hence both Opartes and Ubar-^dTutu belong to the same city.

10. BfoovBpos, Xisuthrus, son Opartes. Reigned 64,800 years. The Greek is based upon the Semitic title of Uta- napiStim, atra-kasisu>basis-atra, "The supremely wise."³

In this list all those names designated as Chaldean are probably Sumerian. In fact Berossus appears to employ the word "Chaldean" in the sense of "Sumerian" here. It is curious that the only names certainly Semitic, Nos. 3, 6, are from Pantibiblus. Even here we have in No. 7 a Sumerian ruler. On the whole this list is preponderatingly Sumerian.

The Meaning of the Name Tagtug

1 have already defended in print a possible connection of the Sumerian name Tagtug with the Hebrew Noah.^{^[10]} The argument to which I have nothing new to add is as follows.

Since we know that the Babylonians did not employ the Sumerian name of the hero of the Sumerian epic of the Creation and the Flood, viz., Zi-ud-sud-du, but translated it into Semitic by Uta-napiHim, we may expect that the Babylonians who preferred the Nippur epic would likewise render Tagtug by its Semitic translation. Although no Babylonian version has been found based upon the Nippurian, yet Hebrew mythology was obviously much indebted to it. The problem is, then, to translate tag-tug and if possible to justify a translation from which the Hebrew Noah (nlJ) might be derived. Both words tag and tug are derived from the Sumerian stem ^ t-g, whose general meaning is "to rest, repose." The form of the root tug is regularly rendered by nahu, "to repose." As for the form with internal vowel a, tag, we know that it can be rendered by laba$u, a word usually taken to mean "cast down;" the ordinary meaning of the root tag is the active of the idea generally expressed by tug, i. e., "to cause to rest, to suppress, to beat down violently." These two ideas are connected and we need not hesitate to suppose that the intransitive idea of "repose, to come to an end," was expressed by the active root tag also. laba$u is probably the same root as raba$u, "to lie down;" it is true that the verb laba$u is explained by tag in a syllabar where it occurs between iu'unu, "to fashion skillfully," and maha$u Sa mimma, "to hammer something," and the verb has undoubtedly the same active idea here.^{^[11]} Also in the only other passage where laba$u occurs it is given the same active sense "to cast down."² Naturally this persistent use of laba$u in the sense of "cast down, smite," may exclude a connection with rabasu,¹ and render the whole argument so far as this word is concerned ineffective. Nevertheless the possibility of the root tag having this meaning need not depend upon evidence so fragile. The cognate dag means both aSabu, "to sit," and lubtu, "abode, place of repose."^{^[12]} The form with internal vowel e, teg, is one of the ordinary words in Sumerian for paSafcu and ndfcu, "to rest," as well as the variant ten * Also tug has the variant tub, a word which is repeatedly employed for ndbu. This evidence would under ordinary circumstances induce a Sumerologist acquainted with the tendency of the language to use the stems of roots with various internal vowel inflections all in the same sense to expect a root tag, "to rest, repose." A reduplicated stem like tag-tug would ordinarily have an active sense, and be rendered by the piel in Semitic. Granting that we have here such a reduplicated stem for ndhu, tag-tug, should be rendered by ndfcu, "to cause to repose," and the permansive singular would be nu-u}j, "he is appeased," i. e., "God is appeased," "God's wrath is made to repose." Such was the theory by which 1 connected this name with the Hebrew Noal). In its favor we can also urge the appropriateness of this name for the hero who survived the deluge, by which the anger of the gods against sinful men was appeased.

Against this theory we may adduce the fact that no direct evidence for the meaning "to rest," for tag has been adduced. And much more serious than this will be the objection that, when Sumerian wished to express intense action and causation, they double the same form of the root, not different
forms of it. We should expect for this idea tug-tug, or tag-tag, like gar-gar, mal-mal, etc. I am unable to find any examples of the reduplication of a stem in which two vowels not of the same kind are employed. On the whole we must regard this interpretation as doubtful. To say impossible, would be to allow too little scope for future discoveries. To accept it as proven would lead to uncertain conclusions.

TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION Obverse I

1. They that slept, they that slept are ye.

2. [In mountain of] Dilmun which is an holy place,

3. [In the holy place] they that slept are ye.

4 the mountain of Dilmun which is an holy place.

5. The mountain of Dilmun which is an holy place, the mountain of Dilmun is pure.

6. The mountain of Dilmun is pure, the mountain of Dilmun is clean.

7. Alone in Dilmun they lay down;

8. Where Enki with his consort lay,

9. That place is pure, that place is clean.

10. Alone in Dilmun they lay down.

11. Where Enki with the pure divine queen lay down,

12. That place is pure, that place is clean.

13. In Dilmun the raven^{^[13]} shrieked not.

14. The kite⁷ shrieked not, kitelike.

15. The lion⁸ slew not.

16. The wolf plundered not the lambs.

17. The dog approached not the kids in repose.

18. The mother (goat) as it fed on grain he disturbed not.

19.

14. The (ewes) impregnate their

foetus

15. The birds of heaven their young

[forsook] not.

16. The doves were not put to

flight.

17. "Oh disease of the eyes thou

art the 'Sick Eye,'" one said not.⁴

18. "Oh head ache thou art the

' Head Ache/ " one said not.

19. As to the old woman, "thou

art an old woman" one said not.

20. As to the old man, "thou art

an old man" one said not.

21. A pure place where water was

not poured for cleansing in the city one inhabited not.

22. "A man has changed a canal,"

one said not.

23. A prince his wisdom withheld

not.^{^[14]}

24. "A deceiver deceives," one said

not.

25. "The counsellor of a city

," one said not.

26. Ninella to Enki her^{^[15]} father

spoke.

32. "A city thou hast founded, a

city thou hast founded and a fate thou hast given.

33. In Dilmun a city thou hast

founded, a city (thou hast founded and a fate thou hast given).

34 thou hast founded a

city (thou hast founded and a fate hast given).

35 (which) a canal has not.

36. [ ] thou hast founded, a

city (thou hast founded and a fate thou hast given).

He that marches from his place. the Moon-god

From the mouth of the earth walking forth, with sweet waters of the earth he comes unto thee."

In his great waters went up.

His city drank water in abundance.

Dilmun drank water in abundance.

His pool of bitter waters was (a pool of) sweet water.

The low-lands

His city was the home which assembles the Land (of Sumer).

Dilmun was the home which assembles the Land (of Sumer).

Now oh Sun-god shine forth. Verily it was so.

He the renderer of decision, the possessor of wisdom,

To Nintud the mother of the Land of Sumer,

Enki the possessor of wisdom,

Even unto Nintud (the mother of the Land of Sumer)

His counsel in the temple revealed.

25. His revelation in the reed-bouse as a decision he rendered unto her.

26. His counsel in secret grandly and beneficently to her he affirmed.

27. He spoke. " Unto me man enters not."

28. Enki spoke,

29. By heaven he swore.

30. "Cause him to sleep^{^[16]} for me,

cause him to sleep for me," was his word.

31. Enki the father of Damgal-

nunna uttered his word.

32. Ninharsag the fields ⁶

33. The fields received the waters of

Enki.

34. It was the first day whose

month is the first,

35. It was the second day whose

month is the third.

36. It was the third day whose

month is the third.

37. It was the fourth day whose

month is the fourth.

38. It was the fifth day [whose

month is the fifth].

39. It was the sixth day [whose

month is the sixth].

13. It was the seventh day [whose

month is the seventh].

14. It was the eighth day [whose

month is the eighth].

15. It was the ninth day whose

month is the ninth; month of the cessation of the waters.

16. Like fat, like fat, like tallow.

17. Nintud mother of the Land,

18. [Even Ninkurra],

19. had created them.

1. Nintud to the bank of the j river summoned.

2. "Enki (for me) they are reck- ! oned, yea are reckoned/'

I 3. Her herald the divine anointed ones^{^[17]} called.

4. The sons of men who were , pious she was not wroth

against.

5. Nintud against the pious was

not wroth. ! 6. Her herald the divine anointed I ones caused to return.

, 7. The sons of men who were pious she was not wroth against.

8. Nintud against the pious was

not wroth.

9. My king, who was filled with

fear, yea was filled with fear,

10. His foot alone upon the boat

set.

11. Two "bumbles'⁹ as watchmen

he placed on guard.

12. Doubly be caulked ibe ship;

torches he lighted.⁶

13. Enki devastated the fields.

14. The fields received the waters

of Enki.

15. It was the first day, whose

month is the first.

16. It was the second day, whose

month is the second.

17. It was the ninth day, whose

month is the ninth; the month of the cessation of the waters.

su-te

¹ This title of Nintud does not occur in the great list. CT. 24, 12 and 24,25 but has the same import as the title Ninharsag, "lady of the mountains." Both names reflect the ancient home of a mountain dwelling people who spoke of their great mother goddess in this way. In fact the great list does apply this name to the major type of mother goddess Innini, CT. 25, 30, Obv. 5. This aspect common to both branches of the unmarried goddess is seen in ^dNintud ama-ntal k&r-k&r-ra-ge, "Nintud, great mother, she of the mountains/' Babyl. Liturgies No. 102 II. 3 and 7. In later texts Ninkurra developed into a patroness of stonecutters and quite an independent deity, II R. 58, 68; VR 61 IV 17; Zimmern, Beitrage, 142, 15; ibid., Col. 1116; also No. 38, 20; Weissbach, Miscel., XII 31; CT. 26, VI 77; Meissner-Rost, Senecberib, p. 19, 1. 20.

32. ^den-ki-ge alag ba-ni-in-rig

I 18. Like fat, like fat, like

19. Ninkurra¹ (like) fat, | 20. Nintud [mother of the Land]

had created them. ¹ 21. Ninkurra [to the shore of the river had summoned].

22. "Enki, for me they are reck

oned, yea they are reckoned."

23. Her herald the divine anointed

ones had called.

24. The pious sons of men she was

not wroth against.

25. Ninkurra against the pious sons

of men was not wroth. 1 26. Her herald caused the divine I anointed ones to turn unto

her.

, 27. The pious sons of men ! she

28. Ninkurra the pious

29. My king the terror filled, the

terror filled,

30. His foot alone on the ship had

set.

¹ 31. Two "humbles" as watchmen

i ^j

on guard he had placed.

Doubly he bad caulked the ship;

torches he had lighted.

Enki devastated the fields.

. revealed secrets [caused] to

13.

14.

see.

34. alag-ga su-ba-ni-in-ti a ^den-ki-	34-	The fields received the waters
ga-ka		of Enki.
35. ud-al-dm iii al-a-ni	35.	It was the first day whose
35. ud-al-dm iii al-a-ni		month is the first.
36. ud-elim-dm iti elim-a-ni iti nam-	36.	It was the ninth day whose
sal-a-ka		month is the ninth; the
		month of the cessation of the
		waters.
37. {d-lum-gim jd-lum-gim \a-dug-	37-	Like fat, like fat, like tallow,
nun-na-gim
38. ^dnin-kur-ra {a-lum	38.	Ninkurra (like) fat [had created
		them].
39. ^dtag-ttig sal-ni-dtm in-	39-	To the divine Tagtug she re
		vealed secrets....
40. ^dnin-tud-ri ^dtag~iug-[ra]	40.	Nintud to the divine Tagtug
gu-mu-na-de-e		spoke.
41. na-ga-e^l-rig na-rig-mu	41.	"Verily I will purge thee²; my
		purging
42. gu-ga-ra-dug{?) enim-enim-mu	42.	I will tell thee; my words--------
43. galu-al-dm ma-ra im-da-lal-[-e-	43-	Oh thou one man, for me [they
ne im-da-lal-e-ne]		were reckoned, yea were reck
		oned].
44. ^den-ki-ge mh-ra im-[da-lal-e-ne	44.	Enki, for me has reckoned [has
im-da-lal-e-ne]		reckoned].
45. igi-im-?-e-	45.

One line broken from the end of this column.

Reverse I

About twelve lines broken away before the first traces of lines in this column.

13 sal-ni-dtm igi-im^{^[18]}....

38. ^den-ki-ge ^dTag-iug-ra gir-im-ma-

an-gub

39. e-na al-de-de-e gdl-kid gdl-kid

40. a-ba tne-en {a-e me-en

41. md-e nu-gil-lar gul-si git-ma¹...

42. X-dingir-lu ga-mu-ra-ab-sig

43. ^d Tag-tug lag-gul-la-ni-ta e-e gdl-

ba-an-kid

44. ^den-ki-ge ^dTag-tug-ra sal-ni-dim

45. gul-dl gar-ra-na ba-na-ab-sum-

46. i-bara-gu-ul-du-ba ba-na-ab-sum-

47. e-rab-ga-ra-an-ba ba-na-ab-sum-

48. ^dTag-iug sal-ni-dim gub-tnu-na-

Reverse 11

Here about six lines are obliterated.

7.			7-
8.	[A....	.... im-ma-]an-m&	8.	[The plant.	] grew.
9-	[A....	... im-ma-]an-md	9-	[The plant.	] grew.
10.	[A....	. . im-ma-] an-md	1 10.	[The plant.	] grew.
ii.		. . im-] ma-an-md	11.	[The plant.	] grew.
12.	[it....	]	12.	[The plant.	] grew.
>3-	[«....	i	13.	[The plant.	] grew.
14.	*[...	] im-ma-an-m&	' 14.	The plant. .	grew.
'5-	^den-ki-	■ge ma-ra im-da-lal-e-ne	1	" Enki, for	me they are reck-
	im-da-lal-e-ne			oned, they are reckoned."
16.	sukkal-a-ni dingir-guda-ne gu-		16.	Her herald the divine anointed

mu-na-de-e ones called.

¹ gil-ma is the ordinary ideogram for tittu, fig.

ab-{i lu-mu-na-sig-gi

38. Enki for Tagtug waited

39. In his temple he cried, "Open

the door, open the door.

40. Who is it that thou art?"

41. "lama gardener joyful "

42 1 will cause to be given

unto thee.

43. The divine Tagtug with glad

heart opened the temple's door.

44. Enki unto the divine Tagtug

revealed secrets.

45. His he gave unto him

joyously.

46. In E-baraguldu he gave unto

him.

47. In Erabgaran he gave unto him.

48. The divine Tagtug was con

fided; the left hand he raised; the (right) hand he composed.

17. H rnd-e nam-bi li-be-sd

18. a-na-dm be-e a-na-dm bi-e

19. sukkcd-a-ni dingir-guda-ne mu-

na-ni-gi-gt

20. [lugal\-mu H-gil^{^[22]} mu^na-ab-bi

21. mu-na*-kud-di ba-kur-e

22. lugal-mu u-gurun mu-na-ab-bi

23.. mu-na-sir-ri ba-kur-e

24. lugal-mu H- mu

25. mu-na-kud-di ba

26. lugal-mu u-a-gug mu

27. mu-na-sir-ri ba-kur-e

28. [lugal-mu] H?-tu-tu mu

29. [mu-wa-fcttJ-^] ba

30. [lugal-mu u ] mu

31. [mtirnarsir-ti ba

32. [lugal-mu u *wu

33. [mu-na-kud-de] ba '

34. [lugal-mu u]- am-fca-ru mu-na- 1

ab-teg

35. [mu-ma-sir-]ri ba-kur-e

36 £ nam-bi be-in-tar l&b- ]

ba ba-wi-in-di !

17. As for the plants, their fates I

have determined forever,

18. Something it is; something it is.

19. Her herald caused the divine

anointed ones to return unto her.

20. My king as to the woody plants

she commanded:

21. " He shall cut off; he shall eat."

22. My king as to the fruit bearing

plants, she commanded:

23. "He shall pluck; he shall eat/'

24. My king as to the plants,

she commanded:

25. "He shall cut off; he shall

eat."

26. My king as to the prickly

plants, she commanded:

27. "He shall pluck; he shall eat."

28. My king as to the plants

she commanded:

29. "[He shall cut off;] he shall

eat."

30. [My king as to the plants ]

she commanded:

31. "[He shall pluck; he shall

eat]."

32. [My king as to the plants

she commanded]:

33. "[He shall cut off; he shall

eat.]"

34. [My king] the cassia plant ap

proached.

35. He plucked; he ate.

36 the plant, its fate she had

determined; therein she came upon it.³

37. ^dnin-£ar-sag-g&-ge mu ^den-ki

nam-erim ba-an-kud

38. i-d£ na-dm-ti-la en-na ba-dlg-gi-a

i-di-ba-ra-an-bar-ri-en

39. ^da-mun-na-ge-ne sagar-ta im-tni-

in-dur-dur-ru-ne-el

40. ^den-lil-ra mu-na-ra-ab-bi

41. ma-e ^dnin-gar-sag-ga mu-e-h-du-

mu-un a-ma-dm nig-ba-mu

42. ^den-lil iud mu-na-ni-ib-

t'Hi

43. ia-e ^dnin-£ar-sag-gd mu-e-du-mu-

un-nam

44. uru-md 2 gil-mal^{^[23]} ga-ri-du mu-{u

fce-pad-di

45. elim? sag-ni dl-drri^{^[24]} itn-ma-an-

pll-pll*

46. [glr?]-ni dl-dm im-ma-an-bur-

bur

47. igi-ni al-dm gibil-be-in-gar

37. Ninharsag in the name of Enki

uttered a curse.

38. "The face of life until he dies

not shall he see."⁴

39. The Anunnaki in the dust sat

down (to weep).^{^[25]}

40. Angrily unto Enlil she spoke.

41. "I Ninharsag begat thee chil

dren and what is my reward?"⁶

42. Enlil the begetter angrily re

plied;

43. Thou oh Ninharsag hast be

gotten children, (therefore)

44. "In my city two creatures I

will make for thee," shall thy name be called.

45. The renowned—his bead as a

prototype she had moulded.

46. His foot as a prototype she had

designed.

47. His eyes as a prototype she had

made luminous.

Reverse III About five lines are broken away.

6 ne en ^den-lil

7 ne en-\i

8. ... lu mu-du-ne en dingir.

9 lu mu-du-ne en....

10. ? ? ni-me-a ii(?)mu-mu ? ? mu

12. ^dnin-&ar-sag-ga-ge ? im-

■3

17 teg ba-an...

18. ^dnin-gar-sag-dg-ge e ? ka$-im-ma~

an-

19. ^den-lil lu-ga-ni ba-an-tub-

bi-el

20. li-im-ra -an-ag-el

21. nam-im^ma-an-tar-el

22. fo-Zi im-ra-an-bur-ru-ul

23. ^dnin-gar-sag-gd-ge /a-na

ba-ni-in-tub

24. lel-mu a-na-^u a-ra-gig

25. utul-?-mu ma-gig

26. im-ma-ra-an-tu-ud

27. lel-mu a-na-^u a-ra-gig

28. tul-mu ma-gig

29. ^dnin-tul4cP im-ma-ra-an-tu-ud

the lord Enlil

the lord

8. To they went, the lord,

god

9. To....they went, the lord of

the gods....

12. Ninharsag

«3

18. Ninharsag

19. Of Enlil, in his they reposed.

2_#i. Fates they declared.

22. Destiny they fixed.

23. Ninharsag in her reposed.

24. "My brother what of thee is

ill?"

25. "My pastures are distressed/'

26. "Abu 1 have created for thee/'

27. " My brother what of thee is ill?"

28. " My flocks are distressed."

29. "The queen of the flocks I have

created for thee."

30. lel-mu a-na-^u a-ra-\u KA mu

ma-gig

31. ^dNin-KA 6-tud im-ma-ra-an-tu-

32. lel^mu a-na-^u a-ra-gig ka mu

ma-gig

33. ^dnin-ka-si^{^[26]} im-ma-ra-an-tu-ud

34. lel-mu a-na-{u a-ra-gig [ mu

ma-gig|

35. ^dna-{i² im-ma^z-ra-[an-tu~ud)

36. lel-mu a-na-iu a-ra-gig da-fy-mu

ma-gig]

37. ^dDa-{i-m&-a im-ma-ra-[an-tu-ud\

38. sel-mu a-na-iu a-ra-gig iilr[mu

ma-gig]

39. ^dnin-til^{^[27]} im-ma-ra-an-[tu-ud]

40. lel-mu a-na-iu a-ra-gig m2-mu

[ma-gig]

41. ^den-ldg-tn2 im-ma-ra-an-[tu-ud]

42. tHl-tul-ld-ba^h iu-ne-en-na-dl gar-

ra-[ne-en-na-dl]

43. ^dab-u lugal & &e-a

44. ^dnin-tul-la en md-gan-na &e-a

30. "My brother what of thee is

ill?" " My is ill/'

31. " Nin-KA-u-tud I have created

for thee."

32. "My brother what of thee is

ill?" "My mouth is distressed/'

33. "The queen who fills the mouth

(with wine) I have created for thee."

34. "Mv brother what of thee is

ill?" "My .... is ill."

35. "The goddess Na^i I have

created for thee."

36. "My brother what of thee is

ill?" "My .... is ill."

37. "The goddess DazimS I have

created for thee."

38. "My brother what of thee is

ill?" "My health is ill."

39. "The queen of life I have

created for thee."

40. "My brother what of thee is

ill?" "My understanding is distressed."

41. "The Lord who renders the

understanding good I have created for thee."

42. Since grandly were they born,

(grandly) they do,^{^[28]}

43. Abu lord of vegetation let be.

44. Nintulla lord^{^[29]} of Magan let be.

45. ^dnin-KA-u-tud ^dnin-a-{u fca-ba-

an-tuk-tuk

46. ^dnin-ka-$i nig-lag-st ge-a

47. ^dna-i% u-*nu~un-dar-a &a-ba-an-

tuk-tuk

48. ^dda~ii-m&-a {i-im ga-ba-an-

tuk-tuk

49. ^dnitir[til\ nin-iti-e fce-a

50. [^den-idg-m2] en Dilmun-na &e-a

51. {ag-sal^{^[30]}

45. May Nin-KA-u-tud Ninazu pos

sess.⁸

46. May Ninkasi be she that fills

the heart.

47. May Nazi the lord of

possess.¹

48. May Dazima possess.

49. May Nintil be the mistress of

the month.

50. May EnSagme be lord of Dil

mun.

51. Praise!

Babylonian map of the world, 11. Berossus, his pre-diluvian genealogies, 63 f. Boatmen, two boatmen, 76,11. Connected with Puzur-Enlil, 85 ff. Cain, 52.

Campbell, Colin, 35 n. 3. Canaanitisb transformation of Baby-

Ionian sources, 46 n. 2. Cassia, eaten by Tagtug, 51; 54;

81, 34-

C/ay, 7., 65; 86. Clermont-Ganneau, 36 n. 4. Clothing, of Adapa, 46; of Adam,

46 n. 1. Cooke, G. 36 n. 4. Craig, J. A., 18.

Creation of man from clay. In Babylonia, 16 ff. 18. Blood and bone, 23; blood and clay, 25. In image of Ninib, 21. In Greek mythology, 29 ff. In Egyptian mythology, 34 f. Animal vitality, 28. Creation bi-lingual tablet an incantation, 23; 27. Creation and Flood Epic, published by Poebel, its contents and relation to the Epic of Paradise, 14ft. Its relation to Nippurian theology, 27. Damgalnunna (ilat), 74, 31. Dadnus, 64.

Daiima (ilu), 52; 84, 37; 85, 48. Delitfscb, Friedrich, 9; 12. Democritus, 32.

Dilmun, land and city, 13. Sumerian Paradise, 14; 69; 70; 72; 73 85, 50. Location of, 8 ff. Ideograms for, 8 n. 1. Dionysus Zagreus, 34.

Dborme, 18; 19; 22; 23; 26; 28;

40; 42; 51; 66; 85. Ebaraguldu, 79, 18; 80, 46. Eden, 14.

£nJfei (*7u), water god, assists in creating man, 17. Creates minor deities, 22 n. 1. In Eridu theology he creates man, 23;

26 ff. Creates cattle, 27. Rules in Paradise, 27 f. As potter,

27 n. 1. In Nippur Epic of Fall, 70; 71; 73; 74; 75; 76;

77; 78; 79- Enkidu_t 19.

Enlil (ilu), as begetter of man, 16 f. Assists Aruru, 23. Brother of Aruru, 17 n. 3; 82, 40; 83, 19. Enoch, translated, 16 n. 1; 52. Enlagml {ilu), 52; 84, 41; 85, 50. Erabgaran, 79, 19, 36; 80, 47. Erinna, Greek writer, 31. Eridu, its version of the Fall> 38 ff.

Rejects free will, 48. Euedoracbus, 65. Farnell, L. /?., 31 n. 2. Flood, epic of, 15. Its duration in

various sources, 60. Fra\er, Sir James, 52. Four rivers of Genesis 2, p. 11. Garden, in Nippur epic after the

Flood, 14. Gardener, Tagtug, 79, 26, 29; 80, 41;

50. In Hebrew Noah, 50 n. 1. Good and evil, revealed to Adapa

and Adam, 44. Harper, R. F., 5; 19. Hathor, 35.

Hawwa, Phoenician serpent goddess, 35; assists as Eve in creation of man, 36. Heket, 35.

Hesiod, 33.

Hontmel, Friti, 64.

Horace, 30 n. 4; 32 n. 3.

Hyginus, 30 n. 5.

Immortality, withheld from Adapa, 40; Adam, 41; 50. Idea of late, 59.

/rarf, 52.

J document in Hebrew, depends upon both Eridu and Nippur systems, 56 ff. Secondary J containing tree of life and in its lost portions attributing the Fall of man to revelation by a jealous God, 59. Genealogy in J, 62 f.

Jabal, Jubal, Tubal-Cain, 52.

Jastrow, Morris, 9.

Jealousy of God, 43; 49; 49 n. 1. A late mystic doctrine, 56 n. i. Not in Hebrew J, 58. In secondary J source, 58 f.

Jensen, P., 19.

Jeremias, Alfred, 18; 23; 24.

/fa, in Egyptian religion, 34 n. 3.

Khnum, 34; 35.

/fmg, L. W., 8; 24; 25.

Knudtfon, 38 n. 2.

Lantech, 52 n. 6.

Laranchae, 65. Part of lsin, 66 n. 2.

Lidsbarski, 36 n. 4.

Lucian, 30 n. 2; 30.

lugal-mu, "My king," 76, 9; 77, 29; 81, 20, 22, 24, 26, 28, 30, 3*, 34.

A/tf^ic anJ divination, revealed to man, 43; 44; 48.

Afawtf see Mami.

Mami (ilat), title of mother goddess as creatress, 17 f. Creates man from blood and clay, 25. In great theological list, CT. 24,

13, 41=25, 96. Same name as earlier ^dMa-ma, root ^mal= banH, "to build, create." Mama does not occur before Sargon the ancient, but the title is earlier than Aruru. Without dingir in n. pr. at Agade; Gimil- ma-ma, St&le of ManiStusu, 8, 22: at Ur also without dingir; A mar-ma-ma, Ur-ma-ma, Legrain, Les Rois d'Ur, 331, 7. Cf. Ur-ma-mi, Thureau-Dan- gin, Recueil de Textes Chal- deens, 353 1 3, but Ur-^dMa-mi, 398114; Bur-^dMa-mi, DeClercq Catalogue, 209. In Hammurapi period, Utul-^dMa-mi, and Ma-mi-5arrat, Ranke, Personal Names, 201. See alsoThureau- Dangin, Lettres et Contrats, 63. Hymn in Semitic to Ma-ma, CT. 15, 1 f. In proper names of Cassite period ^dMa-ma; see Clay, Personal Names of the Cassite Period, 206. Disappears after Cassite period. In theological list, CT. 24, 13, 40 = 25, 96. The title A-ma and A-ma (MAL) is connected with Mama, and is the ordinary title of the mother goddess Nintud at Agade. Sargalisarri built her temple at Babylon (SAK. 225c), in Neo-Babylonian period called Emah of Ninmah, see VAB. IV, Index. For this temple to A-mk in Babylon see RTC. 118 Rev. 5. In n. pr. ^dA-m&-iSdagal, St£le ManiStu- su, C. XIII 24; XIX 28. The priest of A-mi, ibid. A. XV
19. ManiStusu is Sakkanak of ^dA-m£, RA. 9,92, 11. UrumuS mentions her with Shamash as deity in Agade, RA. 8, 138 Col. I. Also in a letter of the Hammurapi period, CT. 29, 43, 25+40. [Source unknown.] At Dir, a city in ASnunnak, mentioned in the Sargon Stone, dated in the nth year of Sargon of Assyria and written in Babylonian, Col. IV 27, a man is langu of ^ila'A-md. In Neo-Babylonian period the title survives. ^tluAnim ^tluEnlil u ^ilatA-md arrassu marrutu li-i-ru- ur, "May Anu, Enlil and Ama each curse him with his (her) bitter curse," Strassmaier, Cyrus, 277, 17. The title has been read falsely A-£(= mar biti) in n. pra. of the late period, Tallqu 1 st, Neu-babyloniscbes Namtnbuch, 226. Not to be confused with DUMU-£ = mar biti. A marble slab from Agade, OBI pi. VII Col. V4has ^dA-mA (Hinke, Boundary Stones, 220). On the other hand, ^dA-£ = mar biti — Nebo, is certain in Vorderasiatiscbe Schriftdenk- maler, I 2761+3, ^ilaiNand u ^iluA-£ (Kudurru of NabuSum iSkun). Cf. ibid. I 17 ^iluA-& kardu mugdalru and Nana is birat ^ilHNabu in 1. 5, hence A- £ = mar btti= Nabu is certain from ninth century. When the signs MAL and £ are confused the rendering must be settled by the context in the late

period. In theological list, CT. 24, 13, 39 = 25, 95.

Marduk (ilu)_t assists Aruru in making man, 22. In Creation Epic, 23 f. In Berossus, 24.

Martin, Fr., 18.

malkim, 76, n; 77, 31.

Megalarus, 64.

Mebijja-el, 52.

Meissner, B., 24.

Methusbalab, 52.

Minerva, 30.

Murray, Sir Gilbert, 33.

Muss-Arnolt, W._t 70.

nam, emphatic verbal prefix, 76 n. 4-

Nannar (ilu), 73, 10.

naru marratu, Persian Gulf, 11.

Naville, Ed., 35 n. 1.

Nazi (ilat), 52; 84, 35, 47.

Nebo, god in Dilmun, 8.

Ninella {ilat), 70, 11; 71, 31.

Ninkarrak (ilat), patroness of healing, 48; 49.

Ninkasi (ilat), 52; 84, 33, 46.

Nin-KA-utud (ilu), 52; 84, 31, 45.

Ninharsag (ilat), one of the most ancient and well known titles of the mother goddess as creatress, 16; 22; 26; 27; 74, 32; 82, 37, 41, 43; 83, 12, 18, 23. In theological list regarded among 41 names as the third most important, CT. 24, 12, 3=²5> 75- Principal title of mother goddess in Ke5. As a married type she is associated with the god SulsigZ, Zimmern, KL. 78, Obv. 15, Rev. 14; SBP. 150, note 5, line 10. Sulslg& is a form of Enlil originally. Her
symbol on boundary stones is the altar with oval band and occurs beside those of the great trinity, Anu, Enlil, Ea. See Hinke, Boundary Stones, p. 6, fig. 2, No. 7, etc. Also Deimel, Pantheon Babylonicum, Rome, 1914, p. 208.

Nin-kurra (ilat), 77, 19, 21, 25, 28;

78, 38. -

Nintil (ilat), 52; 84, 39; 85, 49.

Nintud (ilat), one of principal titles of mother goddess as patroness of birth. Creates man, 16; 17 n. 2; 17; 18 n. 6. Liturgy to her, 19 f. Woman created in her image. Saves mankind in the flood, 28; serpent deity, 37. In the Nippur epic, 73, 21, 23; 75, 44; 75, 1; 75, 5, 8; 77, 20; 78,40. The reading is certainly Nintud not Nintur as Deimel, Pantheon Babylonicum 221 has read. The second sign is REC. 147 tud-banH not tur — erebu, REC 144, 145, 56. See Ham. Code III 35. Also ^dnin-tu-ud, CT. 24, 12, 13 = ^dnin-tud 24, 25, 82. Note also her title ummu banttu, "begetting mother," where tud is rendered by banttu, Code XL\ V 40, and as ^dMag she is ummu bantti-ia, VAB. IV 128, 16; as ^dNinmag she is also ummu bantti-ia, King, Letters and Inscriptions, 201, 45. In-^dnin- tud-ra, Poebel, Creation Epic, I 3, ra is either an emphatic particle or the postposition ra. The forms ^dnin-tud-tud-ri, CT.

24, 25, 81 and ^dnin-tud-ri, p. 82, 40 and BL. 54, 5, probably contain the word ri<rib= du- nanu "form," and the whole should be rendered beltu bantt dunani, "Queen, creatress of forms." As a married type she is associated with ^d§ulslg£, CT. 24, 25, 97, and BL. 91, 13.

. Nintulla (ilat), 52; 83, 29, 44.

Nippur, the Nippurian version of the Fall of Man, 38; 45; 49 ff. 54 f. Does not mention immortality, 59.

Oannes, 14 n. 4.

Opartes, 65.

Oppert, Jules, 25.

Orelli, 30 n. 2; 31.

Orphic literature, 33.

P document in Hebrew, agrees with Nippur version, 55; 61. No sin before Flood period, 60. P/s genealogical list, 62 f.

Pandora, 32.

Patrons, sent to alleviate human sorrow. In Adapa legend, 49; in Nippur version, 52; in Hebrew, 52.

Pinches, T. G., 24 n. 7.

Poebel, A., 13; 15; 27; 65; 74.

Prometheus, in Greek tradition fashions man from clay, 29 f.

Pu{ur-Enlil, boatman in Babylonian version of the Flood, 86 f.

Radau, H., 19; 20.

Rogers, R. W., 18; 23; 85.

Sayce, A. H., 5; 12; 64.

Scheil, V., 38; 41.

Serpent, Eve a serpent goddess, 36. Sumerian mother goddess who

liturgical.^{^[37]} When the cults no longer provided opportunity for the bards and philosophers to sing their epics in the hearing of the congregations, or to cause them to be sung by the temple choirs, they appear to have lost their incentive and their inspiration. For we must bear in mind that writing to be read figured slightly in the imagination of authors who wrote painfully upon clay. Their only means of reaching the ears of a wider public, and these fine epics had that end in view, was to induce the temple choristers to incorporate their compositions in the corpus of public worship. Naturally these heroic measures and these ethical problems, so shrewdly propounded and answered in the recital of ancient legends, gave little scope for the varied melodies characteristic of the mournful liturgies. They appealed only to the thoughtful. When this class of literature disappeared with the scribes and schoolmen of the I sin period Sumero- Babylonian religion and universal literature suffered an unknown loss. Of this epical and theological class of literature part two of my volume contains only one text which introduces the book.

Several texts belonging to the well-known liturgical type of daily prayer, such as survived almost exclusively and in great numbers into the Semitic cults of Babylonia and Assyria, will be found here. So far as they add new material for knowledge of the corpus of liturgical literature and fill up gaps in hitherto imperfectly known prayer books, these will be welcomed,

I trust, by scholars and general readers. The consecutive publication of these liturgical texts will contain more tablets of this type.

The most important group of texts in this volume (Nos. 6, 7, 8, 9 and 14 of the contents) represent a great religious movement, always latent in Sumerian religion but especially characteristic of the scholastic period in which the Sumerian people became extinct. Beginning with the early years of Dungi, second king of the dynasty of Ur, the doctrine of the deification of kings holds perhaps the foremost place in Sumerian theology and certainly the practice of this belief occupies the chief position in their liturgy. The doctrine of a divine right to rule was proclaimed by the early city kings of Sumer at the dawn of history when they assumed the religious title patesi, priest-king, either to the exclusion of or in conjunction with the secular title lugal, king. During the long ages preceding the rise of the Ur dynasty in the twenty-fifth century the Sumerian people generally accepted this ancient dogma. It may have been due to an aristocratic priesthood, but it was a belief which gave them peace and confidence because they believed themselves ruled by the vicars of god. And this faith in the divine origin, mission and rights of kings resulted at last not alone in the deification of mortal rulers and the institution of cults for their worship, but in a widely spread Messianic hope. Another more powerful doctrine current in that philosophic age aroused a longing and prepared the way for their implicit belief in the kings as Messiahs who had at last arrived to restore on earth the prediluvian paradise. The well-preserved epic published in Part l,as well as the small fragment concerning Ziudsuddu, lone survivor of the Flood, show a well-known legend concerning a lost paradise where men toiled not and disease was not.

Obverse III

9- i^-gdl an-ki-a pa-i mu-na-ab-ag

10. ^den-ki-ge nam-im-mi-ib-tar-ri

11. ki-en-gi kur-gal ma-da an-ki

12. le-ir-ii-gur-ru babbar-l-ta babbar-

lu-ul kalam-e me sum-mu

13. me-{u me-ma£ lu-nu-tu-iu

14. lag-^u galam gen^{^[42]} galu nu-pad-

15. umun-iid ki-an u-tud-^a an-gim

lu-nu-U-gd.

16. lugal il-tud mul-{id ket-di

17. en u-tud sag men ma-md

18. en-iu en idim^{^[43]} dingir lugal da

bara-an-na-ka i-im-durun

19. lugal-iu kur-gal a-a ^den-lil

20. gil-sitf-gim dug-dug-gi la-mu-

ra-an-gib{ib) a-a kur-kur-ra-ge

21. ^da-nun-na dingir-gal-gal-e-ne

22. lag-{a ki-ur-ra lu-ba-ni-in-ti-el

23. gi-gun-na gal-gal-^a u-mi-nt-ib-

9. Surpassing abundance in heaven

and earth he made.

10. Enki issued a decree.

11. "Sumer,¹ the great mountain,

land of Heaven and Earth,

12. Bearing a sheen of splendor,

from sunrise to sunset teaching the Land decrees,

13. Far famed are thy decrees and

unchangeable,

14. Thy heart is profound; man has

not discovered it.

15. As a true form (designed by)

earth and heaven thou wast created, like heaven intangible.

16. Offspring of a king, clad upon

by a true form.

17. Offspring of an high-priest whose

head is crowned.

18. Thy high-priest is the lord of the

deep, the divine king who within the sanctuary of heaven dwells.

19. Thy king is the great mountain

father Enlil.

20. Like a wall he turns back for

thee the wicked ones(?), father of all lands.

21. The Anunnakki, the great gods,

22. Within thee Kenurra^{^[44]} inhabited.

23. In thy great dark chambers they

feed.

24. i ki-en-gin tur-^u fce-du-du db-{u 24,

ge-lu-lu

25. amal-in ie-gar-gar udu-fu-ge- 25.

Idr-ldr

The house(s) of Sumer, thy stable(s) let be built, and may thy cattle be many.

May thy sheepfold(s) be built and thy sheep be fat.

I 16

13. SAL+KU ^dmu-ul-lil-ld mhn ba-

ni-in-kuf-u ba-nad

14. nin-min Sf-lal^{^[47]} e dg-nam-ma-an-

15. ^da-ru-ru e-a-na gu-bi-na-ma-an-

16. dam-a-ni-gim nd-a ba-ni-in-dur-

ru-ne-el-am

17. tu-mu-ni-gim nd-a ba-ni-in-dtir-

ru-ne-el-dm

18. ^da-ru-ru an mu-na-du nu-mu-

ni-in-tiif-e

19. ^den-lil mu-na-du nu-mu-ni-in-

tug-e

20. ^dnin-lil mu-na-du nu-mu-ni-in-

tug-e

21. ^den-ki mu-na-du nu-mu-ni-in-

tug-e

22. ^dnin-mag mu-na-du nu-mu-ni-

in-tug-e

23. ^dnannar mu-na-du nu-mu-ni-in-

tug-e

24. ^dbabbar mu-na-du nu-mu-ni-in-

tug-e

25. e-ne-ra^b
da-nu-na mu-un-na-lag-

Idg-gi-ei

26. an-a an a-ri-a mu-un-na-ldg-lag-

gi-el

27. ki-a an a-ri-a mu-un-na-l&g-

Idg-gi-el

13. The sister of Enlil she is; she

languishes, she sleeps.

14. A queen she is. The house LAL

of the temple she inhabits not.

15. Aruru her temple has renounced.

16. Like her whose husband slum

bers they sit.

17. Like her whose child sleeps they

sit.^{^[48]}

18. To Aruru Anu went, but pacified

her not.

19. Enlil went but pacified her not.

20. Ninlil went but pacified her not.

21. Enki went but pacified her not.

22. Ninmah^{^[49]} went but pacified her

not.

23. Nannar went but pacified her

not.

24. Babbar went but pacified her

not.

25. Unto her the Anunnaki has

tened.

26. They whom Anu in heaven

begat^{^[50]} hastened.

27. They whom Anu in earth begat^{^[51]}

hastened.

28.	um-ma sir-sag-e^l sir-mu-na-ra²	28. The artist the first melody
	-		chants.
29.	[...] Id-ob—gi-gi-mu sir-mu-na-	29. My he sings.
	ab-bi
30.	... ma mu-lu gu-de gu-de-^u	30.
	nam-mu		laments to thee.⁸
	I mu-lu ad-di ad-di-^u⁴ nam-	3¹-	,. .. the man of wailing wails
	mu		to thee.
32.		32.	the man of weeping is thy
	mu		sorrowful weeper.
33-	utumgaP mu-lu le-DU le-DU-	33-	The great ulum, the man of
	nam-mu		threnody is thy threnodist.
34-	^da-ru-ru gu-^u mu-lu kur-ra im-	34.	Oh, Aruru, thy songs a stranger
	me¹		utters.
35.	^da-ru-ru er-pi mu-lu kur-ra im-	35.	Oh, Aruru, thy liturgy a stranger
	me		utters.
36. NU-NUNUZ-e le-DU-zu mu-		36.	Oh, woman, thy threnody a
	lu kur-ra im-me		stranger utters.⁸
37-	^da-ru-ru an-^i-ga nigin-e-bi-en	37.	Oh, Aruru, the seized away,
			return.
38.	^da-ru-ru i-iur amai-a-ge nigin-e-	38.	Oh, Aruru, to the stalls and the
	bi-en		sheepfolds return.
39.	\u-mu i-dub-a-ge⁹ NE-im-du¹⁰	39.	The inmate of the house of
			letters implores.
40.	ma-e-gtn¹¹ ab-al(?)-gim git-gig nu-	40.	As for me like a_ cow words
	ga-gd		of misery 1 restrain not.
4i.	[ma-e?)-gim gil-li-em-md ab....	4¹-	1 like a that has fallen
	er-nu-ni-ib-gul-e¹²		on calamity weeping withhold
			not.

*Cf. SBP. 96, 10; 332, 9 and Radau, Miscel. 17, 13.

I Cf. IV R. 1 ib 30; CT. 15, 8 Rev. 9; 14,21-3.

* Literally, "is thy lamenter."

⁴ See note on Dublin Text 1. 22. *Cf. BL. Introduction XXIII.

* For this term applied both to a lyre and a musician, see Tamntui and Ishtar 115 n. 2.

7 For gil-me, see IV R. 27a 32 and for im-me = ikabbi, RA. 11, 144, 4.

8 Lines 34-6 probably refer to the conduct of the liturgies in the temples. *Cf. BA. VI 5, 6i, dumu i-dub-ba=dup-lar.

¹⁰ This verb probably means "to pray, implore." Cf. lag-NE-du = unninu and Historical

and Religious Texts 55, 1, sel-a-ni ur-sag ^dgibilgamis.............. NE-du, "His brother, the heroic

Gilgamish implores/'

II Probably emphatic particle gi-in_t or gi-im. Cf. RA. 12, »Cf. SBH. 66, 15.

7. id ^den-ki-ge nam-kud-du-gim

sag^{^[61]}-bi-a ba-ttt

8. a-sag-ga le-gu nu-g&l kalam-e

nu-nag-e

9. dul ^gtS$ar-bi gir-gim ba-mur-

mur^{^[62]} dub-bi sig-gan ba-ab-dil*

10. mdl-anlu nig-ur-tab-lab-

nu-mu-un-BU-e

11. nig-iir-tab-tab an-gir-ge ni nu-

mu-ni-ib-ie-en-te-en

12. ^dlugal-(?)-da-ge uru-ni-ta bar-ta

ba-da-tum^{^[63]}

13. ^dnin-iu-an-[na?] ki-dur kenag-gd-

ni gir-k&r ba-ra-an-dur

14. a gilgal-gul-la c-gul-la-na gig-ga-

bi im-me

15. l-si-in-(ki) nigin kar-ri nu-me-a

a-e KU-e-DAR

16. ^d[nin l-]si-in-na sag-kalam-ma-ge

er-gig ni-dug-ga

17. [a gilgal-gul-]la c-gul-la-na gig-

ga-bi im-me

18. [nigin nippur](ki)-a^b dur-an-ki-

ka mitta ba-an-stg

19. [igi ^den4il-li] uru-ni nippur-

(ki-)a ela ba-ab-gar

7. The "Canal of Enki/' like a

malediction by a curse, is brought to nought.

8. In the fields rain is not; the

land is watered not.

9. The garden cellars are become

heated like an oven and its stores are scattered.

10. The domestic animals as many

as are four-footed of the

not.

11. The four-footed animals of the

plains repose not.

12. The god, Lugal-?-da-ge, from

his city has been taken away.

13. As for Ninzu-anna, her beloved

abode the foot of stranger entered.

14. How long of her destroyed

habitations and her destroyed temple shall the misery be?

15. In I sin mercy and salvation

are not: ?

16. The Lady of I sin, princess of

the Land, weeps bitterly.

17. How long of her destroyed

habitations and her destroyed temple shall the misery be?

18. [All of Nippur], the binder of

heaven and earth, by the death dealing weapon is smitten.

19. [Before Enlil,] in his city Nippur

a deluge was sent.

20. [ama ^d)nin4il nin ki-ur-ra-[ge]

er-gig ni-ltl-sil^x

21. [a] gilgal-gul-la e-gul-la-na gig-

ga-bi-im^{^[64]}

22. [Kcl-\{ki) an-edin-na-dl du-a lu-

lil-ld- ba- ab- dug

23. Adab-bu-{ki) i td-bil-ld a-ri a-e

ba-da-ab-ditn

24. kur Gu-ti-um-ge ki-nad ba-ni-ib-

gar ki-bal lu-ba-ab-dtig

25. Gu-ti-[um-ki]-lag-ba tti-bal-bal

numun{!) ba-ni-ib-i-i

26. ^dnin-tud-ri nig-dim-dim-ma-ni^z

er-gig-ni-Ul-lil

27. a^{^[65]} gilgaUguUla e-gul-la-na^h gig-

ga-bi-im-mc

38 a-gi edin-na-aiag-ga lu-

lil-ld-ba-ab-dug

29. unu ^dinnini ba-da-an-kar

ki-ertm-e* ba- ab- dug

30. e-an-[na] el gh-pdr a^ag-ga erim-e

igi i-ni-in-bar 3¹- natn-en-na-ba lu-

ba-e^Jlal-ld

32 g$-pdr-ta ba-da-att-kar

33 ertm-eba- ab- turn

34. [a gilgal]-gul-la e-gul-la-na gig-

ga-bi im-me

20. Mother Ninlil, mistress of Ki-

urra, weeps sorrowfully.

21. How long of her destroyed

habitations and her destroyed temple shall the misery be.

22. KeS which is built on the plain

he has razed like the winds.

23. In Adab the temple placed by

the new canal ?

24. Hostile Gutium made there his

resting place; the stranger wreaked destruction.

25. Gutium rebelled in his heart and

exalted his race.

26. Nintud because of his deeds

weeps bitterly.

27. How long of her destroyed

habitations and her destroyed temple shall the misery be?

in the holy plain he has

razed like the wind.

of lnnini is plundered

and cursed.

30. Eanna, abode of the "Dark

Chamber/' the foe beheld.

31. Of the holy "Dark Chamber" the

priestly rites are suspended.

32 from the "Dark Chamber"

has been plundered.

33 the foe carried away,

34. How long of her destroyed habitations and her destroyed temple shall the misery be?

35. ... (ki)lum-kur-ba-ba-dtb ud gig- 35. [In Erech?] its______________________ is seized

ga ba-e-ri(g) light in darkness is over

whelmed.

4564

Legend of Gilgamish

This fragment together with one in the Nippur Collection of Constantinople published in my Historical and Religious Texts No. 55 are the only parts yet recovered of a series of Sumerian tablets containing the legend of Gilgamish. These were certainly excavated at Nippur. It is probable that a similar double column and nearly complete text in Berlin, VAT. 6281, published by Zimmern in his Kultlieder No. 196 should be assigned to the same source. Although the dealer who sold the Berlin tablet asserted Dilbat as the source, yet it is more likely that this tablet was filched from the excavations of Nippur. The style of all three texts and their epigraphy show that they belong together. In KL. 196 Rev. II 14 and 16 the companion of Gilgamish is mentioned (en-gi-du(g)), and the Constantinople tablet begins ses-a-ni, "his brother," which clearly refers to Enkidu.^{^[66]} As in the Semitic epic of Gilgamish so also in these three tablets the city Erech and its goddess Innini are frequently mentioned, a^ag ^dinnini occurs in Historical and Religious Texts No. 55, 14; KL. 196 II 21; 24. The temple of Innini in Erech, i-an-na occurs in KL. 196 I 7; Ni. 4564, Obv. 16. Note also lugal-a-ni-ir {ag-sal mu-na-bi, "To his king praise he uttered," Ni. 4564 Rev. 16, and lugal- a-ni-ir ^dGibilgami!> gu-mu-un-du "(Enkidu) to his king Gilgamish spoke," KL. 196 Rev. II 17.

I am unable to make a connected translation of any of these tablets although many lines are intelligible. Obverse 15-18 of Ni. 4564 may be rendered:

unug-{ki) gil-kin-ti^{^[67]} dingir-ri-e-ne-ge e-an-na e-an-ta e-ne

dingir-gal-gal-e-ne me-bi ba-an-ag-el-am bdd-gal bdd-an-ni ki-us-sa

"In Erech the skillfully made work of the gods, From Eanna the lofty house they went forth. The great gods their decrees had instituted. On the city wall, the lofty wall she(?) stood."²

And Reverse 9-13:

unug-{ki)-ga dim-ma-bi ba-su& ^dgi-bil-ga-mi!> en Hallab-ge³ur-sag-bi-ne-ir gu-mu-na-de-e ur-sag-mu-ne igi-tnu-un-sug-sug-u-ne

"In Erech his work was confounded. Gilgamish the lord of Hallab To their strong men cried, 'My strong men behold!' "

I cannot discover in any of these tablets a reference to the fight of Gilgamish and Enkidu with the divine bull. Additional material, however, will enable us to translate these obscure lines and place in our hands the Sumerian prototype of the Gilgamish Epic.

4560

Liturgical Hymn Concerning Ur-Engur

Right half of a large tablet originally containing six columns and about 240 lines. A hymn to Ur-Engur and of historical importance, since it throws some light upon the events which led up to the founding of the dynasty of Ur. The founder of this dynasty has left us no other important literary documents, for the few inscriptions hitherto known concerning this king are too brief to be considered important.¹These merely mention the building of temples in Ur, Nippur, Kesh, Erech, Larsa. The longest of his previously known inscriptions, a clay peg from Lagash, mentions extensive irrigation works and the institution of righteous laws for the empire which, as in the case of Hammurapi, the king promulgated under the guidance of Shamash the sun-god.

The second column of this hymn continues a panegyric on the character of the king, a subject which certainly filled up the whole of the first column. Beginning with line 24 of Col. 11 the poem mentions the king's expeditions unto unknown lands, his conquest of seven strange lands and the tribute that flowed to his capitol. Col. Ill begins an interesting section continued for about eighty lines on the offerings made by the king to various gods and goddesses. The references to the god Gilgamish as "his brother"² for whom weeping is ordered and as the beloved of the queen of Arallu³ afford indispensable material for the history of the Tammuz cult. At the end of Col. IV the king makes a pathetic reference to his wife. The

¹ Thureau-Dangin, SAK. 186-9. See also Clav, Miscel. No. 16.

¹ Rev. IV 16.

»Obv. Ill 10.

fragmentary lines of Col. V refer to the institution of righteousness in the land and the banishment of sin.

In material structure this six column text resembles the six column tablet No. 4562 which, however, is a real liturgical composition to a king who had been deified. Ur-Engur never received the honor of deification in his lifetime, neither did his successors found a cult to him.¹ The unecclesiastical spirit of this hymn to him accords with the other historical facts which we know concerning the evolution of emperor worship in the dynasty of Ur. If the reader will compare the liturgical hymns to Dungi published in my Historical and Religious Texts, Nos. 4 and 5, or the long liturgy to Bur-Sin and Gimil-Sin in Radau BE. 29 No. 1, or to Ishme-Dagan in this volume, Ni. 4563, he will discover at once the immense change which came into the royal panegyrics after the reign of Ur-Engur. Only in this hymn to him do we gather many facts of profane history. The others are wearisome laudations composed for public worship.

Obverse II

1 ni-te Ur-^dEngur i-ka-ra... I.................................... awe Ur-Engur....

2 e-gal-a-na.... ni-nad 2 in his palace he lies.

'A tablet in the Bodleian Library dated in the first year of ^dlbi-Sin mentions offerings to the cults of his divine predecessors, ^dDungi, ^dBur-Sin, ^dGimil-Sin. It is curious indeed that the founder of this dynasty and father of the second king Dungi did not receive divine honors. Evidently this practice and religious theory had not been adopted in the reign of the first king. Dungi himself does not appear to have received this title until he had reigned many years. The fact that his successors did not elevate Ur-Engur to this rank and build a temple to his cult tends to prove that the divinity of kings depended upon a sacrament of some kind administered to the living king. Religious ideas which controlled this cult of emperor worship prevented the elevation of a dead king to the rank of a god. After Dungi the kings of Ur receive this title immediately upon accession to the throne.

3. .. dim^e kenag-md gu-nu-mu-un-

gt-gi(sic!)

.ra ni-nad gil-lal-bi im-gub

......like.

limbs...

..stir-ba RU-TE teg-sag gim

3. The lord, my beloved, turns not

back the breast.

4. In...he lies, the bridal cham

ber² he occupies. . .raging like

. is long, whose

...thou standest; that day was not

which he loves, his understanding is changed Their they altered.

of Ur-Engur like one that

drinks milk they bestowed.

his, like , grandly he

mounted.

ceases not; whose thoughts

are unattainable, thou art.

21. Ur-^dErtgur me li-e-a^{^[68]} nam-mu

22. . • .ki sak-ki kalam-ma-lu

23. [dingir-]nin-sun enim-dug-li-na

ba-da-du

24. ni-l&g-el-d¹ cr-mu~da-ab- ul- e

25 ki nu-{u-na ^gt*md-bi ba-da-

ab~iu*

26. . ?e-[?] ba- da- ab- tar

27. gi-mul gil'ii ge-gdl-la-bi gu-edin

ba- ab- du

28. [Gu-edin-]na dub-ba-da-ab-dug

bal-bi ba-tar

29 U A-SlTba-da-gar sagar-lel-

aP ba-tHm

30 ud-da-ba ru Kii(ki)

mu-un-d i-ni-ib-tum

31 kalam-ma-ge ba-da-bal ur

kalam-ma ba-kur

32 ra in-ti^{^[69]}-sug-ga-dm

33 ^ii$ginar ba-da-tus £ar-ra-

an im-ma-da-sug lu-nu-um- ma-nigtn^{^[70]}

21. Ur-Engur! 1 will praise. 22

23. Ninsun with comforting words

walked with him.

24. Those whom he plundered fol

lowed with him in tears.

25 in a place which was

unknown his ships were known.^{^[71]}

26 was severed.

27. Oars of cedar^{^[72]} its wealth to

Guedin* brought

28. In Guedin(?), it was heaped up,

and its exchange value was fixed.

29 was made, in lessive was

washed (?)

30 at that time brought

with him the gifts of Ki§(?)

31 of the Land rebelled; the

foe showed himself hostile to the Land.

32 he was hurled down.

33. The chariot was overthrown, the

expedition^{^[73]} was annihilated, but he was not captured.

34 ^gi*ginar ba-da-lus gar-ra-an

im-ma-da-sug lu-nu-um-ma- nigin

35. kur?ra imin-bi nig-ba ba-ab-sum-

ba-dtg-gi-el- a

nin-dingir-dtg-ga gi-e^{^[74]}

ba-dub-ba

(?) mu-un-iu-ul kur-ra ia-

pa-dg mu-un-gar

md-ab-kum-e^{^[75]} udu - im-ma-

ab-lar-ri

nig-gal-gal-la^{^[76]} ba-si-in-dur-

ru-ne-el

uru-dm a-kur-ra uru-na-

itw

an kur- ra- ge

lag-ga-n i mu-un-{u

34 the chariot was overthrown, the expedition was annihilated, but he was not captured.

35. The seven foreign lands gave presents.

36 whom he slew

37 priestess of the dead on

the earth caused to repose.

38. ... at thy name terror in the land of the stranger produced.

39 eat; the sheep become

fat.

40. In they dwell.

41. An high priest he is, mountain

like might,^{^[77]} an high priest he is.

42. .. .of the mountain.

43 his heart knows.

5. kul4u-&b-ddr-a^{^[78]} ib-ba-gdl-la-ba

6. ^dne-unu-gal ^den4il kur-ra- ra

7. sib ur-^dengur-ge i-gal-a-na gis-

im-ma-ab-tag-gi

8. gil-gtd-da kul4u-ub-kalag(?)si-

me-a i-mi-ib-ug?-an-na*

9 ? ki-us-sa d nam-

ur-sag-ga TUM SI L

10. [?]-ga-da-gar kenag ^deril-ki-gal-la

11. ^dgibil-ga-mes lugal-kur-ra- ge

12. sib ur-^dengur-ge e-gal-la-na gil-

im-ma-ab-tag-gi

13. [ ^b]-kes-da id ba-ni-in-de-a

bur-lagan* lu~du-a

14. ttig la-TVL-gid tug-nam-

nifi^{^[79]} nam-nin-a

15. e md-dalla me- kur-ra

16. ^dnin-{?) a-ba- ra

17. sib[ur-^dengur-ge e-gal-la-na gis-

im-ma-ab-tag-gi]

18. LU

19. pa a^ag-gi. .en-na... Ju lagin

20. ^ddumu-{i~lum-ma kenag ^dinnini-

5. A variegated leather pouch

which

6. to Nergal, the Enlil of the

mountains

7. The shepherd Ur-Engur in his

palace^{^[80]} offered.

8. A bow, smiter of battle,

the imib-weapon, panther of Anu,

9...... that treads the

strength of heroism,

10. To beloved of Erishkigal,

11. Gilgamish, lord of the moun

tain,⁴

12. The shepherd Ur-Engur in his -

palace offered.

13. A copper(?)-KE$DA, into which

oil is poured, a well-made stone ointment bowl,

14. A long garment, a "royal

garment/' for the royalty,

15. of the temple that glorifies the

decrees of the world,

16. Unto Nin-sun

17. The shepherd [Ur-Engur in his

palace offered.] 18

19. A pure staff, .lazuli

20. which is worthy of Tammuz⁸

the beloved of Innini,

21. sib ur-engur e-gal-a-na gis-im-

ma-ab-tag-gi

22. gil-sa^{^[81]} lu-du-a kes-^{^[82]}a%ag-gi md-

gur-bi su?-lag-ga

23. dag-gug-a^ag nig-du dingir-ri-e-

24. ^dnam-tar galu nam-tar-tar-ra-ra

25. sib ur-^dengur i-gal-a-na gil-im-

ma-ab-tag-gi

26. dub-ba^z iagin. .nam-irigal-a-ge

27. gil-kelda-aia£ dag-gug-tag-ga

gii-bi gu-?-sal-a

28. ^dRul-bi-ldg dam ^dnam-tar-ra-ra

29. sib ur-^dengur-ge i-gal-a-na gil-

im-ma-ab-tag-gi

30. gil-gar lu-? aiag-gi-ia ri(?)-a

31. girkigir-ui

32. glr-ur dar-dar

21. The shepherd, Ur-Engur, in his

palace offered.

22. A beautiful gilsa, a sacred

KE$(?) whose skiff

23. Of pure porphyry, that which is

appropriate to the gods,

24. To Namtar lord of fates,

25. The shepherd, Ur-Engur, in his

palace offered.

26. A tablet of lazuli.... of the fate

of Arallu,

27. A Kelda-a^ag fashioned of por

phyry, whose wood

28. To RuSbiSag, consort of the god

of fates,

29. The shepherd Ur-Engur in his

palace offered.

30. A wagon with golden...

.. .covered(?),

32;

33. sib munsub^{^[83]} a- ut-e 33.

34. dun ur-sag ^dnin-git-{i- <fa 34.

35. sit ur-engur-ge e-gal-a-na git* 35.

im~ma-ab-tag-gi

36. ddg-dub-iagin ba-da-ra-ni^{^[84]} 36.

37. SAR-DI-da gutkinkubabbar sag- 37.

bi rut-ma

38. ^dnannar at-me-a^ag-gi iag-ga-na 38.

gub-bu^de

39. iug-sakkad git-piiuk*mag-galu-{u 39.

git-tir-gal

40. gt-dub-ba iag-bar-ra nig-nam- 40.

dub-tar-ra-ge

41. ? -gan-?kur gi-dit-nindd^{^[85]} 41.

42. KAK-U$ d-tti 42.

43. ra Zi 43.

To the shepherd, the pastor, who

The mighty, the valiant NingiS- zida,

The shepherd Ur-Engur in his

palace offered. A tablet of lazuli attached to a handle,

A SAR-DI-DA of gold and silver, which is exceedingly brilliant, For Nannar sacred disks to

stand at his side

A headdress for the great sage,

the learned, of marble, A stylus of bronze, instrument of the art of writing,

a rod measuring reed

(made of )

5. [5ib(?)....]kur-ra-ge si-be-in-sd-

a-ta

6. [ur-^dEngur sib(?)]kur-ra-ge si-be-

in-sd-a-ta

7 urugal-la-ge be

8 lu-ge be

9. ur-^dengur-ra-ge mu-ni-ib-tug-ii

10. kur-ra ki mn-na-ma-ma be

11. dug-dug-ga ^deret-ki-gal-la-ka-ta

12. erim gil-KU[? ?] en-na-ba- ?

13. galu nam-tag-ga en-na-ba-

____ a

14. lugal-la lu-ni-lu. .. im-ma-ab-

sum-mu-ne

15. ur-^dengur ki-bi-$u el

16. seUkenag-ga-ni^dgi(l)-bil-ga-[mes\

17. e-ne $d-kur-ra-ni-de ka-al kur-ra-

ni bar-ri

18. ud-imin ud-11-dtn ba-{al-la-ba

19. lugal-mu i-si-is ki-en-gi-ra-ge

sd-nam-bi mu-ni-ib-dug

20. ur-^dengur i-si-il ki-en-gi-ra-ge

sd-nam-bi mu-ni-ib-dug

21. bad uri-(ki)-ma mu-un-itl-la-ni

22. e-gal-iii-na mu-un-?-ni nu-

mu-un-

5. [The shepherd the ] of the

lands directed.

6. [Ur-Engur, the shepherd, the ]

of the lands directed.

7. [By the command of the lord] of

Arallu he directed.

8. [By the command ] of he

directed

9. Ur-Engur who the lands

pacified, directed.

10. The foreign lands which paid

him obeisance he directed.

11. By the injunctions of Eresh-

kigal,

12. the men as many as

13. The wicked men as many as

14. Whom into the hand of the

king they gave,

15. Ur-Engur to their place

them.

16. For his beloved brother Gilga

mish,^{^[86]}

17. That one, who to bless his land,

rendered judgment for his land,²

18. When the seventh day and the

tenth dawned,

19. My king the lamentations of

Sumer commanded.

20. Ur-Engur the lamentations of

Sumer commanded.

21. The wall of Ur which had

become old, _v 22. The palace which by fire was and was seen no more,

23. sib-bi e-a-ni ta be-in-aga-ni

24. dam-a-ni ur-ra-na.... nu-mu-

un-gt-a-ni

25. dumu-ni dH-ba-na li-be-in-pel-

a-ni

26.....

27.

28. sib-iid i-lu nig-mt-gar ni-te-na

29. md-e nig nc-e ba- aga-a-mu,

30. dingir-ri-e-ne-ir mu-ne-gub-bu-

nam

?-ur mu-ne-gdl

31. ^da-[nun-na-]ge-ne &e-gdl-la pa-

mu-nc-i-a-ni

32. gil-nad u^agin^{^[87]} ddg-ga-ba gilsa

mu-ne-gar-ra-mu

33. an-ki mal-la-ba e-du-la mu-la ba-

ni-ib-siuP-di

34 me-en nig-abrig-ldg-ga^A-mu

an-gim mu-nc-su-ud

35 da-gub-ba Dl-a-ma-a-na

su-ba-ni-ti

36 da-du-u nu-tug-ma-a^b ud-

im-ma-ni-t'il

37 ne-lii IM-an-la-am-ma gim

38 ta-e-a stg uri-(ki)-ma-lu lu-

nu-um-ma-nigin^{^[88]}

23. The shepherd whose home by

had been plundered(P),

24. Whose wife to his bosom.. one

had not restored.

25. Whose son grew not up on his

knees,

26.

27.

28. The faithful shepherd, wailing

and lament in fear

29. As for me whatsoever 1 have

made,

30. To the gods verily I erected,

and

31. To the Anunnaki whom with

riches 1 have glorified,

32. A bed of lazuli whose couch^{^[89]}

with a precious work 1 constructed,

33. Like heaven and earth con

structed, with a covering like the stars 1 made bright.

34. A am I, whatsoever (was

revealed to me) by favorable omen this 1 made beautiful like heaven for them.

35.

36.

37.

I te ana-ge gi-gi

2. en kalama gi-en-gi-ir-(ki) dug-ga

3. sti-un sii-un-na-ni kur-ra dib-dib-

4. me ni-te^na... .diig 1 of heaven, the merciful(P).

2. Lord who makest glad, the land

of Sumer.

3. Who causest his devastation to

befall the foreign land.

4. Who fearful decrees

speakest

5. Whom Enlil as the everlasting

shepherd of the Land [did choose?]

6. ^ddun-gi lugal uri-ma me-en

7. igi-dug-bar-ra-na gu-{id ma-ni-

in-de

8. en aiag^{^[90]} sd-bi-ga-na -sig

9. lum ga me-en

10. {f ga&u%abi me-en

11. sib ^dnannar me^{^[91]} dam-kar

.me-en

12. enim ^dnin-lil-ld ki-gar Idg-ga ki-

lar-ra ma-ldg

13. A-il-la[92] £(?)igi-u-ni-in-dug gu u-

? 1-de-de

14. ud-bi nam(?)-sir-ra lugal(?)du

15. ^ddun-gi me ka-^ag-sal uri-(ki)

tub-bi-mbi

16. ^dnin-tud-ra^h nig-ma

17. dingir-ri-e-ne ni-DU md

18. ^dmul-gennaP sufcul-a KA

19. mu-fce-gdl-la tiib-bi ? ? -da

20. um-mi-a gi-mu-ne-

21. enim nin-mu^d _%.ta

22. a-da-ge^{^[93]} nim bad-du ma-al-?-1um

mu-li-gar-gar-ri-el

6. Oh divine Dungi king of Ur

thou art.

7. When he turns his regard he

speaks faithfully.

8. Holy priest who peace

bestows.

thou art.

11. Shepherd of Nannar thou

art; recorder thou art.

12. By the command of Ninlil,

pious works in the universe he established.^{^[94]}

13. Oh magnified one the temple

behold! give command!

14. On that day melody befitting a

king

15. "Dungi 1 praise, him that causes

Ur to repose.

16. Whom Nintud

17. Who the gods

18. Whom the "god of the steady

star" upon a foundation

19. To cause to repose in

years of plenty.

20. The army

21. By the command which my lady,

the goddess (has spoken),

22. Wailing in the upper land far

away they caused.

23. sig tug-mal lu ab-e-bal... .ni lal

24. kur^nim-lu H-?-gal-gim gid-

25. igi-nim-ia kalama le-gim dul-li

ni-lal

26. kur dun bad-du-dl ag... .ni-lal

27.lul lu-lu^{^[95]}-ag kaskal ta-gub-

mal

28. lu-?-a ki-gir-gin-na-ge

29. str-gid-da teg nam-lugal- la

30. bad-du-mdl nig-bal-bal-e ga-mu-

li-gar-gar-ra

31. nam-dup-lar-ra nig-gt-gt-fu^{^[96]} ga-

mu-li-ma-ar-ma-ar-lu

32. ud lar-lar-ra gar-ra-be-gdl ma-

an-ru-a-ma

33. gul-gul-li-mal dug-dug-gi-mal

34. fi-fi Jfu-lw LU....{a-am

am^{^[97]}.

35. rfwZ gil-ka-silim /z7-/a

36. nig-d-nu-gi-a^b la-ba-gub-bu-ne-

en-na-mu

37. dug-gar nu-kul-u ld-al-l me

23. In the lower land songs of

pacification thou didst cause to be uttered,

24. Unto the upper land like a

great he approached.

25. From the upper land over

Sumer beneficently a shadow he stretched.

26. Upon the violent foreign land

far away he stretched.

27. The doers of rebellion from the

ways he caused to stand

aside.

28.....

29. With a long song befitting royal power,

30 a meditation 1 will compose for it.

31. In writing thy laws² I will set

forth.^{^[98]}

32. When the writings are set forth,

(?)

33. Gladness causing, prosperity

causing.

34.....

3 5. The weapon of sweet voice

36. The unopposed which is not

restrained.

37. He that tirelessly causes anarchy

to depart, thou art.

38. gi-gid ia-am ia-am ga-mu-li-ma- 38. On the flute 1 will set forth

ar-ma-ar-lu (these matters).

39. mu dingir-lugal sag-bi-lu l-a 39. The name of the divine king

transcends all,

40. ^den-lil nig-dug-ga-ni lu-nu-bal^x- 40. (The name) of Enlil whose fixed

e-ne decree^{^[99]} is not transgressed,

41. mu ^den-{u uru nam-kud-da-ni 41. The name of Sin who a city

lum[100]-bi nu-gur-ra-[ni] fated, whose splendor is not

to be supported.

42. galu nam-kud-du-ni nig-gig 42. Whose curse the unclean purges.

sa&ar-ra-ka

43. mu ^dbabbar malkim^{^[101]} dingir-ri- 43. The name of Shamash attendant

e-ne of the gods.

44. nig-lul-li-du-md galu ba-ra-ma- 44. My music let no man make.

ni-in-gar

45. sub-mu nig-nu-um-sig-sig-ga 45. My prayer which is unequaled

dam^b ba-ra-ni-dug let no wife utter.

46. ^ddun-gi me sd nt-mal dirig-ga 46. Divine Dungi! I....... in song

sir-ra ma-ra-an-gdl institute for thee,

47. aiag-ldg-ga-gim Idg-ldg-ga- md 47. Who as one clean and pious

brings about purity,

48. gil-dur ki-gar: sir-sab*-ba-mu 48. Instituting culture. My chief

song.

49. sib me-nig-na-me 1ag-ttl-UUla- 49. The shepherd who fulfills the

md decrees as many as there be,

50. nam-lugaL? sal^id nin-fce-ni- 50. Royal power... may care for

_%dug faithfully.

51. mu nig-li-du-md li-na ba- 51. When my melodies in future

gdl-la days are..

52.lul ba-lag-na ge -en 52. May the musician on his lyre

53. li-du-md a-da-du...... ge da-ma- 53. May my melody weeping

al ga-ium(?)ge-du .. .dispel

Obverse II

1. nig-a-na mu-sd 1. Whatsoever things are named

2. gil-pitug imin-a lu-gal ga-mi-[ni- 2. May he with understanding of

ib-du] the seven (numbers) grandly

[adorn me].

3. ^den-{u dumu-sag ^den-lil-[ld-ge] 3. Sin first born son of Enlil,

4. gtl-gur-ia nam-lugal-la 4. A throne of royalty....

5. bar a nam-en-na sag-ga-lH 5. In a chamber of ruling loftily

[may....]

6. ud-su-du-l& gil-dur 6. May he fashion unto far away

bl-in-iag days a restless scepter.

7. ^dnusku sukkal ^den-lil-ld-ge 7. May Nusku the messenger of

Enlil,

8. gildur nam-lugal^la lu-maga-ma- 8. Into my hand a regal scepter

ni-gar place.

9. i-kur-ra d-bi ga-ma-an-pad-pad 9. In Ekur oracles unto me may

he reveal.

10. ki-gub-butti-feg-ga-e-bi ga-ma-att- 10. Wheresoever 1 go, his awe may

gar he lend me.

11. lag ^den-lil-ld dagal-la-dm ta-ge- 11. The heart of Enlil like (the

mi-gi-in^{^[106]} heart of) a mother may he

make faithful.

12. ^dnin-ural ur-sag kalag-ga ^den-lil- 12. NinuraS, the valiant hero of

Id-ge Enlil,

13. ^dnu-<nam-nir^{^[107]} enim-md ga-ma- 13. The divine prince of valor my

ni-in-gub commands may make sure

for me.

14. ka-ldg-ga ^den-lil ^dnin-lil-ld ma- 14. A favorable word to Enlil and

a-ar gu-mu-na-ab Ninlil for me may he speak.

15. ttam-lugal-la pal-mu ge-ne-tn- 15. With royal power may he cause

dirig my reign to be surpassing.

16. nam-en-na ma-e fce-im-mi-?-en

DA(d)-ta£-mu £e-e

17. S-kur-ra lu-gu-mu-da-gdl-gdt^{^[108]}

18. malkim natn-lugal-md £e-e

19. gif-KU-lig-ga kur-kur gam-gam-e

20. da~mag lu-{i-da-mu £e-ne-in-si

21. ^dbabbar nig-si-sd ka-gi-na ka-tnd

£a-ma~ni-in-gar

22. sdr-tar-ru ka-dl-bar kalam-e si-

sd-e

23. nig-gi-na sag-ga-lu Idg

24. zi-da-tuk ul-kurt¹ erim-du ga-

lam-me

25. lel-ge sel-ra nig-gi-na-sd

a-a-ra

26. SAL+KU gal-ra ka-dug-na nu-

sd ama-ra

27. si-ig-ga kalig-ga-ra nu-mal-mal

galu

16. With lordship may he cause

me to be ; my helper

may he be.

17. In Ekur may he take me by the

hand.

18. The protecting genius of my

royalty may he be.

19. With a valiant weapon sub

duing the foreign lands,

20. A mighty arm, may he fill my

faithful hand.

21. MaytheSun-godplacejusticeand

righteousness in my mouth;

22. The judge, giver of decision,

who directs the Land;

23. Who makes justice exceedingly

good.

24. The transgressor(P) he pardons,

the wicked he destroys.

25. To justify brother with brother

to the father

26. Not to justify the slander(?)

of a sister against the elder (brother) to a mother, courage he ensures.

27. Not to place the weak at the

disposal of the strong a man

1. d-tuk nig-sag-ga-na nu ag galu

galu £ab-nu-gar

1. That the rich man may not do

whatsoever is in his heart, that one man to another do not anything disgraceful,

2. Wickedness and hostility he

destroyed justice he instituted.

3. ^dbabbar dumu ^dnin-gal-e tud-da-a

ga-la-ba}-ma ge-ni-in-gar

4. ^dinnini nin an-ki-ge-a

5. niiadam kenag-ni-lu ge-en-pad-

de me-en

6. mir- gin-na-ma la?-la? gu-mu-

si-in-ag

7. igi nam-til-la ka-^al gu-mii-si-in-

bar

8. sag-di iig-ga-ni ma-a-lu fcu-mu-li-

in-zig

9. ^g,inad gi-in-na &e-be-in-gin(eny

10. gl-par-ra ud-sud-sud-mal-ma,

11. nam-en nam-lugal-da iab-e-a-ma

12. e-an-na-ka mul-nu-ium-mu-ma

3. May the Sun-god, son whom

Ningal bore, my portion create.

4. He whom Innini, queen of

heaven and earth,

5. As her beloved spouse has

chosen, 1 am.

6. For my luxury may she

create.

7. With a joyous eye of life may

she look upon me.

8. Her blazing form upon me may

she cause to shine.^{^[109]}

9. May she establish for me a

couch secure.

10. In the mysterious sanctuary to

create me length of days,

11. To add the office of high priest

hood unto regal power for me,

12. That in the "House of Heaven"

the serpent rob me not,^{^[110]}

13. ki-unug-(ki-)ga am-gim

14. kullab-(ki) me-ldm-mu dul-^{^[111]}lu-

15. enim-aiag nu-kur-ru-da-ni ge-be-

in-diig

16. ^den-ki ^dnin-ki ^den-ul^2
dnin-uP

17. ^da-nurt-na en nam-tar-ri-bi

18. dingir utug nippur-(ki) alad

ekur-ra-ge-ne

19. dingir-gal-gal-e-ne* a nam-mu-

un-tar-ri-el-a>

20. ge-dm* umun-kur-ru-ga^{^[112]} ge-im-

mi-in-dub-el

21. ^dis-me-^dda-gan dumu ^dda-gan me-

22. ^den-lil lugal kur-kur-ra-ge

23 ru ur-ra- ta

24 lu-gi-e ge-be-in-pad-de

13. That in the land of Erech like a

wild bull

14. To cover Kullab with my glory,

15. An holy command which is

unchanged may she utter.

16. May Enki and Ninki, Enul and

Ninul,

17. The Anunnaki, lord(s) who de

cree fate,

18. The divine spirit of Nippur and

the protecting geniuses of Ekur,

19. The great gods who determine

oracles,

20. Crush the pride of the hostile

ruler.

21. Divine lshme-Dagan son of

Dagan thou art.

22. May Enlil lord of the lands

23. Who in

24 choose.

4584

Fragment of a Lamentation on the Destruction of Ur

Obverse

1. ud-ba tid uru-da ba-da-an-gar

uru-bi (?) [se-dm-du]

2. a-a ^dnannar uru dim-dul-duP-da

ba-da-an-[gar]

3. uku-e le-am-du

4. ud-ba ud kalam-da ba-da-an-kdr

uku-e le-am-du

5. uku-bi lika-kud-da nu-me-a bar-

ba ba-e-si

6. bdd-bd gu-nin^z kaskala im-ma-an-

gar-gar uku-e le-dm-du

7 gir-gdl-la-ba dd-a im-ma-

an-BAD 8. ... -a-ba sag-bal-e ba-ab-gar

1. At that time the spirit of wrath^{^[113]}

upon the city he sent and the city lamented.

2. Father Nannar upon the city

of master-workmen sent it,

3. and the people lamented.

4. At that time the Word hastened

upon the Land, and the people wailed.

5. Her people without water jars

without her sit in humiliation.

6. Within⁴ her reed baskets are

thrown in the ways and the people lament.

7 in her streets the

corpses

In her an usurper exer

cised.

In her.. .corpses were placed.

15. mu-us-mis-tdg-ga-fu ni-me-en

nam-en-nu-un mu-ag-e-en

16. lag nam-lugal-la-W ul-lu^{^[123]} gub-

bu-da-ni^z

17. kalatna nam-lugal-la-lti nam-dug

mu-un-kud

18. ur-gal alad alad mu-ne-en- sig

19. an-fa-ne-ne da*-gdl ag-de

20. bal-a-ri gu-ri gub-dar-ag-de

21. ^dinnini a^b-{i-da ba-an-da-gub

22. gub-bu-ne-ne-a sa-am-su-i-lu-na

ba-gub

23. sil-gar-a^ag-gi-e-ne ni-da-e-ne

24. li-du dg-dug-KA+NE-a mu-un-

ul-ne-ne

25. bal-a-ri gu-ri mu-un-ti-ti-ne

26. me-en-ne ga-la-an an-na alad-

Idg-ga-me*

27. *Wzt^{^[124]} xWa sa-am-su-i-lu-na me-

en-ne-en

28. me-en-tf-en bal-a-ri-ii-irP gid-

dug-ge

15. I am thy strong prince the

pious; watchful care I exercise.

16. Who at the head of kingship

joyously has been placed.

17. For the kingship of the Land

with a good fate he has been destined. -

18. Lions as protecting spirits he

dedicated.

19. Their loftiness to make fearful,

20. The transgressors to reduce to

obedience,

21. Innini with a true arm estab

lished.

22. At their left Samsuiluna has

been placed.

23. Their holy praise, their fear,

24. They

25. The transgressor in obedience

they will cause to live (dwell).

26. They are the propitious spirits

of the queen of heaven.

27. A group of lions, object of

adoration of Samsuiluna, are they.

28. Your transgressors ye destroy.

20. i-zi-em dg-dug-KA+NE-a la-ba-

30. pi-el-pi-li ga-mu-ra-ab-lid

Edge, lag-lal-lff alam nu-un ki-tag- tag-i nu-ma-al

29. Song and praise I restrain not.

30. Humiliation I will recite unto

you.

Edge. The hymn to the protecting⁸statue(s) which has (have) been set up is not finished.

3. UD^l e-lum-e mu-un-{al-a-ri²

4. UD^1
dmu-ul-lil-li mu-un-{al-a-ri

5. am-c urti e-en-fal-a-ri

6. ^dmu-ul-lil-li uru-na e-en-^al-a-ri

7. [le-ib] nibru-(ki)-na e-en-^al-a-ri

8. [le-ib & ]-kur-ra-ka e-en-^al-a-ri

9. [le-ib e -]gal-la^z e-en-^al-a-ri

10. [le-ib {imbir-]ki-1a e-en-^al-a-ri

11. le-ib i-bdr-ra e-en-^al-a-ri

12. urU^K
danunit um-ma^b e-en-^al-a-ri

13. le-ib ul-mal-a-ta e-en-^al-a-ri

14. le-ib tin-iir-(ki)-ta e-en-^al-a-ri

15. le-ib sag-il-la e-ett-ial-a-ri

16. ud mul til-e ud gtn ttl-e*

3. Babbar the exalted illuminates.

4. Babbar-Enlil illuminates.

5. The bull the city illuminates.

6. Enlil his city illuminates.

7. The brick-walls of Nippur he

illuminates.

8. [The brick-walls] of Ekur he

illuminates.

9. The brick-walls of the palace he

illuminates.

10. On the brick-walls of Sippar he

shines.

11. The brick-walls of Ebarra he

illuminates.

12. The city of Anunit he illumi

nates.

13. On the brick-walls of UlmaS he

shines.

14. On Babylon he shines.

15. The brick-walls of Sagilla he

illuminates.

16. Spirit that brings the youth to

extremity; spirit that brings the maid to extremity.

17. udtur gul-e ud amal sir- ri

18. tug-a^ag-di ud l&b-ba nu-pad-di-

da-ri^{^[130]}

19. tiir al-gul-gul-e amal sir-sir-ri

20. dg-tf-em ma&-ba mu-da-ab-

gi-gi^{^[131]}

21. mul-an-na lal-gub? mul-bi se-dm-

22. gin-an-na^{^[132]} lal-gub gtn-bi le-dm-

23. [gil-mes gal-gal-]e^s gu-ri-*[ul-dm-

me)

24. [ud-du du-du-]dam lu-lu [al-ma-

ma]

25. [e-ne-em ^denu-ul-lil-li bul-bul-dm

⁷i-dc nu-bar-bar-]ri

26.

27 NE

28. [.^dmu-ul4il4i...)NE

29. [£wr-&Mr-ra^{^[133]}....

30. [u-mu-]un dtig-ga-[{id-da ]

31. [a-a ka-nag-ga ]

32. [sib sag-gig-ga...]

17. Spirit that destroys the stalls;

spirit that desolates the folds.

18. Possessor of wisdom, spirit whose

intentions are not discerned.

19. The stall it destroys; the sheep-

fold it desolates.

20. Small and great it slays.

21. Upon the youth it arrives and

that youth wails aloud.

22. Upon the maid it arrives and

that maiden wails aloud.

23. The great mesu-trees it sweeps

away.

24. Spirit that reduces all things

to obedience.

25. The word of Enlil rushes forth

and eye beholds it not.

26.

29. The lord of the lands

30. Lord of the faithful word

31. The father of the Land

32. The shepherd of the dark-headed

people...

10. u-mu-un-e ^d[mu-ul-lil-li lil-la-dl

tu-ra-bi]^{^[135]}

11. mulu er-ra-ge er mu-ni-tb-lel-lel

12. mulu ad-da-ge ad-[du mu-ni-ib-

gar]

13. mu-diil-*di gir-gif-^zmu~ni-ib-

[dug?]

14. sib-be gi-er^{^[136]} mu-ni-ib-ne*

15. gudu gil-a$ilal-W nu-mu-ni-ib-bi

16. gala-e¹ a lag-iu nu-mu-ni-ib-bi^

17. gudu-bi dug-li-dd^{^[137]} ba-ra- I

18. mi-pdr-^{^[138]}ta ba- ra- i

19. u-mu-un-bi nu-mu-un-til ga-la-

nu-mu-un-til

20. u-mu-un dim-^{^[139]}ma kur-lu ba

il"

21. dtm-ma^u kur-lu ba-da-<u^H

10. Which the lord Enlil surrendered

to the winds.

11. The mourner mourns.

12. The wailer beats himself.

13. The herdsman hastens in dis

tress.

14. The shepherd sits down to play

the reed of weeping.

15. The anointer commands no more

the atonement.

16. The psalmist commands no more

the "How long thy heart?"

17. The anointer departs from his

riches.

18. Her high-priest from the dark

chamber¹¹ has gone forth.¹¹

19. Her sovereign remains not; her

queen remains not.

20. The lord cried aloud and rode

to the mountains.

21. Her queen cried aloud and rode

to the mountains.

l62

22. ka-a^{^[140]} kun-bi mi-ni-ib-ur-ur-e^{^[141]}

23. dar-gu-*e gu-il-la im-ia-di-di-e^{^[142]}

24. l&b-bi lil-la-dm bar-bi lil-la-dm

25. l&b-bi si-ga* ni-gul-gul-e

26. l&b-bi mu-lu sir-ra^{^[143]} mulu im-ta-

ne-a*

27. mar(?) - mag-bi^{^[144]} ki-^{^[145]}ba i-ni-gid-

28 mu ma^-bi i-ra in-dib

29 an-gu-ab-bi ba-ga{-ga{

30 ba

This melody must have continued for at least ten lines. At the end of IV Raw. 11 Col. 1 a break of at least twelve Sumerian lines must be assumed if the melody ended at the bottom. Also at the end of SBH. 62 a break of similar length must be conjectured.

22. The fox's tail bristled.

23. The many colored bird shrieked

aloud.

24. Within her is the whistling

wind; without her is the whistling wind.⁵

25. Her interior by the wind is

made desolate.^{^[146]}

26. Within her the master of thren

ody and weeping has caused men to go forth.

27. Her treasure bouse from its place

has been seized.

28. Her has been taken.

29. Her has been demolished.

(16) 1. mu i-du-a mtwnu pad-di

mu-mu nu-pad-di

(17) 2. mu uru-du-a mu-mu pad-de

mu-mu nu-pad-di

(18) 3. kur in-gai-e kur in-ga-slg

mu-mu ni-pad-di

(19) 4. kur ur-ba um-mi-in-gul u&- £a mu-mu ni-pad-di

1. The name of the builded temple

by my name is named, which by my name was not called.

2. The name of the builded city

by my name is called, which by my name was not called.

3. 'The strange land he smites,

the strange land he humiliated/' shall my name be called.

4. 'The strange land altogether

he terrified," shall my name be called.

(20) 5. kur-kur iar-ri-ef-e^l mu-un-

gab-gab¹ mu-mu ni-pad- di

(21) 6. ki-bal {ar-ri-et-e¹ mu-un-

gal-gaP mu-mu ni- pad-

		di
(22)	7-	a-{&i-a)-mu{?)-a um-mi-
		in-sur mu-mu ni-pad- di
(23)	8.	lag gi~u gi-ii* li-ab iug-e
		ttig-e⁶
(24)	9-	lag an-ltta]* gi-u gi-u
(25)	10.	Sag ^dmu-ul-lil-ld gi-u gi-u
(26)	11.	[lag ur-sag-gal\ gi-u gi-ii
(27)	12.	[lag gi-u] gi- ["]
(28)	«3-	[sag gi-u gi-ii]
(29)	«4-	Id-ab lu-mu-un-tug-[mal\
		im-⁸ ra- du'-[a ]•
(30)		[uru-\%u ^dbabbar-gim {a-e-ta
		[i-bar-ra)^w
(31)	16.	nippur-(ki) ^dbabbar-gim \a-

e-[ta l-bar- ra]

165

5. "The lands in anger he devas

tated/' my name shall be called.

6. "The hostile land/in anger he

destroyed," shall my name be called.

7. "With waters he makes

clean" shall my name be called.

8. Oh heart, be reconciled, be

reconciled, oh heart, repose, repose.

9. Oh heart of Anu, be reconciled,

be reconciled.

10. Oh heart of Enlil, be reconciled,

be reconciled.

11. Oh heart of the great hero,^{^[152]} be

reconciled, be reconciled.

12. Oh heart of. .be reconciled, etc.

13. Oh heart of be reconciled,

etc.

14. To cause the heart to repose,

let us speak unto thee.

15. Unto thy city like the sun hasten

gloriously.

16. Unto Nippur like the sun hasten

gloriously.

1. [e-bar-ra ^dbabbar-gim ia-e-ta e-

bar-ra]

2. [uru ^danunitum-ma ^dbabbar-gim

ia-e-ia l-bar-ra\

3. [e-ul-mal ^dbabbar-gim \a-e-ta l-

bar-ra]

4. [tin-iir-(ki)^dbabbar-]gim \a-e-[ta

[h-]bar-ra^l

5. [e-sag-il-la] ^dbabbar-gim {a-e-[ta e-

bar-ra]

6. [ttippur-ki uru-]{u^{^[154]} uru-^u ge-du-e

7. [i-kur e-{u nippur-(ki) ge-du-e

8. [ken-ur e-nam-ti-la] fce-du-e

9. ixmbir-ki ge-du-e [e-bar-ra] &e-dii-e 10. e-sd-kud-kalam-ma ge-du-e [ ]

ge-du-e

\ 1. tin-iir-(ki) ge-du-e sag-ila ge-du-e

12. e-%i-da^z ge-du-e kis-(ki) ge-dii-e

13. e-kilib-ba ge-du-e e-me-te-ur-sag

ge-dii-e

14. gar-sag-kalam-ma ge-dii-e e-tur-

kalam-ma ge-du-e

1. Unto Ebarra like the sun hasten

gloriously.

2. Unto the city of Anunit like

the sun hasten gloriously.

3. Unto Ulmas like the sun hasten

gloriously

4. Unto Babylon like the sun

hasten gloriously.

5. Unto Esagilla like the sun

hasten gloriously.

6. [Thy city Nippur] be built.

7. [Thy temple Ekur] in Nippur

be built.

8. [Kenur and Enamtila] be built.

9. Sippar be built, Ebarra be built.

10. Esakudkalam-ma be built,....

be built.

11. Babylon be built, Sagilla be

built.

12. Ezida be built, Kish be built.

13. Ekisibba be built, Emeteursag

be built.^{^[155]}

14. tJarsagkalamma be built, Etur-

kalamma be built.^{^[156]}

15. gu-du-a-ki ge-du-e mes-lam ge-

du-e

16. dil-bad-{ki) [ge-du-e]e-i-be-an-

na ge-du-e^{^[157]}

17. [lag-i^i-ium ge-ra-ab-bi]

18. [dib-bi-iii-tum ge-ra-ab-bi] '9- lag tug-mal-u]

15. Cutha be built, Meslam be built.

16. Dilbat be built, E-ibe-Anu be

built.

17. [May one utter petition unto

thee.]^{^[158]}

18. [May one utter intercession unto

thee.]

19. [Oh heart be reconciled, oh

heart repose.]

1. Thy seeing eyes weary not.²

2. When thy neck is set it turns

not back.

3. How long until thine estranged

heart weary not?

4. The wife he rescued and settled

in a strange place.

6. The son he rescued and settled in a place not bis own.

8. The accumulated property thou hast given to the stranger.

10. The hoarded treasures thou hast

given to the stranger.

11. In its holy throne the stranger

sits.

12. ina ku-us-si-5a^l el-li nak-ri it- ta-Sa-ab

13. mu-nad-bi¹ a^ag-ga-bi kur-ri ba-

an-da-nad

14. ina ir-3i-3u el-li-tu Sa-nu-um- ma i-ni-il

15. i~iu mu-lu-kur-ra a-gim mu-un-

na-fi-em

16. bit-ka ana nak-ri ki-i ta-ad- din

17. uru-%u mu-lu-kur-ra a-gim

18. lag-iu fce-en-tug-mal bar-{u ge-

en-led- de

19. ^dmu-[ul~] lil-ld-[ge?] lag-^u

20. [^dkur-gal am-]nad* lag-\u

21. [nippur-ki ] uru-{u ge-du-e

22. [nippur-ki ] &la-ka li-in-ni- pu-uS-ma

23. [e-kur] c~iu ge-du- e

24. [ken-ur e-nam-H-la il] nippur-ra⁴

25. [e-te~me-an-ki el] e-ddr-an-na ge-

26. uru'iu babbar-gim ii-{t-ta e-ba-

13. On its holy couch the stranger lies.

15. Thy temple unto the stranger thou hast given.

17. Thy city unto the stranger thou

hast given.

18. May thy heart repose, thy soul

be at peace.

19. Oh Enlil may thy heart repose.

20. [God of the great mountain,

crouching wild-bull], may thy heart repose.

21. Nippur thy city be rebuilt.

23. Ekur thy temple be rebuilt.

24. Kenur and Enamtila the

abode(s) of Nippur be rebuilt.

25. Etemeanki and the abode Edar-

anna be rebuilt.

26. Unto thy city like the sun

hasten in splendor.

14. a-§ap-ka man-nu it-ti-ku

15.

16. 17-

15. i-de il-la-^u a-ba ba-ra-i

16. dug-bad-du-^u a-ba ba-ra-lub-bu

17. kur igi-nim-ta mu-un-{u mag-dm

18. ina ma-a-tu e-li-tu Sum-ka §i-

19.

19. kur-igi-sig-ga-ta mu-un-iu mag-

20. ina ma-a-tu Sap-li-tu Sum-ka

§i-ri

21,

21: an-na mag-min ki-a mag-min

22. ina Sa-me-e §i-ra-ta ina ir$i- tim §i-ra-ta

23.

23. an-na mag-min mu-un-^u mag-

24. ina Sami-e §i-ra-ta Sum-ka ?i- ri

25. mu^un-iu mag-dm \a-t dingir 25.

mag-dm

26. Sum-ka §i-rum at-

-tu i-lum si- rum

27-

27. ia-e dingir mag-dm dam-pt nin-

28.

29.

ditto a5-Sat-ka dam-[{u ^da-]ru-ru^{A d}mu-ul-lil- la

29.

30. 3»-

[a§-§at-ka ^llata-ru-ru^{^[164]}] a-bat ... ^dmnrul-lil-la

30.

3[165]-

ntag-dm^{^[166]}be-lit ilani SAL+KU

From thy vision who escapes?¹From thy stride who shall flee? In the upper land thy name is famous.

In the lower land thy name is famous.

In heaven thou art mighty; in earth thou art mighty.

In heaven thou art mighty and thy name is famous.

Thy name is famous; thou art a mighty god.

Thou art a mighty god and thy consort is a mighty queen.^{^[167]}

Thy consort is Aruru, sister of Enlil.

of Enlil

(About twenty-four lines broken away.)

I 12

Fragment of a Titular Litany

This fragment, which consists of the lower half of a single column tablet, contains only interesting titles of various gods, followed by a refrain which began with ab. Liturgies of this kind recur frequently. For example, tablet five of a series edited in SBP. 130-175 began as follows:

Sd-ab u-mu-un tug-e-en-ne ul-li-el Id-ab tug-mal bar tug-mal-da ldb-^lbe-en me-en-ne Id-ab u-mu-un mu-un-tug-e-en-ne ul-li-el Id-ab an-na Sag ^dasar-lu-dug mu-un.

"The heart of the lord let us pacify with gladness. To pacify the heart, to pacify the soul let us go. We the heart of the lord will pacify with gladness. The heart of Anu, the heart of Marduk we will pacify."²

Note that the prefix mu-un in line 4 indicates that we restore mu-un-tug-e-en-ne. This liturgy then continues for more than one hundred lines, with the same refrain, mu-un, etc., being repeated after a name and title of some god precisely as ab is repeated after names and titles of gods. The fragment is a partial variant of the fifth tablet of the series muten- nu-nunu^ gim, edited in SBP. 130-179. Obverse 1 is parallel to SBP. 156, 51 and the last line on the reverse is parallel to SBP. 162, 27. A considerable number of divine names in the fifth tablet of the above series do not appear here. This is due to the fact that the Nippur text is more than 1500 years older than the Neo-Babylonian redaction in the muten-nu series. Lines 4-13 of Zimmern, Kultlieder 8 IV are closely parallel to Rev. 6-13, but KL. 8 IV 10 does not appear here and the order of the divine names is slightly different. KL. 11 Rev. Ill i=Obv. 2 and forms a close parallel for several lines.

This text will prove to be of surpassing interest for its phonetic spellings of hitherto obscure ideograms and will settle also the meanings and connections of several divine names.

Obverse

1. ga-la-an i-ri-ga-al^{^[168]} a-ma ku-ul- 1. Oh queen of the "great city,"

la-ba ab mother of Kullab, ab¹

2. cn-a-nur-urP dur-ur-ku,^{^[169]} imin ab 2. Enanun that harnesses the

seven dogs, ab

3. tna-su itt-da-ag* ra mu-u-ri-na^{^[170]} 3. Chieftain lndag, the urintt-

ab spear, ab

4. ni-mi-ir^{^[171]} sa-ga ga-an-du-ur sa- ♦ 4. Potentate who the head

mal ta-ri-ba [ ab] [ab]

5. ga-la-an tnu-ga^{^[172]} bu-lu-uk-ku? 5. Oh queen.......... sovereign

ma mi-ri-{uga-al-la-[biab] thy foot is placed, [ab]

6. u-mu-un i-ri-ga-al gu-si-sa* 6. Oh lord of the vast abode, the

[ab] impetuous ox, [ab]

7. ir-ra-ga-al gu-si-sa^{^[173]}... .[ab] 7. Great (G)irra, the impetuous ox,

[ab]

8. ni-in-ni-Hm-ma gu ma-nu-un 8. [Lord] of whatsoever has a name,

.... [ab] ox who is unopposed, [ab]

9. e-{i-na* dur-ru-si-ga^{^[174]} dur-ru la- 9. Ezina, that sprinkles libations,

ri-ba[ab] that... libations, ab

War. ni-te-na, SBP. 160, 15. Note the variant nf-a-an-na, KL. 8 IV 7 and ni-dH-an-na, 11 Rev. Ill 29.

5 The text has ta, which I have corrected, but see KL. 8 IV 8 ff. ta at end of the lines, depending on some other motif.

'h'=?i-nafiiSu. Cf. KL. 8 IV 8; 11 Rev. Ill 31; SBP. 160, 17.

⁴ KL. 8 IV 9, ^dsu-kur-ru dumu nun-a ei-Ud-dil a^ag-ga-ta. SBP. 160, 18, ^dsu-ud-dm ama i-fdb-ba. SBP. 26, 7= BL. 72, 3, ^dsu-kur-ru dumu-nun-abfu-ge. Hence su-ud and sH-ud-dm are titles of ^dluruppak, the goddess of Shuruppak, a form of Gula, called marat rubt apst,"daughter of the prince of the sea." This goddess is clearly a form of Gula (see SBP. 161 n. 12) and Suruppak like Larak was probably a part of the great city I sin, modern Fara. But ^dluruppak is given as a title of Ninlil in the great list, CT. 24, 5, 9 = 22, 109, where she is also called ^dsu-ud. Here we have a tendency to identify the mother goddess of Shuruppak with the married deity Ninlil of Nippur. As to the goddess Sud, Sudam, note that SBH. 134, 36=SBP. 160, 18 renders ^ds&-ud-dm by "ditto," and dumu nun-a by [ma-rat ru-bi-)e, "daughter of the prince," i\ e._$daughter of Ea. The noun sud probably means "light," see above, note on Obv. io and 56- da-dm, a title of Aja, goddess of sunlight, and originally a type of the mother goddess Innini, later associated with Shamash of Agade, see Tammui and Isbtar 96 f. su-ud-da-dm = niir tami, a title of Innini as Venus, SBH. 98, 1. ^dsu-ud-dm clearly refers to Aja marat rubt, in SBP. 158, 1 = SBH. 134 II 4 f. Note also that Shamash and Aja come under the Ea pantheon, SBP. 159 n. 12. Hence the goddess of Shuruppak was a type of mother goddess especially connected with sunlight, elendili probably denotes a similar idea.

6 Var. KL. 8 IV 13 ^dKA-DI nam-en-me LI-SAR-te-me na-dm-dib-dib-ba-iba sic!)-to. Thus we have at last the reading of the ophidian god KA-DI of Dir, \-slr=e-{i-ir. s\r = {ir, is probably the root sir, "be long," hence serpent, rendered by $tru in Semitic. The Sumerian and Semitic words are not philogically connected. For KA-DI as a serpent god see Tammui and Isbtar₉p. 16 and 119 ff. The line corresponds to SBP. 162, 24.

6 A variant of sumugan < sumukan = ^iluGirra, god of the cattle and son of Shamash, CT. 24, 32, 112; ASKT. 105 Rev. 10 ^dGira dumu ^dBabbar sab nig-nam-ma-ge, "Gira son of Shamash, shepherd of whatsoever exists." sumu-gan contains the root gan=aladu, "to beget," and is connected with la-gan ( = mu'allidu) also a title of Gira, BM. 38177 and sakkan ( < la-gan) a dialectic variant, 81-8-30, 25 Rev. 8. See also Thureau-Dangin, RA. 11, 104.

7 Since Gira is the god of cattle, {ig-gdl should be rendered by b&lu, cattle, a passage which tends to show that II R. 24, 23 has no sign broken away before iig-gdl=al& (bOlum), domestic animals. Also Delaporte, Catalogue No. 298, has a similar title of Gira, ?ig-gdl Idr-tdr-bi, he who makes fat the cattle. [For ldr=dull&, see Syl. C. 75 and IV R. 20, 26.] This line corresponds to KL. 8 IV 12, ^dgU mal-aniu igi-bar [it] na-dm-ma-tiik-tiik ta.

1. ninni-ila

2. Ugir(?)^2
dba-u gu-gal nin

ur-sag

3. dingir sumugan me-mag-a lu-du

.... il-lu- -gal-lu

4. su-un-su-na sal-pd nin-gal

^d^]lag-ia-de-aga

5. dumu-an-na tur KA-pad-de

bur... Ju-ni-si

6. nin-a-{u-gal sag-gig-ga lu-ti-li

lit u-tud

7. $u-gal geltin kal-e se KU⁴ kalama

lu-a..

1. Lady that beareth awe

2. Princess Bau, the peeress, lady

......... the heroic

3. She that keepeth the great

decrees of Sumugan, the far- famed bearer of

4. The vigorous, the faithful

woman, the illustrious lady, goddess NIN(?)-$agladeaga. 5. Celestial daughter, she that choseth the o£spring of the sheepfolds, she whose hand filleth the.. bowl.

Great queenly healer of the

dark-headed people, she that gave life to man, she that created man.

She that apportions wine, beer

and barley-meal (?) unto the Land

She that possesseth a solicitous

heart, compassionate cow of the Land, lady who.................

9. ^den-lil lugal kur-kur-ra-[ge]

10. ^dnu-nam-nir en nam-tar-ri

11. el nibru-(ki) dur-an-ki-a enim-

gal-bi be-in-[ dug ]

12. e-kur {agxn-na mi-ni-im-mag-en

igi la.

13. sa-ku-kalig-ga ^dnu-nam-nir-ra-

[ge me-en]

14. an-gub-ba^{^[182]} e-kur-ra ka-pad -sum-

mu gu

15. ^den-lil-ld e-am a-mag-a-ni me-en

a-gub-ba-ni^{^[183]} [me-en]

16. su-na lita-ba ki-lal a-{u- ul

17. ^dnu-nam-nir nun kur-kur-ra-ge

18. nam-sag-tu-mag^b an-ki lu-{u im-

mi-in-ta-sum

19. mu-un-ila-en nam-nin el numun-

i-ia-ra mu-ra-an-sum

20. a-a ugu*-{u an dingir-mag-e mu-