EARLY HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH FROM ITS FOUNDATION TO THE END OF THE FIFTH CENTURY. VOLUME 3

CHAPTER II

ORIGENISM AND ST JEROME

It was Origen's unhappy fate to furnish in the Church for a protracted period an interim subject for theological disputes. When the great dogmatic crises began to subside and the heresiarchs to disappear, the demon of discord, which was not deprived of occupation thereby, brought up again the question of Origen. At once tempers began to grow warm ; sparks flew through the air; designing persons blew upon them with enthusiasm ; it was not long before a blaze burst out. We have seen this happen at the end of the 3rd century, immediately following the modalist crisis and the affair of Paul of Samosata. Then came persecution, then Arianism and its long turmoil: men's minds were otherwise engaged. But the times were now to become favourable once more.

After the Councils of 381 and 394 peace was restored in the East. The Arian party was gradually becoming part of the history of the past. The disciples of Apollinarius were beginning to take cover; those of them who remained were busied in depriving their master's works of marks of identification by attributing them to orthodox authors. By this means they kept his heresy in circulation and even procured for it for future days patronage which stood it in good stead; but for the moment, as the name of Apollinarius was no longer heard, no stir was caused. From his island of Cyprus the zealous Epiphanius swept the horizon in vain to discover some new heretic, and to furnish another item for his Panarion. It was labour lost! No teacher was now hazarding himself to produce an unpublished counterfeit of the Christian tradition. There was nothing for it but to turn one's attention to Origen and the Origenists.

The term "Origenist" is one upon which it is of the utmost importance to arrive at a clear conception. The great

Alexandrian doctor enjoyed, in cultivated circles, an admiration which was general, but always and everywhere tempered by a measure of reserve. The whole of his system was no longer held by anyone; even his most faithful disciples, Gregory of Nyssa and Didymus the Blind, had been obliged to come to terms with recent dogmatic definitions, and to accept important corrections of statement. At Antioch there was small relish for his transcendental mode of exegesis, in which the reality of the sacred narrative was dissolved. On other points, too, the origin of souls, the final restoration, the resurrection of the body, very serious objections had been raised in one quarter or another. In the acceptance extended to Origen one principle and one only was adopted as a guide: to take whatever in his work was wholesome and useful, and to leave to the author the responsibility for the remainder.

However, as we can well believe, the choice which was made in this way was not likely to be uniform; each decided for himself according to his education and his perception of doctrine. People like Athanasius, Basil, Gregory Nazianzen, Ambrose or Jerome knew how to profit by Origen without allowing themselves to be led into dangerous courses. Others, less well protected from within, yielded too much to certain attractive features such as the spiritualizing way in which the Alexandrian master explained the origin of souls and the resurrection of the body. This state of mind was not uncommon in the cells of Egypt and Palestine, at any rate in those where the occupants were thinkers. For these holy men the body was so inconsiderable a thing, and they put so much desperate vigour into their warfare with it, that they could not picture to themselves without a feeling of repugnance the immortality to \^hich it was predestined according to the teaching generally received. Origen on this point opened to them views more in accordance with their prepossessions.

Among the representatives of this tendency we may mention the monk Evagrius, one of the celebrities of Nitria.¹ A native of Pontus, he had begun his clerical career under the auspices of Basil and of Gregory of Nazianzus. The latter ordained him deacon and, on his departure from Constantinople, left him with his successor Nectarius. At this moment his virtue was almost overcome in a temptation of guilty passion; he fled in

¹ Cf. vol. II. p. 394, note i.

p. 39-42] EVAGRIUS, PALLADIUS, AND JEROME 29

time and took refuge at Jerusalem. But even there he had to endure terrible struggles, and as a result fell ill. Melania took care of him, heard his story, cured him and sent him to the monks of Nitria. For several years he had lived in the frightful desert of the Cells, when there came there (c. 390) a monk of Galatia, Palladius by name, who enrolled himself in the number of his disciples. Evagrius soon became a master in asceticism ; he composed for the benefit of the monks various writings which have been partly preserved. He was a man of great culture. In the school of Basil and of Gregory he could not have learnt to undervalue Origen. Like all those among the solitaries who were acquainted with letters, he read much of him. For all that, in what he himself wrote, there is scarcely any trace to be found of Origenist errors. As for Palladius, he is the author of the Historica Lausiaca, the historian of the monks of Egypt, among whom he lived down to the time of the death of Evagrius (January 399). He also, like Evagrius, was acquainted with Rufinus and Melania. All this circle found a common interest in Origen. Jerome, as we have seen, was of the same way of thinking. However we have now come to the time when he was to change his attitude. Hitherto, although he had translated much of Origen and had laid him largely under contribution for his commentaries on the Bible, he does not seem (far from it) to have perceived the heterodoxy of his author. Later, when he had changed his attitude and found himself embarrassed by his early writings, we shall see him protesting strongly that in Origen he had followed the interpreter of the Scriptures, not the dogmatic theologian. That is what at that time he would have wished to have done in the past; but when we read the books to which he refers in this connexion we are not struck by this distinction. Down to the year 392 and his De viris illustribus inclusive, the name of Origen is nowhere found in his writings without some laudatory description. He is never criticized: he is often defended, and defended with very considerable spirit.^{^[15]}

It was not that Jerome was ignorant of the opposition

aroused from the end of the 3rd century onwards, and aroused still a hundred years later, by the doctrinal work of his master. He had visited Egypt and knew that the monks of Nitria were not all Origenists. Then also, no doubt, he had got wind of the special horror which was professed in regard to Origen by the disciples of Pacomius, a horror which grew steadily in proportion to the decline in general culture and which was strengthened by the aversion of the Copts for everything which savoured of Hellenism.

But the most serious cause of Jerome's disturbance was the attitude of Epiphanius. The invectives of the •Panarion were not suffered to lose their warmth. The Bishop of Salamis was always there, always on the war-path, an adversary all the more troublesome because the eminent sanctity of his life won for him universal respect. To Jerome and Paula he was an old friend; they had entertained him in Rome and had visited him in Cyprus. The clergy and the faithful in Rome were also acquainted with him; any words of his which penetrated to them were sure to find respectful hearers. Jerome had for a long time allowed him to talk ; but he had no desire to make an enemy of him and used the greatest circumspection in his relations with him. On the other hand, and that was not likely to turn him from a certain reserve, in the monasteries of the Mount of Olives they readily made a great display of Origenism. Certain indications^{^[16]} lead us to believe that Evagrius' Nitrian cell communicated with those of Rufinus and of Melania and that letters of Palladius fostered there the feeling of enthusiasm for the master they revered.

Such was the position of affairs when in 393 there arrived at Jerusalem a certain Aterbius^{^[17]} who had been sent, no doubt, by the watchful Epiphanius. He went from monastery to monastery, insisting that the inmates should condemn the

p. 42-5] JEROME AND EPIPHANIUS 31

dogmas of Origen. Jerome satisfied him; Rufinus showed him the door, and rightly so, I think, for he was under no obligation to render accounts to this self-constituted inquisitor. If any one was in a position to require them from him, it was John, the Bishop of Jerusalem.

John was not a very great teacher, but he was not without literary knowledge. Like his predecessor Cyril, he had lived at first in an ecclesiastical circle which was somewhat suspect, or, to say the least, unfavourably regarded by Athanasius, Epiphanius, and Jerome. But that was a long while before. For the time being there was little reason for finding fault with him. Rufinus and Melania had rendered great services to his Church¹; he was on the most excellent terms with them. He was not in the habit of railing at Origen on every occasion and succeeded in performing his duties as a preacher without exciting provocative questions on that subject. We do not know how he regarded the mission of Aterbius, which was already an infringement of his episcopal rights; but we may feel sure that the news, which was reported shortly after, of the arrival of Epiphanius in person did not overwhelm him with joy.

Epiphanius landed in Palestine in the spring of the year 394. His monastery of Ad Vetus was still in existence, and in spite of distance he continued to care for it, and even visited it from time to time. But it was not for Ad Vetus that he had left his island of Cyprus this time. The old warrior came with a firmly fixed intention of extinguishing the central fire of Origenism which he believed himself to have discovered at Jerusalem.

He alighted upon Bishop Jolln, who gave him a hearty welcome. Epiphanius was far advanced in years. His virtues, which were already renowned at the time when he was living in his monastery in Palestine, had not ceased during the twenty- seven years of his episcopate to shine with the brightest lustre. The populace regarded him with veneration : they attributed to him many miracles. He had still ten years of life before him, and already he had entered into the domain of legend. Here was a living saint, a man of God. During his stay in Jerusalem the multitudes thronged around him, receiving his discourses with avidity, beseeching his blessing and tearing his robes from him in order to make relics of them. John was somewhat ¹ Hist. Laus. 46 (118).

embarrassed with his guest. He thought that Epiphanius' sermons lasted a very long time, and that there was too much in them about Origen and the Origenists. By way of retaliation he himself dealt with the subject of anthropomorphism. This was an old weapon of offence, often employed against the adversaries of the spiritualizing exegesis. They were asserted to be so attached to the letter of the Scripture that they pictured God to themselves in the form of a man with eyes, ears, and all the attributes of humanity. It is unnecessary to say that people so enlightened as Epiphanius did not fall into such absurdities; but it would not have been difficult to find in the lower ranks of the monastic body or of the common people heads which were open to such ideas.^{^[18]} Epiphanius was ready to express as much disapproval of anthropomorphism as anyone desired, but he always returned to the subject of Origenism. In exasperation John at length delivered a long discourse, in which he summarily set forth his belief in language conforming as closely as possible to the received teaching. Epiphanius, ill-satisfied with this formal display, could not, in the hearing of the people, do anything but express approval of it. John said only things that were good ; but he did not say everything that would have been required to satisfy the old master, and Epiphanius retained inwardly certain suspicions. He departed to Bethlehem to give vent to them before Jerome and his friends.

Jerome up to that time had not put himself forward.. Any objections that he might have to Origenism were not of long standing ; at any rate he was conscious of only having formulated them a few months earlier. For various reasons, among which must be reckoned the asperities of his character, he was less advanced than Rufinus in the good graces of the Bishop of Jerusalem. But he had not any real ground for breaking with him. He therefore advised Epiphanius to see John again and to endeavour to come to an understanding with him. The old man allowed himself to be half persuaded; he set out again on the road to Jerusalem; but being seized once more on the way by his fury against the Origenists, he went away again the same night to shut himself up in Ad Vetus.

p. 45-8] EPIPHANIUS AND ORIGENISM 33

Once on his own ground, he passed quickly from dull hostility to open war and set himself to write to various monasteries to rouse them against John and to persuade them to break off all communion with him. Jerome, though seriously annoyed by the turn which the affair was taking, at last made up his mind and ranged himself on the side of Epiphanius. It was a great sacrifice that he was making to his friendship for the Bishop of Salamis. His communities, as a matter of fact, were situated within John's episcopal jurisdiction; he might cause them serious trouble in regard to the sacraments, and this the more easily because neither Jerome nor the priest Vincent who assisted him in the direction of his disciples would consent to depart from the resolution which they had themselves taken not to exercise priestly functions.

In these circumstances there was sometimes tension between the monks of Bethlehem and the intractable saint of Ad Vetus. One day when Jerome had sent him some of his monks for the purpose of giving him explanations, and notably his brother Paulinian, Epiphanius took advantage of the opportunity to carry out a project which he had had in mind for some time: he announced his intention of conferring on Paulinian ordination to the priesthood. In this way Jerome's monasteries would be able to be served without having to trouble about John and his clergy. Paulinian, it is true, had no desire to become a priest, but such a refusal was not likely to stay Epiphanius. He caused the young monk to be seized, and whilst he was held by his arms and legs, and no protest could proceed from his mouth, because it was gagged, he ordained him deacon, and then, with the same procedure, conferred on him the ordination of priests.

Such proceedings might have passed in the times of Samuel and Elijah ; in the reign of Theodosius there was some difficulty in securing their acceptancc. John uttered vigorous complaints. He threatened to denounce the proceedings of Epiphanius far and wide, forbade the priests of Bethlehem to admit to baptism catechumens presented by Jerome's monks, and even refused to the latter access to the holy places connected with the Nativity.

Epiphanius, somewhat alarmed by the commotion which he had caused, made up his mind to depart, carrying with him to Cyprus "le consacre malgre lui." Before his departure, how- ever, he wrote to Bishop John a very clumsy letter in which he endeavoured,on extremely poor grounds, to justify the ordination of Paulinian,^{^[19]} and under colour of dissuading the bishop from the errors of Origen, does his utmost to compromise him with them. Rufinus, in spite of the fact that Epiphanius had treated him with friendship during his stay at Jerusalem, is singled out in this same document as being specially attached to OrigQn's heresies. Palladius is also included in its purview. The letter acquired, thanks to Epiphanius' efforts that it should do so, considerable publicity.

John was extremely aggrieved at the whole proceeding. He had been denounced to all persons of religious zeal as a supporter of heresy, and found himself brought into unpleasant difficulties with the Latin colony at Bethlehem. Of the latter he attempted to rid himself by decisive measures. He represented the monks of Bethlehem as schismatics, and obtained an order of expulsion against Jerome from the Praetorian prefect, Rufinus. But an invasion of the Huns which laid waste Cappadocia and the north of Syria, and threatened to extend to Palestine, delayed the execution of the order, and then came the downfall of the powerful minister. As a result, the police left both Jerome and his disciples undisturbed. But such methods of procedure were not calculated to soothe Jerome. The strife between the hermit and the bishopric became more bitter, so did that between the two Latin communities of Bethlehem and the Mount of Olives. Rufinus succeeded in obtaining a copy of the letter of Epiphanius to John which was preserved in Jerome's monastery, and had been enriched by him by a translation in the margin. This discovery made a great stir, and efforts were made to spread the belief that Jerome had not only translated but inspired the letter of Epiphanius.

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To this letter John answered at first only by a contemptuous silence; later he had recourse to Theophilus, the Bishop of Alexandria, who was also appealed to by Rufinus. Theophilus was the friend of both of them; he was not regarded as anti-Origenist—far from it. A man of education himself, he had a strong admiration for the great man, and did not disturb himself too much about his theology. In-order to prejudice him against Jerome, they did not fail to inform him of the hospitable reception accorded at the monastery of Bethlehem to an Egyptian bishop who was " persecuted " by his patriarch.

The attempt did not fail of its object. Theophilus sent to Palestine one of his priests, Isidore, a man of standing, who was himself extremely favourably disposed to Origen and was known to be so. He made great efforts to bring back Jerome into communion with his bishop, or at any rate to induce him to say why he had withdrawn from it. Jerome's one repeated answer was that the Faith was at stake; when pressed, he admitted that John had in no way changed since the time when they were on the best of terms; then he sheltered himself behind Epiphanius, who, so he alleged, regarded John as a heretic. The hermit was in the wrong, since before treating his bishop as a heretic he ought to have waited until the bishop had been declared to be so by the competent authority, an authority which was clearly not represented by Epiphanius acting quite alone. In Jerome's attitude in this matter we can see very clearly the tendency which was eminently characteristic of monks of referring oneself in matters of faith and discipline to the judgement of saintly individuals without troubling oneself much about the hierarchy or actual law. Isidore returned to Egypt without having met with success. He carried with him, however, a letter¹ from Bishop John to the Patriarch of Alexandria, in which John described the position of affairs from his own point of view. This document created a stir which spread as far as Rome and was a source

¹ We still possess this, in fragments, in the refutation of it by Jerome, Contra Johannem Hierosolymitanum, a pamphlet which it is very difficult to place chronologically and which is, besides, unfinished. It would seem to have been written in 396, shortly after the letter which it combats ; but certain passages point to a date about three years later (c. 1., 17, 41). Jerome, if he wrote it in 399, had already been reconciled with the Bishop of Jerusalem. We can imagine that he neither completed nor published a work so likely to give him umbrage.

III. D

of anxiety to Jerome's ordinary correspondents. Epiphanius, on his side, wrote to Pope Siricius, but the Pope turned to him a deaf ear. He had been warned previously against Jerome and against Epiphanius himself, who was represented to him by the letters of Theophilus¹ as an upholder of schism and of heresy. Jerome, who had no great support to expect from Rome, ended by yielding to the urgent exhortations of Theophilus and became reconciled to Rufinus. They met one another at the Holy Sepulchre, shook hands, and a Mass was celebrated. This was in 397. In all probability an arrangement dating from that time was arrived at with John, who seems to have authorized Paulinian to exercise his functions in his brother's monastery, and Jerome seems in return to have pledged himself not to harry the bishop any longer on the question of doctrine.

Peace being made, Rufinus set out for Rome. We do not know exactly what brought him back to Italy, after an absence of four-and-twenty years. But, to judge from his proceedings there, it is to be feared that the object of his journey was to rehabilitate in Latin opinion the position of Origen which had been compromised by the recent disputes. Immediately on landing he fell in with a holy man, Macarius, who, as though in the nick of time, was in search of information in regard to Origen and his teaching. Rufinus translated for him the Apology for Origen, which had been composed in earlier days by the martyr Pamphilus with the collaboration of Eusebius of Caesarea. It would have been impossible to conceive a better recommendation. Pamphilus was a martyr of renown ; he had written his book in close confinement, while waiting for the hour of his agony ; he had dedicated it to the confessors who were shut up in the gaols of Palestine and with the express intention of replying to the criticisms already raised against Origen. Rufinus knew what he was doing in beginning with such a book. He adopted, however, certain personal precautions and added to his preface explanations of his own doctrine, especially in regard to the resurrection of the flesh, adding that such was the doctrine taught by the Bishop of Jerusalem. This doctrine is as orthodox as it is uncharacteristic of Origen.

The first step taken, Rufinus in answer to new and urgent ¹ Palladius, Dial. 16.

p. 51-3] RUFINUS AND JEROME 37

entreaties from Macarius, determined to take the bull by the horns and to offer to the Roman public the great summary of Origen's teaching, the Peri Archon. But he did not translate it exactly as it stood. As an explanation of Origen's very serious errors he had ready to his hand an idea, a mistaken idea but one of which in analogous cases many others before him had availed themselves, viz., that the works of the great Doctor had been retouched by heretics. Acting on this presupposition, he adapted the passages to which objection might be raised in the name of the Council of Nicaea. The passages were not the only ones which were open to criticism. However, Rufinus stayed his hand there, very mistakenly, for as a result he seemed to adopt all that he did not correct.

To crown his imprudence he purported to cover himself with the patronage of Jerome. In his preface he recalls the eulogies addressed to Origen in earlier days by his illustrious friend and the partial translations of him which he had already made. It would have been much to be desired that the Peri Archon should have been presented to the Latin public by so well practised a pen; but suice more important labours did not allow Jerome leisure for the humble business of translation, Rufinus had thought it in his power to undertake it himself. He proposed, further, to translate Origen in the same way as Jerome had done before him, that is to say with a certain independence in regard to the text, where that should be incorrect from a doctrinal standpoint.

The arrival of Rufinus had not been unattended by some degree of uneasiness in the circle of Jerome's friends. They had followed the polemics in Palestine during the previous years; a certain Eusebius, a native of Cremona, who had lived for a long time at Bethlehem on terms of close intimacy with Jerome, returned to Italy about this time, and his attitude may readily be imagined. The translations of the Apology and the Principia as the one followed the other created a great stir in such circles as these. Marcella protested loudly. Pammachius, Oceanus, and others of the same way of thinking made a great commotion. But the old Pope Siricius who, thanks to a calm and conciliatory spirit, had seen the end of more than one difficult affair, was not the man to be fired by these quarrels between monks. When Rufinus left him in order to return to Aquileia, the Pope gave him letters for the bishop of that great town. In spite of all that the friends of Jerome might say, it was his rival who had the upper hand.

Unfortunately for Rufinus, Siricius died at the end of the year 399,^{^[20]} and Anastasius, who was appointed as his successor without delay, was not slow in giving evidence of quite different views. He was not a great ecclesiastic. Before Rufinus and his translations, he had never heard either of Origen or of his works.^{^[21]} Marcella, Pammachius, and the rest eagerly gathered round him; but it does not seem, for all that, that he was in a great hurry to take a side. However, in the spring of the year 400, he received from Alexandria news which was eminently calculated to stir him to action: Theophilus had declared war upon Origenism.

It was a complete surprise. Theophilus, as we have seen from what has just been said about the quarrels in Palestine, was, in the East, the most notable patron of Origenism, not of course in the sense of embracing Origen's errors but because those errors did not seem to him a sufficient reason for proscribing alike the author and his works. His attitude was almost exactly that of John of Jerusalem and of Rufinus. Epiphanius was a person with whom he felt little sympathy. It was certainly not to please him that he had published, at the beginning of the year 399, a Paschal Letter in which he delivered an uncompromising attack on the anthropomorphites. This document met with a very unfavourable reception in the deserts of Nitria,^{^[22]} where anthropomorphites were by no means rare; and the discontent found vent, at Alexandria itself, in a disturbance on the part of the monks in which the archbishop found himself hemmed in closely enough to discover that his campaign would not be supported by public opinion, and that this opinion declared itself with unmistakable clearness against Origen.⁴

It was at this time that there arose his quarrel with the priest Isidore. Till then, Isidore had been the Patriarch's confidential servant, his right hand. Theophilus had taken him from the Nitrian desert to make him the head of the p. 53-6] THEOPHILUS AND THE TALL BROTHERS 39

organization of hospitality and alms (gevoooxo?) in connexion with his great Church. On various occasions he had entrusted him with delicate missions to Rome, to Constantinople, and to Palestine. In the previous year (398) he had made strenuous exertions to secure his election as Bishop of Constantinople. But in spite of all these relations in the past they fell out. Isidore, the natural protector of the interests of the poor, thought that his bishop wasted money on useless buildings ; and on other points too he found himself compelled to oppose him.^{^[23]} People did not oppose Theophilus: Isidore was broken in the attempt. He was eighty years old ; his asceticism and his aloofness from the world were well known. It was not easy to find a hold upon such a man. Theophilus attacked him in his honour. He set on foot an odious accusation which was never developed but which he used a5 a pretext for excommunicating his former friend without trial. Isidore retired to Nitria and resumed his life as a solitary. The monks gave him a warm welcome, or at any rate those of them did so who did not tremble at the very name of the Patriarch. Among the number were four brothers, all of great stature, who were known as the Tall Brothers; one of them, Dioscorus, had been compelled by Theophilus to accept the bishopric of Hermopolis Parva, in the jurisdiction of which the deserts of the monks were situated ; another was the celebrated Ammonius, who had cut off one of his ears in order to escape the office of bishop^{^[24]}; the two others were called Eusebius and Euthymius.

The storm broke upon them also. Theophilus demanded the banishment of those of the monks whom he regarded as responsible for the welcome given to Isidore whom he had proscribed. But these monks were those who were held in the highest esteem for their knowledge, and regarded with the greatest veneration for their moral character.^{^[25]} They felt it incumbent upon them to go to Alexandria to talk over the matter with the Patriarch : the only answer they received was insult and brutality. Theophilus so far forgot himself as to box the ears of the venerable Ammonius ; he threw his own pallium round his neck as though he intended to strangle him, and cried " Heretic : anathematize Origen then."

It was the first time that Origen appeared in this dispute, the first exhibition of the change which had taken place in the Patriarch's opinions. From that time forward Theophilus had a starting-point for his campaign. He called together a council¹—it was but a matter of form, for what power had the bishops of Egypt against the will of their Patriarch?—and decreed in this assembly that the works of Origen were definitely pernicious, and that the reading of them should be henceforth proscribed.² Then turning against the monks, who had betaken themselves once more to their solitudes, the Patriarch caused three of them, the three brothers of Dioscorus, to be accused by persons devoted to his interests, delated them to the Augustal Prefect, obtained a decree of expulsion against them and took upon himself the execution of the sentence. To effect this he set out for Nitria, accompanied by a few bishops and officials of the Prefect with the addition of the episcopal servants and a large muster of representatives of the rabble of Alexandria. On arriving at its destination, the expedition was swelled by a crowd of monks of more or less anthropomorphite views, who were filled with fanatical hatred of Origen and greedy for an opportunity of taking part in the rout of their opponents. Bishop Dioscorus had collected his flock in the principal church of the valley ; his monks held palms in their hands, in order, it would seem, to do honour to the Patriarch. But Theophilus did not so interpret them ; to him these leafy branches seemed suspicious ; he regarded them as concealing cudgels for unfriendly use. His company assumed a hostile attitude; dreadful shouts were raised, and they rushed into the sacred edifice. Negro slaves dashed to the episcopal chair where Dioscorus was seated, and he was torn from it. Theophilus, having overcome all resistance, held council with his bishops and his monks; the doctrine of Origen was investigated and condemned, with how much freedom of spirit we may imagine in such an assembly and in such circumstances.

1 In the early months of the year 400, after the sending of the Paschal Letter, which does not seem to have mentioned Origen.

2 In the same spirit the Paschal Letter of 401 (Jerome, Ep. 96) contains a direct attack upon the errors of Origen.

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As for the three monks that the expedition had come to arrest, they were not discovered, for they kept themselves concealed at the bottom of a well. Their opponents had to be content with burning their cells and their books. The Patriarch returned to Alexandria, but he made life a burden to his adversaries, and they, regarding the position as untenable, made up their minds to depart of their own accord. Besides the three who had been condemned, hundreds of monks left the Egyptian deserts at this time. The main body made their way towards Palestine. Among them was Isidore, and as he was not lacking in means he provided for their maintenance. Such an exodus was not at all in accordance with the wishes of Theophilus, who had not the least desire to be represented as a persecutor of monks and was not without uneasiness as to the reception which the exiles might receive.

At the outset^{^[26]} he had sent word to Pope Anastasius, who without further delay declared himself in opposition to Origen, his books, and his translator. From that quarter the Bishop of Alexandria was free from anxiety. He wrote also to the bishops of Palestine and of the Island of Cyprus a letter ^{^[27]} of extreme violence against the Nitrian monks and against Origen's doctrine. We still possess the reply of the Episcopate of Palestine, a reply couched in very prudent terms, in which they reprehend categorically those who have wished " to draw from the doctrines of Origen a noxious form of teaching," and at the same time they declare that persons excommunicated by the Bishop of Alexandria will only be received into communion provided they have given satisfaction to him and in this way recover his good-will. The reply was correct in tone, but nothing more.^{^[28]} It is quite a different order of enthusiasm which is displayed in the correspondence between Jerome and Epiphanius.^{^[29]} The holy man of Cyprus is quite beside himself with joy: " At last Amalek is destroyed, root and branch; on Mt. Rephidim is raised the trophy of the Cross. . . . On the altar of the Church of Alexandria, Theophilus, the servant of God, has raised the standard against Origen."

The most peaceable among the monks remained apparently in Palestine or even returned to Egypt as the result of some arrangement with the terrible archbishop. Some fifty of them who were not satisfied with being left in peace and desired that they should be given justice, embarked for Constantinople.¹But before we follow them thither we must return to Italy, where the storm was bursting upon Rufinus.

On leaving Rome Rufinus had written to Jerome, who at the same moment had just received the unfortunately-timed preface of the Peri Archon. An extraordinary thing happened ! The hermit did not take fire at once. He preferred to call to mind the reconciliation which was still quite recent and the promises made at the Anastasis; he replied to Rufinus,² not without irony, but on the whole quite amicably, assuring him that he was making people whom he sent to Italy promise not to fail to see his old friend at Aquileia, and his supporters in Rome not to awaken fresh disputes.

But Jerome's friends were little inclined for peace. When the letter to Rufinus reached them, they intercepted it. Pammachius and Oceanus had, no doubt, already written to Bethlehem to draw Jerome's attention to the misuse which was being made of his name, and the danger in which he stood of being regarded as a patron of Origenism. He was exhorted to translate the Peri Archon himself in order that light might be thrown on it once for all and people might be able to see whether Origen was orthodox or heretical.

Jerome complied. He immediately sent to his friends a straightforward translation, without any correction. Pammachius was so greatly scandalized by it that he kept it at the bottom of his desk, but not so strictly, however, as to prevent a copy of it being taken. If some doubts might still have been maintained after the version made by Rufinus, Jerome's dissipated them : Origen was undoubtedly heretical.

At the same time as the new translation, Jerome's two friends received a letter³ from him in which, without naming

1 It is not certain, in spite of what is said about it by Socrates (vi. 9) and Sozomen (viii. 13), that Isidore and Dioscorus made the journey with the others. In a letter to Epiphanius, written at the end of 401 or the beginning of 402 (Jerome, Ef. 90), Theophilus only mentions among the leaders of the monks who made their way to Constantinople, Ammonius, Eusebius, and Euthymius. Isidore died in 403 (Palladium. Hist. Laus. i.).

2 Ep. 81. ³ Ep. 84.

P. 59-62] JEROME AND RUFINUS 43

Rufinus, he adopted a defensive attitude, and one characterized by singular asperity. " Why should people claim his patronage? Could they not be heretics without him? No doubt he had praised Origen, but the admiration which he had always professed for Origen's ability had never closed his eyes to Origen's errors. It is alleged that these errors are interpolations of designing persons. Let them believe it if they can. Origen had fallen absolutely and unquestionably into the heresies contained in his books. It was useless to seek to cover him under the patronage of Pamphilus : the Apology was not the martyr's, it was the work of Eusebius of Caesarea."

At the time when he entered the lists Jerome was still in ignorance of the changes of front which were in course of execution in high places, equally at Rome and at Alexandria. Theophilus had not shown more energy in " raising the standard" than Pope Anastasius, whom he had warned,¹ in taking formal action of his own. At the request of Eusebius of Cremona, Origen was expressly condemned and his books proscribed; a notification² of the sentence was despatched to Simplicianus, the Bishop of Milan ; subsequently, as he died shortly afterwards,³ his successor, Venerius, received another letter to the same effect⁴; and finally steps were taken to obtain from the imperial authority a decree of official proscription. These steps were successful: the writings of Origen were officially prohibited, in the same way as the works of Porphyry and of Arius.

Origen was not the only person concerned. Jerome's friends demanded also the condemnation of Rufinus, towards whom the new Pope was evidently exceedingly ill-disposed. But Rufinus was not easy to attack. Apart from the friends, also numerous, that he possessed in Rome and whom he owed in part to his relations with Melania, he was known to be closely allied with the saintly persons of Nola, Paulinus, and Theresa, who though treated with some coldness by Pope Siricius, were now in high favour with his successor. Chromatius, the venerable Bishop of Aquileia, had given an exceedingly warm welcome to his fellow-countryman. Not

1 Jaffe, 276 ; cf. Jerome, Ep. 88.

2 Jerome, Ep. 95 ; Jaffe, 276. ³ August 15, 400.

⁴ Jaffe, 281 ; cf. Add. et corr, vol. ii., p. 691. The best edition is that of P. van den Gheyn in the Revue d'hist. et de litt. relig., vol. iv., p. 5.

that he was not on good terms with Jerome: he never ceased to inculcate peace. Finally Bishop John of Jerusalem did not forget his friends on the Mount of Olives¹; under guise of consulting Anastasius on the case of Rufinus, he endeavoured to set him on his guard against the counsels of fanatics.

We have no evidence that Anastasius took steps against Rufinus. The latter, however, thought that he ought to do something to appease the anger which had been excited against him : he addressed to the Pope² a confession of faith of a highly satisfactory character. This document does not seem, it is true, to have made any sensible change in the attitude of its recipient, but no doubt it contributed to hinder him from pushing matters further, and created a good impression in the ecclesiastical world. We do not know whether Anastasius made any reply to this Apology of Rufinus; he refrained from mentioning it in his reply to John of Jerusalem³: "Origen," he says, " is a pernicious author; if Rufinus has translated him to make people detest his errors, he has done well; if to recommend him, he has done ill. All depends upon the intention, a matter of which God alone is the Judge. For the person of Rufinus the Pope has no responsibility; he does not wish to know either where he is or what he is doing "

It would be difficult to show less kindliness of tone. Rufinus might make up his mind to say good-bye to any pontifical favour. It only remained to him for the future to address himself to public opinion. He did so without delay. I have already said that Jerome's friends had had the stupidity to suppress the letter in comparatively pacific terms which he had sent to them for his old friend. The result was that the shrewd thrusts of the letter to Pammachius and Oceanus stood alone and without modification as expressing his feelings in regard to Rufinus. Rufinus now took up his pen: in his Apology, which is divided into two books, he sets out in the first place his defence against Jerome's imputations, and then takes his opponent to task for his attitude in the matter of Origen, for his translation of the Bible, and for his devotion to

1 Melania, in all probability, was still at Jerusalem.

2 Migne, P. Lvol. xxi., p. 623.

3 Migne, P. L., vol. xxi., p. 627. Another letter, which is now lost, was addressed to the East after this one (Jerome adv. Ruf. iii. 21, 38).

p. 107-10] DONATISM UNDER JULIAN 77

who saw them at work, tells us the story of their return in no unmoved fashion. Naturally, they hurled themselves on their churches and drove the Catholics out of them with violence if need served.¹ In answer to their call the larger part of the masses who had submitted to reunion returned noisily to schism. When the churches had be^ recovered, they set themselves to disinfect them by repeated lustrations; sacred things found in them could only be considered as profane, for the Catholic priests possessed, in the eyes of their opponents, no sacerdotal power. The altars were broken, or at any rate scraped: the Chrism was thrown out of the window and the Eucharist to the dogs. As for those who had accepted union and had taken part in the sacraments of the " traditors," they were subjected to penance whether they were clergy or simple lay folk. Needless to say, the consecrations of virgins, the ordinations, the baptisms,² and all the ceremonies performed during the union were declared void and repeated.

The disappearance of Julian from the scene made no material change in the situation. Valentinian, as we have seen, was little disposed to take a side in ecclesiastical controversies. He did not alter the policy of his predecessor. The exiles remained in the country, and the relations of the

1 Optatus tells us of several incidents which occurred at Lemellef, Tipasa, Carpi, and Tysedis ; but it is chiefly the general features that we must bear in mind here.

2 The Donatist, Tychonius (ztide infra, p. 79), gave an account of a great council held at Carthage in the early days of the schism by 270 bishops belonging to his party. It was there decided, after protracted debates, to admit the "traditors" to communion without imposing on them, if they did not wish it, a new baptism. He cited in particular the case of one Deuterius, Bishop of Macriana, who had acted in this way, and with whom the great Donatus had always remained on good terms. This was further the universal practice in Mauritania, down to the enforced union of 347 (Aug. Ep. xciii. § 43). The persons here in question are not Catholics baptized in their church since the beginning of the schism who had passed over later to the ranks of the Donatists, but "traditors" properly so-called, immensi criminis rei, persons who had been baptized before the schism, in the still united Church, and consequently validly baptized even in the eyes of the schismatics. The question debated in the council then was whether backsliding subsequent to this baptism had or had not destroyed its effect. Such had been, immediately after the persecution, the opinion of Donatus of Casae Nigrae (Vol. II., p. 87). At Rome too, after the Council of Ariminum, there were to be found fanatics (Vol. II., p. 285) who maintained that those who had accepted its formulas must be rebaptized.

dissentients whether with the Catholics or with the Imperial authorities practically assumed once more the character which they had possessed in the last days of Constantine and down to about 347.

Roman Africa reflected the general weakening of the Empire. Ever and again the tribes of the desert made their appearance to hurl themselves on the frontier which was often dismantled of its defences and too weak to stay their inroads. In the interior the Berber peoples who had retained their autonomy were in a state of unrest and sought for and assumed positions which gave cause for alarm. The result was an ever- increasing preponderance of the military authorities. The Proconsul and the Vicarius, officials of very high rank, but civilians, counted for little in the counsels of the Count of Africa, who was the commander of the army. This position was occupied at that time by Romanus,¹ who owed his appointment to Jovian. He was a cruel and rapacious man, more ready to plunder the provinces than to defend them. Everyone complained of him, but the favour of Remigius, the " Master of the Offices," prevented the accusations from reaching the Emperor. The Donatists reckoned him in the number of their persecutors; but they were not the only sufferers from his administration. This was prolonged for a considerable time, about a dozen years, and ended in a catastrophe.

The two Bishops of Carthage at that time were Restitutus for the Catholics and Parmenian for the dissidents. The former, who had been one of the leaders of the Council of Ariminum, had had no small share in the backsliding of that assembly. It would seem that even under the orthodox emperors he maintained his unhappy attitude. St Athanasius was obliged to bring pressure to bear on the Africans to make them abandon the Creed of Ariminum and attach themselves to that of Nicaea.² This fact, in combination with the ecclesiastical

Ammianus, xxvii. 9.

² Vol. II., pp. 238, 374, 375. The Africans took but a small share in the great conflicts that arose out of Arianism. In 343 the "Eastern" Council of Sardica had addressed its circular letter {cf. Vol. II., p. 173) to Donatus of Carthage. The latter, if we are to believe St Jerome, seems to have written a book on the Holy Spirit in an Arian sense ("Ariano dogmati congruens," De Vtris, 93). St Augustine (Ep. clxxxv. 1), on the whole, exonerates the Donatists and Donatus himself from any compromise with Arianism. Gratus, Bishop of Carthage, seems to have attended the Council p. 110-12] CONDITION OF AFRICA 79

isolation which followed, was ill-calculated to strengthen the position of orthodoxy in Africa in face of resuscitated Donatism. And this was the more to be regretted because the dissidents had given to their illustrious chief Donatus, who had died in exile, a successor who was himself a man of high distinction : Parmenian did not confine himself to ruling his sect; he wrote in its defence.

It was as a reply to one of his writings that Optatus, the Bishop of Milevis (Mileu) in Numidia, published about 370 a treatise in six books¹ in which he relates the early history of the schism, combats the principles on which it was endeavoured to support it, removes the reproaches which were wont to be made to the Catholics on the score of the coercive measures which had been enacted and executed by the Government, and finally censures his opponents for their rebaptisms and for the uncompromising aversion which they showed for religious tranquillity.

Nothing of any special importance seems to have resulted from this controversy between the two bishops. The Donatists were irreconcilable. There was no way of persuading them to oral debates whether in private or in public. Certain differences of attitude may, however, be discerned in their ranks. About the time at which we have arrived, one of them, Tychonius, who was deeply versed in the study of the Bible²and had a considerable bent for controversy, published among other works a treatise³ entitled "Intestine Warfare," in which

of Sardica, of which he speaks in one of his canons (c. 5, cf. Vol. II., p. 194). The heretical formula of 357 was condemned in Africa (Hilary, Contra Const. 76); the bishops responsible for this open step were persecuted. In 358 there were four African bishops at Sirmium who signed the formulas put forward by the Homoiousians against the Anomceans (Sozomen, H. E. iv. 15 ; cf. Vol. II., p. 232). The large number of bishops collected at Ariminum in the following year is a reason for thinking that an appeal had been extensively made to the African body.

1 Some fifteen years later Optatus revised his book and completed it with a view to a second edition which does not seem to have been reached. What is known as the Seventh Book belongs to this corrected work.

2 We still possess a treatise of Tychonius on Seven Rules of Interpretation, which was highly esteemed by St Augustine {De Doctr. Christ. iii. 30 ff.). His commentary on the Apocalypse is lost; but we can reconstruct it for the most part by the aid of the Catholic authors who have made use of it, such as Primasius, Cassiodorus, Bede, and Beatus.

3 De Bello Intestino, a lost work.

he enunciated principles which had very little Donatism about them. He admitted that the true Church is that which is spread throughout the whole world, and that it does not lose its character as the Church in the true sense from the fact that it contains an admixture of sinners with the righteous. With such views Tychonius might have been expected to abandon his sect. The inconsistency in which he was involved by remaining in it was pointed out to him by a reply from the principal leader, Parmenian himself.¹ Others, without however grounding themselves on the principles of Tychonius, went further than he did and formed a body apart. Hence there arose schisms within the ranks—the Claudianists in Proconsular Africa, the Urbanists of Numidia, the Rogatists of Mauritania. The last named were headed by the Bishop of Cartenna (T£nes); they formed a section of some importance,² distinguished from the general body of Donatists by an inferior degree of ferocity. There were no Circumcellions among them.

In 372 the country in which they lived was the scene of sanguinary conflicts.³ Nubel, one of the great Moorish chiefs who were subject to the Empire, chanced to die, leaving a large but disunited family. One of his sons, Namma, a protege of Count Romanus, was assassinated by Firmus, his own brother. Pursued by Romanus, Firmus deemed that he could best secure his safety by revolting and setting himself up as a Pretender. He succeeded in seducing from their allegiance a body of Roman troops, and a tribune of the regular army took off his collar and made him a crown. Mauritania, which had been exasperated by the exactions of Romanus, rose almost to a man ; while the peoples of the Atlas who had been more or less subdued took part in the revolt. Romanus was unsuccessful in curbing the movement, and even in preventing Firmus from burning to ashes the town of Caesarea, the capital of the country. In some aspects it was

1 A lost letter, which can be reconstructed in part from a refutation devoted to it later by St Augustine (Contra Ep. Parmeniani, libri iii.).

2 In his letter {Ep. 93) to Vincentius, the successor of Rogatus, which was written about 408, St Augustine speaks of ten or eleven Rogatist bishops. But in the forty years which had elapsed since its origin, this little church had passed through evil days and no doubt had had many losses.

3 Ammianus, xxviii. ff.

p. 112-5] SCHISMS IN DONATISM 81

a war of religion: the Donatists had taken the side of the usurper. Whilst he was master, Catholics and Rogatists^{^[45]} had to endure evil times.

But Valentinian intervened. A distinguished general, Theodosius, the father of the future Emperor, landed in Africa with troops that could be relied upon. Romanus was immediately arrested and sent to the Court, and the insurrection which had assumed enormous proportions was in the end put down. Firmus, driven to despair, hanged himself at the moment when he was about to be handed over to Theodosius. When these passions had been allayed, things returned to their former condition. The Government, of course, could not fail to be more unfavourably disposed to the Donatists who had been compromised in the rebellion. It is for this reason, no doubt, that we find, in 373, 377, and 379, laws against the practice of Rebaptism.^{^[46]} Little was done to put them into execution, at any rate in places where the Donatists were the masters, and especially in Numidia. The Circumcellions reappeared, making havoc of the country districts: in the towns very strange scenes were to be witnessed. One day the Donatist Bishop of Hippo forbade the bakers to bake bread for the Catholics, of whom there were but few in the place. One of their deacons had a Donatist baker as a lodger: he could not induce him to put his dough in the oven.^{^[47]}Everywhere that they could, the sectaries devoted themselves to harassing the Catholics. The least that they did was to shun all communication with them, all conversation, especially on the subject of the schism.

It was in these conditions—conditions generally speaking of extreme misery—that the African Church lived or vegetated during the thirty years which followed the death of Constantius and the return of the proscribed Donatists. Optatus is the only Catholic writer of whom we find mention: of councils, of the Bishop of Carthage, we hear nothing further. It is only in 390 that we meet with a successor of St Cyprian—a certain

Genethlius who is known as having brought together two provincial councils, one in an official residence {in praetorio)> the other in the basilica called " Perpetua Restituta." Of the latter there remain a dozen canons, all dealing with ordinary discipline and devoid of interest for the history of local disputes. Relations were always maintained with the Apostolic See. Pope Siricius sent to Africa about this time the ordinances of a Roman council held in 386, in which he strongly enjoins the observance of ecclesiastical celibacy. The Church of Africa was doubtless represented, in 391, at the Council of Capua, for in subsequent years we find it exhibiting the utmost respect for the decisions of that assembly.

This year 391 marks an epoch in the history of African Christianity. It was then that there appear on the scene the three men who were for long to play the principal parts upon it—Augustine, who in this very year became a priest at Hippo; Aurelius and Primianus, who at Carthage replaced Genethlius and Parmenian respectively at the head of the two rival communions. It was then too that crises occurred in the bosom of Donatism which were destined to reduce it to weakness, while on the Catholic side there begins to develop a course of action marked by intelligence and perseverance which was destined in the long run to put an end to this lamentable division.

Africa was now subject to a native ruler, Gildo, another son of Nubel, who was invested with even more extensive powers¹ than the previous Counts of Africa. He had been established in 387, and held his position for nearly twelve years. In the time of Romanus and the elder Theodosius he had borne arms against his brother Firmus, and had found the Donatists among his adversaries. Now he showed them favour. It was in the neighbourhood of Mt. Aurasius, a military district, that the schism had always had its strongest positions: Bagai' and Thamugad for the Donatists were like Holy Cities. Just at this time the see of Thamugad was filled by a regular bandit named Optatus. Strong through the friendship of Gildo, which caused him to be dubbed Optatus the Gildonian, he was to be found everywhere where there was an ill deed to be done in his own interest or in that of his sect. He soon ¹ Comes et magister utriusque militiae per Africam {Cod. Theod. ix. 7> 9).

p. 115-18] THAMUGAD AND CARTHAGE 83

became the terror of Numidia: the fear of him extended as far as Carthage and to the recesses of Mauritania, where he went periodically to harry the Rogatists. This Episcopal scourge was able in some respects to promote the interests of the Donatists; but on the whole and before the public opinion of Africa he compromised them.

A scandal of another kind arose from broils between some members of the Donatist clergy of Carthage and their new bishop, Primianus.^{^[48]} The latter, for reasons of which we are imperfectly informed, set some of his deacons against him, notably a certain Maximian who belonged to the family of the great Donatus. Maximian was deprived by a very summary procedure. He resisted. On his side, as in earlier days on the side of Majorinus, there appeared a grande dame possessed of influence and a turn for intrigue, who set herself to organize a party in his interest and invoked the assistance of the episcopate. Forty-three bishops assembled themselves at Carthage in defiance of Primianus, who refused to see them and to appear before them. They adjourned themselves to another council which took place towards the end of June 393, at Cabarsussi in Byzacena. About a hundred bishops were present. Primianus refrained from appearing: he was sentenced per contumaciam and deposed on various grounds,^{^[49]} principally because he had shown himself too easy in admitting the Claudianists to communion. Maximian took his place: he was elected and consecrated at Carthage in the usual form by a dozen of the neighbouring bishops; but Primianus had not relinquished his post. The Donatists who had deposed him belonged to the eastern provinces, Africa Proconsularis, Byzacena, and Tripolitana. He appealed from them to the episcopate of Numidia, who still formed as they had done at the beginning the principal strength of the party. Three hundred and ten bishops met together after Easter (April 24, 394) in the following year in the church of Baga'i. Affecting to ignore the Council of Cabarsussi and its sentence, the assembly^{^[50]} admitted Primianus among its members; then, without even troubling itself to confirm the deprivation of Maximian, it proceeded against his twelve consecrators and they were deposed. As for the bishops who had given their adhesion to his intrusion, they were given till Christmas for repentance.

They did not all return to a better mind—far from it: Maximian's schism reached deep down. The dissidents had to suffer considerably. On one side Optatus and his fierce Circum- cellions waged a merciless war against them and struck them down without ceremony. On the other Primianus and his supporters invoked the laws against dissenters—laws of which they themselves complained so strongly and which had been directed against them. The magistrates, daunted by their boldness and by the authority of the great Council of Bagaif, allowed sentences of expulsion to be extorted from them. One of Maximian's consecrators, Salvius, Bishop of Membressa, was subjected to shameful indignities. Since his own flock could not be relied upon to put him out, an appeal was made to the people of Abitina, a neighbouring town. These hastened to the spot with exultation, seized hold of the old bishop, and after making him a necklace of dead dogs, proceeded to dance round him like savages to the accompaniment of obscene songs.

These occurrences had been followed with attention by the Catholics. They saw reproduced in the very bosom of Donatism all the details of the schisms of 313—a Bishop of Carthage repudiated by a section of his clergy; the bishops of the province called to take cognizance of the affair, and ending by siding against the bishop, by deposing him ; one of his clergy ordained in opposition to him ; the former bishop extricating himself from this position by decisions given at a distance, and by the help of the public authority. That no point of resemblance might be wanting, now as in former days there was a woman in the case, a matron of Carthage who filled the part of her ancestress, Lucilla. With what grace, men said to the supporters of Primianus, with what grace do you reproach us with Caecilian, Miltiades, and the magistrates of Constantine ? You have just repeated their story.

However, Gildo adopted in politics an attitude which was open to suspicion. It is true that he had not recognized the "usurper" Eugenius; but he had not aided Theodosius to p. 118-21] PRIMIANUS, GILDO, AUGUSTINE 85

put him down. When the Emperor was dead, he was seen opposing Stilicho and intriguing with Eutropius. There were times when he put obstacles in the way of the despatch of corn-supplies, on which depended the feeding of Rome. " Our bread is at the mercy of the Moor," said the poet Claudian.¹In 397 he threw off the mask entirely and joined Africa to the empire of Arcadius. The senate, adopting the language of olden days, declared him a public enemy. At the beginning of the year 398 a fleet crossed to Africa. The army which disembarked from it was under the leadership of Mascezel, Gildo's own brother, who had quarrelled with him shortly before and had passed into the service of Stilicho. The campaign did not last more than a few days. Defeated at Ammaedara (Haidra) Gildo took to flight, reached the sea and took ship: a mishap in navigating it brought him back to Tabraca, where he was arrested and strangled himself as his brother Firmus had done, twenty-five years before. Optatus of Thamugad, who was deeply involved in the rebellion, was also arrested and died in prison.

However the Catholics had not waited to help themselves till Heaven should rid them of their enemies. Whilst the Donatists hostile to Primianus were gathering at Cabarsussi (393)) the Catholic bishops were assembling at Hippo under the presidency of Aurelius of Carthage. The Church of Hippo, inconsiderable in numbers, and swamped as it were in the midst of a dissenting population, had at its head at this time an old bishop of Greek origin whose name was Valerius. A place in his entourage had been occupied for the last two years as a priest by Augustine of Thagaste, not so long ago a renowned rhetor, celebrated at Carthage, at Rome, and at Milan, but for some years withdrawn from the world. In the past he had led a lax life, which was tormented, however, by the goadings of religion. For a time he had been a Manichean : later he joined the school of the Neo-Platonists.² In the end

1 De Bello Gildo7iico, v. 70 : " Pascimur arbitrio Mauri."

2 It was in the translations of C. Marius Victorinus that St Augustine had made the acquaintance of Plato and the Platonists. Victorinus became a Christian in the early years of Pope Liberius (352-366); he undertook with zest the defence of orthodoxy against Arianism, but he had been converted late in the day ; his controversial writings and some others of his which remain to us present a curious combination of Christianity and the Neo-Platonist philosophy. On his conversion see Aug. Conf. viii. 5 ;

he attached himself to St Ambrose and attended his instructions. It was then that he heard the call of God, and received baptism from the hands of the illustrious bishop. Since that time he had been living in Africa, aloof from any kind of worldly preoccupation, absorbed in religious studies and in good works. When he found himself on a casual journey at Hippo, the populace, who knew his worth, acclaimed him as a priest. Valerius, all the more glad to have such an assistant because he found some difficulty in speaking in Latin, soon wished to make sure of having him as his successor. He caused him to be consecrated bishop (395), a rather irregular proceeding¹; however, he died a few months later, and Augustine by himself ruled the Church of Hippo.

From the days of St Cyprian and even earlier, Councils had had great prominence as an institution in Africa.² In the 4th

on his writings, Schanz, Geschichtc dcr rom. Litt., iv. p. 137 ff. The influence of Victorinus on Augustine has been greatly exaggerated; Augustine did not come into personal contact with the celebrated rhetor; he owes to him only his acquaintance with the Platonist writings and also the example of his conversion. Victorinus must have ceased his functions as a teacher in consequence of the edicts of Julian (Vol. II., p. 263-4); he no doubt died shortly after.

1 The eighth canon of Nicsea, which was cited in this connexion, bears no reference to this case, except in the revision of Rufinus (c. 10). It is true that, quite apart from any written enactment, it was an immemorial rule that there ought to be but one bishop in each place ; but it is no less clear that the inconveniences for which this traditional law was a remedy were not to be feared in the case of Valerius and Augustine.

2 The literary tradition of the African Councils goes back in the last resort to a Liber canonum preserved in the archives of the Church of Carthage : it was read at the Council of 525. After the canons of Nicsea it contained the African canons, council by council, following the order of succession of the Bishops of Carthage, with short prefaces. From this lost work are derived: (1) the Breviatio canonum of Fulgentius Ferrandus (Migne, Patrologia Lattorn, lxvii., p. 949), a compilation in order of subjects, drawn up at Carthage before the middle of the 6th century ; (2) the African collection inserted in the Hispana (Maassen, Quellen, vol. i., p. 772): this contains the Councils of 348, 390, 397, 401, 419, and various canons of other Councils (402-8)—the Concilium Carthaginiense IV. of this collection has nothing to do with Africa : it is the Code of Aries, Statuta Ecclesiae antiqua\ (3) the Council of 419. To this Council, assembled in reference to an appeal to Rome {vide infra, c. vii.), are to be found annexed, at least in some MSS., two collections of canons (1-33, 34-127), or rather a collection of canons (1-33) and a selection from the councils held down to that time under Aureljus. The collection of canons, except p. 121-4] AFRICAN COUNCILS 87

century Donatists and Catholics held several of them, though they do not seem to have been assembled at the regular intervals characteristic of the middle of the previous one. In the matter of Catholic Councils, we only know of that of Gratus, which was due to quite special circumstances, and the two of Genethlius. The bishops assembled at Hippo, convinced that " L'union fait la force," resolved to restore this institution and enacted ¹ that in future there should be a council every year. To make the holding of it easier, it was laid down that besides the bishops of the province in which the council sho'uld be summoned, there should be present two legates of the other provinces, invested with the powers of their colleagues.

The instrument was created, but everything depended on putting it to regular use. It was to this that Archbishop Aurelius devoted himself. The new head of the Church of Africa assuredly did not possess the culture of Augustine; but his lofty character, his resolute and conciliatory temper, his strong common sense, his imperturbability, all qualified him to preside at the helm of a Church which had been woefully crippled. Between Augustine and him there was always complete agreement. Aurelius was not the man to be even tempted to blind jealousy of the radiant glory of his illustrious

for the last five, is made up of canons taken from previous councils : the names of the bishops proposing the canons have been changed. In the second part (34-127) the series of councils laid under contribution extends from the Council of Hippo in 393 down to the Council of Carthage of May 1, 418; many things have been omitted in the process of selection. The collection ends with some added documents relating to the matter of the appeals; the last belongs to 421. Looked at as a whole it has the appearance of a dossier, drawn up with a view to supporting the African contention in regard to appeals to Rome, rather than of a collection of disciplinary enactments. This collection, known under the name of Codex Canonum Ecclesiae Africanae, was translated into Greek and inserted in the books of Byzantine Canon Law. In Latin we possess it in the collection of Dionysius Exiguus (P. Z., torn, lxvii., p. 181), and in many others which seem all to have borrowed it from Dionysius. Apart from this tradition should be mentioned here the Breviarium Hipponense, an abridgement of the Canons of Hippo (393), drawn up four years after the Council, at the instigation of Aurelius of Carthage and Musonius, the Primate of Byzacena. It is often to be found in collections of canons along with the Council of Telepte (418), which is a Byzacene Council.

¹ Canon 18. I cite it according to the Conciliar Code of 419, as it is inserted in the collection of Dionysius Exiguus (Migne, P. L.> torn, lxvii., p. 181 f.) colleague any more than Augustine, on the other hand, would have entertained the remotest idea of putting himself in the place of his chief in the general management of the Church. In certain respects Aurelius and Augustine were each the complement of the other: they present to us an Ambrose in two persons—the governor and the teacher. Augustine, it is plain, to a great extent inspired Aurelius: Aurelius gave to Augustine's views the authority of his see, of his person, and of his councils.

The bishops assembled at Hippo seem to have said to themselves that before waging war on the dissidents, they must first render themselves free from possibility of reproach. The greater part of their decisions are directed to the restoration of discipline. The Council of Hippo is a Reforming Council. There is scarcely any mention of the schism, and then only to settle the position of certain classes of Donatists who had been reconciled to the Church. Gildo was reigning at this time, and Optatus of Thamugad was his prophet: it was not the moment to take steps against Primianus. Still, councils were held in the years that followed; but it seems that difficulties were interposed in the way of communications with the ecclesiastical authorities of Italy and the Imperial Court of the West. The poljcy of Gildo was hardly favourable to relations of this kind. The Council of Capua, in 391, had imposed very hard terms on the Donatist clergy who asked for union. This ordinance, which was contrary to their old custom, was a source of embarrassment to the Africans; they may well have been anxious to secure some mitigation. At Hippo they determined to consult the Church beyond the sea.^{^[51]} But in 397 the consultation had still to be made.^{^[52]} It was decided upon for the second time this year, at the General Council of Carthage. This Council asked in addition that persons who had been baptized, before attaining years of discretion, in the Donatist Church, should not be treated as incapable of entering p. 124-7] AURELIUS AND THE DONATISTS 89

Holy Orders.¹ The request seems to have been addressed to Pope Siricius and to Simplician, the Bishop of Milan.

We must suppose that the revolt of Gildo and the repression which followed stayed for some time longer the renewal of communications, for they were re-established only under the successors of Siricius and Simplician, Anastasius and Venerius. The Council held at Carthage on June 16, 401, sent delegates to Italy to these two prelates and to the Emperor, with a view to obtaining from the former the dispensations necessitated by the scarcity of men; and from the sovereign an energetic course of action against paganism and the repression of certain abuses more or less connected with it. In the month of September at another meeting of bishops, Aurelius was able to communicate very kindly letters from Pope Anastasius, but no concessions had yet been obtained, at any rate in respect to the priests or bishops who were returning to the Church with their flocks. Further representations had to be made and were no doubt successful, for without much delay we see the desired admissions taking place on a very large scale.

To open wide the door to those who came over was a good thing; but now a more direct procedure had become possible. In this year, 401, Africa had passed into the hands of a powerful Count, Bathanarius, brother-in-law of Stilicho, who governed it until 408. The Donatists had been too deeply involved with Gildo for the government of Honorius to be inclined to forget their transgressions, old or new'.

However, an attempt was made first of all to proceed by kindness. The officials were bidden to hold an enquiry in all the places where the supporters of Maximian had possessed churches, as to what had occurred at the time when they had split off from the other Donatists: formal records were to be drawn up; then delegates from the. Council were to be sent to the Donatist bishops and parishes to shew them that they had no longer ground of complaint against the Catholics—that the

¹ Persons baptized in schism were admitted into the Catholic Church not by a new baptism, their own being considered valid, but by a ceremony analogous or identical with Confirmation, but not unrelated to the Reconciliation of Penitents. The imposition of hands which formed part of it was doubtless ad acciftiendmn Spiritual sanctum but also in poenitcntiam. As the condition of a Penitent was a bar to Orders, the convert found himself, from this point of view, rendered incapable. was this incapacity that the African bishops were seeking to remove.

latter had only treated them as they had themselves treated the supporters of Maximian.

In addition to these measures of the Council, each bishop was required to take in his neighbourhood all the steps likely to establish if not an entente, at any rate overtures and discussions of some kind. Augustine devoted himself to this task. Hardly had he been installed at Hippo when he composed a sort of ballad in vers libres summing up the whole of the anti-Donatist argument. It had a refrain—

Omnes qui gaudetis de pace Modo verum indicate.

The Catholic children sang it in the streets and thus rendered familiar the policy of union. If some Donatist bishop seemed less bigoted than the rest, Augustine seized opportunities of meeting him, or at any rate of writing to him, and endeavoured to pave the way for discussion. If he found a Donatist book in circulation, he made haste to refute it.¹Petilian, Bishop of Constantina, one of the wise-heads of the party, for some time conducted the controversy with him. It was a controversy of an extremely monotonous character. On either side the same ideas, the same arguments of principle and of fact were served up endlessly. Augustine handled them with an unwearying patience, perfect dexterity, and above all, imperturbable good temper. In particular he made great play with the advantage afforded him by the quite recent story of the supporters of Maximian. It was he no doubt who had suggested to the Council of Carthage the idea of making the use of this that it did.

But neither controversies nor the intervention of the magistrates seem to have produced very appreciable results. At its meeting in 403 (August 25) the Council resolved on a more direct procedure and to invite the Donatists to a conference at which the two bodies of bishops might discuss the questions which divided them and set themselves to find a solution.

It was undoubtedly a good idea, but in order to call the Donatists to a meeting, it would have been necessary to be

¹ Contra epistolam Parmeniani, De baptismo contra Donatistas, Contra litteras Petiliani, De unitate Ecclesiae, Contra Cresconium gra?nmaticum, De unico baptismo ; cf. the works lost but enumerated in the Retractationes, i. 21 ; ii. 5, 19, 27, 28, 29, 35 ; and the Letters relating to these matters.

p. 127-30] CATHOLICS AND DONATISTS 91

able to approach them, and this was very difficult to do in view of the horror that they had of any kind of intercourse with the Catholics. With these irreconcilable folk all direct communication was impossible : recourse was had to the mediation of the municipal councils. Each bishop presented himself before the local magistrates, furnished with a letter from the Proconsul or the Vicarius. He secured the insertion of this letter in the minutes of the municipality and with it a form of exhortation and invitation to a meeting. This done and the Catholic bishop having retired, the formal record was read by the magistrate to the heads of the Donatist clergy. A formal record of their replies was similarly drawn up.

The officials lent themselves to this curious form of mediation: it achieved no further result. We still possess¹a few phrases of the reply which was entered, in the name of Primianus, in the municipal registers of Carthage : " It would be shameful for the sons of the Martyrs to assemble themselves together with the race of the Traditors. . . . They brandish against us letters of the Emperor; on our side we have only the Gospels. . . . The true Church is the Church which endures persecution, not that which persecutes." They had not changed since Donatus—not even in style. The bishops of Numidia met together to deliberate, and their deliberation ended in a collective refusal.

As for the Donatist proletariat its anger was kindled, and in many places it gave itself up to terrible acts of violence against persons and against churches. The Circumcellions had perfected their equipment: the bludgeons of former days had been supplemented or replaced by slings, lances, and swords; they had even adopted a plan of throwing quicklime and vinegar at people's heads with the object of blinding them. The countryside in Numidia was in their power, and even in the towns there was risk of danger. Augustine, who was a special mark for their rage, was tracked by them on the roads; they spoke of killing him like a wild beast. His friend Possidius, Bishop of Calama (Guelma), was besieged in a farm, stripped, insulted, and beaten.

The Catholic Bishop of Baga'i, against whom they had a special grudge, was seized in a church, stricken down with broken pieces of the altar to which he clung, riddled with ¹ Aug. Ad Donatistaspost coll. i. 31.

wounds and left for dead, so that his own people came to bury him. At this moment the Donatists perceived that he was still breathing: they dragged him to the top of a tower, and after further ill-treatment threw him down from it. Happily he fell on to a heap of litter ; he was found again, tended with care and finally recovered.

Pushed to extremity, the Catholic episcopate called to mind the existence of laws against the supporters of schism, and that in fine this whole Donatist Church represented an unlimited infringement of them. At the Council of 404 (June 16) it was decided to send two delegates to the Emperor with written instructions, the text of which we still possess. The bishops demanded in the first place protection for the Catholics against the violent acts of the dissidents; secondly, the application, not to all the Donatists but to those who by their acts of violence should give ground for complaint, of the law of Theodosius,¹ by which persons who in the heretical sects confer or receive ordination, are liable to a penalty of ten pounds of gold, without prejudice to the confiscation of the places in which the ceremony took place; finally, the application also of the law which deprived heretics of the right of receiving gifts or legacies.

It would have been too rigorous a proceeding if the persons affected had been peaceful heretics; but in view of the temper of the Donatists and the excesses which they allowed themselves under the eyes of not unfavourable officials, it was not severe enough. So at any rate thought a number of the bishops; but the Council had adopted the view of Augustine, who was always inclined to lenient measures. It was in vain that they cited to him the good effects obtained in more than one quarter, notably at Thagaste, his native place, by a somewhat rigorous enforcement of the Compelle intrare. The people of Thagaste, who had been brought back to the Church in the days of Macarius, had not left it since. Augustine held firm : no one, according to him, ought to be forced to enter the Church.

In the course of these proceedings and whilst the envoys of the Council were sailing for Italy, an intervention took place on which neither Augustine nor Aurelius had calculated. The Bishop of Bagai', only half healed, went straight to the Court, ¹ Cod. Theod. xvi. 5, 21 (June 15, 392).

p. 130-3] THE CIRCUMCELLIONS 93

to show his scars and tell the tale of his adventures. He was not the only one: others besides him were wearying of being brutally assaulted under the mask of toleration. The impression produced was profound and decisive. A law was immediately despatched to Africa, ordering the suppression of the Donatist sect, the exile of their bishops and their assistants.^{^[53]} This involved the closing of the dissenting churches and their restoration to the Catholic clergy. It was an enforced union like that in 347, in the days of Macarius. Other laws speedily followed, dealing with various details.^{^[54]}

The imperial decree was at once put into execution at Carthage, and it would seem without any great difficulty. The plenary Council, held on August 23, according to custom, took note of the fact and passed a vote of thanks to the Emperor; it also decided that the officials should be requested to apply the law in the provinces with the same zeal as they had shown in the metropolis.

It is impossible to deny that the application of official pressure entailed serious consequences. The fanaticism of the Circumcellions was not the act of all the Donatists. There were not wanting among them men of intelligence who recognized the foolishness of their schism and were only seeking for a pretext to detach themselves from it. Many were Donatists by force of habit, by family tradition, without knowing why, without even thinking seriously about it; others were retained in the sect only by the terror inspired in them by the violent members. On the whole, the intervention of the State tended much less to disturb their consciences than to deliver them from an intolerable oppression.^{^[55]}

However, in many quarters resistance was offered, and the Catholics in spite of all the imperial edicts continued to be maltreated. A year after the Law of Union, the clergy of Hippo were reduced to making an appeal to the Donatist episcopate for protection against unendurable acts of violence.^{^[56]}At Bagai the Donatists burnt the Catholic church^{^[57]}; at Constantina, at Sitifis, and in a number of places similar acts are reported; a Donatist bishop boasted of having, to his own account alone, destroyed four Catholic churches. We can readily understand that in these broils, and the acts of repression to which they gave rise, a certain number of Donatists were left on the field. However, reprisals were not pushed very far ; the dissenting clergy were not deported.

Some years passed, years prolific in disasters for the Western Empire : the assassination of Stilicho (August 23, 408), the campaigns of Alaric in Italy, the pretensions of Attalus, the various sieges of Rome, and finally the capture and sack of the old metropolis of the world (August 24, 410). These events made themselves heard in the discords of Africa. Count Bathanarius having been assassinated shortly after his brother- in-law Stilicho, the Donatists thought themselves saved; but the position of guardian and favourite fell to Olympius, the Master of the Offices, an official of great piety, the friend of St Augustine: the earlier laws were confirmed in express terms.^{^[58]} However, in the following year, Olympius having been replaced by the pagan Jovius, an edict of toleration was obtained.^{^[59]} All the work accomplished in the course of five years found itself threatened.

The Council of Africa did not give way to despair. Already in 408, immediately after the fall of Stilicho, it had sent envoys to the Emperor. Fresh delegates set out for Italy, and on August 25, 410, whilst Alaric was entering Rome, there was handed to them at Ravenna a new edict⁵ by which matters were restored to their former footing.

In the midst of these crises the idea of a conference between p. 133-6] MEASURES OF CONCILIATION 95

the two bodies of bishops was several times brought forward again. It suggested itself to all the men of sense on either side. The Catholics had made an attempt, in 403, to bring it about: the Donatists had rejected it; but in 406 some of them finding themselves at Ravenna had asked ¹ the Praetorian Prefect to arrange a conference for them with a Catholic bishop who was paying a visit to the Court. The latter, not having any instructions for this, was obliged to hold aloof. However when, in 410, Aurelius' Council sent to ask for the recall of the measures of toleration inaugurated in the previous year, it instructed its delegates to request at the same time the assembling of a conference. To this Honorius consented. By a decree dated October 14,² he appointed Marcellinus, tribune and notary, one of the high officials of his Chancery, to make the preparations for this meeting, and to preside over it, and delegated to him the most ample powers.

Marcellinus came to Africa. He began by a study of the position; and then (in February 411) he published the imperial rescript with an edict in explanation.³ There is a marked difference of tone between the two documents. The Emperor adopts the strictly legal attitude, and treats the Donatists as dissenters; the Commissioner, on his part, endeavours to hold the balance even between the two parties. He orders the provincial and municipal magistrates to put themselves into communication with the bishops, and to summon all of them to Carthage. No constraint is to be exercised ; but the Donatist prelates are to know that, if they agree to come to the conference, the churches from which they have been driven out will be immediately restored to them, with their property; that a safe-conduct will be granted to them both in going and returning; and finally, that if they distrust the arbitrator by reason of his being a Catholic, they can provide him with an assessor of their own faith.

The Donatist bishops accepted the conference : they came to Carthage; they even made, on May 18, 411, a collective and solemn entry.⁴ The Catholics arrived in their turn. When everyone was assembled, Marcellinus fixed the day and the place of the meeting. It was to open on June 1 in the Baths of Gargilius, a spacious and airy building, situated in the middle

¹ Act of Jan. 30, Coll. iii. 141. ² Coll. i. 4. ³ Coll. i. 5-10.

⁴ Coll. i. 14 ; cf. Aug. Post Coll. 25.

of the town. All the bishops were not admitted to take part there : it was feared that if they assembled in too great numbers they would not be able to hold a discussion without disorder. Each side was to choose seven speakers, to whom were to be joined seven counsellors without the right of speaking, and four commissioners who were deputed to watch over the making of the minutes of proceedings. These minutes were to be drawn up by the record-clerks of the principal government offices in Carthage, with the aid of two ecclesiastical notaries on either side. No speech, no interruption, no single word could be uttered without the speaker certifying its .tenour on the transcript en clair, after it had been checked by the shorthand notes. Each of the two bodies of bishops was to notify the High Commissioner, before the opening of the conference, of their acceptance of the rules of procedure.

On the appointed day Marcellinus and the officials of the Chancery took their place in the great hall of the Baths: the bishops were ushered in. The Catholics numbered eighteen, according to the prescribed rule. Their orators were Aurelius, Augustine, two of Augustine's intimate friends—Alypius of Thagaste and Possidius of Calama, and then the Bishops of Constantina, Sicca, and Culusi. As for the Donatists, they presented themselves en masse. They, too, had already chosen their orators, but they were unwilling to name them at the outset: they were Primianus of Carthage, Petilian of Constantina, Emeritus of Caesarea in Mauritania, Gaudentius of Thamugad, and three others.

Never would they consent to sit down, no matter what effort the Commissioner made to induce them: the righteous, they said, could not sit with sinners. Seeing this, Marcellinus resolved to remain standing, and the Catholic delegates did the same. So they remained until the evening, for a space of eleven hours, and it was the same on the other days.

From the very outset the Donatists defined their attitude. What they wanted was to hinder the discussion by entangling it in inextricable subtleties, or obstructing it by useless speeches. Their two principal orators, Emeritus and Petilian, distinguished themselves, the one by a pretentious and woolly loquacity which would have wearied the patience of an angel, the other by his vehemence_> his passion, his pitiless logic, and his obstinacy which prevented him from yielding any- p. 136-9] CONFERENCE AT CARTHAGE 97

thing whatsoever, and led him into endless repetition of the same objections.¹

The first day was employed, or rather wasted, in debating incredible niceties of procedure. However, they succeeded in reading, first the Imperial Rescript and the Commissioner's edict, and then the reply of each of the two parties. The Donatists in theirs declared that they insisted on appearing in a body in order that no one should suppose that they were few in number. The Catholics accepted the edict unconditionally. Further they gave, formally and of their own motion, the following undertaking: that should their opponents be able to establish that their Church was the sole representative of all that remained of Christianity, they would descend from their episcopal thrones and place themselves under the authority of their colleagues. In the event of the debate resulting in their own favour, each of them would admit his Donatist colleague to share with himself the dignity of the episcopate and the government of his Church.

Finally, there was read the mandate which the Catholic delegates had received from their colleagues who were present at Carthage but were absent from the conference. This document was of a somewhat elaborate character: it contained a citation of all the texts of Scripture on which the Catholics based the theory of their position, and a reference to all the evidences in favour of the contention that the question of fact had been settled once for all in the days of Constantine. It bore the signatures of all the Catholic bishops present at Carthage. The Donatists fell at once on these signatures, claiming to verify them one by one. For this purpose they demanded the appearance of the signatories. This whim was conceded to them. All the Catholic bishops were summoned to the meeting place. Each of them answered to the call of his name, and then his Donatist colleague stated that he identified him. There were 266 Catholic bishops: we can judge of the time that was lost in this formality.

Then the Donatists consented to present their delegates and the text of the mandate which they had given them. The signatures were also read: they were made to be confirmed by

¹ P. Monceaux has reconstructed the list of his literary works ("Les ouvrages de Petilianus" in the Revue de Philologie> vol. xxxi.

[1907], p. 218).

their authors ; there were 279 of them ; some of the signatures were disputed.^{^[60]}

Night had come; the continuation of the debate was adjourned to the next day but one (June 3). At the second session the Donatists, after various quibbles, asked for a fresh postponement. It was only on June 8 that the conference was resumed. There was a renewal of obstruction. The Donatists insisted flatly on knowing which of themselves or their opponents was plaintiff, which defendant. A great deal of time was lost over that. In the course of the discussion the dissidents produced a document which had been framed by themselves during the previous days as a reply to the mandate of the Catholics. Augustine, who on the first two days had hardly opened his mouth, proceeded to speak and set himself to sustain the debate on this document. In this he succeeded, though the Donatists, dismayed at seeing the matter dealt with in earnest, made countless attempts to rush off into details. They were forced to endure the production of Biblical arguments for the conclusion that the Church was not founded as a tiny society of saints, but as one which must include, until the final Judgement, all men whatever their character—sinners mingled with the righteous. In these circumstances, whatever might be the character of Caecilian and Felix and the other persons in question, their culpability, if there were any, affected only themselves and did not prevent the Church being the Church. They passed next to the question of fact : what was actually the case as to the accusations brought against Caecilian ? The documents on which the defence of the Catholics had been based since the days of Constantine were read and discussed, together with those which the Donatists thought that they could set against them : these were few in number and calculated rather to tell against themselves. It was conclusively shown that Caecilian and Felix had undergone various trials which had left nothing p. 139-42] RESULT OF THE CONFERENCE 99

standing of the accusations against them, and that such had been the definitive judgement of Constantine.

The Commissioner then pronounced the discussion closed and bade the bishops withdraw while he drew up his decision. Night had fallen. It was by the light of candles that, on the return of the delegates to session, Marcellinus delivered his judgement, which was in favour of the Catholics on all points. On June 26^{^[61]} he published an edict, this time no longer in the capacity of judge but as charged to give effect to the result of the arbitration. In it he invited the Donatists to enter into union and take advantage of the generous offers made to them by their opponents—offers which the latter intended to fulfil. Otherwise, they must give up the churches which had been temporarily restored to them and abstain from any kind of schismatical gathering. The municipal councils, landowners, administrators or stewards, were warned not to allow any meeting of this sort on their estates. In the event of the law, which had so often been broken, being violated again, severe measures of repression were indicated.

The Donatist leaders appealed from the decision to the Emperor. The response was a law,^{^[62]} dated January 30, 412, which visited them with pecuniary penalties and inflicted on clergy who were recalcitrant the punishment of deportation from Africa.

The Count of Africa since 409 had been Heraclian, the murderer of Stilicho. During the attempted usurpation of Attalus he remained faithful to Honorius. When the Goths, after the death of Alaric (412), transferred themselves to Gaul, Heraclian quarrelled with the government at Ravenna, revolted and ended by landing in Italy with an army. Defeated at Otriculum by Count Marinus he fled to Carthage, but was overtaken and executed (July 413): Marinus, his conqueror, succeeded him. A very strong reaction followed. The friends of Heraclian found themselves under a cloud, and among their number were Marcellinus, the arbitrator at the Conference, and his brother the former Proconsul, Apringius. The two latter were the objects of the enmity of an influential personage, Caecilian, a former Praetorian Prefect. They were arrested, to the deep despair of the bishops and especially of Augustine, whose close friend Marcellinus was, while all of them were grateful to him for his services to the Church of Africa. Caecilian gave them fair words and even encouraged them to address themselves to the Court. They did so, and their delegates returned with the order for the liberation of the accused. But Marinus had anticipated them: some days before, after a summary trial, he had executed his prisoners (September 13, 413).^{^[63]}

It was a crushing blow for the Catholics. For a short time the Donatists triumphed. But Marinus was speedily deprived, and new rescripts arrived to confirm the decisions of the Government with regard to the schismatics.^{^[64]} Another Commissioner, Dulcitius, was appointed to superintend their application.

The work of union which had been begun in 405 progressed steadily. Whilst the magistrates, under the direction of Marcellinus and Dulcitius, were taking measures in their own domain, the widest publicity was given to the Acts of the Conference. From the outset they had been posted up at Carthage : complete copies of them were distributed.^{^[65]} In some places they were read in church during Lent. But their length soon necessitated abridged editions. One of these is still extant, the Breviculus collationis,^{^[66]} from the hand of St Augustine.

p. 142-5] AUGUSTINE AND EMERITUS 101

In yet other forms, in controversial works, local addresses, sermons, and letters, the bishops used every effort to set forth the truth and bring it to the knowledge of the Donatist public.¹The war of controversy lasted long, but in the end common sense gained the day, if not everywhere, at any rate with the majority. The plenary Councils of 407 and 418 legislated on the division of the converted parishes. St Augustine in his discourses and in his correspondence bears testimony to the success encountered by the work of union. Two curious incidents call for mention.

In 418 Augustine and some of his colleagues happened to find themselves at Caesarea in Mauritania, when they were informed that the former Donatist bishop, Emeritus, was there. At the Conference Emeritus had been the principal orator, or, as he might more properly be called, the principal obstructionist of his party. He was a man of culture and endowed with a remarkable facility of language. His flock had almost all of them passed over to the Catholic Church; some, however, remained doggedly in schism, through attachment to their bishop.

The latter, though officially proscribed, went about his business in freedom. Augustine met him in the public square, and they greeted each other. Emeritus even allowed himself to be led to the church where the discussion continued in the presence of the people who were highly interested, as we can imagine, by the meeting of the two great champions. There was not one session only but two.² However, Augustine was unsuccessful in his efforts to draw into debate the man who at the Conference had had so ready and so subtle a tongue. All that could be extracted from him was a protest against the use that the Catholics were making of the Conference : " The Acts," he said, " show whether I was conquered or conqueror; whether I was conquered by the truth or overwhelmed by force." Then he subsided into silence. At this

to prevent their business being dealt with, had succeeded by giving cause for an endless series of minutes in preventing anyone reading what had taken place.

1 Letter of the Council of Numidia to the Donatists (Aug. Ep. 141) ; St Augustine Ad Donatistas, post collationcm (Opera, torn, ix., p. 651); a letter to Emeritus—not extant (.Retractaiiones, ii. 46).

2 The formal records are extant : Aug. Sermo ad Casarccnsis ccclcsice plebem and De Gestis cum Emerito (Opera, torn, ix., pp. 689, 697).

meeting he lost a few more adherents, but he was not otherwise disturbed.

In the following year another case presented itself—one which gives a very fair idea of the fanaticism which prevailed among the vanquished Donatists. The Commissioner Dulcitius had presented himself at Thamugad with the purpose of carrying out the Edict of Union. Thamugad, like Bagai', was one of the strongholds of Donatism. Situated in the middle of the district round Mount Aurasius, in the true home of the Circumcellions, it could not fail to offer a special resistance. Its bishop, Gaudentius, proscribed in the eyes of the law but in fact unhampered in his coming and going, dwelt in the suburbs. At the news of the promulgation, which had been facilitated by his absence, he made haste to appear again, and, surrounded by determined fanatics, shut himself up in the church. From thence he sent word to the Commissioner that if any intention were shewn of advancing on the building, he would set it on fire and burn himself with all his people. The Donatists, and more particularly the Circumcellions, did not shrink, as was known, either from precipices or from any mode of suicide. In the latter days the stake had been very much in fashion in this curious world. But one could hardly expect such a proceeding on the part of Gaudentius, a man of education and one of the orators of his party at the famous Conference.

The Commissioner, dismayed at this attitude, communicated to the Bishop of Hippo the two letters in which Gaudentius informed him of his resolve. We still possess them in the detailed refutation which St Augustine devoted to them. To this refutation Gaudentius replied and Augustine answered him. This is the subject of his two books, Contra Gaudentium, a controversy of no humdrum kind between a peace-loving bishop and an infuriated fanatic who had taken up his position at the stake and was holding in his hand the fuse that would fire it. However, I am obliged to say that the discussion does not convey the impression of these tragical circumstances, and that on either side the everlasting arguments of this conflict are set out and hashed up again with the utmost calmness.

Alaric had more extensive projects. Circumstances had given him the position of leader of the Goths who were established in Illyricum : it was in that capacity that he had commanded the advance-guard of Theodosius at the Battle of the Frigidus. In that encounter he had been not a little unlucky. On the death of Theodosius, Stilicho sent him back to Illyria and then endeavoured to get rid of him, without succeeding in doing more than driving him into Greece, where he ravaged Athens and Corinth. The government of Arcadius sought to impede the operations of the Regent of the West. It went so far on this course as to confer on the barbarian chief the rank of Magister Militum, with pay for his host. For some years Alaric remained quiet. Towards the end of 401^{^[67]}we find him making his way towards Italy, crossing the Julian Alps and investing Aquileia. For the first time since the Cimbri and the Teutons the soil of Italy was desecrated by the invader. Rome trembled. Alaric gave vent to strange threatenings against it; the fortifications of Aurelian had to be put in a state of defence. Stilicho, however, succeeded in checking this first expedition. Vanquished at Pollentia (April 6, 402) and then at Verona, Alaric was obliged to evacuate Italy, and returned to his own Illyria.

This time they had got rid of him; but clearly for the future the leader of the Goths would have to be reckoned with. Stilicho formed a plan of making use of him in order to bring the southern provinces of Illyricum (Dacia, Macedonia, Greece) once more under the authority of the Emperor of the West. They entered into negotiations on the subject.

But it was really a question of conquests. Central Germania was setting itself in motion. Following Alaric's example, Radagaisus, another barbarian, descended from the Alps with an enormous host of at least 200,000 men (406). Once again Stilicho got the better of the invasion. The barbarians had advanced as far as Florence; he confined them to the hills of Fiesole, cut off supplies, and compelled them to surrender.^{^[68]}But at the same moment the frontier gave way at another point. On the last day of the year 406 three peoples of further Germania—the Suevi, the Alans, and the Vandals—sweeping aside the Franks who bordered on the Rhine, crossed the river and poured into Gaul. The cities on the banks—Mayence, p. 150-2] STILICHO AND ALARIC 107

Worms, Spires, Strasbourg—were carried away by the torrent, and then the principal towns of Belgica. The scourge reached out still further, and in the two following years, 407 and 408, the whole of Gaul from the Rhine to the Pyrenees was a prey to the barbarians.¹

Amid this confusion a usurper landed from Britain, as Maximus had done in 383. The army of the island, being in rebellion against Honorius, appointed emperors of its own. The first two who were elected perished, being butchered by those who had acclaimed them: the third, Constantine (Constantine III.), succeeded in holding his position, crossed the Channel, and after various changes of fortune proceeded to install himself at Aries. This was a serious embarrassment for Stilicho, more especially since Alaric, who was tired of waiting in Illyria, was once more assuming a threatening attitude. The Regent, whose reputation, in spite of the services he had rendered, was beginning to suffer from Court intrigues, did not abandon his ambitious schemes. He proposed to despatch Alaric to Gaul against Constantine whilst he himself marched on the Bosphorus, where the death of Arcadius and the extreme youth of his son, Theodosius II., made it possible for the Empire to fall on the distaff side. These projects were thwart by a catastrophe. The husband of Serena, the niece of Theodosius, twice father-in-law of the Emperor Honorius, to whom he had given in succession his daughters Maria and Thermantia, guardian and protector of the Empire of the West, Stilicho had been carried too high by the tide of fortune. He was credited with the supreme ambition, not for himself but for his son Eucherius, for whom it was said he destined the Empire of the East. Again, had he only been a Roman! But his Vandal descent was not forgotten; his alliances with Alaric shocked certain sentimental prejudices. Was the Empire to be governed and defended by barbarians? In a military rising his chief friends were massacred: then came his own turn. It was in vain that he sought refuge in a church at Ravenna; they succeeded in getting him out of it, and he was put to death by order of the Emperor (August 23, 408). His son Eucherius, who was arrested at Rome, by a similar violation of religious asylum, met with the same fate. The reaction ¹ Jerome, Ep. cxxiii. 16.

against the Barbarians was so strong that in their garrisons the Roman soldiers massacred the wives and children of the Germanic auxiliaries.

These were useless atrocities! Alaric remained at the gates of Italy with his famished horde, demanding to be employed, or at any rate to be granted an official title and pay for his people. He was under urgent necessity of replacing the similar advantages which his friendship with Stilicho had caused him to lose in the East. Not seeing anything coming his way he crossed the Alps, and traversing a country which was destitute of defence, presented himself under the walls of Rome. Feeling there was very hostile to the Barbarians. The ill-starred Serena who had taken refuge in the city, found herself held responsible for the invasion : she was butchered. However, famine made itself felt, and the old metropolis of the world was glad to buy itself back at the price of gold (autumn 408). It would have been well content then that the Court should conclude some arrangement with the Goths. But the Court, secure among the marshes of Ravenna, held out and refused to treat. Alaric returned towards Rome. He did not enter it; with the complicity of the Senate he proclaimed as emperor the Prefect Attalus, a rhetor of some note, and from him he obtained what he desired.

In order to live in Italy, a land of desolation, it was necessary to hold the key of the granaries of Africa. Alaric and the Senate, to whom the necessaries of life were a consideration which dominated all else, wished to send the Goths there. Attalus, like Honorius, showed scruples: it was repugnant to him to entrust this mission to the Barbarians. As he took no step forward in any other direction, Alaric deposed him (410) and resumed his negotiations with Honorius. They came to nothing. For the third time the leader of the Goths marched on Rome. This time, after many days of terrible famine, the gates were opened to him on August 24, 410. Since the almost legendary days of the Gallic invasion the sanctuary of the Roman power had remained inviolate. This time it experienced the fire kindled by a victorious enemy, pillage, massacre, and every kind of horror. For three days Rome was delivered over to the starving horde, which the senseless government at Ravenna had not known p. 152-5] THE SACK OF ROME 109

how to divert from it. Fortunately Alaric and his Goths were Christians: orders were given to kill as little as possible, and to allow full access to the hallowed asylum of the two sanctuaries of the Apostles. Both were outside the walls and had long been in the power of the besiegers. On their approach the precious vessels of the Basilica of St Peter had been hidden in the city. A Gothic soldier found them in the house of an old woman ; and Alaric, on being informed of this, caused them to be carried back under an adequate escort to the tomb of the Apostle, whither they were followed by a number of Romans.¹

At last, like the ebbing of a flood, the barbarians set out on the roads to the south, with their chariots filled with booty, and followed by a large number of prisoners. Among the latter figured Placidia, daughter of Theodosius, own sister of the Emperor Honorius. Across Campania and Lucania Alaric led his host as far as the Strait of Messina, which he proposed to cross in order to go to Sicily, and thence to Africa; but his transports had been sunk or scattered by an imperial fleet and he was obliged to retrace his steps. He was carried off by illness in the neighbourhood of Cosenza.

However, the usurper of Gaul, Constantine III., found himself just as much as Honorius in difficulties with barbarians and rivals. Spain, which had at first accepted him, speedily witnessed a hostile rising under the direction of two kinsmen of Theodosius—Didymus and Verenianus: after a few successes they fell into the hands of the Emperor of Aries and were put to death. But Gerontius, the general who had defeated them, revolted in his turn, and proclaimed a new emperor— Maximus. Confusion was at its height. The Barbarians who for two years had been roaming about Gaul succeeded in crossing the Pyrenees (409). At the same time Britain, which had been left to itself, separated itself from the Empire. To the north of the Loire the cities of Armorica did the same. Who would have dreamed that at such a moment Constantine could entertain the idea of conquering Italy, and substituting himself forthwith for the son of Theodosius ? Yet that is what he attempted. He was to be seen crossing the Alps and advancing as far as Verona, whilst his son Constans, ¹ Orosius, Hist vii. 39 ; cf. Sozomen, H. E. ix. 10.

whom he had associated with him in the Empire, confronted the difficulties in Spain. But the sources of information which he had at Ravenna suddenly failed him. At this moment Gerontius, taking the offensive, crossed the Pyrenees and reached Vienne when Constans fell into his power and was put to death. Constantine, who had returned to Gaul, was speedily besieged in Aries. His only hope lay in some contingents of barbarians, which an attempt was being made to raise for him beyond the Rhine. While he was waiting for these, an army arrived on the scene from Italy under the command of Constantius, a general of Honorius, an officer marked out for brilliant victories and a most exalted destiny. Constantius fell first upon the besiegers. Gerontius, deserted by his troops, fled to Spain. Constantius prosecuted the siege in his stead. When the expected reinforcements arrived, the forces of Honorius received them with vigour and put them to rout, and the unhappy Constantine found himself compelled to surrender. He took refuge in a church, where Heros, the bishop, as an additional safeguard, ordained him priest; but Constantius paid no heed to such proceedings, and making himself master of the person of the fallen Emperor, sent him to Honorius with his second son, Julian. They were executed before reaching Ravenna (summer 411).

Aries was in the hands of Honorius; but the end of the difficulties had not yet been reached. Even before the conclusion of the siege a new rival, Jovinus, had declared himself on the banks of the Rhine, and was supported by the Alamanni and the Burgundians. Meanwhile, Alaric's brother- in-law, Athaulf, who had been proclaimed King of the Goths, was wandering about Italy with his barbarians, for ever urging the same requirement—a command and bread—and offering in return to serve the Emperor and restore to him his sister Placidia. As no heed was paid to him, he passed over into Gaul (412) under the pretext of offering his services to Jovinus, established himself at Bordeaux and later at Narbonne, and after coming to a slightly better understanding with Honorius, relieved him of Sebastian, the brother of Jovinus, who had taken him as a partner in the Empire, and then of Jovinus himself (413). Finally, as they could not make up their minds at Ravenna to satisfy his demands, he decided to marry Placidia (January 414). Narbonne witnessed these curious p. 155-8] THE FIGHT FOR EMPIRE 111

nuptials in which fifty young men in rich silken robes presented to the daughter of Theodosius the spoils of Old Rome, whilst the former emperor, Attalus, who had returned to literary pursuits, recited an Epithalamium. Athaulf, seated by the side of Placidia, wore the dress of a Roman, a symbol of the secret feelings of these honest Goths who wished no ill to the Empire, and asked no more than to defend it and even to become Romans themselves, provided they were given food. But their appetite was just the point in the game that the policy of Ravenna, which had no use for them, was seeking to profit by. Matters reached a state of still worse confusion, and Attalus became emperor once more, a few months after the marriage of Placidia. Whilst he was roaming about Aquitaine, Constantius, who was established at Aries, redoubled his efforts against the Goths, dislodged them from Narbonne, and finally drove them into Spain. Placidia, while these events were happening, gave birth to a son whom his father, who retained his attachment to the reigning dynasty, wished to call Theodosius. The child died after a few days and was buried at Barcelona : shortly afterwards Athaulf perished by assassination. A reaction set in: during the ephemeral reign of Sigeric, which lasted only seven days, Placidia was subjected to ill-usage. Wallia, who replaced Sigeric, at last came to terms with the Court of Ravenna. He was given a supply of corn, and pledged himself to fight against the other barbarians, who, since 409, were continually ravaging unhappy Spain. Placidia was given back, and shortly afterwards (on January 1, 417) married the General Constantius, the man of the hour, the Roman saviour of the Roman Empire. After having thus rewarded his lieutenant, Honorius came himself to celebrate a triumph at Rome (417). Attalus figured in the procession. At the moment when the Goths were crossing the Pyrenees, the unfortunate man had allowed himself to be captured by the forces of Constantius. Rome beheld the passing, behind the car of the son of Theodosius, of the ill-starred Emperor of Alaric and the Goths.^{^[69]} The old capital experienced a new birth after so many days of misfortune: its inhabitants returned to it from exile or from captivity: the damages caused by the invasion were repaired as well as circumstances allowed : men began again to live. Once more the House of Theodosius presided over the destinies of the West. Britain no doubt was lost; and on the Rhine, Franks, Burgundians, and Alamanni did more and more as they liked with the frontier; but the people of Armorica had returned to submission ; except for Spain, where the barbarians squabbled among themselves, Peace, the Pax Romana, reigned once more.

At the time when the Germanic peoples were so cruelly ill-using the Empire of the West, the Church there was leading a life of comparative tranquillity. The Priscillianist agitation was gradually confining itself to the distant province of Galicia: the Episcopal dissensions which had followed it, in Gaul and in Spain, were tending to sink to rest. Paganism was dying everywhere, officially proscribed in relation to its outward manifestations, and no longer defending itself except in the heart of the country districts and in certain aristocratic circles. The Christ reigned now without a rival over the Court and over the towns : a complete conquest was nigh at hand : it was only a matter of a small number of years.

It was just there—in this definite success—that there lay the germ of certain internal difficulties. Everyone was becoming a convert: that was well, but to what? To another form of worship, or to another kind of life ? Was it only a matter of substituting Christ for Jupiter, the Eucharistic Liturgy for the ancient sacrifices, Baptism for the Taurobolium, and in other respects living as in the past, according to conventional ethics and the custom of the world ? Many, we must frankly admit, went no further. Among the clergy themselves there were not wanting persons who interpreted the Gospel after this fashion. Others raised protests against such an enervation and demanded of Christians a complete break with the spirit of the age. Neither passages of Holy Writ nor memories of bygone days were wanting in support of their contention : they cited the examples of the monks of the East and of their Western disciples, Melania, Paula, Jerome, and the rest; they pointed to the figure nearer home of Martin, the monk-bishop, whose miraculous life was the boast of the whole of Gaul. It was the eternal struggle between p. 158-61] PRISCILLIANISM 113

laxity and severity! Ausonms and St Martin had lived at the same time, in the same country: each was a Christian, but what a difference!

Between these two extremes there was room for a great variety of shades. The type of sanctity represented to us by men like Ambrose and Augustine differs markedly from that of the fathers of the desert, or even of bishops like St Martin. On the other hand it would have been easy to meet in the world, in public offices, even at Court, with Christians who betrayed rather more traces of their baptism than did the illustrious rhetor of Bordeaux. In a general way the conflict between the two ideas of the Christian life tended to the promotion of asceticism. We find it now exhibiting itself everywhere, with a quite novel intensity.

In Spain the Priscillianists had brought it into much disrepute. However it still continued, with its ancient forms and even its ancient abuses.^{^[70]} There were groups of holy women living and mortifying themselves together. It was from a convent of this sort, situated in the heart of Galicia,^{^[71]}that the Virgin Etheria (or Eucheria) set out to accomplish that long pilgrimage in the East of which she has left us so curious an account. The poet Prudentius presents to us another type, that of a. man of the world who, on arriving at a certain point in his career, gives himself to reflection, to questioning his religious consciousness, then makes a sharp turn, renounces the world, converts himself—to use the Seventeenth-century phrase. We know the works in which he employed the leisure hours of his pious retirement, and how Christianity had in him its first great poet.

At the time that we have now reached, Christian literature which, in the Latin world, had lived for long on Tertullian and Cyprian, began to exhibit a certain brilliancy. In succession to Lactantius and St Hilary, Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, and Sulpicius Severus discoursed of religion with considerable elegance of style. In regard to poetry matters were somewhat backward. A few attempts at hymns, proceeding from the pen of Hilary and of Ambrose, represented all that could be mentioned.^{^[72]} With Prudentius the Church possessed a true poet, a kind of Pindar, whose sacred odes were for long centuries to give expression to the piety of the faithful. His Muse prays at the various hours of the Christian day; it celebrates the martyrs on their anniversaries, it wars against the heretics of the past or against the remaining representatives of Paganism. Cautiously restrained in his poetical inspiration, Prudentius avoids with care all burning questions. In his pages there is not the smallest trace of the Priscillianism which all around him was stirring the religious world. He does not even mention the Arians. In other respects also he was very much a man apart: his contemporaries do not seem to have noticed him. If he had not told us a little himself, in the preface that he wrote in 405 for the collection of his poems, we should have nothing to say about his personal history.

Paulinus, his contemporary, is known in a very different fashion. Sprung from a great family of Bordeaux, where he was born in 353, he had received in the famous schools of that town the lessons of Ausonius, with whom he was bound in ties of close friendship. Side by side with the career of letters, they each followed that of public offices and attained to the consulship, Ausonius late in life, Paulinus in his prime.^{^[73]} But soon their ways divided. Whilst the old litterateur, with a bare tincture of Christianity, dallied over worldly pursuits, formal discourses, and little trivial poems, Paulinus, at the bidding of the Voice within, set himself to abandon all this. Bishop Delphinus gave him baptism (390); it was soon reported that he was departing for Spain, and, in company with his wife Theresa, embracing a life of poverty and mortification. Having been ordained priest at Barcelona (Christmas 393), he set out in the following year for Italy. In the course of his official career he had been the Consularis of Campania; his attention had been attracted at that time by a local saint, a former priest of Nola named Felix, who had edified that town about the middle of the 3rd century. He determined p. 161-4] PAULINUS OF NOLA 115

to settle near his tomb and to promote his cultus. Paulinus and Theresa were known throughout the whole of the West: their " conversion " made a great sensation. People in Society were highly scandalized at it and gave vent to loud protests. Ausonius, wounded to the heart, made vain efforts to restrain his former pupil. St Ambrose, on the other hand, was delighted at it, as also were all the friends of asceticism—Martin, Augustine, Jerome, and the rest. Ambrose gave Paulinus a most hearty welcome at Milan. In Rome he met with some opposition among the clergy: Pope Siricius did not display any warmth in his treatment of him.¹ On his arrival at Nola, Paulinus made the requisite arrangements for his new mode of life, living with Theresa as brother and sister, following a regime of the most abstemious kind, and entirely devoted to the care of the poor and the cult of his beloved St Felix, to whom he dedicated every year a new poem. It was a time when the Court of Ravenna was filled with admiration of the fine verses of Claudian on official celebrations and the victories of Stilicho. From these literary pomps Paulinus, like Prudentius, turned away his eyes. It was not for them but for the glory of an obscure priest, dead for more than a century and neglected by everyone, that Ausonius had trained his most brilliant pupil. Paulinus escaped completely from his influence. The old master must have died about the time of his retirement, for he does not appear among the convert's correspondents. The latter wrote readily enough, but to other holy men like Sulpicius Severus, Delphinus, Amandus, Augustine, Rufinus, and Jerome. In his new style, which is saturated with Biblical reminiscences, echoes of secular antiquity are very infrequently heard. As kindly as Augustine and less worried than the Bishop of Hippo to take part in ecclesiastical affairs, he lived a peaceful life in his Campanian retreat, loved and revered by everyone and avoiding taking any side in disputes. His propaganda on behalf of St Felix was crowned with success. People flocked to Nola from all quarters of the West, from Gaul and Spain and Africa, and even from the regions of the Danube and from the East. But St Felix was plainly only an excuse : what attracted them was his two servants, Paulinus and Theresa, the living flowers of Christian virtue.

Among the foremost of the friends of Paulinus we find

¹ Ep. v. 13, 14, "urbici papae superba discretion III. I

Sulpicius Severus, like him a native of Aquitaine, and also a man of good family and ample fortune. Together they renounced the world. Sulpicius was a widower: the two friends formed a plan of being together again, and when Paulinus had established himself at Nola he tried every kind of persuasion to induce Sulpicius to come there too. But the latter was detained in Gaul by his devotion for Martin, whose acquaintance he made about 392 and who showed him from that time forward the greatest friendship. The still-living saint of Tours was for Sulpicius what Felix of Nola was for PaulinUs. He constituted himself his biographer, and that without waiting until his career was ended. Martin was still alive when his Life was sent to Nola. Everyone knows the success of this remarkable book and of the supplements which the author gave it in his Letters and his Dialogues. We feel as we read these writings how utterly disgusted the author is, not only with the world but with the Church itself and especially with the clergy. It is to recall them to the Christian ideal from which men have so sadly fallen that he sets himself to depict the radiant figure of the holy bishop, so austere, so full of zeal and of charity, so potent in miracle and in edification. Sulpicius would that all bishops should be so many St Martins. It was not very easy of accomplishment, nor even perhaps greatly to be wished, for men of God of so marked a type are not always perfect administrators. Their vocation is to produce at a given moment a deep and effective impression. Before Martin Christianity hardly existed in the western regions of Gaul. His contagious fervour had caused apostles to multiply and their preaching to bear fruit. But already in his latter days there is to be seen developing around him a form of opposition to his methods. Britius, one of his disciples, advocates a less summary rule, a less intolerant austerity. And it is quite clear that his views found supporters, for it was he who was elected Martin's successor. Martin's strict disciples waged against him a war to the death: the whole of the writings of Sulpicius Severus bears reference to this controversy.¹ The resistance went further still. At Tours itself it was not long before Britius encountered a violent opposition which compelled him for a considerable time to remain at a distance from his Church.

¹ This history repeated itself in the 13th century in relation to St Francis and after him. Brother Elias is a copy of St Brice.

p. 164-7] SULPICIUS SEVERUS 117

One of the principal figures in the ranks of his accusers is that of a certain Lazarus who pursued him from council to council, and notably before a council of the bishops of Northern Italy, assembled at Turin.^{^[74]} The views of Sulpicius Severus and of Lazarus had representatives in Provence: Proculus, Bishop of Marseilles, soon set Britius' accuser on the Episcopal throne of Aix; on that of Aries was seated Heros, another disciple of Martin. Politics in the end came to be concerned in this dispute : Heros, Lazarus, and Proculus committed themselves with the "usurper" Constantine III.; when the authority of Honorius was re-established in these districts, they had to pass through evil times.

Sulpicius assuredly goes too far in his bitter statements. There were, in his time and in his own country, a number of good bishops, men like Delphinus and Amandus of Bordeaux, Exuperius of Toulouse, Simplicius of Vienne, Alithius of Cahors, Diogenianus of Albi, Dynamius of Angouleme, Venerandus of Auvergne, Pegasius of Perigueux, Victricius of Rouen, friends and correspondents of Paulinus of Nola or favourably mentioned by him.^{^[75]} St Jerome was acquainted with some of them ^{^[76]}: he highly extols the worth of Exuperius of Toulouse. Victricius of Rouen, a friend of St Martin, had come like him from the ranks of the army.^{^[77]} On becoming a bishop, he had distinguished himself by his zeal, not only in his diocese but in far distant regions such as the land of the Morini and the seaboard of the Nervii,^{^[78]} countries which had scarcely been evangelized and whither he went to preach the Faith, and to establish Christian settlements. The bishops of the island of Britain begged him (c. 395) to come over to them to settle some disputes, and he did so successfully. However, he found critics of his teaching, and it was no doubt on this account that he made the journey to Rome. Shortly after his return,

Pope Innocent sent him (404) at his request a little book of canonical rules which has found a place among the Decretals.^{^[79]}Exuperius also addressed himself to Rome (405) for the elucidation of certain disciplinary problems, and received from the same Pope Innocent a formal opinion of a similar kind.

Victricius was known to Sulpicius Severus, who places in the lips of St Martin a remark which redounds greatly to his honour as well as to that of Valentinus, the Bishop of Chartres.^{^[80]}And does he not himself say³ of Felix of Treves that he was a man of great holiness and truly worthy to be a bishop?

Unfortunately, the ordination of this holy man, which had taken place in the middle of the Ithacian crisis,⁴ had been the starting-point of a schism among the bishops of Gaul: fifteen years at least elapsed without a reconciliation being arrived at. The case was carried before the Council of Turin to which we have already referred. But the Italian prelates were bound by the decisions of St Ambrose and of Pope Siricius: they could but uphold these and advise the abandonment of Felix. Only the death of the latter could allay this discord.

It will be seen that the whole of the Episcopate was not in need of conversion, and that if the wry temper of Sulpicius Severus discovered so many points in it for criticism, the kindly Paulinus on his part succeeded in deriving edification.

Sulpicius lived in retirement near Toulouse, surrounded by a few disciples who made expeditions from time to time, either for the requirements of his correspondence with Nola, or to visit the holy places and the holy persons of the East. Postumianus, one of their number, made a long journey in Egypt and the Holy Land: at Alexandria he witnessed the quarrel between Theophilus and his monks; at Bethlehem he was filled with admiration both of St Jerome and of his entourage. In his "Dialogues" Sulpicius Severus assigns to Postumianus a role of considerable importance: in fact, it was by his means that he was able to enforce the idea which was very dear to his heart, that, whatever might be said of the illustrious solitaries of Egypt, Martin was superior to them in all respects. Another of his disciples, Vigilantius, had also p. 167-70] VIGIL ANTIUS 119

made, a few years before, the journey to Nola¹ and that to Palestine. He was a somewhat restless spirit. At Bethlehem he conceived the unhappy idea of engaging in a dispute with Jerome. The latter was then in a state of passionate indignation against Rufinus: it was the very time when he himself had just abandoned Origen and allied himself with the campaign of Epiphanius against the Bishop of Jerusalem. The moment was ill-chosen for interference and especially for making observations, as Vigilantius did, on the Origenist past of the irascible Doctor. However, they parted almost peaceably.² But soon Jerome learnt that Vigilantius was criticizing him in Gaul.³ He wrote him a letter in his best ink. On a later occasion still, he had to devote his attention to him and no longer in reference to Origen. Vigilantius, who was already a priest at the time of his journey in Palestine (396), had returned to his own country, the city of the Convenae,⁴where he had some position among the clergy. He seems to have changed ground, for the ideas which before very long were attributed to him, bear small trace of his relations with Severus and Paulinus. He showed himself now strongly opposed to the cu-ltus of relics, or rather, as it seems to me, to certain exaggerations of this cultus. He did not approve of the wasting of candles, the multiplication of nocturnal vigils, which, in his eyes, were a danger to morality. Finally he held that it was wrong to leave the world for solitude. The proof that his statements had nothing very heinous about them is the fact that he enjoyed the favour of the bishops of his district. All this would have passed without notice, had not some priests who were neighbours of Vigilantius, and did not share his views, denounced them to Jerome. Jerome was a man who cherished resentment long, and he rushed headlong upon the opportunity. In two successive writings, he abandoned himself to expressions of the most extraordinary violence against the rash man who had presumed to find motes in his orthodoxy.⁶Bishops who shared Vigilantius' opinions he treated as

¹ Paulinus, Ep. v. 11. ² Jerome, Ep. 58.

3 Jerome, Ep. 61 ; cf. Sulpicius Severus, Dial. i. 9, where Jerome is defended against certain imputations : " Qui eum haereticum esse arbitrantur, insani sunt."

4Later the diocese of Saint-Bertrand de Comminges ; cf. my Fastes ipisc. de Vancienne Gaule, vol. ii., p. 3.

^u Ep. 109 ad Riparium presb.; Contra Vigilantium.

unworthy of the title; they are the kind of people, he said, who would like only to ordain deacons who were married.¹This detail, which must have a foundation of some sort, proves at any rate that the law of ecclesiastical celibacy had not as yet, in the south of Gaul, the full extension that it received later.

These invectives of Jerome have done the greatest wrong to the reputation of Vigilantius : from the next generation onwards he passed as a heretic. At bottom we need see in this controversy only a manifestation of the feelings of repugnance excited by the exaggerations of the popular worship. Jerome himself was compelled to recognize that everything is not unquestionably correct in devotions used without consideration by simpletons and women.² There are some things which he upholds rather than approves. On the whole no question of principle is here involved, and if Jerome had not had old scores to settle with Vigilantius, we may well believe that he would have left him in peace.

Such was the condition of people's minds, in Spain and in Gaul, on the eve of the great invasion. In the Danube provinces, Rhaetia, Noricum, the Pannonias, Mcesias and Dacias, it was no longer simply the eve: the Goths and other Germanic peoples possessed a sufficient number of settlements and sufficient influence there to make it possible to ask, in many places, whether they were not the real masters of the country.

In these regions in which Arianism had achieved so great a success it still lingered, but only in the heart of the barbarian colonies. There was no longer any place in the ranks of the official clergy for Arian bishops. In the time of Gratian and of Theodosius, Auxentius of Dorostorum had been compelled to take refuge at the Court of the Empress Justina, who was still an Arian. Later still we find among the Goths of Thrace a bishop named Selenas,³ who seems to

1 According to Jerome, Co?itra Vigil. 2, these bishops had required of intending deacons a proof of their capacity for wedlock. This is a piece of invective. We infer merely that certain bishops sometimes preferred, for the diaconate, candidates who were married to candidates who were celibate, but of whose celibacy there was small guarantee.

2 " Quod si aliqui per imperitiam et simplicitatem saecularium hominum vel certe religfiosarum feminarum, de quibus vere possumus dicere, " Confiteor, zelum Dei habent, sed non secundum scientiam," hoc pro honore martyrum faciunt, quid inde perdis?" (Contra Vigil. 7).

3 Socrates, H. E. v. 23 ; Sozomen, //. E. vii. 16.

p. 170-3] MAXIMIN AND AUGUSTINE 121

have been the successor of Ulfilas. Alaric had one in his army—Sigisharius; he baptized Attalus in 409, and made an effort, but in vain, after the assassination of Athaulf, to save from massacre the children of that unfortunate prince.¹Maximin, the same, no doubt, as he who about 383 had engaged in a conflict against St Ambrose,² became a bishop; in 427 we find him landing at Carthage with Count Sigisvult and a corps of Gothic auxiliaries. He was a learned man, of ready speech, and an ardent controversialist. Immediately on his arrival he made enquiries as to Augustine, and presented himself at Hippo to hold debate with the great Doctor of the West. In the midst of his controversies against the Donatists, the Manicheans and the Pelagians, Augustine had found time to meditate on the mystery of the Trinity. He had even written upon the subject a considerable work, his De Trinitate, the fruit of the labour of fifteen years. But it was a study of a purely theoretical type, a composition of the library, elaborated without reference to anything save the data of tradition and the exigencies or conventions of Reason. Arians in flesh and blood were very rare in Africa: Augustine had scarcely seen one since his stay at Milan at the time of his conversion. It was a new experience³ for him to find himself engaged in public and formal debate with a convinced Arian, with a bishop who was also a theologian, as well equipped as himself in regard to the Biblical material for this controversy, making use of words with facility and of disputation with dexterity. We still possess the formal record of the encounter⁴in which, thanks to the volubility of Maximin, the aged Bishop of Hippo was not able to marshal all his resources. Hence he

1 Olympiodorus in Photius, Bibliotheca, cod. 80, p. 60.

2Vol. II., p. 452, note 2. This involves, however, a very long career: we should perhaps divide it between the two Maximins.

3 The Count Pascentius, with whom he had a discussion in 406 (Epp. 238-241), was not a serious opponent. A dozen years later Augustine refuted in writing an Arian sermon which had been sent to him (Opera, torn. viii. Contra sermonem Arianorum). About the same time he had occasion to write to a certain Helpidius, an Arian, who bad an idea of converting him, and had even transmitted to him a treatise by a bishop of his sect (Ep. 242). Finally by the aid of Alypius he converted a physician of the town of Thenae in Byzacena : this physician, who was called Maximus, seems to have been a Eunomian who had strayed to Africa (Epp. 170, 171).

4 Collatio cum Maximino Arianomm episcopo in the eighth volume of St Augustine's works.

CHAPTER VIII

augustinianism

The secular arm did not let the Pelagians go. Pelagius himself had disappeared; Celestius, without making himself too prominent, seems to have remained at Rome or in Italy. The imperial police was active in pursuit of him.^{^[153]} But the movement soon had other leaders. They were given to it by persecution. The Tractoria of Zosimus had been despatched to the principal churches of the Eastern Empire, to Antioch, Egypt, Constantinople, Thessalonica, and Jerusalem.^{^[154]} It was sent also to Africa^{^[155]} and to the metropolises of the West. The Government of Ravenna compelled all bishops to sign the condemnation of the two heretics. We still possess the letter by which it invited Aurelius, the Bishop of Carthage, to secure the adhesion of all his subordinates, and that which Aurelius despatched to them in consequence.^{^[156]} It does not appear that in Africa there was any open opposition.^{^[157]} In Italy it was otherwise. The injunctions of the Metropolitan of Aquileia^{^[158]}provoked a reply emanating from a group of his suffragans and their clergy. They refused decisively to condemn the absent; in the matter of doctrine they presented a formulary^{^[159]} in which the principal articles of Pelagian doctrine were repudiated in the equivocal terms of which Pelagius himself did not hesitate to make use, while various ideas, rightly or wrongly attributed to St Augustine, were ruled out with a decision quite as definite.

It was in the Pope's immediate sphere of jurisdiction in particular that the scandal was notorious. In Rome itself the opposing party hid themselves, abandoned by their leaders and terrified by the attitude of the secular authority. But in Italy and in Sicily were to be found eighteen bishops firmly determined to repudiate "African dogma" and to renounce their sees rather than sign an acceptance of it. The most prominent among them, Julian, was Bishop of Eclanum, a place - situated to the south-east of Beneventum.¹ He was not a mere nobody. His father, Bishop Memor, was united by ties of friendship with St Augustine, who wrote to him and readily sent him his books, and his African colleagues ²; with Paulinus of Nola ; with /Emilius, the Bishop of Beneventum, an ecclesiastical personage of considerable reputation? Julian was destined at first for a secular career. He married young: it was Bishop yEmilius who took the chief part in the ceremony, for which the good Paulinus was kind enough to compose an epithalamium.* The young wife seems to have died early, for we do not hear of her later and Julian was still very young (adolescens) when we find him in 408 executing under his father the office of a deacon. Augustine seems to have desired Memor to send Julian to him. He did as a matter of fact spend some time at Carthage ; but soon he was raised to the episcopate, perhaps⁵ in succession to his father: Pope Innocent consecrated him Bishop of Eclanum.

Despite the relations of his family with the Bishop of Hippo, Julian, when the conflict occurred, did not hesitate for

1 The modern Mirabella. The former name Eclano is coming into use again. The bishopric disappeared with the town after the Lombard conquest : it was re-established in the 10th century under the name of Quintodecimum and then of Frequentum: the see was at Frigento. To-day Mirabella and Frigento are included in the diocese of Avellino.

2 Ep. 101.

3 It was he who was in charge, in 405, of the mission sent by Pope Innocent to Constantinople to support the cause of St John Chrysostom.

4 Carm. 25.

⁶ It is not certain that Memor had been Bishop of Eclanum.

p. 259-62] JULIAN OF ECLANUM 183

a moment to take sides against him. His education had been highly cultivated; he knew Greek and handled with ease the dialectic of Aristotle. That indeed was his strong point: the mysticism of Augustine found no entrance into a brain which subjected everything to reason: on the contrary he lent himself to Pelagian stoicism. He was not an ascetic like Pelagius and many of his earliest adherents. From the time of Zosimus onwards we find him becoming prominent. It was no doubt to his influence that Alypius and Augustine disputed so energetically possession^{^[160]} of the venerable Bishop of Nola. After the condemnation he wrote to Pope Zosimus,^{^[161]}adopting towards him almost the same language that the opposition in the province of Aquileia made use of, before or after him, in their dealing with their metropolitan. But the Pope's orders were precise, and since in his own metropolitical area he was himself responsible for their execution, the refusal to sign the condemnation of Pelagius and Celestius entailed for Julian and the bishops who followed him in his attitude a sentence of deposition. This was pronounced by Zosimus himself^{^[162]} in 418; eighteen^{^[163]} bishops were thus deprived of their sees, excluded from the Church and even exiled, for imperial rescripts arrived forthwith to lend support to the ecclesiastical decisions. They formed themselves into a group, not however round Pelagius who was perhaps already dead, and in any case little desirous of continuing the dispute, nor round Celestius who was not averse to doing so but who was rather a spent force. The spokesman henceforward is Julian, who was better qualified by his position as a bishop and by his literary gifts. He multiplied his activities. We find him writing to the Count Valerius,^{^[164]}. who was very influential at Court, a man of great piety and much interested in all these questions; to his friends in Rome; to Rufus, the Bishop of Thessalonica; protesting against the condemnation of people in their absence, demanding instead of signatures extorted at one's home the publicity and other safeguards of a great conciliar assembly; then turning round on the promoters of the condemnation, treating them as Manicheans, as enemies of marriage, accusing them of referring to the devil one portion of the creation.

After the decisions, in conformity at last, of the Roman Church, of that of Africa and of the Government of Ravenna, Augustine might have thought that this time the cause was at an' end. It was so actually at bottom ; but his own task was not—far from it. It was no longer with heretics cautious and timid like Pelagius, or clumsy like Celestius, that he was now to deal. Julian's predecessors had sought by all means to secure their acceptance or toleration by the ecclesiastical authorities. It was with this end in view that they had made use of artifices, of apparent concessions, of dissimulation. Julian, deposed and exiled, had no longer anything to lose: besides, it was too late for dissimulation. The only part that remained for him to take was to represent himself as the defender of the Truth momentarily overcome, to take up again in the face of Councils, of the Pope and of the Emperor, the attitude of St Athanasius, and like him to invoke the witness of Providence which would bring everything to a successful ending by giving its revenge to the rightful cause.

Such a campaign could not be a defensive one like that of Pelagius and Celestius. To prove that one was on the side of Truth it was necessary to show that the others were in error, and it was to this that Julian set himself. The positions dealt with in the Roman decisions represented the long-standing tradition of the Church ; but in Augustine's system there was something quite different, and it was possible to foresee that religious opinion would not accept everything that the illustrious bishop set before it. Julian would have had a strong case if, accepting without reserves the defeat of Pelagius and of Celestius, the necessity of Grace, and Original Sin, he had assumed the role in other respects of the champion of orthodoxy against African novelties. This attitude was soon to be adopted by others. But he himself essayed to discredit the traditional basis of the Augustinian teaching by any adventitious and p. 262-5] JULIAN IN EXILE 185

disputable features that it presented. It was an impossible task. Opinion underwent no change. Julian and his friends took refuge in the East, but found no support there.¹ The Bishop of Constantinople, Atticus, gave them no more of a welcome than his colleague of Thessalonica.² At Alexandria,³too, at Jerusalem and at Antioch, the doors remained closed ; the Bishop of Mopsuestia, Theodore, was alone in showing them favour. He shared in reality their view; he had even written quite recently against natural sinfulness, a treatise directly aimed at St Jerome and attacking the teaching of St Augustine.⁴ They made their way to him in the heart of Cilicia, and took up their quarters with him. But the group

1 Marius Mercator (Comm. i. 5 ; iii. 1) seems fully under the impression that the Tractoria of Zosimus encountered opposition in none of the great churches to which it was sent. See, however, note 3, infra.

2 Atticus sent to Rome official notes in which his attitude is defined (Jaffe, op. cit. 374).

3 Cyril of Alexandria seems to have been in no hurry for a personal censure of Pelagius and Celestius. A letter in the Collectio Avellana (No. 49) gives clear enough evidence of this. It is addressed to Cyril by a certain Eusebius, apparently a bishop in Italy, who had already written to him a year earlier on this subject. Eusebius expresses astonishment that the Church of Alexandria, always in accord with those of Italy, should receive into its communion two heretics, condemned not only by the late Pope Innocent but by all the Eastern Churches. He attributes this difference of attitude to a certain Valerian, a hanger-on of the Count Valerius, who has managed to insinuate himself among the clergy of Alexandria and gives bad advice to the Patriarch. The fact that Pelagius and Celestius are represented as already condemned by "all the Eastern Churches" implies that they had all been informed of the condemnation pronounced at Rome : the letter seems then to be later than the Tractoria of Zosimus, although it does not mention it. Later, but how much later? If Cyril had declared himself a supporter of Pelagianisnv, it would have been at Alexandria without a doubt and not at Mopsuestia that Julian would have taken refuge. But it is notorious that Cyril's teaching is irreconcilable with Pelagianism, and Julian's mistrust in regard to him thus finds a perfectly natural explanation. The most reasonable assumption seems to me to be that, so far as concerned Pelagius and Celestius personally, Cyril showed himself as little regardful of the Roman decisions as he had been and still was in relation to St John Chrysostom. St Augustine wrote about this time to Alexandria (Opus imperf. iv. 88); if we still possessed his letter we should no doubt be better informed on this particular point.

4 II^As roiii \tyovTa.s 0y<ret ov yvdj/xr) icrateiv tow avOpibxovs ' Fragments in Marius Mercator (Symbolum Theodori Mopsuestini, P. L. xlviii., p. 213 ff.) and in Photius (Cod. 177), who analyzes it at length and expresses greater approval of it than it deserves.

was not long in splitting up; among the earliest dissidents several rejoined the Church. In the end the movement failed and the Athanasius of Eclanum never saw the looked-for day of the Revanche.

At any rate he had the melancholy satisfaction of annoying the Bishop of Hippo to the very end. During the twelve remaining years of the illustrious Master's life he had unceasing trouble with Julian. The controversy opened with the first protests of the opponents. Accused by them to Count Valerius of defaming matrimony, Augustine replied by his first book, De Nuptiis et Concupiscentia. Julian answered immediately in four books dedicated to his colleague Turbantius, who had been proscribed like himself, but who subsequently deserted him. Of these four books an epitome, very badly made, fell into the hands of Augustine; he refuted it in his second book, De Nuptiis. The two letters sent to Rome and Thessalonica he countered with four books addressed to Pope Boniface. When at last he obtained the complete text of the treatise Ad Turbantium he assailed it in his six books " Against Julian." The latter, already in retirement at Mopsuestia, became acquainted with the second book of the De Nuptiis: he replied in eight books, dedicated once more to one of his companions in exile—Florus. Augustine got hold of this reply and devoted to it the leisure of his last years: when death overtook him in 430, he had not completed his refutation.^{^[165]}His aim was to leave not a particle standing of the objections made to him by his opponent, and he combated him with a splendid fairness, reproducing from one end to the other Julian's actual words. It was, for a man of his age and moral position, a highly disagreeable undertaking. Julian, a controversialist through and through, adroitly laid bare the weak points of his adversary and pressed him vigorously, undeterred by any scruple of respect, inveighing at every opportunity against "the Traducian,"² "the Manichean," with a wearisome p. 265-8] DEATH OF HONORIUS 187

iteration as people of this sort know well how to do. Augustine swallowed the insults, defended his teaching, put forward the texts of Scripture and ancient authors, met him face to face on all sides; but it must certainly have needed his strength of character to keep his patience.

Whilst he was expending his resources in this controversy, the Popes who succeeded Zosimus were watching over the application of the imperial laws. The Emperor Honorius died in 423 (August 27). His sister Galla Placidia, who had been for some little time on bad terms with him, was then at Constantinople, where she had taken refuge with the two children that Constantius had left her — Honoria and Valentinian. A high dignitary of the Western Empire, John, was proclaimed in Rome with the support of the magister militum, Castinus. Theodosius II. would have wished to be his uncle's heir, and to restore the unity of the Empire for his own advantage; but Placidia succeeded in persuading him to send her back to the West and to recognize the rights of her son, Valentinian III. After two years of " usurpation " John was removed, and the daughter of Theodosius installed herself once more at Ravenna with her children (425).

We may suppose that the Pelagians took advantage of this temporary interruption of the Theodosian dynasty for an attempt to re-establish their own affairs. It is at this moment, I think, that we ought to place a step by Celestius with a view to a revision of his case. Pope Celestine succeeded in getting rid of him.¹ The usurper seems to have shown some dislike to the clergy. One of the first acts of Placidia after her restoration was a decree by which various ecclesiastical privileges, temporarily suppressed, were again put in force. This decree,² addressed to the Prsetorian Prefect of the Gauls, has most direct reference to certain bishops of that land who still supported the errors of Pelagius and Celestius. Patroclus, Bishop of Aries, is commissioned to inform them that if they do not amend themselves within twenty days they will be

better philosophical foundation. The result in him is a grave perplexity from which he never completely escapes.

1 Prosper, Contra Collatorem, 21. One does not see how such a step could have been ventured under Honorius, or with still greater reason under Placidia.

2 Const. Sirmondi 6, dated from Aquileia, July 9, 425.

removed from Gaul and their successors appointed. Sulpicius Severus, in his old age, had allowed himself to be beguiled by the ideas of Pelagius, and had defended them with the zeal which was customary to him. He recognized that he had gone astray, and thenceforward confined himself to complete silence.^{^[166]}There is no doubt that it is to the moment at which we have arrived that we ought to assign this resolution.

But there were countries where orthodoxy could not count on the support of the laws of the Empire and the severity of its police. For some years the Britons beyond the Channel, abandoned by Rome, had been living in independence. The ideas of Pelagius had, it may be, old roots among them : they spread themselves there also from abroad, in spite of all condemnations. A bishop named Fastidius, a certain Agricola, son of a Pelagian bishop named Severianus, were prominent in this propaganda.^{^[167]} Of the first of these personages we possess some writings. He was a man of character, genuinely and austerely a Christian. In the course of an expedition undertaken with his daughter and another companion he met in Sicily a great Roman lady who initiated him into the teaching of Pelagius. It was, no doubt, on his return from this expedition that he was elevated to the episcopate. With the support of persons of such respectability the new ideas could not fail to find a welcome. Pope Celestine was troubled about it. Acting on the information and advice of a deacon named Palladius, who seems to have had special ties with the churches of Britain, he made up his mind to counteract these virtuous folk by the influence of a bishop highly revered for the holiness of his life, Germanus of Auxerre. Germanus crossed the sea, accompanied by his colleague of Troyes— p. 268-71] GERMANUS AND LUPUS 189

Lupus (St Loup) and commended, besides the Pope's commission, by the bishops of Gaul. His mission had good results ; but it did not produce a final settlement. He was obliged to return some years later,^{^[168]} accompanied this time by Severus, Bishop of Treves.

Pelagius, however, retained adherents in the land of his birth. When the neighbouring island, Ireland, was converted to Christianity, the British missionaries carried thither some of the doctrines censured in the Roman Empire; the name even of Pelagius appears with honour in the ecclesiastical literature and in the canon law of that country.^{^[169]} But these are belated revivals and a subject of interest only for the curious writer. In reality and immediately St Germanus gained the upper hand. The name of Pelagius may be preserved in a few manuscripts; that of the Bishop of Auxerre remained in the heart of the people. The Britons of the island attached poetical legends to it. They loved to represent themselves as having been defended by the holy man of Gaul against the Saxon invaders; they made of him a great prophet after the order of Samuel and of Elijah, able to speak to the mighty, and to call down upon their vices the chastisements of heaven. Thanks to the insular legend of St Germanus, the story of Roman Britain closes in the same atmosphere of the marvellous as that which marks the beginning of the story of Britain under the Anglo-Saxons.^{^[170]}

Germanus as the Pope's lieutenant in Britain secured the victory there of the tradition of the Church over the doctrines of Pelagius and Celestius. He had no more intention than the Pope whose commissioner he was of promulgating as a whole and in detail the Augustinian theory of the work of salvation. I have already made this distinction on several occasions: it is of more particular importance here in connexion with a member of the Gallican Episcopate, that is to say of a body in which the doctrines taught from Hippo were subjected freely to examination, some being accepted, others repudiated.

At the time with which we are dealing, religious thought radiated in Gaul from two principal centres, from two asylums opened to piety on the coast of Provence, at Lerins, and at Marseilles.

To the west of the peninsula of Antibes and exactly facing Cannes, two islands rise from the blue depths of the sea. The more distant from the shore, Lerinum, had been laid out at the beginning of the 5th century for a colony of monks. This was conducted by Honoratus, a man of the type of Sulpicius Severus and of Paulinus, a great noble who had retired from the world, and lived a life of austerity in company with a few friends and servants. He had early bidden farewell to his family, and in company with his brother Venantius and with Caprasius, a friend of riper age, had set sail for the Peloponnese, the condition of which had become such, owing to the evilness of the times, that it was a place of resort for its solitudes. Venantius died there and was buried at Modon (Methone): the others returned to Latin shores. The bishops of Tuscany tried in vain to retain them: they met with no more success in this than had Proculus of Marseilles at the outset. The islands of the Tuscan coast were at that time greatly frequented by solitaries.^{^[171]} Honoratus gave the preference to those of his own land and installed himself at Lerins, to which he was attracted by the proximity of the saintly bishop Leontius of Frejus. Such is the origin of the famous community of Lerins which was, for a great part of Gaul, a veritable nursery of bishops and of saints.

The community of Marseilles, somewhat later in date, is connected with the name of Cassian, a personage from the East, whom the persecution against Chrysostom had brought to Italy, and whom Proculus had succeeded in establishing in his own neighbourhood. Cassian was a native of Latin Scythia,^{^[172]} a distant province situated at the mouths of the p. 271-4] LERINS AND MARSEILLES 191

Danube. He had lived a long time at Bethlehem, no doubt before the arrival of Jerome, and then in the monasteries of the Egyptian Delta, and of the desert of Nitria. Shortly before the crisis which removed Chrysostom he had attached himself to the saintly Bishop of Constantinople. Exiled like him from the imperial city, but in another direction, he finally established himself at Marseilles at the tomb of a local martyr, St Victor. Patronized in its first beginnings by Bishop Proculus, this foundation was called to lofty destinies. From its earliest years the virtue of Cassian, his religious knowledge, and above all his experience of the ascetic life marked him out for attention. Cassian was speedily regarded as the legislator of the monks of the West. It was for them that he wrote, before 426, his treatise De Institutis Coenobiorum, addressed to Bishop Castor of Apt, and then his Addresses (Collationes), the twenty-four books of which were dedicated in groups to the notabilities of the episcopate and of solitude—Leontius of Frejus, Helladius, Honoratus, Eucherius, Jovinian, Minervius, another Leontius, and Theodosius. The last four were living in retirement in the Islands of Hyeres (Stoechadae■), whilst Eucherius was mortifying himself in the Island of Lero (Sainte- Marguerite), quite close to Lerins. Eucherius was a nobleman of Lyons, married, and the father of a family: his wife followed him to his island whilst his two sons, Salonius and Veranus, were brought up in Honoratus' monastery.

Cassian's dedications would suffice to show how close were the relations which united this whole aristocracy of Provencal piety. The populace heard tales of the holy retreats and of their inhabitants. They called them to mind at the time of the election of bishops. When Patroclus died (426), the people of Aries demanded as their bishop the founder of Lerins, Honoratus; shortly afterwards (428), for he lasted only for two years, they gave him as successor one of his disciples, Hilarius. Helladius, Eucherius, and a number of others also attained the episcopate.

It was inevitable that in such a circle¹ conflicts of opinion

no question of a Scythian (were there still any Scythians?); it is a question of a citizen of a Latin town of the Province of Scythia.

¹ Characterized in our day by the epithet " semi-pelagian." This term, however, ought not to be employed here. Unknown to antiquity and even to the scholasticism of the Middle Ages, it is with difficulty to be found earlier than the 17th century.

in regard to the conditions of salvation, to Grace, Free Will, and Original Sin, should excite the liveliest interest. We do not know what talk was held there before the condemnation of Pelagius: when that had been definitively pronounced, they gave it their adhesion. No one seems to have felt any difficulty in recognizing the great service that Augustine had rendered to the common Faith by interposing so energetically in this matter. All the same they did not feel themselves bound to follow him in all his deductions. The Bishop of Hippo went beyond the positions taken by the African Councils and by the Pontifical Letters. According to him, Free Will had no initiative in the work of Salvation; even the first movement of resort to God, the initial aspiration for faith, must be referred to Divine action. It was in vain that any one opposed to him the objection that if the Bible tells of startling conversions like that of St Paul, we find in it also stories like that of Zacchaeus where grace follows as the sequel of a good motion, even though it be one of simple and pious curiosity. This first good motion Augustine claimed for grace exactly in the same way as that which might follow. In this he was following out the logic of his system. The human race is justly devoted to eternal condemnation. In this mass of persons under condemnation God chooses whom it pleases Him, and that without regard to merits acquired or possible. These elect persons are predestined to salvation; whatever they do or do not do, they will be saved by the power of grace, a grace admitting neither of failure (infaillible) nor resistance (irresistible). " Help yourself and Heaven will help you," says the wisdom of the nations. " Whether you help yourself or do not help yourself," says Augustine," Heaven will help you if you are predestined; if you are not, anything that you can do is useless." It is hardly necessary to say that in such a system God could not be considered as willing the salvation of all men. This conception to which Augustine had not been opposed in his youth was subsequently got rid of by him and with a decision that is remarkable. The text, I Tim. ii. 4, in which it is distinctly inculcated, is submitted by him to an exegesis so subtle and so strained, that if we were not dealing with St Augustine one would be tempted to utter the word "juggling" (escamotage).

That a system so pitiless should have been able to be

p. 274-7] AUGUSTINE AND CASSIAN 193

patronized by such a man is a thing which, at first sight, seems inexplicable. But in that day people, were familiar with the ideas of Damnation, of Election, of free Predestination. They are the ground of Biblical history : Israel had always lived, was still living, under the feeling of its Predestination as a nation. The Christians, to some extent, had inherited this mental attitude. Though exaggerated and carried to extremity among the Gnostics and the Manicheans, it had in no way been detrimental to their success. Rare in the spirits of people of that time were those humanitarian conceptions which among ourselves revolt at such rigour.

Augustine,¹ for his own part, moved about his system quite unconstrained; all opportunities were good ones in his eyes for expounding it. The Roman priest, Xystus, had scarcely completed the evolution by which he transformed himself from patron of Pelagius into an opponent of the British monk, when he received (418) from the Bishop of Hippo a long letter² on prevenient grace and free-will. A little later Augustine was discussing the same question with a certain Vitalis, a notable of Carthage.³ In 426 or 427 he was told that the monks of Hadrumetum were disputing among themselves on the subject of his doctrines. He interposed both by letters⁴ and by the sending of two consecutive treatises, " Grace and Free Will" and " Punishment and Grace." In the latter he replied to the objection of certain monks: " Why does anyone rebuke us when we are in fault? It is Grace that has failed us." He also explains in it, more clearly than he had hitherto done, his ideas on Predestination.

Already, in the second part of his Collationes published about 425, Cassian had put into the mouth of a solitary of Egypt a theory of Free Will and of its part in the origin of Conversion, and this theory was in complete contrast with that of Augustine. When the book Of Punishment and Grace, in

1On what follows see the work of Pcre M. Jacquin, " La Question de la Predestination aux v^e et vi® Siecles" in the Revue dHistoire Ecclesi- astique, Louvain, 1904 and 1906.

2 Ep. 194. ³ Ep. 217.

⁴ Epp. 214-216. A letter of his friend, Evodius of Uzala, relative to this dispute, was published in 1896 by Dom. G. Morin, Revue Benedictine xiii., p. 482. It is distinguished from analogous writings of St Augustine not by the basis of the ideas, but by a greater preoccupation with religious practice and by a more marked resignation in the presence of mysteries.

which the Augustinian system in regard to Predestination displayed itself in all its rigour became known in Provence, something like a scandal was caused. Hilary, the new Bishop of Aries, although he was on the whole a great admirer of Augustine, declared his intention of asking him for explanations. While he had not gone further than intentions, two monks of Marseilles—Prosper, an Aquitanian by birth, and another Hilary—addressed themselves directly to Augustine and did so in a very different spirit. They were Augustinians, without reserve or condition. Almost alone in their opinion in the circle in which Cassian and Hilary of Aries shone, they only employed the greater zeal in maintaining their ideas. Augustine, whom they invoked, came to the rescue and sent them his treatises Of the Predestination of the Saints and Of the Gift of Perseverance, two books very little calculated to allay the criticisms excited by their predecessors.

These are almost the last writings of St Augustine. Whilst he was plunging himself into these subtle questions, the world was crumbling around him. The barbarians, summoned by Roman discord, were invading Africa. Count Boniface, though a worthy man and friend of the Bishop of Hippo, adopted, thanks to Court intrigues, the attitude of a rebel. A first expedition sent against him met with no success; a second of which the Count Sigisvult, with a band of Arian Goths,^{^[173]}formed part, led him to invoke the support of the Vandals who were established in Spain.^{^[174]} Their king, Genseric, crossed the Strait of Gades (Gibraltar) in the spring of 429 with a large force. However, Boniface had ended by making his peace with Placidia^{^[175]}: he had been relieved of Sigisvult, on the assumption that he would rid himself of the Vandals. But they were in no mind to listen to the suggestion of re-crossing the sea. They were seen advancing from west to east across the Mauritanian Provinces, spreading fire and sword on every side. The Roman inhabitants fled at their approach, and sought refuge in the mountains and other protected p. 277-80J THE VANDALS IN AFRICA 195

posts.¹ Behind them remained nothing but ruins; churches and cities, all were gone. The barbarians from Spain were joined by the barbarians of the country, the unvanquished Moors; together they vented their fury against all that stood for Rome and leaped upon its fragments.

Soon the scourge reached Numidia. Count Boniface was beaten in the outskirts of Hippo and shut himself up in the town where he underwent a siege of fourteen months. A small number of fortified positions, Hippo, Constantina, Carthage held out for some time, and afforded a refuge for those who could make their way there and a support for the attempts at resistance.

At Hippo Possidius, Bishop of Calama, and some of his colleagues found themselves together once more in the society of Augustine. The illustrious bishop had reached the age of seventy-six. During the third month of the siege he felt his strength waning, and in the middle of the summer (August 28, 430) death laid its hand upon him. His friend, Aurelius of Carthage, too, had just departed from this world (July 20). The Church of Africa was deprived of its head and shattered : it was obliged to resign itself to the brutal oppression of the barbarian followers of Arius.

Beyond the sea this catastrophe put no check to the quarrels aroused by the sharp points of Augustinian teaching. The books on Predestination and on Perseverance had embittered men's minds. They let the fact clearly be seen, without however displaying any eagerness for written arguments in opposition to an author so highly respected. To oral objections and to those who adopted an attitude of reserve Prosper and Hilary replied with vigour pushed to the extreme. In prose and even in verse² Prosper proceeded to attack those whom he treated as opponents of Grace—the " ingrates," to use his own expression. Later there fell into his hands some little books consisting of collections of propositions taken either from the last works of Augustine or from his own, with the object of representing in the most unfavourable light the teaching which it was designed to decry. Vincent, a monk of Lerins, was prominent in this kind of production. He was a

1 See the letter of St Augustine to Bishop Honoratus on the duties of the clergy in face of these enforced emigrations (Aug. Ep. 228).

2 Epistola ad Rufinum, Carmen de ingratis, Epigrammata.

Ill O

theologian of learning and not without literary attainments: his talents had attracted to him the attention of Eucherius who had entrusted him with the education of his sons. All along the coast as far as Genoa the doctrinal extravagances of Augustine were the theme of discussion. Prosper set himself to meet all comers, defending with undaunted courage, though not without attempts at sweetening, the teaching of the Master of Hippo¹ which he endeavoured to identify with that of the Apostolic See.

As a matter of fact, now that there was no longer Augustine, no longer any Councils of Africa, the only possible protection was that of the Roman pontiffs. But the latter were on the best of terms with the leaders at Marseilles. When disquiet began to be felt at Rome in regard to the heresy of Nestorius, it was not to Hippo invested by the Vandals that recourse was had for advice. It was to Marseilles, to Cassian, that the Roman archdeacon Leo addressed himself.² Marseilles was for the time being the home of the oracle of Western theology.

Their knowledge of this position of affairs did not deter Prosper and Hilary from repairing to Rome and invoking the support of the Holy See against Augustine's detractors. A few years before, Pope Celestine, moved by certain reports he had received, had written to the bishops of the Provinces of Vienne and Narbonne a letter of considerable asperity³ which gave evidence of feelings of displeasure towards the monasteries of Provence and the custom which was beginning to arise of recruiting the ranks of the episcopal body from among their members. At the request of Prosper and Hilary he wrote⁴ to a group of bishops of the Gauls, chief among whom figures the Bishop of Marseilles, Venerius—the successor of Proculus. In this document he expresses himself vigorously against the practice of allowing priests to preach who abuse this faculty in order to enunciate errors and to trouble people's minds. As

1 Pro Augustino, rcsfionsiones ad capitula Gallorum—ad capitula obiectionum Vincentianarum—ad excerpta Genuensium. According to P&re Jacquin (Revue dHist. Eccl. 1906, p. 276) the third of these works appears to be the first in date, and it is only in the following ones that Prosper began to tone down the Augustinian doctrine.

2 Cassian, De Incarnatione Domini contra Nestorium, libri vii., a work earlier in date than the Council of Ephesus.

^;; Cuperemus quidem (Jaffe, op. cit. 369), July 26, 428.

⁴ Apostolici verba (Jaffe, op. cit. 381).

CHAPTER IX

ATTICUS AND CYRIL

ARCADIUS died on May i, 408. He left a son of seven years old, Theodosius II., and three daughters,^{^[183]} Pulcheria, Arcadia, and Marina. The first was only two years older than her brother. From these nestlings born in the purple no governor was to be obtained for the State. And so Honorius, the uncle in the West, formed a project of intervention. His powerful minister,Stilicho, was already making preparations for the journey to Constantinople when differences arose between them ; before the month of August was ended Stilicho was no more. Shortly afterwards Alaric appeared in Italy and provided the Emperor Honorius with the most serious reasons for not going away. New Rome, besides, could do without the West. Over the young imperial family there kept guard a man of honour, alike intelligent and strong—the Praetorian Prefect, Anthemius: he undertook the Regency and administered it with ability. In his counsels he had the sophist Troilus, a man of considerable repute, and the Archbishop Atticus^{^[184]} one of the cleverest men of his time. The young Theodosius already^{^[185]} bore the title of Augustus: it was also conferred upon Pulcheria when she entered her sixteenth year^{^[186]}; and from that time she was qualified to take part in the direction of affairs. She did not marry, nor did her sisters. They lived, all three of them, in the imperial palace a life of austerity and piety, in as much retirement as their position allowed. Brought up with them, and to some extent by them, Theodosius II. was a mild and religious prince, of highly cultivated mind and little inclined for warlike adventures. Under his rule the Empire of the East enjoyed a tranquillity both without and within which the West had every reason to envy. Ways of escape were found without the sacrifice of honour from the difficulties unceasingly recurring on the Persian frontier. As for the barbarians on the Danube they were kept at a distance successfully for the most part either by means of money or by the devices of diplomacy. Within the Empire the peoples seem to have profited, so far as their material prosperity was concerned, by the benefits of peace. Constantinople grew in size day by day. Anthemius carried out the enclosure of a whole series of suburbs which had grown up around the old town. This was the Theodosian enclosure which after many restorations still marks the bounds of Old Stamboul. The enclosure of Constantine was demolished, but its line remained indicated by columns. It was a religious frontier. Heretical dissenters, especially those who were Arians, could not have churches within the wall of Constantine : they were not thrust back beyond the Theodosian wall; but they were compelled to remain outside the columns, and hence the name Exokionitai.

The Patriarch Atticus seems to have been at bottom fairly tolerant of heretics, albeit he sometimes addressed to them resounding threats. The Novatians especially had reason to congratulate themselves on his administration. To the former sects there was now added the group of faithful supporters of Chrysostom—the Johannites, as they were called. They were very numerous, and the Patriarch observed with regret that his own churches were sparsely attended, whilst mysterious gatherings, held on the outskirts of the capital, collected veritable crowds. The enthusiasm of the dissenters was sustained by the steadfastness of so many bishops whom they knew to have been persecuted and exiled for the good cause, and also by the moral support of the Pope of Old Rome. After Chrysostom's death and undoubtedly on the accession of Theodosius II. the tension was relaxed. On the advice of Theophilus himself, Atticus showed himself more yielding and thus regained a large number of dissenters. But there remained p. 288-91] THEODOSIUS II., ATTICUS, SYNESIUS 203

a large body who still refused all intercourse with him, and the schism continued equally in the populace of Constantinople and in the episcopate.

Theophilus, contented with having destroyed his rival and asserted his own dominating influence in the religious affairs of the East, was in no way anxious to perpetuate ecclesiastical quarrels around himself. Origenism had ceased to interest him. It was with the utmost tranquillity of soul that he endured the interruption of his relations with the Roman Church. Being well assured that the protests of Rome and of Ravenna would have no effect at Constantinople, he enjoyed in peace his power in Egypt and his influence beyond its borders.

Among the provinces immediately subject to his authority, Libya Cyrenaica, of which much had been heard in the 3rd century in connexion with the heresy of Sabellius and in the 4th in connexion with Arianism,¹ provides us in the time of Theophilus with a figure as original as it is attractive, that of Bishop Synesius.² Scion of a noble family for whom his erudition traced a connexion with the Dorian kings the sons of Heracles, he had received in the schools of Alexandria an education of the most superior kind. In the first rank of his teachers figured the celebrated Hypatia, who was then the director of the Neoplatonist school and for whom he always retained, even after his elevation to the episcopate, the most tender and most grateful veneration. When barely twenty-five years old he was entrusted (c. 400 A.D.) with the conduct of a deputation of his fellow-citizens to Constantinople. During the long stay that he made in the capital he had an opportunity of seeing Chrysostom, Eutropius, and Gainas. On returning to Alexandria he married. Theophilus, with whom he was acquainted, blessed the union. Then he retired to his countryside, holding himself as far as possible aloof from public affairs, devoting himself to bodily exercises, especially to the chase, and never ceasing to cultivate his mind. Poet, orator, philosopher, an astronomer at a pinch and a geometrician, he was interested in everything. We possess writings of his in these various

1 Vol. I., p. 350; Vol. II., pp. 103, 122.

2On the chronology of Synesius see the memoir of Otto Seeck in Philologus (1893), pp. 442 ff.

fields, and notably letters in a style at once vivid and of considerable refinement. In religion he was a Neoplatonist slightly tinged with Christianity. With the Pope Theophilus he maintained friendly relations, but his intellectual sympathies attached him by preference to the circle of Hypatia.

In this way he was leading a life of pleasing tranquillity when about the year 410^{^[187]} the people of Ptolemais made up their minds to elect him Bishop. There was sufficient ground for dismay. Religion, and especially theology, had scarcely troubled his attention hitherto: he was a very tyro in it. What was more, to say nothing of religious ceremonies, a bishop was absorbed from morning till night in the care of his flock. He had to judge them, to administer them, to relieve their various miseries and to help them in everything. In short, Synesius saw himself compelled to live solely for others. What an upsetting! A picture rises before our minds of Ausonius invited to accept the episcopal office. Finally there were dogmas and canonical ordinances with which he would not easily come to terms. They would not secure from him a literal acceptance of the doctrine of the resurrection of bodies in the sense in which the common people understood it, nor the abandonment of his wife, nor his hope of still having children. In regard to all this he wrote an open letter^{^[188]} to his brother Euoptius, and in it the Patriarch Theophilus was strongly urged not to ratify the election. But Theophilus was easy-going at times. We do not know to what extent Synesius caused him to accept his programme: the fact remains that in the end he was consecrated Bishop of Ptolemais. In this unexpected position he had, luckily for himself, no dogmatic difficulty to settle: in the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Alexandria, ordinary bishops had not to trouble themselves about these things. But Libya was not secure against the scourges, within and without, which were desolating all the provinces. It was suffering under bad officials and under barbarians. Synesius found himself at p. 291-4] SYNESIUS, ISIDORE, NILUS 205

close quarters with both, and the traces of it have remained in his picturesque correspondence.

The children of the desert, Maketes and Ausurians, were beginning terrible forays in the coast region.^{^[189]} Synesius demanded adequate troops and experienced leaders: for his own part he mounted guard on the walls of his episcopal town. Almost as formidable as the brigands of the interior, the Governor Andronicus^{^[190]} was afflicting the province by his extortions and his cruelties. Synesius did not hesitate to excommunicate him: at the same time he exerted himself at Constantinople to get rid of this venal magistrate. He succeeded, and Andronicus fell into disgrace. Then we find the good-hearted Synesius, forgetful of his grievances and his excommunications, undertaking the defence of his luckless adversary. Synesius was not bishop for long: he must have died about the same time as Theophilus, for in his letters^{^[191]} he never mentions his successor Cyril. The faithful friend of Hypatia had not the sorrow of hearing of her tragic end. Outside his distant province and certain literary circles, Synesius does not seem to have been widely known. From the other side of the Delta, other voices secured a better hearing : they were, it is true, voices of authority, voices of men of God—those of Isidore of Pelusium and of Nilus the Sinaite.

The latter was a former official of Constantinople. He had retired with his son Theodulus to the rude solitudes of Sinai, and lived there for a long time protected from the world, but not from Saracen robbers. Theodulus was carried off by them, and it was only after many adventures that his father succeeded in finding him again.^{^[192]} Isidore was an Egyptian of good family who ruled over a monastery in the outskirts of Pelusium. Both of them were men of great culture: they had left behind them in the world a large number of ties; their sanctity, which was eminent and celebrated, brought them many others. They were counsellors, spiritual directors, for the whole Empire of the East. Nilus left many ascetic writings for the special use of monks. Of each of them there remains an enormous quantity of letters, for the most part preserved only in extracts. Nilus was a great admirer of Chrysostom: he Would not allow that anyone should be scandalized at his statements, even the most vehement of them.^{^[193]} Isidore, for whom the Bishop of Constantinople was the Master par excellence in exegesis and in theology, did not hesitate to side with him against Theophilus and to stigmatize energetically the proceedings of the Bishop of Alexandria: " Egypt, forever the enemy of Moses, forever attached to Pharaoh, has let loose against the saintly doctor this Theophilus, this man whose besetting passion is gems and gold: he has associated with himself four accomplices, four apostates like himself:^{^[194]} together they have 'downed' Chrysostom."^{^[195]} It is surprising that, though adopting a style of this sort, Isidore had not had to suffer from the revengeful Patriarch. Cyril also received from him admonitions in severe terms. In short, if all those whom he taught their duty had risen against him, he would have had to go through some very unpleasant times. Priests, bishops, monks, provincial officials, great men of the Court, all were rebuked with the most complete freedom: the Emperor himself, the pious Theodosius II., did not escape the strictures of the saint of Egypt. But it was to the clergy of Pelusium especially, and in particular to their head, Bishop Eusebius, that his invectives were devoted. This Eusebius seems to have lived to a great age in spite of Isidore's hostility: we come across him again at the time of the Monophysite quarrel in which he played an evil part.

At Bethlehem in his restored monastery Jerome was watching the approach of the end of his long career. The Pelagians, his last opponents, were stinging him still by their writings. A certain Annianus of Celeda,^{^[196]} who at the time of the Council of Diospolis had acted as a sort of secretary of Pelagius, was attacking the Letter to Ctesiphon and the Anti-Pelagian Dialogues. Jerome proposed to administer sound punishment to him; but he was prevented from doing p. 29-1-7] DEATH OF JEROME 207

so by the death of Eustochium, which plunged him into sorrow both prolonged and deep. His prostration betrays itself in the last letter that he wrote to his friends in Africa, Alypius and Augustine.¹ From that time forward, too, it was on the Bishop of Hippo that he relied to continue the struggle and to secure the final defeat of the heretics. He himself was too old : he felt it.

Eustochium did not leave him alone in the world. The young Paula remained with him, and also the devout family of the Caelian Hill—Melania, her mother Albina, and the excellent Pinianus. Peace had been concluded between Bethlehem and the Mount of Olives: the grandchildren of the first Melania fraternized with those of the first Paula. Together they received the last roarings of the old lion: Jerome died on September 30, 420.

At Antioch, so long as Porphyry lived, that is to say till about the year 414, Chrysostom's opponents waged against his memory the war that they had levied against his person. In succession to Porphyry there was elected a former monk, Alexander, a man of peaceful views. He showed these in the first instance in relation to the remnants of the Little Church, who, though deprived of a bishop after the death of Evagrius, continued none the less in their attitude of schism. It was indeed a bright day when Bishop Alexander went with his own people to fetch the old believers in their church at the Southern gate, and led them all to the great cathedral of Constantine, with their voices united at last in the same psalmody.² Alexander did not stop there: he replaced in the diptychs the name of Archbishop John, and thus regained all those who had taken sides at Antioch against Porphyry. The priests and other clergy of the two dissenting groups were received into the number of the conforming clergy. Two bishops, Helpidius of Laodicea and Pappus, who had been removed from their sees for their adherence to Chrysostom, were also restored. Finally, Alexander despatched to Rome and secured the presentation to Innocent of the records of these two reunions. The Pope was highly

' Ep. cxliii. We do not know if he was acquainted with the book written against him by Theodore of Mopsuestia {supra, p. 185). He nowhere mentions it.

² Theodoret, //. E. v. 35.

pleased with them, and communion was re-established between the two sees of St Peter.¹

The Bishop of Antioch exhibited the greatest possible zeal. In the course of a journey that he made to Constantinople we find the people stirred up to demand the insertion of the name of John in the diptychs, in spite of the opposition of Atticus. The latter held his ground: for the moment nothing was changed. At Antioch, too, a reaction was not slow in taking place: Theodotus, Alexander's successor, effaced John's name once more. Opinion in Syria remained seriously divided. The aged Acacius of Bercea, tenacious in his hate but embarrassed by the fervour of John's followers, shuffled painfully between the two parties. Under Bishop Alexander he had submitted to a reconciliation with the Roman Pope and had taken the steps necessary to secure it. He would greatly have preferred that Theodotus should stand firm in his new attitude; but the people of Antioch had had enough of these quarrels of bishops: they compelled their Patriarch to pronounce in the holy mysteries the name of the illustrious bishop, their fellow-countryman, the glory of their city.

It only remained to secure the acceptance of this surrender alike at Constantinople and at Alexandria. Acacius undertook the task and wrote to the two Archbishops. At Constantinople the letter which was disclosed to the populace threw it into a ferment. Atticus made up his mind to placate it. He negotiated matters with the Court, replaced John in the list of his predecessors, and everything was settled.

Things did not move so quickly at Alexandria. Theophilus had died in 412. To his last hour he remained unbending, troubling himself very little about Roman protests. The Council of Africa made an attempt in 407 to intervene in this dispute and to reconcile Rome with Alexandria: it was sheer waste of energy. Isidore of Pelusium made his plaint in vain: no attention was paid to him. Synesius, who had small comprehension of these unbridled hatreds, was of opinion that since John's death at any rate they had no longer any ground for existence²: they let him talk. Even the death of the obstinate Patriarch brought no change.

1 For the Papal letters relating to this business see Jaffe, Regesta, 305310 ; their date is about 415 a.d.

2 Ep. 66.

p. 297-300] ANTIOCH AND ALEXANDRIA 209

He was as a matter of fact replaced by his nephew Cyril, in whom there lived again all his own qualities, both bad and good. Like Theophilus Cyril was a man of great ecclesiastical learning and a spotless life: like him also he showed himself daring and hard. The terror which the Patriarch of Alexandria inspired around him and in the whole of the East was not relaxed for a moment. Cyril soon gained at Constantinople the reputation of being a formidable person. All that was heard of was his conflicts with the Augustal Prefect, Orestes. The reason of their estrangement we do not know. It was perhaps due to an attempt on the part of the imperial authorities^{^[197]} after the death of Theophilus to run a candidate in opposition to Cyril. Whatever may be the fact as to its causes, this resentment showed itself on all possible occasions. One day when the Prefect was settling some police business relating to the Jews and their continual tumults, the Jews recognized among the crowd present a schoolmaster named Hierax, a fanatical admirer of Cyril and leader of the " claque " at his sermons.^{^[198]} They proceeded to treat him as an agent provocateur, a fosterer of disturbances. The Prefect suspected that Hierax had been sent to spy upon him and caused him to be publicly chastised. In anger, Cyril summoned the heads of the Jewish nation and uttered terrible threats in case their disturbances continued. The bishop did not, of course, possess any power capable legally of repression; but he held the populace in his hand; a sign from him could let loose a tumult. The Jews formed the shameful project of taking the initiative and organizing under pretext of a fire an affray by night. In this they killed a large number of Christians. At daybreak the secret plot was discovered by the latter. Cyril let them loose upon the synagogues, and this was the end of the Jewish colony at Alexandria: it was dispersed, and its possessions and those of its members were given over to pillage.

We can imagine whether the Prefect Orestes was glad to live in contact and in conflict with this force of revolt. Cyril became, in his eyes, more than a public enemy—a personal opponent. It was in vain that attempts were made to reconcile them. Cyril, it was reported, lent himself to an advance: he appeared in the Prefect's presence with the Book of the Gospels in his hands. What has he to say to him as a' commentary on this display ? As a matter of fact the Prefect remained unyielding.

In the number of Cyril's supporters there figured the solitaries of Nitria. The execution of the Origenists had put an end to their dissensions: the Patriarch now held them under his hand. One day the Prefect met in the street a band of five hundred monks who had lately arrived from the desert. Their intentions were hostile. They began to assail him with invectives and to treat him as a heathen. It was in vain that he protested that he had been baptized at Constantinople, by Archbishop Atticus. A monk named Ammonius threw a stone at him which made his head bleed. The monk was at once arrested and put to the torture, and so acutely that he gave up the ghost. Cyril provided him with solemn obsequies, pronounced a funeral oration upon him, and ordered that he should be regarded as a martyr.

Among the people who enjoyed the favour of the Prefect figured the illustrious Hypatia, a woman of high literary distinction, as much renowned for her personal character as for her ability. She was still a heathen, and directed the Neo- platonist school. Orestes was not the only Christian of note who held her in esteem. We have seen above with what veneration Bishop Synesius regarded her. In Cyril's entourage she was regarded as the instigator of all the evil designs of the Prefect. It was she, they asserted, who prevented him being on good terms with the Bishop. One day a band of fanatics led by a certain Peter, one of Cyril's Readers, laid wait for her, pulled her from her carriage and dragged her into the church of the Caesareum. There she was stripped of her garments and battered to death with tiles: she was then torn to pieces, and her poor remains were burnt in a cannibal-like orgy. This took place in the month of March 415.¹

¹ The accounts given above are told us by Socrates. They represent the reports credited at Constantinople and so admit a certain measure of exaggeration. However, the impression which results from them cannot be disregarded, for it agrees only too well with what other documents of a p. 300-3] MURDER OF HYP ATI A 211

Such was the milieu into which the wise-heads of Antioch and Constantinople had to endeavour to introduce counsels of moderation and readiness to forgive. They took a very humble tone.¹ Acacius adduced the disturbances at Antioch, Atticus those at Constantinople: one of them spoke of the reluctance of Theodotus, the other of his own. Atticus appealed to the feelings of the Court, and declared that John had been placed upon a list on which there were not only bishops but also clergy of lower rank and lay folk, both men and women : he said that after all the Arian Eudoxius rested in the same burial-place as the orthodox bishops of Constantinople. It was not easy to delude Cyril in the matter: he was an authority on diptychs, and had no difficulty in establishing that on those of Constantinople John occupied an honourable place in the number of the bishops and not among the laity. But John had been deposed from the episcopate: he was no longer a bishop. To restore him in this fashion, said the Bishop of Alexandria, was to replace Judas in the Apostolic College. It was his uncle, Theophilus, who had presided over the Council of the Oak: he himself was present at it²; he knew at first hand what had taken place there. They would not obtain the concession either from him or from the Egyptian Episcopate which was behind him to a man.

We do not know what was the result of this business. That Cyril ever replaced John in the diptychs of Alexandria is a conclusion for which there is no evidence whatever ; but whether he eventually made up his mind to it or they ceased to press for the step, the fact remains that relations were renewed between the great Churches.

The Pelagian business which made a stir in Palestine about the time that Alexander, the Bishop of Antioch, was rehabilitating the memory of Chrysostom, did not affect their intercourse. The condemnations in the West were observed everywhere except at Mopsuestia, in Cilicia, as we have seen above. The Patriarch Atticus had no intention of allowing

less questionable kind tell us with regard to the character and proceedings of the terror-inspiring Archbishop.

1 The letter of Acacius is lost, but Cyril mentions it in his Ep. 76, by which he replies to that of Atticus. (.Ep. 75. Migne, Patrol. Latino, torn, lxxvii., pp. 347-360.)

2 Ep. 33.

III. P

himself to be drawn into this dispute. This does not mean that, even after he had been reconciled with the Popes, he showed any great deference towards them. We find him, on various occasions, setting himself in opposition to their claims relative to the higher control of the Episcopate of Illyria, which he was endeavouring to attract within his own orbit. This attitude, natural enough on the part of the Bishop of Constantinople, was in no way peculiar to Atticus.

The Messalians continued to give the prelates of the East reasons for anxiety similar to those which the Priscillianists and the Manicheans aroused in their colleagues of the West. Atticus was compelled to devote his attention to these curious sectaries, who were always very popular in certain districts of Asia Minor. They did not cease to increase in numbers, and cared nothing either for ecclesiastical sentences or for the imperial laws which proscribed them. In Pamphylia, and in the neighbouring regions of Lycia and Lycaonia, and as far as Cappadocia, they made themselves heard of incessantly. It seems clear that they were strong enough to intimidate the bishops, for again and again the shepherds have to be recalled to the necessity of exercising severity against these intractable sheep. Atticus set himself to do so,¹ and so did his successors after him. The Bishops of Antioch were not less active.² Archelaus of Caesarea in Cappadocia condemned twenty-four propositions in which the Messalian teaching was summed up: his suffragan, Heraclidas of Nyssa, published two letters against the sectaries. Finally, the Council of Ephesus, at the request of the Bishops of Iconium and of Side, delivered a new decree against the heretics.³

For all that they were not rooted out. Some thirty years after the Council of Ephesus, one of them, a certain Lampetius, imposed upon the good nature of Alypius, the Archbishop of Caesarea, and secured ordination as priest. Prosecuted by an

1Letters to the Bishops of Pamphylia and to Amphilochius, Metropolitan of Side (Photius, Cod. 52).

2 Letter addressed to the Metropolitans of Perga [Beronician] and of Side [Amphilochius] by Sisinnius of Constantinople, Theodotus of Antioch, and the other bishops gathered together for the ordination of Sisinnius ; letter of John of Antioch to Nestorius (ibid.).

3 Ibid. Of all this literary material which Photius had before him there remains only—and that in a Latin version—the decree of the Council of Ephesus (Act. vii., Mansi, Concilia, torn, iv., p. 1477).

p. 303-6] THE MESSALIANS 213

Archimandrite, Gerontius, he was deprived for offences against the ordinary law, but none the less retained considerable influence within his own circle. The Messalians, or at any rate a section of them, were called after him Lampetians. Even as far as Egypt he found champions : Alfius, a Bishop of Rhinocorura, and a priest of the same name were deposed as partisans of Lampetius. He was the author of a book called Testament, which was refuted by Severus, the Monophysite Patriarch of Antioch, before his elevation to the episcopate.¹

The sect diversified itself still further, under other leaders and other designations. The title of Marcianites, which we find from the close of the 6th century, came to it from a banker named Marcian, a contemporary of Justinian and of Justin II.² In Armenia, too, the Messalians caused scandal and incurred ecclesiastical condemnations.³ They seem to have been absorbed in the 7th century by the sect of the Paulicians.

Amongst the people upon whom the Messalians' way of life and their constant prayer exercised a powerful attraction, we find in the early years of the 5th century a certain Alexander, a man of great reputation in the deserts of Syria and as far as Antioch.⁴ He had many disciples to whom he gave a three-fold rule : absolute poverty, abstention from work, and incessant application to prayer. Some of them were collected in monasteries : with others, who formed sometimes bands of considerable numbers, he wandered about on pretext of evangelization in the solitudes which bordered on the Euphrates, as far as Palmyra and the Persian frontier. At Edessa he converted a magistrate of influence, Rabbula, who later became a bishop. Sometimes he appeared at Antioch where the authorities, both ecclesiastical and military, looked upon him with no favourable eye. In this way he came into

¹ Photius, ibid.

^a Timothy, a priest of Constantinople, Hepi tCiv 'EtacX^al^

(Migne, Patrol. Graeca, torn, lxxxvi.¹, p. 45).

³ See on this Ter-Mkrttschian, Die Paulikiancr (Leipzig, 1893), pp. 39 ff. It is possible that the Malpatus referred to in a letter of Isaac of Nineveh (Mai, Nova Patrum Bibliotheca, torn, viii.-'¹, p. 184) is connected with an Edessene incident in the history of this sect. Malpatus has been connected with Lampetius.

* Life of Alexander (Acta Sanctorum, January 15) ; Life of St Marcellus (Migne, P. G. torn, cxvi., p. 709).

contact with Bishops Porphyry and Theodotus: the latter took steps to get rid of him, and Alexander fled in secret to Constantinople.

There he established himself near the Church of St Menas, and his propaganda, to which he devoted himself without delay, had such success that more than three hundred monks abandoned their convents to put themselves under his direction. The superiors protested; the populace rose; an enquiry was instituted into the antecedents of the new-comer; he was put on trial before a synod which seems to have been held in 426, in the presence of Theodotus of Antioch, a person who was at once hostile and well informed. To cut the story short, Alexander was recommended to return to Syria. Though roughly treated on the journey by the Bishop of Chalcedon he was well received on the other hand by Hypatius, the superior of the monastery of Rufinianae. Permission was obtained for him to remain in the neighbourhood. He withdrew into retirement on the Asiatic side of the Strait in a solitude called Gomon, exactly at the point where the Bosphorus debouches into the Black Sea. The community formed itself once more in this asylum, and by relaxing its observances at length secured toleration. The old monks had very little liking for the abstention from work. From the height of his Sinai St Nilus fulminated^{^[199]} resolutely against the idleness which was inculcated both by Adelphius the Mesopotamian and by " this Alexander who has lately troubled Constantinople." Alexander is here in bad company, for Adelphius, who is mentioned with him, was one of the founders of the Messalian sect.^{^[200]} However he was able to die in peace in his convent at Gomon. After his death the Congregation transferred itself, keeping to the same shore of the Bosphorus, to a place called Irenaeon (Tchiboukli) which was nearer to Constantinople. This was the Monastery of the Akoimetoi* to which its second abbot, St Marcellus, gave high distinction. It played a part sometimes in great religious concerns. The name Akoimetoi (those who do not sleep) is derived from the fact that neither day nor night did prayer cease in the oratory p. 306-9] INFLUENCE OF MONASTERIES 215

of the Irenaeon, the monks dividing themselves in groups by relays to keep up a perpetual chanting of psalms. Under this form, the fundamental observance of the Messalians succeeded in acclimatizing itself in the Church. The Akoimetoi soon became very popular: several monasteries of Constantinople adopted the laus perennis; it even made its way to the West.¹

Monasteries were multiplying themselves at Constantinople and in the suburbs. The first and the most ancient had been founded under Theodosius, round the hermitage of the famous monk, Isaac,² by Dalmatius, an officer who had been converted to the strict observance. Other monasteries, notably that of Dius, dated back almost to the same time. From the beginning of the 5th century these foundations became very numerous. Isaac, always alive and always active, displayed an extraordinary zeal in multiplying them. In all he was considered as a sort of common ancestor. Beyond the Bosphorus the most ancient colony of monks had been organized by the minister Rufinus at the church of his villa — that renowned Villa of the Oak where several councils were held. Rufinus' monks had come from Egypt: after some time they returned there. In the church there was to be seen besides the tomb of the founder that of one of the celebrated Tall Brothers, Ammonius Parotes.³ In the time of Arcadius a Phrygian monk called Hypatius came to the place from the Thracian convent of Halmyrissos,⁴ and after one or two tentative efforts established in it a community of importance. This Hypatius of whom we possess an adequate biography⁵ was, like many of the solitaries, difficile enough in temperament. Quarrels often occurred between him and Eulalius, the Bishop of Chalcedon, as for example on the day when he gave shelter to Alexander the Akoimete, who had been cudgelled by the Bishop's people. A Prefect of Constantinople on one occasion formed a project

1 We know that it was introduced into the monastery of St Maurice of Agannum (St Maurice).

2 Vol. II., p. 332 ; supra, pp. 54, 63. On " Les Debuts du Monachisme k Constantinople," see Pargoire in Revue des questions historiques, vol. Ixv. (1899), P- 67.

3 Supra, p. 66.

4 This owed its foundation to a certain Jonas who came from Roman Armenia : it is mentioned in the Life of Hypatius.

5 By one of his disciples called Callinicus (Acta Sanctorufn, June 17).

of renewing at Chalcedon the festival of the Olympic Games. Despite the Bishop's explanations Hypatius declined to see in these games anything but pagan ceremonies : he roused all the monks in the neighbourhood, and in the end frightened the Prefect who was obliged to abandon his schemes and re-cross the Bosphorus. Some considerable time before the Council of Ephesus Hypatius had declared on his own account that Nestorius was a heretic and had erased his name from the diptychs.

It was not only at Chalcedon that the monks showed themselves a source of annoyance to the clergy. For the Archbishop of Constantinople himself, the exalted pontiff of' New Rome, they cared no more than for any casual bishop. Chrysostom reckoned them among his most determined opponents. If they were on friendly terms with Atticus who had been on the same side as themselves at the Council of the Oak, Nestorius soon had them against him, and so did Flavian and Anatolius. The CEcumenical Council of Chalcedon (451) had reason to complain of their insolence.

Throughout the whole of the East the popularity of monasticism as an institution led to the multiplication of foundations and the complication of relations. Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem surrounded themselves with colonies of ascetics. In ordinary times the result was a good deal of edification; but there were moments of crisis, and then we shall speedily find the monastic element playing in them a more definitely pronounced part than hierarchical authority would have desired. In the suburbs of Antioch among several solitaries whose life has been described to us by Theodoret^{^[201]}who knew them in most cases, the great celebrity was Simeon Stylites. Simeon^{^[202]} had at first been a shepherd and then a monk ig a monastery; but his taste for austerities of the minutest kind pushed to inordinate extremes rendered him unsuitable for life in a community, and he made up his mind to live alone engaged in appalling exercises, passing whole Lents without eating or drinking, keeping himself erect for days and weeks, and at last caused himself to be attached by an iron p. 309-11] EASTERN MONACHISM 217

chain fixed in the face of a bare rock. At the suggestion of an ecclesiastical dignitary he finally gave up his chain; but it was only to imprison himself in another way, for he caused a column of masonry to be built for himself, climbed to the top of it,¹ and took up his abode there. He justified this strange home on the ground of the impossibility that he had found of escaping from the importunity of the visitors whom the fame of his penance had caused to flock to his desert. The column was at first about ten feet high : in course of time it was gradually raised. Theodoret saw it when it had reached a height of about sixty feet. It was aloft on this that Simeon received visitors.

The other monks began by taking offence at this unusual practice. From Nitria there came very energetic censures² of it. But Simeon was a man of such simplicity and goodness, of character so unalloyed, that they were really obliged to allow him his pillar. Besides it was protected by a popularity which knew no bounds. The saint was talked about not merely in the Roman East but as far as Rome itself, where his picture was in all the shops, as far as Gaul and Paris, to which commercial relations brought a large number of Syrians. Genevieve of Nanterre, the famous Virgin of Paris, exchanged compliments with the Saint of Antioch. Caravans carried his name to the Ethiopians, throughout the whole of the Persian Empire and farther still to the country of the Turks.³ But it was in his immediate neighbourhood above all that his authority as an ascetic extended its influence in all directions. The Bedouins of Syria and of Mesopotamia flocked around him. Upon these children of the desert he produced the impression of a celestial Being. He used to make speeches to them in a style that they could understand. Theodoret was sometimes present at these extraordinary prophesyings. One day Simeon fixed on him as priest for his Arabs and told them to ask for

1 On the Pillar Saints (Stylitae) see the admirable work of P&re H. Delehaye, Les Stylites, in the " Compte-rendu" of the third Congr£s scientifique Internationale des Catholiques, section v., p. 191.

2 Theodore the Reader, ii. 41. In the collection of the letters of St Nilus there are two documents (ii. 114, 115) addressed to a Stylite called Nicander for whom he shows little consideration. There is difficulty in accepting the authenticity of these letters. In the time of St Nilus (f43o) Simeon seems most probably to have been the only one of his kind.

3 Modern Turkestan.

his blessing. They flung themselves upon him with such impetuosity that he would have been smothered, had not the saint from the top of his column checked them by his cries.

The instructions which Simeon addressed to such hearers were, as one can well imagine, somewhat elementary in their theology. This did not hinder them from having recourse to his elucidations in difficult problems. Simeon and two of his brother ascetics were consulted, in 458, as to the advisability of upholding the definitions of Chalcedon. On this question all the provincial councils of the East had been invited to express their views. Simeon, simple man as he was, was treated as though he were a council. His death in 459 was an event of the most far-reaching effect. He was taken down from his pillar, and his body, after being solemnly transported to Antioch, was laid to rest in the principal church. The pillar was preserved: it was surrounded with an enormous octagonal piazza on the sides of which were built four great basilicas. The imposing ruins of these buildings and even the remains of the pillar can still be seen in the district of Kalaat-Sema^n (Castle of Simeon) between Antioch^{^[203]} and Aleppo.

Whilst Cassian was preparing his reply to the Pope's
r. 329-32] CELESTINE, CASSIAN, CYRIL 231

enquiry, a Latin who was settled at Constantinople—Marius Mercator, a disciple and admirer of St Augustine,¹ was setting himself on the track of Julian and his supporters. A memorandum (Commonitorium),² sent by him to the Church of Constantinople, to the monasteries, and to the Emperor (429), was a timely reminder to these different authorities of the legal position of the appellants. They were expelled from Constantinople. The attitude of Nestorius in this matter is a highly equivocal one. He made enquiries of the Pope as to the culpability of Julian, he wrote to Celestius³ to support him, and for all that he was to be found preaching in his church against Pelagianism.⁴

Marius Mercator had perhaps some commission from Pope Celestine to keep an eye upon matters of religion at Constantinople. But other eyes besides his were open to them: the secretaries of Cyril were following the smallest steps of the indiscreet Nestorius, and keeping the Pope of Alexandria informed. To him from the very first day the new Bishop of Constantinople had been suspect. Again a man of Antioch, another John! Soon Cyril perceived the flaw in the harness. Nestorius, like his predecessor, was possessed of an eloquence which was copious, eager, and aggressive. But, more readily than he, Nestorius quitted the domain of ethics, for incautious and unskilful thrusts in the hazardous sphere of theology. His opinions displeased a great number of people and prejudiced them. It would not be long before they would gain points of attack upon him which they had not had against the two preceding bishops. Cyril, like his uncle Theophilus, was a finished theologian. A disciple of Athanasius and the Cappadocians, he was also a disciple of Apollinaris, but without realizing it. Like many other people he had read the Apollinarian books which were in circulation under names regarded with the highest respect. In this way he accepted, with complete good faith, as those of St Athanasius, Popes Felix and Julius, and St Gregory Thaumaturgus, methods of reasoning and Biblical interpretations which came direct

1 Aug. Ep. 193.

2 We still possess it (Migne, Patrol. Latina, torn, xlviii., pp. 63 flf.).

3 Patrol. Latina, torn, xlviii., p. 181.

4 Sermons preserved by Marius Mercator, ibid. pp. 189 ff.

from Laodicea. Such, in particular, was the provenance of his famous formula : " One is the Incarnate Nature of the Divine Word." He adopted it, he clung to it, welded himself to it, with invincible obstinacy. And this was, for the peace of the Church, a grave misfortune.¹

Anchored to a very narrow notion of the unity of Christ and moulded by deep reflexions upon theology, Cyril was further possessed of an enormous store of Biblical learning and of a facile pen—one too facile, indeed, for he does not escape from verbosity. Such were his intellectual resources. As for his energy and his savoir-faire he had already given proofs of them. Nestorius had to deal with a formidable opponent.

The rumours caused by the first sermons of the new bishop were transmitted forthwith to Alexandria. A collection of his Homilies was already being talked of. At the beginning of the year 429, Cyril was conscious of a certain disquietude on the subject in the solitudes of Nitria: without waiting any longer and affecting to believe that religious peace was threatened at home, he wrote² a long letter to the monks of the desert. This no doubt reached them, but it was for Constantinople that it was specially intended: the bishop's opponents turned it to their advantage. V/ounded at this interference, Nestorius preached against the letter and caused it to be refuted by one of his priests who was named Photius. Whilst these replies were on their way to Alexandria, Cyril, who had been informed of the resentment of Nestorius, wrote him the first of his letters.³ In this he threw back upon him the responsibility for the difficulty introduced into their relations, and for the disturbance which was beginning to show itself at Constantinople and elsewhere. He knows already, and tells his brother-bishop so, that his Homilies are very unfavourably regarded at Rome. Let Nestorius cease to attack the Theotokos and peace might be made.

1There is reason for surprise that he should have delayed so long to write formally in opposition to the theology of Antioch. Instructed as he was and versed in the literature of these questions, he could not be in ignorance of the writings of the famous Diodore of Tarsus and certainly not of those of Theodore of Mopsuestia with whom he was on good terms and who even dedicated to him one of his works (his Commentary on Job). Theodore was only just dead (428). His ideas were known everywhere in the East.

2 Cyril, Ep. 1. ³ Ep. 2.

p. 332-4] CYRIL AND NESTORIUS 233

In spite of this exchange of unacceptable comments, relations were not yet such that it was impossible for Nestorius to reply to Cyril. He did so^{^[215]}; but the situation was destined to become more strained.

There were at Constantinople some Alexandrian clergy who had been deprived by Cyril for certain misdoings: they made strong complaints against him alike to the bishop and to the magistrates. Nestorius affected to interest himself on their behalf. A priest named Philip,^{^[216]} who held schismatic assemblies and whom Celestius had accused of Manicheanism, had been deposed after trial.^{^[217]} Cyril when informed of all this wrote a second time to Nestorius,^{^[218]} treating with contempt the accusations retailed against him and with seriousness the dogmatic question. Nestorius answered in a wry tone, but at the same time enforced his arguments.

As to the proceedings with which he was threatened, Cyril was inwardly more concerned than he was willing to avow. He explains himself on the subject with greater freedom in a letter to his secretaries. He has no fear, he says, of exposing himself to inconvenience: he knows by experience that Councils sometimes have different results from those expected by the people who summon them.^{^[219]} Then, coming to Nestorius, he adds: "Let not this poor creature imagine that I shall allow myself to be tried by him, whatever may be the type of accusers that he will hire against me. The roles will be reversed: I shall refuse to recognize his jurisdiction, and I shall know well enough how to compel him to make his own defence."^{^[220]}

Despite this brave assurance he did not neglect to provide himself with means of support. He knew what an unfavourable impression had been made at Rome both by the writings of

Nestorius and his attitude in regard to the Pelagian leaders. Hence he did not hesitate to write to Pope Celestine a letter of great humility and great adroitness ^{^[221]} in which he designates him "Most holy Father,"^{^[222]} and recalls the tradition according to which serious questions ought alv/ays to be submitted to the Holy See.^{^[223]} Starting from this consideration he depicts in the darkest colours the position of the Church of Constantinople, in which, except for a few flatterers, everyone —monks, the faithful, senators—refuses communion with the Bishop. Has not an accomplice of Nestorius, a bishop called Dorotheus, dared to declare in the open church, " Anathema to anyone who says that Mary is Mother of God," and that in the presence of Nestorius and without disavowal on his part? It means the condemnation of all the bishops of the East,^{^[224]} and specially of those of Macedonia.^{^[225]} Cyril has done all that he can : he has written against the errors of Nestorius : he has written to him personally—without result. What is to be done ? Let Celestine give his advice and strengthen the resistance of the Eastern Episcopate. To assist him in making up his mind, Cyril communicates to him a whole dossier of documents⁶ calculated to inform him on the subject of the unsound doctrines of the Bishop of Constantinople.

Celestine's reply, which had been under discussion in a Council⁷ held in Rome at the beginning of August (430), was such as Cyril certainly could not have dared to hope. The Roman Church declared the teaching of Nestorius impossible of acceptance, and the excommunications pronounced by him to be void: he himself must either retract formally and in writing or descend from his episcopal throne. A delay of only ten days, to count from the day when he should receive the Pope's letter, was given him to make up his mind. In p. 334-7] ROME AND ALEXANDRIA 235

place of his heresies he must profess, on the subject of Christ, the doctrine of the Churches of Rome and Alexandria—that of the Universal Church. For the purpose of carrying this sentence into effect Cyril was commissioned as representative of the Roman Pope.^{^[226]}

A more decisive sentence it would be impossible to imagine, but two things were cause for regret: in the first place that the task of despatching the Archbishop of Constantinople should have been entrusted to his traditional rival, the Patriarch of Alexandria, who in this case deemed himself a personal enemy ; and further, that the Pope had not laid down either what was exactly the doctrine that he rebuked in Nestorius^{^[227]} or in what consisted this teaching common to Rome, to Alexandria, and to the Universal Church to which the Patriarch of Constantinople was so severely recalled. Between what was taught at Alexandria, what was believed at Rome, and what was set forth at Antioch, there were notable differences. One might suspect the fact at that time and it was clearly seen later. It would have been worth while to state definitely both what was being condemned and what was being demanded. Cyril, left to himself and entrusted with drawing up the programme, found himself strongly tempted to introduce into it his own conceptions: he did not fail to do so.

Being mindful of everything, he had thought also of the

Court, which up to this point had upheld the bishop of its choice. Cyril set himself, not openly but by an indirect attack, to detach it from Nestorius. To this end he drew up three letters of extreme prolixity, and addressed them, one to the Emperors—as a matter of fact to Theodosius II., another to the virgins Arcadia and Marina, the third to the Empresses (Pulcheria and Eudocia). They made a bad impression. The Court, evidently yielding to the advice of Nestorius, was now toying with the plan of an (Ecumenical Council. Cyril was informed of this by an imperial letter {sacra) of great severity,^{^[228]} in which he was reproached with causing trouble in the Church, and by writing separately to the Emperor and to Pulcheria with assuming or provoking discords even in the reigning family. The questions of doctrine which serve as a pretext for these commotions will be discussed at the Council, and it will be absolutely necessary that he should present himself at it, on pain of incurring the displeasure of the Emperor. Nestorius also speaks of the Council in a letter^{^[229]} that he wrote to Rome before Celestine had taken his decision. The assembly, he says, will, among other things, have to give a ruling on the complaints laid against Cyril, complaints which Cyril was endeavouring to smother by his babbling on the subject of the Theotokos. At bottom the Bishop of Constantinople had no absolute objection to the use of this term, provided that there was not attached to it an Apollinarian or an Arian sense: he preferred, however, the expression, " Mother of Christ," which seemed to him more exact than those of " Mother of God" and " Mother of man," sometimes in conflict. The Council besides would have an opportunity of deciding this question too.

Thus two solutions were in process of cutting across each other: the citation of Nestorius in the name of Pope Celestine, and the examination alike of his affair and of some others in an CEcumenical Council. Cyril, whom only the first suited, held resolutely to it and hastened to bring it about. For this purpose at the beginning of November 430 he collected his suffragans in council and caused them to adopt a letter,^{^[230]} by p. 337-40] CYRIL AND ACACIUS 237

which he formally cited the Bishop of Constantinople and notified to him his deprivation in case he should not within the ten days have submitted himself. And what he meant by submission was the acceptance of a long dogmatic formulary drawn up by him, Cyril, and summed up in twelve anathemas. Here the Bishop of Alexandria availed himself with small moderation of the latitude left him by the Roman instructions. What he proposed to Nestorius was not the common faith of the Churches of Rome and Alexandria as also of the Universal Church: it was a particular theology, received at Alexandria since it was that of the Bishop, but unknown at Rome and very unfavourably regarded in Syria. But Cyril was not a man to make a temperate use of victory.

On December 6, 430, the Alexandrian citation was handed to Nestorius. It must have crossed en route the imperial letter of summons :to the (Ecumenical Council. This letter was dated November 19, 430. The Council was to be held at Ephesus, at Whitsuntide of the following year.

Up to this point, the quarrel, apart from the noise to which it had given rise at Constantinople, had remained circumscribed between Nestorius and Cyril. The " Eastern," i.e. Syrian bishops, had not yet taken part in it. Since the recent death of Theodotus (429), the see of Antioch had been occupied by an old friend of Nestorius—John, a man of some theological learning and of amiable manners. But the most distinguished of the Syrian prelates was Acacius of Bercea, who had continued in the performance of his office from the time of Meletius and of Pope Damasus. He had been a bishop for more than fifty years and was at least 100 years old. In the time of Chrysostom, Theophilus of Alexandria had reckoned him as one of his best allies. Cyril thought that it would be useful to conciliate him, and after the indiscreet outburst by Dorotheus¹ wrote him a letter of a very pressing kind. The old bishop, though he had half entered the other world, distinguished very clearly the true feelings of his correspondent. He knew the nephew of Theophilus too well for it to be easy to "get any change" out of him. In reading his reply Cyril must have had the sensation of a cold douche thrown upon his enthusiasm.²

¹ Supra, p. 234. ² Epp. 14, 15-

Meantime he despatched to their address the letters that Celestine had sent him for Juvenal of Jerusalem and John of Antioch.^{^[231]} The first was a prelate of considerable fondness for intrigue, whose claims for pre-eminence threw him into the clientele of the Bishop of Alexandria. As for John he at once adopted the position of the man of good sense. He wrote to Nestorius both in his own name and in that of some other Syrian bishops² a letter of very affectionate tone in which he tried to persuade him to do what the Pope asked of him and to give up his opposition to the Theotokos? Nestorius answered him in the same tone, adopting his views, accepting the Theotokos without any holding back, while reserving to the Council the task of deciding what was exactly involved in this controverted expression. He even sent him a sermon in which he had approved of Theotokos, provided that it was not taken in the Arian or Apollinarian sense.⁴ According to him the best way of removing this wrong sense was to join to the title of" Mother of God " that of " Mother of man."^{^[232]}

Thus, thanks to the good sense of the Easterns and to the concessions made by Nestorius, the dispute was in a fair way towards a peaceful settlement. Cyril's propositions of anathema came to disturb these favourable relations. John no sooner had them before his eyes than he discovered in them the influence of Apollinarianism. Without delay he communicated his opinion to Firmus, his colleague of Caesarea in Cappadocia.^{^[233]} p. 340-3] NESTORIUS AND THE EASTERNS 239

The Bishops of Cyrrhus and Samosata, Theodoret and Andrew, devoted to them, at his request, formal refutations.¹ As for Nestorius, he no doubt considered that the calling of the Council and the extravagant form given by Cyril to the Pope's summons dispensed him from the necessity of making any reply to it. He confined himself to setting forth in opposition to the Alexandrian anathemas a series of counter- anathemas in which, as Cyril had done, he censured the errors which he discovered in his opponent. The anathemas of Nestorius are orthodox in this sense—that there is ground for condemning the doctrines which he condemns. The problem is to determine whether the two adversaries have observed the limits of fairness in pressing one another to the extreme consequences of their statements.^{^[234]}

These skirmishes occupied the winter and the spring, and the time was thus reached which had been appointed for the Council. Many hopes were being built upon its meeting. The first to ask for it had been the monks of Constantinople who had been ill-treated by Nestorius on account of their protests^{^[235]}: they formed the centre of the local opposition. However, it was not to show favour to people of this kind, taken as a whole insignificant enough, that the Government had resorted to so grave a step. If the Bishop of Alexandria had not intervened in the vociferous way that we have seen, one may believe that they would have left Nestorius to settle the affairs of his church for himself. But the Bishop of Alexandria was raising the cry of Heresy and summoning the whole world to the defence of the Faith : his appeal was echoed at Rome. The position, in the eyes of the world at large, had a strong resemblance to that in the 4th century, when Athanasius in alliance with the West had been seen defending Orthodoxy against the Bishops of Constantinople and Antioch. In matters of doctrine, the successor of Athanasius enjoyed, not only in Egypt but throughout the whole of the Greek Orient, an authority which, if it was ill-defined, was of considerable weight. To assemble the Council was, in such circumstances, to open a kind of appeal against his judgement. The situation became more definite still after the publication of the proposals for Anathema. It seemed that the parts had been interchanged, and that the Master of Theology who lectured others so readily was himself placed in an awkward corner. In fact the Council had been summoned against Cyril.

Cyril, who was well aware of this, took his measures accordingly. The imperial summons demanded for each province a small number of bishops. The number which Cyril put on board was fifty¹; and to these he added a considerable number of inferior clergy, of Parabolani and other Church officials, and, above all, some monks. Among the last, the most prominent was the famous Schnoudi, almost a hundred years old, who had come down from his monastery on the upper Nile.² The whole throng was devoted body and soul to the Patriarch: the idea in the minds of all of them was that they were setting out, under his leadership, to slay the Dragon of Hell.

The Egyptian squadron had a favourable passage to the island of Rhodes and from thence came to land at Ephesus,³a few days before Pentecost. Nestorius was already there. He too had arrived with a considerable suite, if not of bishops, at any rate of supporters and dependents.⁴ One of his most devoted friends, the Count Irenaeus, had been granted leave to accompany him but only in a private capacity: the Emperor had another representative. On June 12 arrived Juvenal of Jerusalem with some fifteen bishops of Palestine. This was a reinforcement for Cyril, since Juvenal seems to have

1 Egypt at that time comprised six provinces—Egypt proper, August- amnica, Arcadia, Thebais, Libya Superior, and Libya Inferior ; but there was no other episcopal metropolitan save the Bishop of Alexandria.

2 So says his biographer; but he is here so inexact in regard to details that even with regard to the chief fact—the presence of Schnoudi at the Council of Ephesus—it would be permissible to entertain doubts if Schnoudi himself had not mentioned it in some of his sermons (Leipoldt, Schcnute, pp. 42, 90 ; are these sermons really genuine?) In regard to Schnoudi, see Vol. II., p. 398.

3 Letters of Cyril to the clergy of Alexandria, despatched from Rhodes and from Ephesus, Epp. 20, 21.

4 There were also, among the attendants, a considerable number of people of the same social stratum as the sailors and parabolani of Alexandria. It was suggested that Nestorius had recruited them at the Baths of Zeuxippus, a place of very ill repute.

p. 343-6]

241

THE ALLIES OF CYRIL

held the same opinions as he did.^{^[236]} This ambitious prelate was engaged at that time in trying to create a Patriarchate for himself at the expense of that of Antioch; it was a matter of grave moment to him not to offend the ecclesiastical potentate of Alexandria. But the source from which Cyril could best swell his majority was the actual country in which the Council was meeting. The " Diocese " of Asia was, with the exception of the African provinces,the country richest in bishoprics: there were nearly 300 of them. They were not grouped, like those of Egypt, under the traditional authority of a recognized head. However, the importance of the town of Ephesus, which was the headquarters of the highest administrative authorities, and the memory of the Apostle John whose mysterious tomb was sheltered by a highly venerated basilica, united to give it a position of great prominence. It seemed on the way to become in the ecclesiastical order a centre after the pattern of Alexandria and of Antioch. The (Ecumenical Council of 381 had decided that each "Diocese" should concern itself with its own religious affairs. From this decree, which was directed at the time against the interference of Alexandria, the Bishops of Ephesus had for a long time deduced consequences favourable to their own authority. It seems likely that they would have secured acceptance for these if they had not clashed with a simultaneous pretension, that of the Bishops of Constantinople who were very anxious to attach to their own obedience the two "Dioceses" of Asia and Pontus. In these circumstances it was not difficult to turn against the Bishops of Constantinople the ambition of their colleagues of Ephesus. Already, in the days of Chrysostom, protests had been made in conjunction with them against the inter-
ferences of the bishop of the capital. The reception given to Proclus by the people of Cyzicus, in the time of Sisinnius, shows that the "Asiatics" had not lost their particularist views, and the intervention of Nestorius in the business of the Macedonians and of the Quartodecimans must have helped to arouse them. In short, Cyril found in the Bishop of Ephesus, Memnon, an auxiliary entirely devoted to him, and Memnon set himself to recruit supporters for him in the provinces in which his own influence made itself felt. A hundred "Asiatic" bishops at least came in this way to place themselves under the orders of the Pope of Alexandria.

He had his majority. To keep it alive while waiting for the opening of the sessions of the Council, he engaged continually in the delivery of addresses and the discussion, in writing or orally, of the views of Nestorius. With the latter he had no communication : they made no effort to see one another. They might have been called the heads of two hostile camps. Discreditable stories were in circulation. It was the position of 403 over again—a renewal of the conflict of Theophilus and John. Each of the two Patriarchs pretended to consider the other as an accused person, suspected of heresy and destined to a speedy condemnation. These feelings of the leaders were translated in the inferior ranks of their supporters into brawls between Nestorius' people and the sailors of Alexandria. Memnon the Bishop had openly taken sides with Cyril, and contrary to all law and all decency he kept his churches, even the Basilica of St John, closed to Nestorius and his followers.

To represent him at the Council and to ensure the regularity of its proceedings, the Emperor had sent one of the high officials of his Court, the Count Candidian, Commander of the Guard (Comes domesticoruni). His instructions forbade him to be present at debates on doctrine, but he was to take care that they had been properly arranged at the outset, all the members of the Council being present and each having liberty to produce his reasons. He was further charged with keeping order outside.

However, the time fixed (June 7) had passed by some days. The Bishops of Macedonia, under the leadership of Flavian of Philippi, had arrived. They were still waiting for the delegates whom the Pope had promised to send and who were on the road. St Augustine had been expressly summoned, for the p. 346-9] THE COUNCIL OF EPHESUS 243

news of his death was slow in reaching Constantinople. The Bishop of Carthage, Capreolus, in view of the position in Africa, was unable either to collect his council or to find bishops to go to Ephesus. He contented himself with sending a deacon named Bessula, who arrived before the Roman legates. The Syrians, too, had still to be waited for. They were coming by land; and their caravan, as always happens, had met with various accidents. It was composed of some thirty prelates under the leadership of the Patriarch, John. The old Bishop of Bercea had remained at home. It seemed natural to wait both for the Roman legates and for the Easterns: the latter were not now far away; they sent excuses for their delay and asked for a further postponement for a few days.

But Cyril was apprehensive that the presence of the Easterns would bring to Nestorius a powerful reinforcement, if not of numbers, at any rate of authority. Further, it was clear that when debate was joined upon the Faith, his proposals for Anathema would be challenged by people who had been engaged for some months in combating them as heretical. This mode of procedure laid him open to unpleasant reprisals. Hence he made up his mind to an audacious coup de force, closely resembling that which had proved so successful for his uncle Theophilus in the business of John Chrysostom : to avoid being in the position of the accused, he boldly assumed the role of judge.

Of all the great prelates who found themselves at Ephesus, he was (with the exception of Nestorius) the one of highest rank from the place of his see. He considered himself also as representative of Pope Celestine—this in virtue of the commission which he had received for it in the previous year.^{^[237]}In this double capacity he put himself forward as the unquestionable president of the Council, and on June 21 summoned it to meet on the following day.

It was too much. On the same evening he received a protest signed by 68 bishops of whom 21 were metropolitans. Any one but Cyril would have hesitated ; but his choice was made. On Monday, June 22, 431, about 160 bishops¹ gathered in the principal church of Ephesus, which bore the name of Mary.² around Cyril of Alexandria, Juvenal of Jerusalem, and Memnon of Ephesus. Count Candidian hastened thither, protested, and implored the assembly and its presidents to wait for the arrival of the Easterns, declaring that this was what his instructions required. He was asked to show them. After a little hesitation, he complied and read them. Cyril took no notice of them. Some bishops on the side of Nestorius appeared and endeavoured to secure a hearing for the protest already sent on the previous evening. They were shown the door, together with Count Candidian himself, who complained of having been affronted and mishandled.

This done,³ Nestorius was sent a second⁴ summons, which

1 Others signed subsequently and this raised the number to nearly 200.

2 This name might in strictness be that of a Foundress. I consider, however, that it is much more probable that it is that of the mother of the Saviour, though such a dedication, at so early a date, has something surprising about it. We must notice further that the official form, that of the formal records of the Council, is not the Church of Mary but the Church Mary, the church called Mary. In these circumstances, one might conceive of a mystical conception, a sort of union of John and Mary, in which the memory of the mother of Christ and that of the Church of Ephesus were mutually intertwined. The Church of Ephesus, like Mary, had been entrusted to the Apostle John. John and Mary, the patron Apostle and Ephesian Christianity, the sanctuary of the Apostle and the Cathedral of Ephesus: the symmetry goes on from the historical personages to the religious conditions, and from these to the buildings which symbolize them. If there were apart from this name any tradition whatever of a sojourn of Mary at Ephesus or of her burial in that town, we might attach to it the explanation of this puzzle. Unhappily there is none, except for some alleged visions with which it is quite impossible for me to deal. Besides they are not connected with the town of Ephesus but with a place in the neighbourhood.

3 From this point onward I follow the formal record of the first session, not without some misgiving, for it was only drawn up some days afterwards, by the "chancery" of Alexandria, which had no exaggerated scruples. We may judge of this by noticing that the reading of Candidian's instructions and the formal protest of the sixty-eight bishops are passed over completely in silence.

4 The first had been made the evening before to Nestorius as to all the bishops present at Ephesus.

p. 349-52] CYRIL OPENS THE COUNCIL 245

was refused, and then a third : the last was a real citation, as though addressed to an accused person. He did not accept it. The debates opened without him. Cyril caused the Creed of Nicaea to be read, then his second letter to Nestorius,¹ and asked for a vote which should proclaim the agreement of these documents and the orthodoxy of the second : he obtained it. They passed on to the reply of Nestorius, in regard to which an unfavourable vote was given.² Then was read, under the head of Documents and without any vote, the letter by which Pope Celestine commissioned Cyril to depose Nestorius and that by which Cyril had notified to the latter the clauses of the submission demanded of him, that is, the celebrated proposals for Anathema. Some statements were also produced which had been collected at Ephesus from Nestorius' own lips ³ and some extracts from his published homilies. In opposition to them were quoted a certain number of passages⁴ extracted from the holy Fathers down to Theophilus and Atticus. From this investigation the assembly⁵ arrived at the conclusion that Nestorius was a heretic and deserved to be deposed.

In the meantime Count Candidian was entering protest, by posting up formal notices, against the meeting in St Mary's and what was going on there. He made a further protest on the

1 Epistola dogmatica, Kara<p\vapovai /xiu.

2 13$ votes with reasons for Cyril's letter and 34 against that of Nestorius appear in the formal record ; but the votes thus given with reasons do not represent all the adhesions. The assembly was unanimous.

3 Among others that one could not say of a child of two or three months that He is God (Mansi, Cone, iv., p. 1181 ; cf. Socrates, H. E. vii. 34). This was reported to the Council by Theodotus, the Bishop of Ancyra. Nestorius explained later that he had been wrongly understood and that he had confined himself to saying that God could not have had the age of two or three months. See the texts cited by Bethune-Baker, Nestorius and his Teaching, 1908, chap. v. It is the constant confusion between Nature and Person.

4 Two, borrowed from alleged writings of Popes Julius and Felix, are in reality extracts from Apollinarian works ; but that matters little. The others, quite authentic, are significant in another sense.

⁶ In reality all these extracts are orthodox, provided that one judges them not according to the theology of Cyril, but according to that of St Leo and of the Council of Chalcedon. If there are here and there expressions which would be criticized at present, these modes of speech explain themselves by usages of language adopted at Antioch, before discussion and the definitions of Councils had given precision to the use of terms.

following day.^{^[238]} He protested much, but he did not dare to act. We can well see why. Apart from this worthy official's hesitation to lay hands on the bishops, he felt them to be defended by popular enthusiasm. When the sitting which had continued all through a long June day was at last at an end, when the news was spread abroad of the condemnation of Nestorius, the enormous crowd which was besieging the Basilica broke into shouts of joy. The bishops were greeted with acclamation and escorted to their lodgings with lighted torches: the whole town was illuminated.^{^[239]} For these good people Christ had vanquished heresy, Mary had triumphed over Nestorius.

It is under this simple aspect that the Council of Ephesus was speedily grasped by men's imaginations, especially in the West: it is this impression of it which remained. The reality is more complex.

On the following day, if not the same evening, Cyril communicated to Nestorius his sentence of deposition, drawn up in language of scant amenity. " To Nestorius, new Judas. Know that by reason of thine impious preachings and of thy disobedience to the canons, on the 22nd of this month of June, in conformity with the rules of the Church, thou hast been deposed by the Holy Synod, and that thou hast now no longer any rank in the Church."

Whilst the chief persons concerned, Nestorius, Cyril, Candidian, were writing to Constantinople and to Alexandria,^{^[240]}Cyril and his friends were preaching vigorously in the churches of Ephesus.^{^[241]} The caravan of the Easterns arrived on the 26th,^{^[242]}four days after the Synod.⁰ p. 352-5] CONDEMNATION AND REPRISAL 247

The new-comers, who had already learnt en route what had just taken place, had hardly descended from their mounts when they were met by Cyril's envoys who notified them, with some arrogance, as matters concluded and in the ordinary course, of the deposition of Nestorius and the prohibition to hold communion with him. They held council forthwith at the lodging of the Patriarch John. Some of the bishops who had not been present at the meeting on the 22nd joined them, and they thus increased in number to forty-three.¹ Count Candidian presented himself and gave them officially an account of what had happened in despite of the Emperor's orders and of his own protests. With minds full of Cyril's proposals for Anathema, the Easterns judged that his bold stroke had no other object than that of saving himself from being put on trial for his doctrine : in this they were not much mistaken. Then, without waiting any longer, without citation, without discussion, they pronounced the deposition of the Patriarch of Alexandria and of the Bishop of Ephesus, as well as the excommunication of all their adherents until they should come to a better mind—in other words, until they condemned the proposals for Anathema.

We cannot imagine such utter lack of balance. Cyril was outdone. The unassailed and impressive position which John and his party might have taken was compromised by an act of headstrong folly. In the town of Ephesus disorder was carried to its height. Cyril and Memnon paid no regard to John's interdicts, and continued to officiate at services. The Bishop of Ephesus closed his churches to the Easterns. The latter made a definite display of putting their sentences into operation. The Bishop of Antioch attempted one day to enter the Basilica of St John for the purpose of consecrating a new bishop in place

we should arrive at the 23rd ; but it was from the 21st that the convocation took place. He pretended further that two bishops, Alexander of Apamea and Alexander of Hierapolis, who had been sent on ahead and had arrived after the sixteen days, had said, on John's behalf, that if he still delayed, they could begin without waiting for him. That this statement has been falsely reported or understood follows (1) from a letter of John to Cyril, written at five or six days' distance from Ephesus (Mansi, Cone, iv., p. 1121) ; (2) from the formal protest of the sixty-eight bishops in which appear the signatures of the two prelates in question ; (3) from the later attitude of the Easterns.

¹ This is the figure given in Cyril's Acts : in the Synodicon we find fifty-four signatures ; some seem to have been added after the event.

of Memnon. Memnon's people opposed it, and the Patriarch was repulsed.

Bewildered by these ecclesiastical storms Count Candidian sent to Constantinople report after report. On June 29, an imperial rescript was despatched to Ephesus, expressing explicit disapprobation of what had been done prematurely, and by a section only of the bishops, that is by Cyril's Council, the Council of June 22, forbidding the prelates to leave Ephesus, and announcing the sending of another imperial commissioner. Meanwhile the Roman legates were at last landing at Ephesus. They were three in number, two bishops, Arcadius and Projectus, whose sees are not noted in the documents, and Philip, priest of "the Church of the Apostles" at Rome.^{^[243]} Their instructions^{^[244]}enjoined them to refer themselves absolutely to Cyril: they put themselves at his disposal. Cyril's assembly met in their presence (July 10, 11) and took cognizance of the letters which they brought for the Council. They asked that since proceedings had taken place in their absence,^{^[245]} the formal record of the matter should be submitted to them. After hearing it read they approved of what had been done, and subscribed the deposition of Nestorius.

Cyril, feeling himself reinforced by this new approbation from Rome, made up his mind to take proceedings against the Bishop of Antioch. Up to this point three depositions had been pronounced, those of Nestorius, of Cyril himself, and of Memnon. Nestorius had confined himself to a protest against the sentence which touched him : he had not acted in contravention of it by celebrating the Holy Mysteries; besides, as to that, Memnon would have taken effective measures. As for Cyril and Memnon they had given evidence of the importance which they attached to John's sentence by not observing it. In this they played a very risky game : it was on this same failure of observance that Theophilus had based himself in order finally to destroy Chrysostom. It was thus a matter p. 355-7] THE EMPEROR AND THE POPE 249

of moment to them that John's authority and the competence of the Eastern Council should be solemnly set aside. It was to this that the 4th and 5th sessions of the Synod were devoted. They were held under the presidency of Cyril and the legates. John was cited, but without result.¹ They did not depose him : I am inclined to think that the Roman legates were not strangers to this moderation. It was only decreed that the Bishop of Antioch and his adherents should be excommunicated in this sense "that they should not be able, in virtue of their sacerdotal authority, to do anything which could harm or aid any one whatsoever."² By which we understand that they had not been able to depose Cyril and Memnon (this is explicitly stated) and that they would not be able to restore Nestorius. The sentence is to continue in force so long as they shall not have come to a better mind; if they delay too long, recourse will be had to severer measures.

All this was brought to the knowledge of the Emperor and of Pope Celestine. The letter addressed to the latter mentions the relations of certain Pelagians with the party of Antioch : it even says that the Council has had read to it the Acts of the deposition of the Pelagian leaders, Celestius, Pelagius, Julian, and others, and that it has expressly approved them. Nothing resembling this is to be read in the formal records of Ephesus. Of these matters no mention is made except to the Pope, with the evident intention of making a favourable impression. There is no mention of the proposals for Anathema, not even in relation to the sentence of the dissentient Council, of which they were the principal factor. John's delay is stated and explained in a way which is at least inaccurate.³ Of the protest

1 We find in this connexion Juvenal putting himself very much to the front and pretending that, according to tradition, the throne of Antioch ought to be judged and corrected by the Apostolic See of Jerusalem (Mansi, Cone, iv., p. 1312). He hesitated at nothing.

2 Mansi, Cone, iv., p. 1324.

3It is said that for the deposition of Cyril and Memnon John had with him only thirty bishops, of whom several were bishops without see, others had been long interdicted by their metropolitans ; others are Pelagians and Celestians ; others people driven out of Thessaly. But the deposition of Cyril and Memnon bears the signatures of over 40 bishops (43 in the text of the Acts, 54 in the Synodicon), all of them furnished with a see ; the unattached had all come with their metropolitans ; there is no Pelagian bishop ; from Thessaly there is, in the list of the Acts, only the metropolitan, Basil of Larissa, whose position was canopically correct. In the list of the of the 68 bishops against the precipitated opening of the Council, not the least word is spoken. Celestine was admirably furnished with information.

Two further sessions were held, one (6th, July 22) on the subject of a Creed of a " Nestorian " character¹ which was being used in the diocese of Philadelphia²: it was on this occasion that it was decided that in the matter of Creed people must confine themselves thenceforward to that of Nicaea. In the seventh and last session³ an effort was made by the bishops of Cyprus to withdraw themselves from the authority of the Patriarch of Antioch. The moment was well chosen for such a proceeding: the Council yielded to the desires of the Cypriots and recognized their autonomy.⁴ The Patriarchate of Antioch was open to the spoiler. Juvenal of Jerusalem, who had long

Sy?ioaicon we find in addition Pausianus of Hypata, Maximus of Demetrias, and Theoctistus of Csesarea in Thessaly. The ordination of Maximus, which had been celebrated apart from the Bishop of Thessalonica, had been annulled by Pope Boniface, who had in addition separated from communion with himself the three consecrators, of whom Pausianus was one (Jaffe, 363, sub anno 422); of Theoctistus we know nothing. Affairs of this kind ended customarily in an accommodation. Basil the metropolitan was certainly, about 424, in communion with Pope Celestine (Jaffe, 366), and the fact that his suffragans sit and sign with him implies that their position was regular. That one or other of them may have been driven from Thessaly is possible ; but we should need to know by whom and why. It can be seen how disputable are Cyril's assertions (cf. p. 246, note 6 for inexactitudes in dates). According to him there were on the side of John of Antioch only some thirty persons of doubtful reputation.

1 It is the creed of Theodore of Mopsuestia.

2 The Bishop of Philadelphia, Theophanes, appears among the supporters of Nestorius. In the course of the campaign directed by the latter against the Novatians and the Quartodecimans, a priest named James arrived in Lydia from Constantinople with recommendations from two priests of Nestorius—Anastasius and Photius (supra, pp. 228, 232): he used to make the heretics whom he brought over to the Church sign the creed in question. This business was brought before Cyril's Council by the Steward of the Church of Philadelphia, a certain Charisius.

3 The Latin text, the only one preserved, bears the date Prid. Kal. Sept. (August 31), which is certainly false. The true date must be in the month of July.

4 The island of Cyprus certainly belonged to the "Diocese" of the Orient. The question which had been submitted about 415 to Pope Innocent by Alexander, the Bishop of Antioch, had been settled in favour of Antioch (Jaffe, 410). On this business see my article Saint Bamabdxn the MManges J. B. de Rossi, p. 45.

r. 357-61] THE SEQUEL OF THE COUNCIL 251

been making a considerable show of independence in regard to the metropolitan of Caesarea, and who permitted himself to consecrate bishops as far as Phoenicia Secunda (Damascus), and Arabia (Bostra), endeavoured to secure payment for his zeal by the express ratification of his pretensions.¹

So passed the month of July. The Court was leisurely in its intervention. Its new delegate, the Count John, Comes sacrarmn largitionum, the Minister of Finance as we should say, was delayed on the road and only arrived in the early days of August. By the official letter of which he was the bearer,²the sovereigns declared that they accepted the sentences of deposition passed against Nestorius, Cyril, and Memnon ; they endeavoured to bind the bishops to make peace and dismissed them to their respective churches again. John went to look for them and invited them to come to see him on the following day. It was a hard enough task to persuade them to do so, for being mutually excommunicated they refused every opportunity of meeting. However, the gathering took place. Memnon, it is true, refused to leave his episcopal residence, but Nestorius, Cyril, and John of Antioch obeyed the summons. However, when it came to reading the imperial letter, the Cyrillians protested that Nestorius and the Easterns must first be excluded as they had been condemned by their Council. Count John, on the ground that the letter was addressed neither to Nestorius nor to Cyril, made them both retire and compelled the rest to hear it read. The Easterns complied : since their arrival they had refrained from openly taking sides in favour of Nestorius ; their official letters never mention him. As for the others they protested anew. That very evening Count John declared the three deposed bishops to be under arrest and set guards over them. He devoted himself next to reconciling the Easterns and the party of Cyril, but without result. In such circumstances it was

1 We do not know exactly how far he succeeded. His game was perceived by the Easterns (Synodicon, c. 32 ; Mansi, Cone, v., p. 804). Cyril himself, when he had no longer need of Juvenal, set himself in opposition to his pretensions (Letter of St Leo to Maximus of Artioch, Jaffe, 495).

2 Mansi, Cone, iv., p. 1396. It is addressed to the bishops of the two parties without distinction and even without taking account of absences : the first named are Celestine of Rome and Rufus of Thessalonica, who were absent, and Augustine who was dead.

impossible for him to pronounce the dissolution of the Council. He referred the matter to the Emperor.

The Emperor alone, as a matter of fact, was in a position to put an end to this lamentable struggle. From both sides efforts were made to bias his decisions. The friends of Cyril employed the greatest activity. Two influences might be brought into play: first, that of his ordinary counsellors, eunuchs, chamberlains, and other persons in close proximity to the sovereign; then the influence of religion, which, as the clergy of Constantinople found themselves divided, could only be monastic influence, interpreted when necessary, but with considerable caution, by Pulcheria and the other princesses. I have said "with considerable caution," because Theodosius II. regarded his sisters with distrust and was unwilling to appear to be swayed by them. Upon the members of the Court Cyril had means of influence which would be repellent to our notions of fitness: he knew that in the East one does nothing without baksheesh and had no scruple in employing the treasures of Egypt in the service of the "good" cause. His physician, a certain John,¹ who arrived at Constantinople at a moment when Count Irenaeus, who had been sent thither by the Easterns, thought himself certain of success, wrought miracles of persuasion. In an instant all the great personages of the Court were turned round.

More honourable, at any rate, was the other method of procedure. There was at Constantinople, in the monastery of Isaac, a recluse named Dalmatius,² who was regarded with great reverence. From his place of retirement, this holy man exercised a moral sway over the whole body of monks in the capital. He had little affection for Nestorius and took a keen interest in Cyril's efforts to dethrone him from his see. When he learnt, after considerable delay, for communications had been carefully watched, that things were going badly at Ephesus, he made up his mind to leave his cell, outside which he had not set foot for six-and-forty years. At the news of this departure all the monasteries emptied themselves: an enormous procession of monks made their way, to the chanting of psalms, through the crowds of the populace towards the

1 Mansi, Cone. iv., p. 1393 ; v., p. 819 (.Synodicon, 41).

2 Supra, p. 215.

p. 361-4] EFFORTS FOR PEACE 253

imperial palace. Among them was to be seen Eutyches, another monk of high renown who was known to be a firm friend of Cyril. Theodosius II. received the holy men and spoke them fair.

The efforts, however, still fell short of success. The Emperor tried a last method of conciliation. He ordered each of the two councils to send him eight deputies to engage in discussion in his presence, and to enable him to form an opinion for himself. The question of the Theotokos, which had been the starting-point of the business, was thenceforward settled. The Easterns made no difficulty in accepting this term: they said so definitely to Count John.¹ Nestorius himself had said and had repeated that, once properly explained, it might be used. He had also let it be understood that, if orthodoxy were secured, he was ready to abandon his see and to return to his monastery.^{^[246]} He was taken at his word, it would seem, and at rather better than his word, for without waiting for orthodoxy to receive the satisfaction which he hoped, he was taken back to Antioch (September 431).^{^[247]}

The satisfaction which he hoped and which the bishops of the East were urgently demanding was the condemnation of the proposals for Anathema. The heretical character of this document was in their view as clear as daylight. They exerted themselves to prove it to all comers and especially to the Emperor. The latter had summoned to Chalcedon the deputies of the two parties. On the side of Cyril there were Philip and Arcadius, two of the Roman legates,^{^[248]} Juvenal, Flavian, Firmus of Caesarea, Theodotus of Ancyra, Euoptius of Ptolemai's in Libya, brother and successor of the famous Synesius, and finally Acacius of Melitene, the best theologian of the whole party but also the least disposed to agreement. The Easterns were represented by the Patriarch John, escorted by Himerius of Nicomedia and six Syrian prelates, among whom Theodoret of Cyrus or Cyrrhos in Euphratesiana was the most distinguished by his knowledge and his eloquence.

At Chalcedon, as at Ephesus, the Easterns had to reckon with the hostility of the local clergy. Eulalius the bishop, a determined enemy of Nestorius, assailed them without scruple. From quite close at hand the monks of Rufinianae, led by their abbot, Hypatius, also made demonstrations against them. In vain did John and his friends invoke the support of the Bishops of Milan, Aquileia, Ravenna, and Thessalonica: the letters which they wrote to them either remained unanswered or arrived too late. On September n the Emperor arrived. There were several sessions with the Emperor in regard to which we are very vaguely informed by the letters of the Easterns. Theodoret disputed against Acacius of Melitene : he and his friends were of opinion that they had the better of it. However, the party of Cyril lent themselves little to conversations: they refused in particular to allow any discussion of the proposals for Anathema.¹ For the Easterns it was the corpus delicti.

At last, convinced of his own powerlessness to close the dispute and impressed by the presence of the Roman legates in Cyril's camp and by the number of his adherents, Theodosius II. decided abruptly to re-cross the Bosphorus and invited the Cyrillian delegates to come to Constantinople for the installation of the successor of Nestorius.

The clergy of Constantinople had for the most part but half-hearted sympathy for the former bishop: they continued to be divided among themselves in regard to the unending rivalry as candidates between Philip and Proclus, For the third time these were put forward; but they were again disregarded, and Maximian, an old priest of charitable and unassuming disposition, was chosen. He was consecrated on October 25, in the presence of the three legates of the Pope.²He was well known at Rome where he had made a long stay.³

1 In view of this debate a collection of patristic texts had been drawn up by them, doubtless by Theodoret. The Abbe Saltet (Revue cPHistoire Ecclesiastique, vi., pp. 513 ff.) has succeeded in reconstructing it, by the aid of the Eranistes of Theodoret and especially of the dossier added by Pope Gelasius to his treatise De duabus naturisin Christo (Thiel, Epp. Rom. Pojit., p. 544 ff.). The latter is only a mere summary of the original collection.

2 Bishop Projectus, whose name did not appear among the delegates, had rejoined his colleagues at Constantinople.

3 Jaffe, Regesta, 392 ; Coustant, Epp. Rom. Pontp. 1261.

p, 364-7] ESCAPE OF CYRIL 255

The special position of Constantinople¹ having thus been set in order, it was now necessary to finish with the Council. Cyril and Memnon were still at Ephesus, still under arrest. The fact that the Cyrillian delegates had been invited to the consecration of Maximian did not imply that the Emperor had decided in favour of Cyril's Council against John's. Since it was impossible to re-unite in a ceremony of the Church the delegates of the two assemblies, Theodosius had chosen those who were, for the moment, the most favourably regarded in Constantinople, who represented the largest number of bishops and included in their ranks the legates of the Holy See. As for his own opinions in regard to the Council they were plainly expressed in the two decrees by which he pronounced the dissolution of the assembly. In the first, after recalling all his efforts to arrange the dispute and emphasizing their lack of result, he ordered the bishops to go home and to endeavour by a more pacific course of conduct to repair the damage which they had done. As for Cyril and Memnon, whom the Emperor continued to regard as deposed, they were excepted from this leave to depart.

But Cyril had dealt with his own position for himself. Without waiting for the imperial rescript, he had succeeded in escaping and was on his voyage towards Alexandria. As it would have been difficult to start another pursuit of him in his own Egypt, it was decided to accept the fait accompli. To put as good a face as possible on the discomfiture of the Government a second rescript was despatched, in almost the same terms as the former: of Cyril and Memnon it was said not that they were regarded as bishops once more or were deemed to be deposed but merely that Cyril might return to Alexandria and Memnon remain at Ephesus. The Emperor added that so long as he lived he would never condemn the Easterns, for they had not been convicted in his presence on any point.

John returned to Antioch and Cyril to Alexandria, where he resumed his episcopal functions without authorization of any kind. However, his return was less triumphal than his departure had promised. It was soon known in Egypt that

¹ Nestorius had been considered by CyriPs party as deposed : others might hold that he had tendered his resignation. In any case the Government had removed him ; for many nothing more was needed : the see was vacant.

he had involved himself in difficulties, that many bishops condemned him, and that the Government took stern measures with him. Pharaoh under arrest! What an indignity! And among the bishops who had made the expedition to Ephesus, more than one added under his breath that he had richly deserved it. Isidore of Pelusium, the only man who could speak frankly in that sternly regulated country, had no scruple in telling him of these reports. " Favour," so he wrote to him,^{^[249]} "obscures the view, but hatred blinds completely. ... A number of those who have been at Ephesus represent you as a man burning to avenge an injury of his own, not to seek in orthodoxy the glory of Jesus Christ. He is, they say, the nephew of Theophilus. He acts just like him. The fury of the uncle was unleashed against John, the Saint, the Friend of God ; the other too, though the two cases are very different, has sought for a success on which he can make his boast."

He had sought it: he had obtained it. Nestorius had fallen from his episcopal throne, and that by the sentence of the Bishop of Alexandria. Once more Egypt had prevailed against Constantinople. When himself was made the subject of an enquiry he had evaded the discussion of his Anathemas and that was the main thing, for his deposition by the Easterns was of no account in his eyes.

However, the Anathemas continued to be a source of trouble. Ever since they appeared he had had to defend them, and not against Nestorius but against people of manifest orthodoxy such as Theodoret and Andrew of Samosata. These charged them bluntly with heresy and were making vigorous efforts to prove their charge if anyone would consent to listen to them. Cyril, it is true, had caused the Anathemas to be read before his Council, but only as a document in the proceedings against Nestorius and without securing any vote on the question of their orthodoxy.^{^[250]} The Easterns were using this reading as an argument to implicate the whole Council in what they called p. 367-9] MAXIMIAN OF CONSTANTINOPLE 257

the heresy of its head. It was an exaggeration. However, Cyril himself felt that he had gone too far. He evaded a vote at Ephesus, a discussion at Chalcedon. In his synodal report to Pope Celestine there is no mention of the Anathemas. Officially Rome remained for a long time in ignorance of this document, to which it would no doubt itself have raised certain objections.^{^[251]}

On Christmas Day 431 Pope Celestine received at St Peter's the delegates of the clergy of Constantinople who had come to notify him of the accession of Maximian. He was satisfied with this choice, and in the replies which he made on the 15th of the ensuing March to the letters which had been brought him from the Eastern capital he expressed his happiness that there had been given as a successor to Sisinnius a man of like simplicity. As for Nestorius he held that it was wrong to have allowed him to settle at Antioch where he could continue to do harm. In regard to him and to John of Antioch he was still relying upon the information furnished him by Cyril.^{^[252]}However, so far as John was concerned he had not lost all hope of his return. It was, however, under other auspices that this matter was to be continued. Celestine died on July 27, 432.

The Council of Ephesus had been summoned to re-establish religious peace, which had been disturbed at Constantinople and throughout the whole Eastern Empire. It had hardly succeeded in doing so. Nestorius, whose extravagance of language had been the cause of the evil, found himself, it is true, out of action and his successor appointed. In this respect the disorders in the capital were in course of settlement. There remained, however, at Constantinople a party of Nestorians in the same way as after the removal of Chrysostom there had remained a party of Johannites. Certain prelates who were friends of the ex-bishop, notably Dorotheus of Marcianopolis, kept this flame alight. Maximian, with the support of the Government, defended himself with some energy. The Pope's legates, Juvenal, Flavian, and other delegates of the Council were still at Constantinople.^{^[253]} A sentence of deposition which seems to have emanated from a meeting held by these prelates,'* was launched not only against Dorotheus but also against three other metropolitans, Himerius of Nicomedia, Eutherius of Tyana, and Helladius of Tarsus. The last was a man of sanctity, a former monk who had been elected bishop late in life. Maximian had notified to him his own enthronement, but Helladius had refused his letters: he remained faithful to Nestorius, like all the Easterns, not considering him to have been lawfully deposed. It does not appear that any effort was made to secure the ousting of the Bishop of Tarsus. With the others the case was different. In regard to the Bishop of Nicomedia, which was near to the capital, they succeeded^{^[254]}: Dorotheus and Eutherius offered a more serious resistance, and for the time retained their sees.

A graver matter, and one in which the Council most completely failed in its aim, was that communion was broken with John of Antioch and his supporters. While returning to their homes the Easterns were subjected to insults on the way. The Bishops of Ancyra and Caesarea treated them as excommunicate. On their side they halted from time to time, held council and engaged in reprisals. At Tarsus they pronounced once more the deposition of Cyril and of five of his p. 369-72] THE GOVERNMENT AND THE CHURCH 259

deputies at Chalcedon.¹ On their return to their several dioceses they maintained their attitude. Nestorius, to whom they could not give back his bishopric, was treated by them as a colleague who had been irregularly dispossessed; Cyril as an abettor of disturbances and a heretic.

It was necessary for the Government to intervene. O happy days, so might have said some of the old consulars who had lingered in paganism, O happy days when pontiffs did not quarrel among themselves, when religious matters settled themselves administratively and without noise! Now it was necessary for the State to descend into this arena of raging theologians. It descended.

In matters of this kind governments are always inclined to simple solutions. It was proposed at first to make John and Cyril come, to Nicomedia^{^[255]} and to effect their reconciliation : as if it would have been an easy matter, as if behind them there had not been brains that thought and hearts stirred to anger. Another scheme was propounded next: to make the Easterns accept the condemnation of Nestorius, and Cyril that of the Anathemas.^{^[256]} This meant adding together the wishes of the two parties; but, as each of them was attached to only half the programme and repudiated the other with the utmost energy, it was not very easy to achieve. Such, however, was the task entrusted to Aristolaus, tribune and notary, who was despatched as a peace-maker to Syria and Egypt about a year after the Council. This interval had been sufficient to cause the inconvenience of the schism to be felt. All relations were disturbed. Already Pope Celestine had expressed a desire to see a settlement arrived at with Antioch.^{^[257]} His successor, Xystus III., went further in this direction.^{^[258]} He wrote to Acacius of Bercea, an old acquaintance of the Romans,^{^[259]} and made urgent efforts to enlist his interest in the welfare of the Church. The Emperor, on his side, addressed himself both to this venerable bishop and to the celebrated Stylite Simeon whose moral authority might have a considerable effect.¹

Aristolaus went to Antioch and to Alexandria. At Antioch the subject of the withdrawal of the proposed Anathemas was at once mentioned to him. Acacius, who from the height of his no years seemed to tower above all parties was commissioned to write to Cyril to propose to him that adhesion should be given only to the Creed of Nicaea, explained when necessary by the letter of St Athanasius to Epictetus,²and that all other doctrinal expositions should be cast into oblivion.³ This was to get rid at once of the writings of Cyril and of those of Nestorius. Cyril replied to the old Bishop of Bercea In this letter and certain others which he wrote at this time he explained his proposed Anathemas, defended himself from all trucking with Arianism and Apolli- narianism, but insisted still on requiring the condemnation of Nestorius.

At Constantinople Maximian lent him aid, but not so much as he would have wished. Like Cyril, the new Bishop of Constantinople insisted, and with reason, that the deposition of Nestorius should be recognized as valid. As for the Anathemas, for which he had not the paternal feelings of the Bishop of Alexandria, he did not see any reason why they should not be sacrificed.⁴ At the Court a good many people talked in the same way. For a moment Cyril saw himself very closely hemmed in. He treated it as a very serious disorder, but did not allow himself to be in any way mastered by it. By his exertions all means of influence at Constantinople were set to work. The holy monks Eutyches and Dalmatius, the priests Philip and Claudian, Bishop Maximian himself, were desired to enlist the aid of Pulcheria, whom it was sought to influence also through her Maids of Honour, the Cubiculariae Marcella and Droseria, who were given presents for this purpose. Important eunuchs, favourite officials, received enormous douceurs in cash and in kind,

¹ Synodicon, 51, 52 (Mansi, Cone, v., p. 828). ² See Vol. II., p. 471.

3 Synodicon, 123, 129 (Mansi, v., pp. 829, 830).

4 Cf. Liberatus, Brev. 8.

r. 372-51 NEW EFFORTS FOR PEACE 261

costly carpets, tapestries, furniture in ivory, live ostriches.^{^[260]}The Grand Chamberlain Chrysoretus was devoted to the Easterns. Hence, " in order that he may cease to attack us," they put themselves specially to expense. He obtained as many as six ostriches and all the rest in proportion. These self-interested gifts were described as "Benedictions": they were the Eulogiae of the Church of Alexandria.

The Church of Alexandria was not unanimous in its approval of the Bishop's acts of generosity: people considered his theology expensive, and they murmured against him. But Cyril knew what he was doing: the Anathema proposals, thanks to his astute measures, crossed in safety a very dangerous place.

He made vigorous personal efforts in addition and not without success. His letter to Acacius, with his explanations of the Anathemas, made a very good impression in the East. Acacius showed himself disposed to sympathize with his views. The same was the case with John of Antioch, and they seemed to have had with them the bishops of the provinces of Phoenicia (Tyre and Damascus), of Syria properly so called (Antioch and Apamea), and of Arabia (Bostra). In Cilicia, on the contrary, where in conjunction with the memory of Theodore of Mopsuestia, there ruled the present influence of Helladius of Tarsus, they would listen to nothing, and persisted in considering Cyril as a heretic: Eutherius of Tyana and Himerius of Nicomedia were at one in this. Such were also the views of the metropolitan of Euphratesiana, Alexander of Hierapolis. Theodoret and Andrew of Samosata, who belonged to this province, followed a middle course: while firmly maintaining their estimate of the Anathemas, they judged that Cyril had almost retracted them in explaining them. As for Nestorius it did not seem to them necessary that every one should condemn him: it was sufficient that some had done so.

Cyril's thought, we must recognize, was orthodox: this was clearly seen when he consented to explain it. The fault was that when translating it in his proposed Anathemas he had made use of terms that were suspect and of unfortunate origin, and in these the Easterns, prejudiced by their own theological usages and excited by the passion of the moment, saw things which were inadmissible. No one, it is true, asked them to adopt them as their own: all that it was desired to obtain from them was that, despite the Anathemas, they should consent to recognize that Cyril was not heretical. That they should accept his explanations as giving the true sense of the disputed document or as a retractation of this production, was after all a secondary matter. The Patriarch John left Theodoret to debate this question, and, disregarding the opposition of the most determined, he sent to Alexandria the Bishop of Emesa, Paul,^{^[261]} with letters of an extremely pacific tone. Cyril gave him a good reception: he was in a state of suffering, and this delayed the negotiations a little. It was agreed to let the question of the Anathemas drop as they had already been explained by their author, and he pledged himself to offer further explanations. In return Cyril accepted a profession of faith^{^[262]} which had been decided upon at Antioch: except for a phrase added to meet the occasion this form was taken, word for word, from a letter^{^[263]} addressed from Ephesus to the Emperor Theodosius II. by the Eastern Council, which there opposed the Anathemas uncompromisingly* p. 375-8] CYRIL AND THE EASTERNS 263

It was a great success for the Easterns, and at the same time the best proof that these people who had just been engaged in such ruthless warfare were upon the whole in accord on fundamental points. Cyril was accepting an Eastern Creed, drawn up, one may suppose, by Theodoret himself: he was even going so far as to make use of the technical terms of the Easterns, speaking of "temple" and of " two natures." There were not wanting those among his own supporters who reproached him for having gone too far in the way of concessions.

He consented, moreover, to forgive the insults which he had received at Ephesus: this greatly moved him, for he often returns to it, with a little too much forgetfulness that he had been the first to begin.

On the other side, the Easterns had to accept the deposition of Nestorius and to condemn his teaching. This was the point which irked; but here Cyril was very strong, for he could count on the support of Constantinople. To satisfy the Court and the new bishop of the capital it would have been enough to declare that the latter had been lawfully elected, the see being vacant by resignation. But it seems clear that Nestorius had not lent himself to this adjustment, and that he was demanding his bishopric again. He had resigned, no doubt; but it was at a time when the Court, accepting the sentences of John's Council exactly as it did those of Cyril's Council, seemed determined by one stroke to remove the two persons who were engaged in controversy— the Bishop of Alexandria and him of Constantinople. Since then the attitude of the Government had undergone a change. It had resumed relations with Cyril: Nestorius alone was sacrificed. We can understand his having protested, having withdrawn his resignation and declared that he did not acknowledge his deposition which had been pronounced in the circumstances with which we are acquainted. Paul of Emesa, by an unwarrantable application of Theodoret's scheme, offered to pronounce in the name of the others the anathemas required. Cyril did not consider that he had in this respect the necessary powers: in his letter John had not breathed a word of it. He admitted Paul to his communion and then sent him back to Syria, escorted by two Alexandrian deacons and by Aristolaus himself. They carried a formulary in which was expressed the condemnation of Nestorius and of his teaching.^{^[264]}

The Patriarch John obtained some modifications of terminology, but he signed, and with him a certain number of his bishops.^{^[265]}

Paul of Emesa set out again for Alexandria carrying a letter in which it was said that " for the peace of the Church, for the removal of quarrels and scandals, they recognized Nestorius as deposed, and that they anathematized his empty and profane statements," without further specification.^{^[266]} It was peace. Cyril received with open arms the messenger who brought it. He replied by a famous letter⁴: "Let the heavens rejoice and let the earth tremble (with gladness)!" In it he rejected many views which had been wrongly attributed to him, made clear his doctrine, and in order to be completely plain reproduced the confession of Antioch in the form in which John had himself inserted it in his letter, and declared it to be in conformity with his own opinions.

News of this happy ending was immediately given both from Antioch and from Alexandria alike to the Emperor and to Pope Xystus, to Maximian of Constantinople and to the whole episcopate. Pope Xystus testified his joy by highly expressive letters.⁵

All is well that ends well. One might be tempted to p. 378-81] RECONCILIATION AND DOUBTS 265

say here: since they made so much of agreement, could they not have begun by it ? But such is not the way of men.

Besides, this peace was in no way definitive. Under the pressure of the Government the leaders had made reciprocal concessions; but these their subordinates had in general rather suffered than accepted. In Egypt Isidore of Pelusium expressed certain apprehensions and exhorted Cyril not to alter his views in order to escape ill usage.¹ It is the only voice of opposition that we hear in Egypt. John of Antioch was conscious of a great many others. When it was learnt that he was going to sign, there was bewilderment in the bishoprics of Cilicia and of Euphratesiana. They accused the Patriarch of having yielded too easily. To accept the deposition of Nestorius by the Cyrillian Council and the legitimate character of that gathering was to admit themselves vanquished, to recognize that since their arrival at Ephesus the Easterns had been schismatics. The opposition was directed by Alexander of Hierapolis: local councils were held, letters were written, exhortations delivered, debates held sometimes, for they were not all of the same opinion. Andrew of Samosata was among the first to be pacified and put himself in communication with his neighbours Acacius of Melitene and Rabbulas of Edessa: the first was a Cyrillian of long standing, the second a recruit, but a very ardent one. Some of them wrote to the Pope: we still possess a letter of the metropolitans of Tyana and of Tarsus, Eutherius and Helladius^{^[267]}; it is a document of touching naivete: a report had been spread abroad that Xystus was a man of quite different views from his predecessor Celestine: these good bishops were convinced of it and counted upon the fact.

This opposition, inspired in varying degrees by the sympathy retained for Nestorius and the theological tradition predominant in Syria, was not the only one to cause embarrassment to the Patriarch John. Apollinarianism, but lately cultivated at Antioch with such success, was transforming itself there into Monophysitism. It was an evolution analogous to that which in earlier days had had as its stages Arianism, the doctrine of the Homoiousios and that of the Three Hypostases; or again to that which, at the very time with which we are dealing, was giving a sweeter flavour to Pelagianism, and leading it to that modification which is represented to us by the views of Cassian and of Faustus. Hence Cyril had, even in the immediate circle of his Syrian colleague, men devoted to his doctrines, and even one might say prone to exaggerate them under the stimulus of unceasing controversies. The most notable person in this opposition was a monk of Antioch, Maximus, who figured among the number of the deacons of his church. Cyril, whom he startled by his ardour, was sometimes obliged to restrain it.^{^[268]}There were others of them, particularly in the monasteries.

However, Maximian died at Constantinople (April 12, 434), and the Court, without the smallest delay, caused Proclus to be enthroned. The party of Nestorius was in movement^{^[269]}: it was held that no delay was possibly. It was important also to put an end to the discords which were seething in the jurisdiction of Antioch. The Patriarch John asked for a law ; at the same time there was brought to bear upon Theodoret the influence of the most renowned solitaries of his country—Simeon the Stylite, James and Baradatus. The Bishop of Cyrus at last entered into communication with John, who gave him favourable terms and did not oblige him directly to condemn his friend Nestorius. Following Theodoret's example the Cilicians submitted themselves, with the exception of two who were driven from their churches. There were also sent into exile Eutherius of Tyana, Dorotheus of Marcianopolis and a few others.^{^[270]} The most severely treated was Alexander of Hierapolis, a venerable and unbending old man, whom neither the entreaties of Theodoret nor the thought of a p. 381-4] NESTORIUS IN EXILE 267

people by whom he was adored could shake in his resolution. For what he deemed to be righteousness he suffered everything, even to the mines of Egypt, whither he was sent by a severity cruelly excessive.

Nestorius himself, too, felt the force of imperial displeasure. Although, as far back as the year 432, Pope Celestine had expressed the wish that he should not remain at Antioch, he had been tolerated there for a space of four years. In the retirement of his monastery he had still kept up some friendships. No more now than formerly could he succeed in holding his tongue. To his expressions of willingness to resign he had given no sequel. He was incessantly engaged in protest against his pretended deposition. Across the path of negotiations he cast recriminations formulated in the guise of Memoirs. For those who had gone back he was a witness of a very troublesome kind. John in the end found him so inconvenient that he asked to be rid of him. He was interned at Petra^{^[271]} in Idumaea, a gloomy abode for a man accustomed to great towns. But it was only a passing stay, for they were not slow in finding him a more distant place of exile. He was despatched to the oasis of Ibis,^{^[272]} at the end of the Libyan desert. There he was forgotten. In 439, at the time when Socrates was finishing his Ecclesiastical History, it was vaguely believed in Constantinople that he was still living in his place of exile.^{^[273]} That was all that they knew about the matter.

All the proscriptions fell upon his head. At the moment when he was starting for exile an imperial law^{^[274]} forbade his adherents to call themselves Christians, and inflicted upon them the name of Simonians. His books were proscribed: it was forbidden to read them, to copy them, to keep them : they were to be thrown into the fire. The " Simonians " were forbidden to hold meetings even outside the towns. This was not enough : attacks were made upon the friends of the condemned Nestorius. The Count Irenaeus and the priest Photius were banished to Petra,⁶ and their goods subjected to confiscation. Further, since it was notorious that many bishops belonging to the jurisdiction of Antioch, while accepting the peace of 433, had not condemned Nestorius, the tribune and notary Aristolaus returned in 435 to exact more definite signatures: he obtained them. Theodoret—it would have been difficult for it to be otherwise—was now obliged to resign himself and to drink the bitter cup.

It was not Cyril's fault that it was not more bitter still. Learning that new signatures were being demanded of the Easterns, he proposed to add to the formulary certain theological explanations. This time John resisted and the claim was not pressed. What disquieted Cyril was the statement that the Easterns, in spite of their adhesion, were continuing to teach, as they had done formerly, doctrines akin to that of Nestorius. On their side Cyril's opponents were convinced that he allowed the preaching of the passibility of God, and they complained bitterly about it. It is not surprising that in this world so imperfectly reconciled there were made sometimes statements that were exaggerated and that there passed from place to place rumours that were inexact.

The declarations collected by Aristolaus implied the recognition of Proclus as lawful Patriarch of Constantinople. But a new incident occurred.¹ Nestorius, in his clumsy and controversial sermons, had been greatly influenced by Diodore of Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia, celebrated teachers whose memory continued to be held in high honour. The noise of his affair re-awakened curiosity in regard to their books : his supporters appealed to them. In default of his own writings, which first the Church and then the State had not been slow to ban, there were put in circulation again those of his predecessors and masters. Naturally the Cynllians were disturbed about it. This controversy, strange to say, made its first stir in Persian Armenia, at that time at the height of its literary development. A number of Greek and Syriac books had been translated there under the patronage of the Catholicos Sahag and of the Teacher Mesrob. Those of Theodore of Mopsuestia in such circumstances attracted the attention of the

¹ Synodicon, 196-200 (Mansi, Cone, v., pp. 971 ff.), Liberatus, Brev. c. 10; Facundus, Pro def. trium capitulorum, lib. viii., and the documents quoted in the Fifth (Ecumenical Council, fifth session, Mansi, Cone, ix., pp. 240 ff. Cf. Cyril, Epp. 66-74.

p. 384-7] THE TOME OF PROCLUS 269

translators. But the Bishops of Edessa and of Melitene, who were determined Cyrillians, interfered to put them on their guard against these productions which were highly suspect in their eyes. They were still more so, one can well imagine, in the eyes of the Apollinarians, whose views were very fully represented whether in Armenia Magna itself or in the monasteries of the country on its border. In presence of this conflict it occurred to the Bishops of Armenia to address themselves to Constantinople and to consult Proclus, the new bishop.^{^[275]} Proclus replied by a long doctrinal exposition,^{^[276]} in which is found the formula Unus de Trinitate incarnatus, which was better suited to the data of the problem than Cyril's formula, Una natura Dei Verbi incarnata. The Armenian bishops had attached to their enquiry a certain number of extracts from Theodore which Proclus did not hesitate to condemn. Not content with having entered into explanations with the Armenians, he thought it worth while to present his exposition to the Easterns, asking them to sign it and to express disapprobation at the same time of the propositions censured in an appendix. A deacon of Constantinople called Basil, seconded at Antioch by another deacon, Maximus, exerted himself on his part to secure the condemnation of Theodore. Cyril being solicited by him,^{^[277]} and being besides, needless to say, little disposed to favour the theology of Mopsuestia, was urgent in the same sense. He even wrote a treatise, which is now lost, against Diodore and Theodore.

John of Antioch, however, and the bishops of the Orient who were constantly being asked for signatures, began to weary of it. They consented further to sign the "Tome" of Proclus to the Armenians, but they refused to condemn the passages of Theodore. As a return was made to the attack, they put themselves in opposition and demanded bluntly that they should be left in peace. People were beginning besides to see that it was not from them that the greatest danger was coming. Armenian monks were causing scandal in Constantinople and scouring the provinces: under pretext of inveighing against Theodore, they were protesting against the union of 433, against the weakness of Cyril who confined himself to writing against Theodore and remained in communion with John. They even went so far as to blame him for not having anathematized John by name at the Council of Ephesus.^{^[278]}Apollinarianism was awakening once more, was hastening to the prey. It was time to stop this revanche_t Such was the opinion of Cyril himself and also of Proclus: the Government did what was necessary to calm this effervescence.^{^[279]}

Irenaeus occupied his exile in writing the history of the whole of this business, or rather in collecting the dossier for it, a dossier of very considerable extent, comprising several hundreds of documents. He gave it the title of " Tragoedia," a title which discloses the trouble of his spirit. The friend of Nestorius was still in the thick of the conflict; he was fighting with documents as his weapons; and it is not only Cyril and his followers who excite his indignation: the moderates of the Orient, John of Antioch, and Theodoret, also meet with very severe treatment at his hands.^{^[280]}

Campania, 435 ; Alaric in, 109 ; Paulinus of Nola and, 114 f., 135 ; represented at Sardica, 129 Canal, 385

Candidian " Comes Domesticorum " : represents Theodosius at Ephesus, (a.d. 431), 242 ; his difficulties, 244 ff., 247 f. Candles, 14, 99, 119, 301 Cannes, 190

Cannibalism: among Scots, 145 ; at

Alexandria, 210 Canon Law, African, 169 fF.; Irish, 189;

Byzantine, 87, 387 Canons, African, 19, 79, 82, 86 f., 165 f., 169, 171, 176, 466 ; Ancyra, 19, 387 ; Antioch, 67 f., 305, 387 ; of " Aries," 86,123 ; Armenian, 373 ; Asiatic, 19 ; of Chalcedon (Can. 9, 17), 320 (Can. 28), 321, 333» 339 ; of Constantinople, 19. 55. 319. 321 ; of Elvira, 12, 34; of Ephesus, 221 ; Gallican, 414 ; of Gangra, 19, 387 ; of Laodicea, 19, 387 ; of Neo-coesarea, 19, 387 ; of Nicaea,19, 72, 86, 171 f., 175,179, 323, 386 (Can. 6), 321 (Can. 6, 7), 318, (Can. 8), 86 ; Roman, 82, 130; of Sardica, 19, 171 f., 175, 179, 323 ; of Telepte, 87 ; of Toledo, 5, 113 Relating to discipline, 67 f., 204, 305,

320; to jurisdiction, 258, 320 f. Collections : their basis and growth, 19; Byzantine, 87, 387; Libri canonum of Carthage, 86; Brevi- arium Hipponense, 87 ; Codex canonum, q.v. ; Libri canonum of Gaul and Italy, 21 ; Cologne MS. of Councils, 408 ; collection of Thalassius of Angers, 414 ; ^u Code of Aries," 86; "Second Council of Aries," 123; Collectio Hibernica,

189 ; Histana, 86 ; Liber Regularum of Pope Innocent, 118, 130 ; Roman collections, 171 ; Papal Decretals, see Decretals ; Breviatio of Ful- gentius Ferrandus, 86; Dionysius Exiguus, 87 ; collection of the I^eacon Theodosius, 171

Canopus, 339, 346 f.

Capital sentences, 160, 410

Cappadocia: plateau of, 362 ; relations with Armenia, 363, 365, 370, 373. 375; Huns in, 34, 50; Messalians in, 212 ; theologians of, 224, 231 ; monastic opposition to Chalcedon, 328 ; exile of Emp. Basiliscus to, 345 ; education of Gregory the Illuminator there, 367, and of Narses, 372 ; ecclesiastical jurisdiction in, 374; Magi in, 388. See Caesarea, Tyana

Caprasius, friend of Honoratus (saec. v.),

190

Capreolus, Bp. of Carthage (c. 431), 243,

433 ; his view of Nestorianism, 312 Captivity, the, 380 Capua. See Councils Caravan, 217, 243, 246, 310 Caria, 72 ; Quartodecimans in, 221 ;

paganism in, 351 ; province of, 334 Carolingian renaissance, 430 Carosus, monk of Constantinople, 25 ; at Chalcedon (a.d. 451), 305 ; refuses to recognize Council, 328 Carpi, 77

Cartenna, Rogatists at, 80. See Rogatus, Vincent

Carthage, 85, ; Curia of, [91], 433 ; municipal registers, 91 ; port, 121, 140; Court Heraclian at, 99, 140 ; his execution (a.d. 413), 99; Sigis- vult and the Goths at (a.d. 427), 121 ; Vandals at, 195 ; capture (a.d. 439). 432 f., 455 5 subjection, 358 ; failure of Basiliscus at (a.d. 468), 432 ; Vandal base against Italy, 447 The Anicii Probi at, 140; Apiarius, 170 ; Augustine (q.v.'), 147,454 ; Celestius, 148 ; Julian of Eclanum, 182 ; Liberatus the deacon, 317 ; Manicheans, 454, 456; Paulinus the deacon, 148, 163 f. ; Pelagius, 147 ; Pelagians, numerous, 150, 157 ; Pinianus and Melania, 141 ; Vitalis, 193 Church of C.: mother church of Africa, 18 f.; position of its bp., 464; number of clergy, 442 ; schism (of a.d. 313), 84; conference with Donatists (a.d. 411), 95-9. 439) ^s " Acts," 100; conference with Arians (a.d. 484), 439 f., 442, 444 ; relations with Alex-' andria, 171,175; with Constantinople, 162; with Rome, 82, (Zosimus) 164L, 170 f., (Xystus) 169, (Leo) 435 Persecution under Genseric, 433, 435 ; attitude of Huneric, 437 ; his persecution, 442 ; long vacancy of See, 437 ; closing and re-opening of churches, 443 ; 500 Catholic clergy, 442

Bishops : Cyprian, St .(248-57), q.v. ; Caecilian (311-45 ?), q.v. ; Gratus (343-53). 78 f., 87, 172; Restitutus (c. 359). 78 ; Genethlius (374-90. q.v. ; Aurelius (391-430), q.v. ; Capreolus (c. 431-5 ?)» q.v.; Quodvult- deus (c. 438-44?), 433. 435 ; Deo- gratias (c. 454-7), 435 I long vacancy, 437; Eugenius(481-505?),q.v. See also Councils, Majorinus Donatist bps.: Donatus the Great (31550), q.v. ; Parmenian (c. 350-91), q.v. ; Primianus (c. 391), q.v.; schism, 83f.; Maximian (c. 393), 83 f., 89 Arian bp. : Cyrila (c. 481), q.v. ; Jucundus (c. 483), 438

Carthage—continued,

Buildings : Basilica " Perpetua Resti- tuta," 82, 433 ; of Faustus, 435 ; churches of St Agileus, 443, of St Cyprian and St Perpetua, 433 ; Baths of Gargilius, 95 f. Carthaginensis, Spanish province, 405 Carus, Marcus Aurelius, Emp. (281-2), 364 Casae Nigrae, 77. See Donatus Cascante, Cascantum, 406 Casinensis, Bibliotheca, 246, 261, 270 Caspian Sea, 361 f.

Cassian, John (c. 355-445 ?) 5 not ^a"Scythian," 190f. ; his travels and friends, ibid. ; at Marseilles, 190 f., 196, 230, 420 ; character, 191 ; influence, 230, 235, 284 ; on Free Will and Grace, 193, 266, 422 ; relations with Leo, 196, 230; Collationes, 32, 38, 191, 193, 197, 4*9 J attacked by Prosper, 197 f. ; De Incarnatione, 196, 228, 230; and De Institutis Ccenobiorum, 191, 419; "Consultatio," 230, 235

Cassino, Monte, 261, 270. See Casinensis Cassiodorus (c. 466-560 ?) ; on the Apocalypse, 79; De Institutione Divinarum Litterarum^ 334 Castel dell' Uovo, 449 Castinus, " Magister Militum" (c. 423),

187

Castor, Bp. of Apt (c. 420), 191 Castricia, 54 Catacombs, 453 Catalogues, Byzantine, 367 Catastases, 146

Catastasis, 205. See Synesius Catechists, 370

Catechumens, 33, 68, 127, 456 Catholicos : of Armenia, 367 f. ; position, 371, 381 ; residence, 368, 375 ; family, 371 f. ; consecration, 372 f. See Armenia

of Persia, 388; position, 381, 389; see 381, 384 f., 393. See Persia Catholics, 47 ; among barbarians, 404, 406, 418 ; in Britain, 425 ; as opposed to Arians at Constantinople, 58, in Africa, 433f., 435-43; in Rome, 458f.; to Donatists in Africa, 77 ff., 84 f., 87, 90 f., 93, 95. 131. 459 5 apology of Optatus, 79 ; Tychonius and, 80 ; persecution by Firmus, 80 f. ; as opposed to Novatians, 453 f. ; " cath- olicus sacerdos," 293, cf. 459 Catiline, 156 Caucasia, 326. 364

Caucasus, 360 f., 363 ; gates of the, 388 ; Pityus, 73, 343, 360; crossed by Huns, 50 Celeda, identification of, 206 Celestiacus, 433 Celestians, 200. See Celestius

Celestine, Pope (422-32) ; succeeds Boniface, 177f. ; his "simplicity," 235; contrasted with Xystus III., 265 ; decretal letters, 21, 196 f., 199,409; sends delegates to Ephesus (A.D. 431), 170, 242 f., 248, 452; attitude to Pelagianism, 187 f., 197, 234, 425 ; to Novatians,453; influence of Leo with, 230, 467 ; relations with Antioch, 259, 267, with Britain, 188, 197, 425, 429, with Thessalonica, 250, with the Government, 251 ; renovates Julian basilica, 137, cf. 452 ; death,

and Apiarius, 178; Augustine, 177, 196 f., 230, 409 ; Cassian, 230L ; and Celestius, 187 ; Cyril of Alexandria, 234-7, 243, 245, 256 f. ; Gallic bishops, 21, 196 f., 199, 409; Marius Mercator, 231 ; Nestorius, 229 f., 234, 245, 248 ; Palladius, 188, 425, 429 ; Prosper, 409 Celestius (y7. 405-31) : advocate, 147 ; eunuch, 147 ; disciple of Pelagius, 142,147 f., 154 ; errors, 148 ; clumsiness of expression, 184 ; alleged repudiation by Pelagius at Diospolis (a.d. 415), 154 ; knowledge of Greek, 149; on baptism of children, 149, 163 ; influence in Britain, 189; in East, 150 ; profession of faith, 162 f. ; attack on Philip of Side, 233 Goes to Africa, 142, 148; charged with heresy by Paulinus, 148, 163 f. ; excommunicated at Carthage (a.d. 411), 149, 153; official record, 148, 157, 249; appeals to Rome, 149; priest at Ephesus, 149 f., 162 ; visits to Rome, 148,162,167 f., 170, 181, 187 ; expulsion ordered, 167 ; at Constantinople, 162, 229 ; Imperial rescripts, 167, 187 ; condemned by Council of Ephesus (a.d. 431), 249 Atticus of Constantinople and, 162 ; Aurelius of Carthage and, 148,164 f. ; Pope Celestine and, 187 ; Cyril of Alexandria and, 185 ; Heros and Lazarus, 154, 163 ; Pope Innocent, 157,162,185,199; Julian of Eclanum, 183 f. ; Leo, 199; Nestorius, 229, 231; Pope Zosimus, 162 f., 164 f., 167 f., 183, 199

Contra traducem peccati, 148 Celibacy : of Celestius, 147 ; of clergy, Pope Siricius and (a.d. 386), 82 ; in Southern Gaul, 120 ; of" Confessors " at Rome, 26 ; of Manicheans, 454 ; Nicetas and a married Virgin, 127 Celts, barbarism of, 423; speech, 424, 428

Cemetery, Coemeterium, 16, 443, 453 Ceneda, 206 Cerisuum, Liber, 465

Ceponius, Galician Bp. (c. 447), 4°4 f- Ceremonial, 14, 16. See Baptism Cevennes, 422 Ceylon, 399

Chair, Episcopal, 52, 65, 344, 437 ; of St Peter, 293

Chalcedon : Goths at (399), 51 ; Arcadius at, 51 ; Theophilus of Alexandria at (403), 61 f. ; Cyril at (431), 253 f., 257, 259; Emp. Zeno at (475), 337 ; proposed Olympic Games, 216 ; Theodosius II., summons Conference at (431), 253 f., 257 Bishops : Cyrinus (c. 401-5), 62, 69,

206 ; Eulalius (Y. 430), 214 f., 254 Buildings: Basilica of St Euphemia, 51, 66, 299 f., 306 f. ; Villa of the Oak, 62 f., 215; Church of St Peter and St Paul, 62, 66; St Modus, 66 ; Monastery of Rufinianae, 214 f., 254 ; of St Bassa, 342 Council (A.D. 451), Chap. xi. passim. Authorities, 241, 298, 301 f., 306, 308, 316 f. ; bishops at, 297-99. 307, 375, 390, 396 ; Pope Leo and, 297 f., 322 f., 33°, 334 f. ; Roman legates, 297 ff., 303 f., 309, 320 f., 412, 461 ; Emp. Marcian at, 307 f. (Session 1), 291, 298, 300, 302 f., 304, 323, 329 : documents of Latrocinium read, 290 f., 300 f. ; the legates and Dioscorus, 299 f. ; proposed depositions, 301 ; the Trisagion, 301. (Session 2), 233, 301 ff.: Creeds of Nicoea and Constantinople, 302 ; Tome of Leo,

302 f. ; attitude to Cyril, 302 f. (Session 3), 272, 296, 303 f.: case of Dioscorus, 296, 300-4, deposition,

303 f. ; signatures and notification,

304f. (Session 4), 304-6 : acceptance of Tome of Leo, 304 f., 461 ; treatment of the Egyptians, 304 ff. (Session 5), 306 f.: the Definition, ibid. (Session 6), 307 f..: Promulgation of the Definition, 307 f. (Session 7 ?), 30S ff.: case of Domnus of Antioch, 308 f. ; restoration of I bus and Theodoret, 309. (Session 8) : case of Amphilochius of Side, 335. (Acts i., v.), 289 ; (Act viii.), 309; (Acts ix., x.), 309 J (Act x.), '273,

309

Questions of jurisdiction, 31S-21 ; canons, 320 f., 333, 339; unpopular at Ephesus, 339 The Council and Flavian, 293, 303, 322 ; condemnation of Eutyches, 305, 308, 316, 322, 324 ; and of Nestorius, 309, 316, 324 Theology, 245 ; the Definition, 302, 304, V>6ff., 309 f., 316 f., 330,349; Diphysite, 224 ; Monophysite views Of, 305, 309 I'm 316, 346, 349!

Chalcedon—continued

in relation to Henotikon, 349; Nestorius' view of, 310 ff. ; various use of term " Nestorian," 306 ff., 309 f., 313, 331, 342 ; Cyrillian resistance, 318 ; supported by Acoemeti, 342, 355 ; attitude of ascetics, 218, 328 ; of St Auxentius, 328 ; of monks, 216, 305 f., 324-26, 328 f., 335, 340 350 f. ; long controversies, vii., 461 ; opposition in Egypt, 330, 457, 468 ; hesitation in Pamphylia, 334f. ; condemnation in Armenia (A.D. 491), 391 ; rejection in Persia, 393 ; acceptance by Nonnus of Edessa, 392 Attitude of Aspar, 331 ; of Athenais Eudocia, 325 f. ; and Emp. Leo, 331, 334 f., 468; and Emp. Zeno, 338, 348 f. ; and Emp. Basiliscus, 338 ; its effect, 345 Attitude of Acacius of Constantinople, 347 f-, 355, 357 ; of Martyrius of Jerusalem, 353 ; of Peter the Fuller, 342, 352 ; of Peter Mongus, 350f. ; of Timothy Aelurus, 335, 338 ff. Chalcis, 353, 394

Chnldsea, Chaldees, 362, 381, 384 Champagne, 403

Chancery, ecclesiastical, 17, 244, 290. See Apocrisiarii Imperial, 95, cf. 96 Channel, English, 107 Chapters, Three, 241, 268, 270, 317 Chapters, Twelve, 314 Charisius, Steward of Church of Philadelphia (saec. v.), 250 Charity, 136 ; organization of, 6, 18, 372 ; at Alexandria, 39 ; at Constantinople, 52 ; of Fabiola, 132 ; of Pinianus and Melania, 134,141 ; of Deogratias, 435 Chartres, 118. See Valentinus Chaves, 405

Chelidonius, Bp. of Besangon (c. 445), deposed by Hilary of Aries, 409^ ; restored by Pope Leo, 410 Chereas, governor of Osrhoene (c. 449),

285, 39- Cherson, 336, 338 f. Chersonese, Tauric, 360 Children : in Manichcan riles, 455. See

also Baptism Chonce, 10

Chorene, 367. See Moses Chorepiscopi, 264 Choristers, 442 Chott-el-Fedjadj, 441 Chrism, 77

Christening robe, 442 f., cf. 5 Christianity: and the Empire, 2-5, 259, 3S9, 430; expansion, 357 f., Chap, xiii. ; among Arabs and Indians, 394-400; in Armenia, 362-78 ; in Britain, 424 f., 430 ; in the Caucasus,

Christianity—continued

360 f.; in Gaul, 403 (., 407-19; in Iberia, 325, 361 ; in Ireland, 425-29 ; in Persia, 378-9o

and Judaism, 380, 397, cf. 382 ; and Mazdaeism, 376, 381 ; and Nationalism, 383

the Church and the World, 3-5, 112 f., .131, 357 f-, 419. 430, 451 Christology: biblical basis of, 223, 262 ; ambiguity of terminology, 223, 225 f., 239, 245 ; recognized at Antioch (c. 433), 262 ; differences of East and West, 224 f., 309; Diphysite, 224, 281 ; Monophysite, 222, 224, 305, 340 f., 349, 352, 391; popular,

226, 246, 341

Adoptionism, 123, 230, 235 ; modalism, 27, 341

Creed of Nicoea (325), 223, 245, 313, 335) 352 ; Consubstantialist formula of Antioch (a.d. 363), 372 ; Cyril's Letters to Nestorius, 237, 245 ; Creed of Ephesus (431) and Antioch (c. 433), 262 ; Tome of Leo, 286 ; Definition of Chalcedon, 307 ; Tome of Proclus, 269 ; Henotikon 349

"Alexandrian," 224 f., 235, 237, 286, 313, 341 ; " Antiochene," 221 ff., 225,

227, 229, 235, 262, 340, 351 f., 393; "Western," 224 k, 308; " Cappa- docian," 224, 231 ; Persian, 392 f.

Apollinarian, 221 f., 223 f., 266, 278 ; influence on Cyril, 231, 282 ; difference from Cappadocian, 224 ; Arian, 236, 266

Views of Anastasius the priest, 228 ; Aphraates, 380 ; Athanasius, 224 f.,

231, 260 ; Basil of Caesarea, 224 f. ; Calendion of Antioch, 352 ; Pope Celestine, 234f. ; Cyril, vi., 224,231, 237, 261 f. (vide infra); Pope Damasus, 222, 226; Diodore of Tarsus, 222 f., 232, 278 ; Dioscorus and the Latrocinium, 289; Eusebius and Flavian, 289; Eutyches, 227, 277 f., 280-83, 284 f. (vide infra)] Gregory Nazianzen, 224, 227 ; Ibas of Edessa, 273 ; Pope Leo, 245, 284 ff., 302, 317, 335 (vide infra) ; Leontius, 282 ; Leporius, 230, 235; Marius Mercator, 284 ; Noetus, 341 ; Paul of Samosata, 226, 228 f., 230, 312 ; Photinus, 226, 230, 312 ; Proclus, 269; Sabellius, 341 ; Sahag of Armenia, 372 ; Tertullian, 225 ; Theodore of Mopsuestia, 222 f., 228,

232,250, 278 ; Theodoret, 262 f., 274, 309, his Eranistes, 254, 278

Communicatio idiomatum, 393

Crucifixus pro nobis: formula of Peter the Fuller in " Trisagion," 352 ; Calendion's addition, 352

Christology—continued Deus natuSy 226

Deus tassus: used by Pope Damasus, 220; repudiated by Acacius of Seleucia, 392 ; and Domnus of Antioch, 278 ; and Theodoret, 278 Forma Dei, forma servi, 221, 286 Homo Domtnicus, 226 Hypostasis, 223-2$, 266, 393; "Two Hypostases," 223 ; Cyril's interpretation as "Two Natures," 224 "Hypostatic union," 224, 225, 393 " Christ in Two Persons," 222, 226 ; Nestorius charged with teaching,

312 ; relation to views of Theodore of Mopsuestia and Diodore of Tarsus, 222 f., 312

" A Single Christ," formula of Antioch, 223, 262

" The Divine Word the same who is

Man," 223 Unus de Trinitate incarnatus, in Tome

of Proclus, 269 ; in Henotikon, 349 " Child of two or three months not

God," Nestorius' explanation, 245 Unus de Trinitate passus in carne, 318 " Two Sons," doctrine of, anathematized by Pope Damasus, 222 f. ; by Council of Antioch (379), 222, 312; by Theodoret, 309; charged against Nestorius, 312, cf. 309 ; condemned in the Henotikon, 349 Homoiousios, 266 Homoousios, 313

Nature, vi., 222, 224 ff., 232, 245, 280 f., 289, 302, 307 ff., 317, 349, 352, 392 f., 458 ; use in East and West, 225, 309 Una natura Dei Verdi incarnata: Apollinarian, Monophysite, orthodox, 222 ; Alexandrian, 225 ; formula of Cyril, 232, 269, 277, 281, 302, 317 ; Pope Leo on, 284, 302, 335 ; Eutyches on, 277 f., 280, 282, 284 f., 335 " Two Natures," 226, 284 : rejected by Apollinarians, 222 ; Cyrillians, 224, 284, 330; Eutyches, 280; in Mesopotamia, 341 ; rejection attributed to Pope Julius, 282 ; used by Flavian and Eusebius, 289; by Nestorius,

313 ; interpreted by Pope Leo, 284 k, 286, 302 ; attitude of Anatolius, 333 ; in Pamphylia, 335 ; defended in Dialogue of Arnobius and Serapion, 458. "/» two Natures," 306 ff., 335- "Of two Natures," 306, 308, 317

"Two Natures, One Person ": the Latin solution, 225 ; in Tertullian, 225 ; in the Tome of Leo, 286 ; Definition of Chalcedon, 307 f., 317; Persian form, 392 f. ; accepted by Cyril, 262 f., 281 ; Pope Gelasius on, 254 " Physical " Union, 222, 224 f., 262, 277

Christology—continued

⁴⁴ Mother of Christ," preferred by

Nestorius, 227, 236, 352 " Mother of God " : orthodox meaning of Theotokos, 227, 352 ; as interpreted by Easterns, 253, 262 ; accepted by Gregory Nazianzen, 227 ; at Chalcedon, 307 ; by Theodoret, 309 ; in the Henotikon, 349 ; difficulties of Nestorius as to, 227, 229, 232, 236, 238, 312 f. ; his acceptance, 236, 238; term anathematized by Dorotheus, 234 ; not used in Persia, 393

⁴⁴ Mother of Man," Nestorius and, 236, 238

⁴⁴ Temple," 262 f. Christotokos, 227, 236, 352 Chromatius. See Aquileia Chrysaphius, Grand Chamberlain (44149): eunuch, 277 ; supplants Pulcheria, 276; influence with Theodosius II., 276; godson and patron of Eutyches, 276 f. ; protects him, 280, 284; attitude to Nestorius, 310 f. ; supports Dioscorus and the Latro- cinium, 292 ; executed by Pulcheria, 295

Chrysoretus, Grand Chamberlain (c. 431) :

Cyril's gifts to, 261 Chrysostom, St John (c. 347-407), Abp. of Constantinople (398-404) : authorities for his history, 51, 61, 64 f., 74 ; date of title Chrysostom, 75 ; career at Antioch, 51 ff., 60 ; made Abp. of Constantinople by Eutropius, 51 f. ; consecration by Theophilus, 52 ; his disciplinary reforms, 52 f., 55; unpopularity, 54f. ; attitude to Arians, 53 ; influence with Gainas and the Goths, 54 ; hostility of monks to him, 54, 63 ; of Antiochus, Severian, and Acacius, 54 f., 64 f., 67,

70,206 ; feminine opposition, 54, 61 ; "elderly coquettes," 61 ; attitude of Empress Eudoxia, 54, 59, 64 f., 67 ; action in case of Antoninus of Ephesus, 55, 62 f., 241 f. ; receives Nitrian monks accused of Origenism, 55i 58 ; protest of Theophilus of Alexandria, 55 ; attitude of Epiphanius to, 59 f. ; his character and Chrysostom's, 60 ; Theophilus and Chrysostom at Constantinople, 61, 64, at the Villa of the Oak, 62 ; pretensions of Alexandria, 58, 61, 63,

71, 234; costliness of Theophilus' policy, 61, 272 ; ⁴¹ Synod of the Oak " (403), 62 ff., 211 ; deposition of Chrysostom, 64, 243 ; charge of lese-majesti, 61, 64; Acts of the Synod, 71 f.; disturbances, 64 f. ; Chrysostom leaves Constantinople,

Chrysostom—continued

64 f. ; his recall, 65 ; demands a new Council, 65 ff. ; appeal by Theophilus to canons of Antioch, 67 f., 248 ; riots at Constantinople (404), 68 f. ; Chrysostom again in exile, 68 f., 72 ; fire at Constantinople, 69 ; burning of St Sophia attributed to him, 69, 72 ; election of Arsacius, 69 ; Chrysostom at Cucusa, 69 f., 73 ; his missionary interests, 54, 70; persecution of Johannites, 68, 71 f., 207 ; their reception at Rome, 72, 74, 135, 190 ; sentence on Chrysostom quashed by Innocent, 71 f., 460 f. ; Innocent and Theophilus, 71 f., and Chrysostom, 72 f., 74, 156, 207 ; sends mission to Constantinople to support Chrysostom, 72, 182 ; Chrysostom at Arabissus, 73 ; death at Comana, 73, 271 ; rupture of relations of Rome and Constantinople, 73, 162, 460; Theophilus' attacks on Chrysostom, 74, spread by Jerome, 74, 156 ; burial of Chrysostom at Constantinople, 271 Attitude of Cyril of Alexandria to Chrysostom, 185, 211, 231, 233; of Cassian, 190 f. ; of Nilus, 206, and Isidore, 206, 256; of Atticus of Constantinople, 202 f., 219, 258; of Synesius, 203 ; of Alexander of Antioch, 207 ; he replaces him on diptychs, 207 ; healing of differences at Antioch, 207, and at Constantinople, 271 Chrysostom as writer, vii. ; formerly reputed author of Opus imperfectum in Matthceum," 122 ; as biblical student,

60, 206 ; preacher and speaker, 8, 51 ff., 65 ff., 206 ; incautious speeches,

61, 64-67 ; as correspondent, 69 f. ; on virtues of Anicia, widow of Probus, 141

Church, the, in primitive times and fifth century, 14; doctrine of, in Tychonius, 79 f. ; among Donatists, 91, 97 f. ; in relation to the Empire, i» 3) 21, 350 ; its universal character, 3, 19, 21 ; the militia ecclesiastica, 2 ; difference of moral standard, 3 ; as holding property, 14 f., 17 f.; criticisms on, by Sulpicius Severus, 116 National influences, 22 ; in Armenia, 369 f., 375 f- J in Persia, 380 f.

Churches, 18, 89, 350: decoration, 12; reading of documents in, 100 ; building, at Rome and Constantinople (saec. iv.), 451 f. ; burning by Donatists, 94 ; rebuilding, 387 ; in Gaul, 403; destruction by Vandals in Africa, 195 ; in Persia, 382 ; confiscation of, 440 ; building in Iberia, 261 ; in the Yemen, 399 ; in desert, 278

Churches—continued

of Arians at Carthage, 433 f. ; at Constantinople, 53 f., 202, 220 f., 458 ; at Rome, 458 cf Catholic Goths at Constantinople,

53 f. ; in Crimea, 54 of Johannites at Constantinople, 202 of the " Little Church " at Antioch, 207 of the " Macedonians " at Constantinople, Cyzicus and Province of the Hellespont, 221 of the Novatians at Alexandria, 453, at Rome, 453

Dedications and Titles— Alexandria : Caesareum, 210, 332, 350 ;

church of Quirinus, 332 Antioch : Basilica of Constantine, 207 ; St Barlaam, 343; "Old." Believers, 207

Carthage: St Agileus, 443; St Cyprian, 433 ; St Perpetua, 433 ; Basilica of Faustus, 435 ; Basilica Restituta, 82, 433

Chalcedon : Basilica of St Euphemia, 51, 66, 299 f., 306 f. ; St Peter and St Paul, 62, 66 ; in Rufinianis, 66 ; St Mocius, 66 Comana : St Basilicus, 73 Constantinople: Anastasis, 58 ; ch. of the Apostles, 60, 65, 271, 296; St Sophia, q.v. ; St Menas, 214 Ephesus : Basilica of St John, 241 f., 247, 287, 290 ; Mary Church, 244, 452 ; significance of name, 244 Jerusalem: Holy Sepulchre, 5, 11, 36,

381, (Anastasis) 42. Rome : £>. Agata dei Goti, 458 ; Anas- tasia, 458 ; "The Apostles," 248,452; San Clemente, 162 ff.; Basilica Cres- centiana, 452 ; of Damasus, 451 ; Chapel of St John Evangelist, 292 ; Julius, 137, 451; Lateran, 131 f., 137, 173 f., 292,407, 452f.; Liberian, 45if., 466; San Lorenzo, 173; Marcellus, 173 ; Marcus, 451 ; St Mary, 452 ; St Paul, 109, 173, 452, 468; St Peter (Vatican) 5 f., 131, 137, 173. 257, 458 ; (without the walls) 109, 452 ; St Sabina, 452 ; Silvester, 451 ; Theodora, 173 ; S. Vitale, 452 Seleucia: Kokhe, 385 Valarschapat, near: St Hripsime, St

Gaiane, and 32 Companions, 368 Withorn : St Martin, 427

Organization : the local church, 14, 21 ; position of bishop, 14-18,21; of clergy, 14 ff. ; of laity, 15, 52, 191, 208, 219, 329, 403 f., 407 f. ; election of bishop, 17 f-, 52, 7o, 191. 220, 339, 343, 403 f., 463 ; co-operation of neighbouring bishops, 17 f., 83, 212,

Churches—continued

250, 463; function of metropolitan as to elections and consecrations, 130,177, 204, 37 5,408 f., 463 ; groupings of bishops, the Nicene model, 18; departures from it, 18 f., 22; judicial system, 14 f., 17, 19, 58, 154, 169 f., 279 f., 283, 308, 320, 410 ; con- ciliar system, 18-20, 86 ff., 154, 166, 169 f., 236f., 283, 308, 339,410,421,

463f. ; canonical legislation, 19,165 f., 320, 387, 414 ; administration of property, 14 f., 18, 148, 177, 250 ; effect of "capital sentence" on tenure, 160

The local and the Universal Church, 19, 21 f. ; development, 22 ; problems of monasticism, 22-6, 33, 57, 125, 214 ff., 218, 228 f., 270, 306, 324, 420; influence of civil position of metro- political cities, igf., 56, 71, 88 f.,129 f., 161, 241, 320 ; some disregard of civil limits, i8f., 129 f., 161, 4o6f., 465; Council of Nicaea (325), 318, 321 ; Council of Constantinople (381), 55, 62 f., 241, 319 ; Council of Chalcedon (451), 319 ff., 339. 357

Africa, 18 f., 130, 165, 169 f., 177, 389, 435. 4⁶3 f- 5 Britain, 423 f., 426; Gaul, 19, 161, 403, 407, 410, 412, 414, 417, 421, 464; Vicariate of Aries, 161, 407 f., 422,465 ; Egypt, 18, 20, 56 f., 203 f., 241 (^Alexandria); Northern Italy, 18, 117, 128 f.; Peninsular Italy, 20, 130, 462 f. ; and Sicily, 182 f., 462 ; Spain, 404 ff., 464, 466 ; jurisdiction of Constantinople, 20, 212, 220, 241 f., 258, 275, 306, 309, 318 ff., 345, 357, 464; Vicariate of Illyricum, 125 ff., 161, 212, 275, 357,

464

Position of Antioch, 19, 247-50, 258, 275, 291, 309, 319. 322, 357, 389, 464. 465; Aquileia, 124, 129, 181 f. ; Caesarea in Cappadocia, 212, 32of.; in Palestine, 154, 318 f. ; Cyprus, 250 ; Cyzicus, 219 f., 242 ; Edessa, 19, 291; Ephesus, 55, 241 f»j 247f., 320, 339; Jerusalem, 157, 238, 241, 249 ff., 318 f., 464; Marseilles, 130, 161; Milan, 19f., 128^,412,463; Ravenna, 129 f. ; Vienne, 407, 410 ff., 421

Notification to Rome of Accession of Bp. of Constantinople, 257 f., 294 f.; of Bp. of Alexandria, 329 f., 336; notification to Bp. of Tarsus, 258 ; recognition of Bp. of Tyre by Constantinople, 275 ; profession of faith, 295, 329 £

Arab bishoprics, 396

in Armenia: legendary history of organization, 367 f., 375 ; relation to Caesarea, 368, 372 ff., 375 ; influence of ancient pagan organization in per-

Churches—continued

sonnel and endowments,. 370 f.; hereditary Catholicate, 371 fl ; partial dis- endowment, 373 ; affairs set in order by Basil of Caesarea, 374 ; effect of partition on organization, 375 in Persia : " Sons of the Alliance," 380 ; organization of the Catholicate, 386, 389. See also Persia of Arians: at Constantinople, 53 f. ; Vandals in Africa, 433, 436 ff., 439 f. See Arians of Novatians, 453 Ciborium, 137

Cilicia : influence of Theodore of Mopsuestia, 185, 211, 261 ; of Helladius of Tarsus, 261 ; attitude to deposition of Nestorius, 265 ; Pelagianizers in, 185, 211; "Cilicia Secunda," 334. See Basil the Cilician Cimbri, 106 Cimmerians, 363

Cincinnatus, L. Quinctius (saec. v. B.C.), 139 Circassians, 360

Circumcellions : central home, 102 ; supporters of Optatus of Thamugad, 84 ; and of Gaudentius, 102 ; outrages in Numidia, 81, 84, 91 ; character, 80, 84, 93, 102 ; modus operandi, 84, 91 Civil Power, 18, 366, 382.

(Eastern Empire), 126; as protector of Christians outside, 382 ; Official proscription of Arians, 120, 202, 220 f. ; of Apollinarians, 222 ; John of Jerusalem secures order of expulsion of Jerome, 34 ; Theophilus secures decree of expulsion of Origen- ists, 40 ; Eutropius secures election of Chrysostom and his consecration by Theophilus, 52 ; power of Theophilus with officials, 57 f. ; Nitrian monks and secular tribunals, 58 f. ; summons of Theophilus to Constantinople, 59 ; Synod of the Oak

invokes the Emperor against Chrysostom, 64; exile of Chrysostom, 69, 191 ; exile of Cassian, 191 ; law

excluding from churches those not in communion with Arsacius, Theophilus, and Porphyry, 70 ; proscription of Johannites (405), 71 ff., 135, 202 f., 207; the Court and the memory of Chrysostom, 208, 211, 271 ; attitude of civil power in Egypt to Cyril, 209 f.; proscription of Messalians, 212 ; law regulating election of bishops of Cyzicus, 220 ; law (421) on rights of Constantinople, 275 ; the court and the choice of Nestorius as bishop, 220 ; new proscription of heretics (428), 221, 242, 250; court defends Novatians, 221 ; expulsion of Julian of Eclanum from

Civil Power—continued

Constantinople (429), 231 ; complaints to magistrates at Constantinople against Cyril, 233, 236 the monks ask for a Council, 239 ; the court and Cyril and the projected Council (430), 236 ; imperial summons of Council, 237, 240; the imperial representative, 240, 242 ; his instructions, 242, 244, 247 ; treatment by Cyril's Council, 244ff., 247f.; imperial disapproval, 248 ; report of Council to the Emperor, 249 ; the new imperial representative, 251 ; acceptance of depositions of Nestorius, Cyril, and Memnon, 251, 263 ; their arrest, 251, 255 ; imperial efforts at conciliation, 251, 253; the government and Nestorius, 253, 255 ; appointment of Maximian as bishop, 254 ; the Emperor dissolves the Council, 255 ; rescript as to Cyril and Memnon, 255 ; supplication of the Easterns to the Emperor as to Jerusalem (431), 319 ; government supports Maximian against Nestorians, 258; new efforts at conciliation, 259f.; the mission of Aristolaus, 259f., 263ff., 268 ; exile and internment of Nestorius, 253, 267, 3iof., 314; proscription of " Simonians," 267 ; treatment of Irenjgus and Photius, 267, 270, 275 ; imperial letter to John of Antioch, 270 ; the imposition of peace, 271 f. ; reparation to Chrysostom, 271 ; the ecclesiastical policy of the court, 276; appeal of Domnus of Antioch against Eutyches, 278 ; new proscription (448) of writings of Porphyry and Nestorius, 278 ; high-handed deposition of Irenaeus of Tyre, 278-f. ; confinement of Theodoret to his diocese, 279, 287, 292 ; intervention in trial- of Eutyches at Constantinople (448), 280, 283 ; efforts of Theodosius II. to reconcile Eutyches and Elavian, 285 ; exaction of confession of faith from Flavian, 285 ; enquiry of Chereas, 285, 392 ; removal of Ibas of Edessa (449), 285 ff., 392 ; removal of Barsumas, 392 ; Emperor's programme for a new Council (449), 285-8 ; instructions of his representatives, 288 f. ; force, 289 f. ; law of Theodosius (449) approving acts of the Latrocinium, 293, 412 ; removal of Flavian of Constantinople, 293, 324 ; treatment of Domnus of Antioch, Eusebius of Dorylaeum, and Theodoret, 294, cf. 340; the Empress Pulcheria and Pope Leo (449), 296 ; confinement

Civil rower— continued

of Eutyches, 296; project of a new Council, 297, 318 ; imperial representatives at Chalcedon (451), 299 ; calling the bishops to order, 300 ; recommendation of depositions, 301 f.; take no part in proceedings for deposition of Dioscorus, 303 ; imperial request for a Definition of Faith, 302 ; insistence of representatives, 306 ff., 318 ; the Emp. Marcian at the Council, 307 f.; request to Emperor to issue law against decisions of Ephesus (449), 309 ; clemency of Marcian to Nestorius (451), 314 f. ; protests of Po£e Leo to Marcian as to claims of Constantinople, 322 ; imperial edicts (452) in support of Chalcedon, 323 f. ; forcible restoration of Juvenal of Jerusalem, 327 ; Marcian and the monks, 327 ; confinement of Theodosius, Juvenal's supplanter, 328 ; forcible maintenance of Proterius as Bp. of Alexandria, 329 f. ; petition of the Dioscorians to Marcian (454), 330 f. ; petitions and counter-petitions to Emp. Leo (457), 331. 333 f. ; the Emperor and the assassins of Proterius, 333 ; the idea of a new Council, 334 ; the imperial questionnaire as to Chalcedon and Timothy Aelurus, 334 f. ; efforts at conciliation, 335; arrest and exile of Timothy Aelurus, 336 ; respect for Chalcedon imposed in Egypt, 468 ; Timothy Salofaciol, the " Patriarch of the Emperor," 337 ; the case of Peter the Fuller, 341 f. ; law (471) against monks causing trouble at Antioch, 342 f.; intervention of Zeno on behalf of Catholics of Africa (474), 435; the Emp. Basiliscus recalls Timothy Aelurus, 338 ; imperial encyclical on doctrine imposed by force, 338 ; refusal of Acacius to sigⁿ> 339' 344 > Council in Asia addresses Basiliscus against him, 339 ; recall of Peter the Fuller (475), 343 5 government interference at Antioch, 343 ; the Anti-encyclical, 345 ; Zeno's order of exile for Timothy Aelurus (477), and recall of Salofaciol, 346; influence of Acacius under Zeno, 347 ; intervention of Zeno for Catholics of Africa (481), 437 ; address of Salofaciol to Zeno as to succession to Alexandria, 347f.; Zeno's Henotikon on doctrine (482), 348 ff. ; his recognition of Peter Mongus at Alexandria, 348 f. ; intervention to check his proceedings, 350 f. ; exiles Calendion of Antioch, and recalls Peter the Fuller, 352 ; force in Syria and

Civil Power —continued

Palestine, 353; imposition of the Henotikon, 391 ; letter of Felix III. to Zeno as to Acacius, 355 ; arrest and deception of his legates, 355 Re-organization of ecclesiastical administration in the Caucasus by Justinian, 361 Civil Power (Western Empire): proscription of Donatists in Africa reversed by Julian, 76,93; Valentinian's policy, 77 ; Roman Council (378) invokes Gratian against Bp. of "Parma," 130, 466; laws against re-baptism (373, 377, 379), 81 ; Primianus the Donatist invokes laws against dissenters, 84, 90 ; municipal councils as mediators among ecclesiastics, 91 ; Pope Anastasius obtains proscription of Origen's writings, 43 ; Honorius moved to summon Council at Thessalonica, 72 ; Council of Carthage (404) invokes laws of Theodosius (392) against schismatic ordinations, 92 ; decrees for suppression of Donatists (405), 93 f. ; edicts of toleration under Jovius (4°9), 94 5 African Council (410) asks for its recall, 95 ; Marcellinus, imperial commissioner, holds conference of Catholics and Donatists (411), 95-9 ; the decision, 99; new law against Donatists (412), 99 ; efforts to enforce it at Thamugad, 102 ; removal of Heros of Aries by civil power only, 160; African Council (418) procures rescript against Pelagians, i66ff. ; Pelagius and Celestius to be expelled from Rome (418), 167 ; legates of Zosimus and the civil power in Africa, 170 f. ; complaints of Africans to Ravenna, 172 ; the Emperor and the controversy of Boniface and Eulalius, ^73 f. ; imperial commission to Achilleus of Spoleto, 174; removal of Eulalius, 174; Augustine on Pope Boniface's use of civil power, 177 ; the Emperor and papal elections, 178 ; Council of Carthage (423) and Roman use of civil power, 3 79 f. ; imperial edicts (418-19) against Pelagians, 181 ; opposition in Italy, 181 ff. ; laws upheld by Popes, 183, 187 ; rescript of Placidia against Pelagians in Gaul (425), 187 ; its execution given to Patroclus, 187; rescript of Valen- tinian against Manicheans (445), 456 ; rescript secured by Leo against Hilary of Aries (445), 411, 466; Leo invokes Valentinian III. against Latrocinium (449), 293, 412 ; Valentinian intervenes on behalf of

Civil Power (Western Empire)—continued Catholics in Africa (454), 435 ; Odoacer and Theodoric and papal requisitions, 467 Claque, at sermons, 209 Claudian, priest at Constantinople (c. 430), 260

Claudian, priest of Vienne (saec. v.), brother of Mamertus, 421 ; De statu animae, 421 Claudian [Claudianus, Claudius], poet (fl'. c. 400) : celebrity as official poet, 115, 141 ; on barbarians and food supply, 85

Claudianists, Donatist sect in Proconsular Africa, 80 ; attitude of Primianus of Carthage to, 83 Claudius, Emp. (41-54), Temple at

Rome, 131 Cledonius, 227

Clement of Alexandria (fl. c. 190-203), 13

Clemente, San, 162 ff.

Clementianus, monk (saec. v.), Arian and

Manichean, 437 Clementine Recognitions, 45 Clergy, 216: and laity, 15, 384, 417; ordination as escape from curia, 55 ; married, 120, 204, 426; attempt to enforce celibacy on, in Rome and Africa, 82 ; penitents excluded from, 6, 89; professed monks excluded from, in Rome, 26, 159 ; pursuits of, 408 ; alleged abuse of preaching, 196; usury, 384; their share in coronations, 331 ; Gildas on, 430 ; Sul^icius Severus on, 116 in Africa, Catholics and Arians, 433 f., 440 ; Catholics and Donatists, 94 ; in Armenia, 373 ; in Britain, relations with monks, 424 ; at Constantinople, under Chrysostom, 52, 54; of Ephesus, appeal to Chrysostom,. 55 ; of Gaul, appeal to Rome, 408 f., resistance to barbarians, 417; in Persia, 383 ff.; canons of Antioch (c. 325-41) on rebellious clergy, 305 ; parochial, 452 ; and sacraments, 15 f. Clichy, 123. See Councils Clovis, King (481-511), 418 Codex Canonum, 86 f., 169, 171, 176, 179, 466

Codex Justinianus, 14, 278, 342, 442 Codex Theodosianus, 14, 17, 53, 70, 76,

81 f., 92 ff., 99 f., 267, 275, 411, 466 Codonatus, John. See John Coining, 450 Colchis, 361

Cold River. See Frigidus Collectio Avellana. See Avellana Collectio Hibernica, 189 Cologne, Franks at, 105, 402 f. ; MS. of Councils at, 408

Colony, Colonies: of Britons in Spain, 423 ; Greek in the Caucasus, 360 ; Israelite in Arabia, 397 ; Jewish, at Alexandria, 209, on the Euphrates, 380; of Persian Christians in Hindustan, 399 f. ; of Jerome and his friends at Bethlehem, 34 ; of Syrians for commerce, 128,cf. 399 ; of ascetics at Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, 216 Comana, Chrysostom at, 73, 271 Combs, 438

Comes Domesticorum, 242, 299, 361 Comes Orientis, 57 Comes Sacrarum Largitionum, 251 Commerce: Alexandrian with Rome,457f.; Jewish and Syrian, 128 ; Greek, 360, 385 ; Indian, 396 ; Romar, in Yemen,

399

Comminges, 119, 417 Communicatio idiomatum, 393 Communion, admission to, 77, 83, 88, 89,

263, 350. 4io

Como, bishopric founded by St Ambrose,

128. See Abundius, Felix Concordia, 413

Confessors, in Africa, 442 ; in Palestine,

36 ; at Rome, 26 Confirmation, imposition of hands in, 89 ; problem in case of schismatics, 89 ; unction, 131 Confiscation, of churches, 92, 440; of

property, 71, 92, 267, 440 " Conscience, cases of," 133 Consecration, refusal of, 177. See also Bishops, Church organization in Africa Constans, Emp. (337-50), son of

Constantine the Great, 76 Constans, son of Constantine III., usurper

in Gaul, 109 f. Constantina, Church burnt by Donatists, 94 ; resistance to Vandals at, 195 ; persecution, 436. See also Petilian, Antoninus Honoratus Constantina, bishopric in Asia, 353 Constantine the Great (c. 274-337), time of, Emp. (307), sole Emp. (324-37).

400 : blunder of Agathangelus as to, 368; buildings at Rome, 12, 451 f., and Constantinople, 12 ; Baths at Constantinople, 68 ; enclosure at Constantinople, 202, 458 ; transport of Muses of Helicon to Constantinople, 69; cathedral at Antioch, 207 ; commends Persian Christians to Sapor II., 378 f. ; hostilities between Persia and Empire (337), 382 ; introduction of Christianity in Armenia in his time, 361 ; Donatist schism in Africa (313), 76, 78, 84, 97 ff. ; versification of Gospels by Juvencus, 114; Eusebius' Vita Const ant itti, 381

Constantine III., usurper, acclaimed Emp. in Britain (c. 408), 107, 423 ; settles at Aries, 107 ; invades Italy, 109 f. ; supported by Heros of Aries, no, 117, 160, and by Lazarus of Aix and Proculus of Marseilles, 117; besieged at Aries by Constantius no; ordained priest, no; executed (411), no

Constantinople, 215, 327, 365 ; enclosure of Constantine, 202, 458 ; growing importance under Theodosius, 56, 124, 129 ; prestige as imperial town, 20, 202 ; under rule of Rufinus (c. 395), 49 f. ; growth in size under Anthemius (c. 405-17), 202 ; Gainas and the Goths, 50 f., 54, 203; imperial circle, 54 f. ; resort of Syrian bishops 54 f.; Nitrian monks (401), 55, 58 f. ; Epiphanius at (403), 59 f. ; Theophilus of Alexandria there (398) 52, (403) 61, 64; affrays between Egyptians and people, 65 ; Synesius there (c. 400), 203 ; disturbances (404), 68 f. ; fire, 69 ; Celestius at (c. 417), 162 ; Julian of Eclanum at (c. 424), 185 ; Galla Placidia takes refuge there (c. 423-25), 187, 401 ; projected visit of Stilicho (c. 408), 201 ; regency of Anthemius (c. 408-17), 201 f. ; Isidore of Pelusium formerly an official at, 205 ; Orestes, Augustal Prefect, formerly baptized there by Atticus, 210 ; baptism of Eudocia (421), 276 ; Alexander the Messalian there, 214 ; Peter the Iberian hostage there (422), 325 ; Melania the younger there, 325, 451 ; Volusianus, her uncle, there (436)i 451> his baptism, 451 ; fire in Arian disturbance (428), 221 ; Apollinarians there, 227 ; return of Julian of Eclanum and Celestius (c. 429), 229; Marius Mercator there, 231, 284 ; Alexandrian clergy there (c. 429), 233 ; delay of news from Hippo (430, Aug. 28 to Nov. 30), 243; reports of Candidian from Ephesus, 246, 248 ; intrigues of Cyril at (c. 430), 236, 252; Cyrillian deputies invited there (431), 254 ; final burial of Chrysostom (438), 271 ; denunciations of Domnus and Theodoret at, 277 ; Evagrius the historian there (saec. vi), 316 ; Juvenal of Jerusalem at (c. 453), 326 ; coronation of Zeno (474), 337 ; Timothy Aelurus there (c. 476), 338 ; Martyrius of Antioch (c. 470), 342 ; John Talaia there (c. 482), 347 f.; legates of Pope Felix III. imprisoned (484), 355 ; the "defensor" Tutus there (484),

358 f. ; Jahbalaha, Persian Catholicos, there (417-18), 387 ; protests against persecution of Persian Christians, 388; threatened invasion of Attila (452), 414; Julius Nepos, last Emperor, sent from there to West (474), 416,449 ; failure of expedition against Vandals in Africa (442)/ 432, and of that under Basiliscus (468), 432 ; refugees from Africa there, 433, 442 ; attitude there towards barbarians, 447 ; Ricimer and Emp. Leo, 448 ; relations with Theodoric, 450 f. ; bishops gather there on restoration of Zeno (477), 345 ; Mahomet IT. in St Sophia (1453), 104 Court and ecclesiastical policy: Theodosius I. and Council (of 381), 319 ; influence of Eutropius in appointment of Chrysostom (398), 51 ff. ; hostility of Eudoxia (399), 54; fluctuation, 59, 61 f., 64 f., 67; Arcadius and Chrysostom, 62, 68 f., 70, 72 ; policy of Anthemius and of Theodosius II., 201 f., 208, 220; affairs of Persia (422), 388; Novatians protected against Nestorius, 221 ; Theodosius II. and Cyril of Alexandria, 236 ; summons for an (Ecumenical Council, 236 f., 240; Imperial representatives at Council of Ephesus (431), 240, 242, 244ff., 247ft'., 251 ; Theodosius and the Council, 252-55, 259f., 263,

265 ; Cyril and the Court, 260 f. ; Theodosius and the Nestorians,

266 ff., 270, 272 f., 276, 278 ; reparation to Chrysostom (438), 271 ; the Theodosian Code (438) and the question of Illyria, 275 ; influence of Chrysaphius, 276 f., 280, 310 f.; Theodosius and Domnus of Antioch, 278 f.; further proscription of " Nestorians " (448), 278 f., 285, 310 f. ; protection for Eutyches, 280, 285 ; new (Ecumenical Council summoned, 285 ; Pope Leo and Theodosius, 286, 292 ; imperial representatives at Ephesus (449), 287ff.; Theodosius approves the " Latrocinium," 293 f. ; exile of Flavian of Constantinople, 293 ; death of Theodosius (450), 295 ; accession of Pulcheria and execution of Chrysaphius, 295 ; her marriage with Marcian, 295 ; the new policy, 296; Pulcheria and Pope Leo, 296 f., 318, 322 ; new Council summoned, 297 ; Marcian and the Council of Chalcedon (451), 298 f. ; demand for a Definition of Faith, 302, 304, 306 f., 318 ; Marcian at Chalcedon, 307 ff. ; clemency for Nestorius, 314 f. ; Marcian and Pope Leo, 323; troubles with Eudocia, 325-28 ; the

Constantinople—continued

problem of Jerusalem, 327 f. ; diffi- cultiesin Egypt, 330 f. ; death of Pulcheria (453) and Marcian (457), 331 ; influence of Aspar, 331, 334 ; the Emp. Leo and Egypt, 331-34 ; question of a new Council, 334; shifting of opinion, 336 ; death of Aspar, and of Emp. Leo (474), 337 ; Zeno and Basiliscus, 337 f. ; the "Encyclical," 338, 344f. ; Zeno at Antioch, 342 f.; fall of Basiliscus (476), 345 ; Zeno and Genseric and the treatment of Catholics in Africa, 435 ; Zeno and Acacius, 347 f. ; the " Henotikon," 348 ff., 391 f. ; demonstrations at Alexandria, 350 ; Leontius accepted as Emp. in Syria, 352 ; Zeno and Acacius and the affairs of Egypt (482), 354 ; Rome and Constantinople and the rupture between West and East (484), 354*59

Church of C., 56, 393 : decline of discipline under Nectarius (381-98), 52 ; revival by Chrysostom, 52 f., 64 ; his relations with Arians, 53 f., and with Catholic Goths, 53 f. ; clergy and the Synod of the Oak (403), 64 ; schism in the matter of Chrysostom, 68, 70 f., 74, 202 f., 258; efforts of Alexander of Antioch to heal it, 207, 211 ; views of Atticus, 202 f., 211 f., 219 ; divisions after death of Atticus (425), 219 f. ; dislike of Nestorius' Syrians, 228 ; Antiochene theology, 230 f.; Cyril's letter on deposition of Nestorius, 246 ; divisions, 252, 258, 260, 313 ; appeal from Armenia, 269, 390 ; Basil the deacon and Theodore of Mopsuestia, 269 ; proscription of Nestorian clergy (Simonians), 267 ; relations with Church of Persia (420), 387 ; toleration of Novatians, 202, 453; treatment of Arians, 53 f., 58, 202, 211, 220f., 229, 458 ; "a Greek Papacy," 460 ; the resort of bishops, 462 ; gathering of bishops (477), 345 ; Timotheus of Constantinople on the Marcianites (Messalians), 213

Jurisdiction over Ephesus, 55, 63, 339 ; proposals to exercise it over Alexandria, 59 ; scruples of Chrysostom, 62 f. ; in Asia, 219 f., 221, 242, 258, 275, 319 f., 357; still undefined by Councils (in 425), 220, cf. 258 ;

>retensions in Illyria supported by aw (421), 275, 465 ; Acacius and Illyricum, 357 ; in affairs of Antioch, 309, 319. 343, 357 ; canons of Chalcedon, 320 f., 339, 357; devotion of Anatolius to them, 333 ; local jurisdiction, 306 ; consecration of metro-

Constantinople—continued

politans by Patriarch, 463, 464; Basiliscus and patriarchal rights, 345

Monasticism: turbulence of monks there, 23 ; restrictions, 24 ; Evagrius of Nitria there, 28 ; Isidore sent there by Theophilus, 39 ; attempts to make him bishop (398), 39, 58 ; Ammonius, Eusebius, and Euthymius there, 42 ; Isaac the Syrian founds monastery, 54, 215 ; charges against Chrysostom,

54, 63 ; Nitrian monks there (401),

55, 58 f. ; Armenians, 270, 390; influence of Accemeti, 2i4f.; growth of monasteries, 215 ; attitude to Patriarch, 216 ; influence of Eutyches, 227, 253, 276 f. ; his trial and deposition, 280 f., 296 ; acceptance of condemnation exacted by Flavian, 283 ; intervention of the Emperor, 285, 287 ff. ; letters of Pope Leo to monks, 286, 292 ; monks at Nicaea, 297, expelled, 298 ; Eutychian monks at Chalcedon, 305 f.; Theodosius, Bp. of Jerusalem, placed in monastery of Dius, 328 ; its Chalcedonian sympathies, 328 ; opposition of other monks, 328 f. ; Anatolius* attitude to " Eutychians," 333 5 opposition of monks to Timothy Aelurus, 338 ; Accemeti favour Chalcedon, 342 f. ; they hold Peter the Fuller in custody, 343 ; relations with Pope Felix III., 355, 358 ; influence of David the Stylite, 344 ^f-

Relations with Alexandria, v.: under Athanasius, 239 ; under Theophilus, 39, 4²» 55 ; ancient rivalry, 56 f., 58 f. ; Alexandrian candidates for see of Constantinople, 39, 58, 294 ; Theophilus summoned before Chrysostom, 59, 62 ; he deposes Chrysostom, 64, 71, 203 ; Cyril's view of Chrysostom, 185, 211 ; Cyril's reputation at Constantinople, 209 f.; his view of Atticus, 219; Nestorius and Cyril, 231 ff., 235 ff., 246, 255, 256, 260, 313 ; Cyril and Maximian, 260, 263 f., and Proclus, 268 ; Dioscorus and Flavian, 287-91 ; Proterius and Constantinople, 330 f. ; schemes of Timothy Aelurus, 330, 334; relations with Acacius, 344 ff. ; Acacius and John Talaia, 348, and Peter Mongus, 350 f.

Relations with Africa, 175 f.

Relations with Antioch, 208, 211, 309, 319, 343, 357

Relations with Aquileia, 71

Relations with Carthage, 162

Relations with Ephesus, 55, 63, 241, 339

Relations with Milan, 71 f.

Constantinople—continued

Relations with Rome: Pope Damasus opposes election of Gregory Nazian- zen, 126 ; question of Illyricum, 124, 126; Chrysostom and Innocent, 71 ff., 156, 461 ; mission of ^Emilius of Beneventum, 72, 182 ; rupture of relations with Chrysostom's successors, 73 f., 156, 162, 202 ; mission of the priest Boniface, 173 ; Tractoria of Zosimus, 181 ; Atticus and Zosimus, 185 ; the Illyrian question, 212 ; favourable attitude to Atticus, 219 ; Nestorius and Pope Celestine, 229, 235 f. ; Celestine's view of Nestorius, 234 ff., 267, 461 ; Roman legates at Constantinople, 254, 258, 452 ; Celestine and Maximian, 254, 257 ; Xystus III. and Proclus as to Illyria, 275 ; Pope Leo and Flavian as to Eutyches, 284, 286, 292, 295, 296 f., 302 ; Pope Leo and Anatolius, 295, 3°9> 333 f.; legates to Constantinople, 29s, 297 f. ; at Chalcedon, on jurisdiction of Constantinople, 320 f. ; protests of Leo, 322 f. ; Acacius and Pope Simplicius, 330, 345, 346 f., 354, 469; Felix III. and Acacius, 354f. ; legates to Constantinople, 355 ; their imprisonment and defection, 355 f. ; deposition of Acacius by Pope Leo, 354 ff., 357, 359 5 rupture between East and West, 355-59. 469

Bishops: Eudoxius (360-70), Arian, 211 ; Gregory Nazianzen (381), q.v. ; Maximus intruded (c. 380-81), 58 ; Nectarius (381-98), 28, 51 f., 69 ; Chrysostom (398-404), q.v. ; Arsacius (404-5), 69 ff. ; Atticus (406-25), q.v.; Sisinnius (425-27), q.v.; Nestorius (428-31), q.v.; Maximian (431-34), q.v.; Proclus (434-46), q.v. ; Flavian (446-49), q.v. ; Anatolius (449-58), q.v. ; Gennadius (458-71), q.v. ; Acacius (471-89), q.v. See Photius

Councils : Second (Ecumenical (381), 19; canons, 55, 62f.; and Illyricum, 125; on jurisdiction, 55, 62 f., 241, 319 f., 339 ; Creed read at Chalcedon, 302 ; cited in the Henotikon 348 ; canon re-affirmed at Chalcedon, 321 ; Council belauded by Martyrius of Antioch, 353 ; ignored at Rome, 322

(In 426), trial of Alexander, 214

(In 448), trial of Eutyches, 280 f., 282 ff., 288 f., 349; its records, 285, 289, 301, 312

Fifth (Ecumenical (553), 268 f., 271

Buildings : Baths of Constantine, 68 ; Church of the Anastasis, 58; Basilica of the Apostles, 60, 65 ; burial place

Constantinople- continued

of Patriarchs, 211, 270, 296 ; Church of St Menas, 214 ; of St Sophia, q.v. ; of Catholic Goths, 53 ; of Macedonians, 221 ; chapel of Arians, 220 f.; Customs House, 72 ; Hebdomon, 59 ; Hippodrome, 337 ; Marianae, 65 ; monastery of Isaac, 54, 215, 252 ; of Dius, 215, 328, 358 ; Museum of St Irene, 66 ; Octogonium, 338 ; Palace of Eudoxia, 65 ; of Placidia, 61 ; the Senate, 66 ; burnt, 69 ; Muses of Helicon in, 69 Constantius, Bp. of Uzfes (c. 445), 411 Constantius, son of Constantine the Great, Emp. (337-60, 124, 424; and Donatists of Africa, 76, 81 ; ecclesiastical tyranny, 279; founds Amida (340), 365 ; hostilities with Persia, 372 ; siege of Nisibis, 382 ; mission of Theophilus the Indian, 398 f.

Constantius, Emp. (Feb. 8 to Sept. 2, 421), general of Honorius (410), besieges the usurper Constantine III., at Aries, no; Victor against Goths, 160 ; "Saviour of the Empire," in, 160 ; Consul II., 160 ; marries Galla Placidia (417), ill, 160, 175, 187; Patrician, 166 ; Vice-Emperor, 407 ; favours Patroclus of Aries, 160 f., 407 ; proclaimed Emperor, 175 ; letter to Volusianus, 181 ; doctrinal sympathies, 166, 175 ; death, 175 ; children, 187 Constantius, priest of Antioch (c. 404), 70 Constantius, priest of Lyons (c. 480), 189

Constantius, Spanish monk (c. 431), 312 Constantius, former Vicarius, Servus

Christi, (c. 418), 167 Consubstantialist, 372 Consul, 50 f., 54, 114, 140, 160, 457 Consularis [105], 114 Convenae, 119 Conventicula, 451 Conventus, 405

Conversion, 10, 20, 85 f., 118, 128, 193,

213, 369 f-, 387, 399, 421, 456 Copiatae, 16 Coptic, v.

Copts, hatred of Hellenism, v., 30 Coquettes, 61

Corinth, 105, 125. See Epictetus Corn, 61, 329, 432

Coronation, 331, 337, 351 cf. 382, 448 Coroticus, sub-regulus, Letter of St

Patrick to, 426 f. Corsica, 432, 441, 447 Cos. See Julian, Bp. of Cosenza, 109

Cosmas, Imperial official sent to Alexandria (c. 482), 350 f.

Cosmas Indicopleustes (saec. vi.), 399 f.

Costume, of bishops, 177, 409; of Vandals, 437 f. See Dress.

Councils, List of:—

(1) Africa : Bagai in Numidia, Donatist (394 A.d.), 83 f. ; Byzacene (386 ?), 130, (418?), 169; Cabarsussi, in Byzacena, Donatist (393), 83, 85 ; Caesarea in Mauritania, conference with Donatists (418), 101, 168

Carthage: Donatist (330?), 77. Under Gratus (348), 86f., 172. Under Genethlius in Praetorio (387 ?), 82, 86 f. ; in " Basilica Restituta " (390), 82,86 f. ; Donatist against Primianus (392-93 ?), 83 ; Provincial Council (394), 88. Under Aurelius, on treatment of Donatists (397), 86, 88 ; (of 401 June, Sept.), 86, 89 f., 466 ; (402-8), 86; (of 403, Aug.), 90 f., 955 (of 404, June), 92 ; (of 404, Aug.), 93 ; (of 407), 101, 169, 208, 466 ; (of 408), 94 ; (of 410), 95 ; (of 411, May) ⁴⁴ Collatio cum Donatistis," 95-99, 100 f., 439; (of 411), against Celestius, 148 f., 150, 153 f., 157, 163 ; Concilium Carthaginense IV, identity of, 86; (of 416?), 157; (of 418, May), 87, 101, 171 ; (of 419, May), 86 f., 175 f. ; (of 424?) condemnation of Apiarius, 178 f. ; (of 484), Arians and Catholics, 439 f., 444 ; (of 525), 86

Hadrumetum in Byzacena (394), 88 ; Hippo, under Aurelius of Carthage(393), 85,87, 88 ; Milevum, in Numidia (416 ?), 157 ; Numidian (403 ?) Donatist, 91 ; (411 ?) ; Catholic, 101 ; Telepte in Byzacena (418), 87

(2) Alexandria. See Egypt

(3) Armenia: at Aschdischad under Narses (364-67 ?), 373 ; Valarschapat (490, 391

(4) Asia Minor (excluding Chalcedon, Cilicia) : Ancyra (314 a.d.), 19, 387

Ephesus, q.v.

Gangra (340?), 19, 387

Neocaesarea (315), 19, 387

Nicaea, q.v.

Perga (saec. v.), 334 f.

Seleucia, semi-Arian (359), 440

(5) Balkan Peninsula

Sardica (343), 123, 126: intended to be oecumenical, 463 ; signatures of Italian bishops at, 129 ; rehabilitates Athanasius, 424 ; discussions of authenticity of canons, 171 f. ; unknown to African bishops (c. 418), 171 ; Gratus of Carthage present at Council, 78 f., 172 ; the question of Thessalonica, 125 f.; canons added at Rome to those of Nicaea, 19, 171 f.,

Councils—continued

175. i79i 323; letter of "Eastern" Council to Donatus of Carthage, 78, 171 ; and to Maximus of Salona, 124 ; Martyrius of Antioch on the Council, 353 ; Council regarded as Arian in Africa, 172 Sirmium (357), 424 ; (358), 79 Spoleto (418), intended Council, 173, 175 5 not held, 174

(6) Constantinople (including Chalcedon, etc.)

Constantinople, q.v. Chalcedon, q.v.

The Oak (403), 216; presided over by Theophilus of Alexandria,

62ff., 211 ; deposition of Chrysostom,

63f. ; Cyril present at, 211 ; decision annulled by Pope Innocent, 71, 460 f.

(7) Gaul

Angers (453), 414 Aries (314), 16, 424,463 ; " Second Council of Aries," 123; "Code of Aries," 86; (455), 25 f., 420; (4734 ?), 421

Besancon ? (445), 410 Clichy (627), 123 Orange (441), 408 Orleans (538), 123 Riez (439), 408 Tours (461), 414 Vaisoi. (442), 408 Vannes (465), 414

(8) Italy, North, 124 Aquileia (381), 124, 125, 463 Ariminum (359): influence of

Restitutus of Carthage, 78 ; estimates of members present, 440; many African bishops there, 79; British bishops at, 425 ; Athanasius and, 78 ; Martyrius of Antioch and, 353 ; opinions in Rome, 77 ; effects at Constantinople, 53. See Creeds. Milan (451), 412 Turin (c. 400), 117 f.

(9) Italy, Central, and Rome

Capua (391): intended to be oecumenical, 463 ; respect for, in Africa, 82 ; on treatment of Donatists, 88 ; on Bonosus, 122 f.

Rome, 19, 283 ; (in 378), 130, 411 ; (in 382) intended to be oecumenical, 463. (In 386), 21 ; on ecclesiastical celibacy, 82 ; on ordination, 130. (In 417), 162 ff.; (in 430), 234 ; (in 465), 21 ; (in 484), deposition of Acacius, 355, 358 ; (in

487), 441

(10) Persia

Beit-lapat (484), in Susiana, 392 Maktaba (422 ?), 389, 391 Seleucia (410), 386 f. ; (420), 387

Councils;—continued

(11) Spain

Elvira (c. 300) forbids images and pictures in churches, 12, 34 Tarraconensis (c. 465), 466 Toledo (400), 5, 113, 404

(12) Syria and Cilicia with Palestine Antioch (264 ?), 318 ; (269) condemns Paul of Samosata, 228. (c. 341 ?), 387 ; canons of discipline, 67 f., 305 ; challenged at Constantinople (404), as imposed by Arians, 68 ; (363), 372 ; (379), 222 ; (381), 222 f. ; (c. 418?, 424?), condemnation of Pelagius, 168 ; (c. 482 ?), 353

Diospolis (415), 319; acquittal of Pelagius, 154f., 158, 206 ; a "miserable synod," 157 Jerusalem (415), 153 f. Laodicea (380 ?), 10, 19, 387 Tarsus (431), 258 f. Tyre (335). 126 ; (449), 309 Creationism, 186 Creeds and formularies

Anomoean in Arabia (saec. iv.), 399 Antioch (363), Consubstantialist, signed

by Sahag of Armenia, 372 Ariminum (359), 438, 458 Chalcedon, Definition of Faith (451), 302, 304, 306ff., 309 f_M 316 f., 330, 345. 349, 393

Constantinople (381), read at Chalcedon, 302 ; accepted in Henotikon, 348

Egyptian, Creed presented at Chalcedon, 304

Henotikon, the (482), 348 f., 351 ff.,

355. 39i f- Leo, Tome of (449). See Leo Nicaea (325), Creed of: Antiochene gloss on, 223 ; read at Ephesus (431), 245, 257 ; re-affirmed, 250, 289; Acacius of Bcra?a and, 260 ; Letter of Athanasius to Epictetus and, 260 ; creed read at Chalcedon, 302 ; Dioscorus of Alexandria and, 305 ; monks at Chalcedon and, 3o5f., 326; Cyril's teaching identified with, 326 ; Synod of Perga and, 335 ; accepted in Henotikon, 348 ; acceptance in Persia, 386 ; recital in the Mass, 352

Persian (486), 392 ; relation to Formula of Union and Definition of Chalcedon, 393 Philadelphia, Creed of: creed of Theodore of Mopsuestia, 250 ; "Nestorian," 250 Proclus, Tome of (437), 269 Rufinus " of Palestine," confession of, 146

Sirmium, Formula of (357), 424 Spanish Creed, 405

Creeds and formularies—continued

Union, Formula of (433); drawn up at Antioch, 262, 264; by Theodoret, 263 ; based on a Creed of Ephesus (431), 262 ; accepted by Cyril, 262 ff., 281 f. ; view of Ibas of Edessa on, 273 ; and of Theodosius II., 276 ; later repudiation of (448), 279 ; Tome of Leo and, 286 ; relation of Acacius Catholicos of Persia to, 393 Cremona, 129. See Eusebius Crescens, Primate of Byzacena (saec. v.), 434

Crescentiana, Basilica, 452 Cresconius, grammarian and Donatist

(c. 409), 83, 90, 172 Crete, 125, 127

Crimea, 336 ; Catholic Goths in, 54, 360.

See Cherson Crocus, Gallic bishop (saec. v.), identity

of, 417 Crucifixuspro nobis, 352 Ctesiphon, correspondent of St Jerome

(415), 151, 206 Ctesiphon in Chaldaea : a Persian capital, 365, 377, 384, 388 ; bishopric of Seleucia - Ctesiphon, 381 ff. See Seleucia Cubiculariae, 260, cf. 49 Cucusa, 69 f., 73

Cultus, 377: of martyrs, 10, 115; of angels, 10 ; of apostles, 11 ; of saints, 9, 11, 12, 115 ; of images, 11,12, 34 ; of relics, 11, 12, 119; of symbolical animals, 10 Culusi, 96 Curator^ 17

Curia 17, 55. 9*. [99]. 434 Curiales, 433 Cursus honorum, 416, 418 Cyclades, 125

Cyprian, St, Bp. of Carthage (24S-57), 81, 86, 113, 146, 437 ; sanctuary of, 433

Cyprian, African bishop (saec. v.), 435 Cyprus, 334 : Jerome and Paula in, 30 ; letter of Theophilus of Alexandria to bishops of, 41 ; Pope Innocent on relations with Antioch, 250; autonomy of church, 250; burial of Theodosius of Jerusalem in, 328. See Epiphanius Cyrenaica, 203

Cyril, Bp. of Alexandria (412-44), Chap, ix passim, 205, 228, 298, 339 f., 346, 461 ; nephew of Theophilus, 209, 211, 231, 237, 272 ; the "dynasty" of Theophilus in Egypt, 272 ; succeeds him as Patriarch (412), 209 ; the "claque " at his sermons, 209; his attitude to Jews, 209; relations with the Augustal Prefect, 209 f. ; the case of Hypatia,

Cyril, Bp. of Alexandria—continued

210; attitude to Pelagianism [145], 185; treatment of Novatians, 453; relations with Carthage, 171 ; his character, vi., 209 ; Isidore and, 206 ; parallel with Athanasius, 239; modern attitude to him, 145

Cyril's presence at Council of the Oak (403), 211 ; his reputation at Constantinople, 209 ; his secretaries there, 231, 233 ; his physician, 252 ; Cyril and Chrysostom, 185, 211 ; and Atticus, 211 ; and Nestorius,

231 ; First Letter to Nestorius, 232 ; Second Letter (Epistola Dogmatica), 233. 245, 295, 302 f.; Cyril and Celestine, 234 f., 243 ; Nestorius and Cyril,

232f., 235 f.; citation of Nestorius, 237 5 Cyril and the Court, 236, 251, 260 f. ; Cyril and Acacius, 237, 261 ; and the Syrians, 238 ; and John of Antioch, 238, 302 f.; summoning of the Council of Ephesus (431), 239 ; Cyril's measures, 240 ; supporters on either side, 240-43; the Council, 243-45, 248-51 ; deposition of Nestorius, 246 ; Cyril's defence of his action at the Council, 246 f.; his opposition to the pretensions of Jerusalem, 319; Cyril and the Easterns, 247 ; deposition of Cyril, 247, 249 f., disregarded, 247 ; the papal legates and Cyril, 248 f. ; Cyril's deposition accepted by the Court, 251 ; baksheesh, 252 ; .Isidore and Cyril, 206, 256 ; attitude of the monks at Constantinople, 252 f. ; efforts at conciliation, 253ff.; his escape from Ephesus, 255 ; his deposition again pronounced by the Easterns, 258 f.; Aristolaus as peacemaker, 259, 265, 268 ; Cyril's accommodations, 262 ff., 281.; "Let the heavens rejoice," 264 ; dissatisfaction at the "peace," 265, 270; Cyril and Maximus, 266 ; views of Ibas of Edessa, 273, 309; and of Rabbulas, 273, 390; and .Xenaias, 392 ; Monophysites and Cyril, 266 ; Cyril and the Easterns once more, 268 f. ; death of Cyril (444), 271 ; the Court and his memory, 278 f. ; the monks and his memory, 324

The Anathemas, 237 f. ; refutations by Theodoret of Cyrrhus and Andrew of Samosata, 239, 256; Nestorius' counter - anathemas, 239; difficulty of the Anathemas, 256 f. ; relation of Theodoret to Cyril, 273, 300, 309 ; and of Eutyches, 253, 277 ; the Anathemas accepted by the Latro- cinium at Ephesus (449), 291 ;

Cyril, Bp. of Alexandria—continued

disregarded at Chalcedon (451), 303, 313, 317 ; accepted in the Henotikon (482), 349 Christology of Cyril, vi. ; its relation to the Cappadocians, 231 ; affinities of his Formula, 232 ; his theology, 261 ff., 281 f., 302 ; Tome of Leo and, 286

Pope Leo and Cyril's " Dogmatic Letter," 295 ; Flavian at Chalcedon and Cyril's teaching, 301 ; his Letters to Nestorius read at Chalcedon, 302 ; Leo and Cyril, 302 f., 307 ; the vanquished at Chalcedon shelter under Cyril, 308 The issue between Cyril and Nestorius, 313 f. ; between Leo and Cyril, 286, 307, 317 f-> 326, 335 Cyril, Armenian bishop (c. 373), 374 f. Cyril, Bp. of Jerusalem (c. 351-86), 31, 155

Cyril of Scythopolis (c. 555), 326, 353, 396

Cyril, Abbot of the Accemeti (c. 484), 355

Cyril (c. 411), a correspondent of

Synesius of Cyrene, 205 Cyrila, Arian, Bp. of Carthage (V. 481) ; and Eugenius of Carthage, 437 *, his attitude to Catholics, 439 f., .442

Cyrillians, 209: in conference after Ephesus (431), 253 ff. ; and writings of Diodore and Theodore, 268 f. ; Marius Mercator, 284 ; their opposition to Chalcedon, 318, 330 Cyrinus, Bp. of Chalcedon (c. 401-5) ; at Council of the Oak, 62 ; hostility to Chrysostom, 62, 69, 206 Cyrus, Cyrrhos, 274, 353. See Theodoret Cyzicus: in "Diocese of Asia," 219; jurisdiction of Constantinople over, 219 f., 242 ; Macedonians at, 221. See Eunomius, Dalmatius, Eleusius, Proclus

Dacia, Diocese of, 125, 334; list of its

provinces, 125 Dacia, Provinces of, 106, 120; Dacia Mediterranea, 125, 127; "Interior," 334; " Ripensis," 125; " Ripuaria," 334

Dadiso, Catholicos of Persia (421-56), [273], 388 f. ; the Council of Maktaba and, 389, 391 Dalmatia : civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, 124 f. ; under Marcellinus, 415; under Julius Nepos, 449 ; ravaged by Vandals, 432 ; rumoured Pelagianism in, 457 ; religious problems, 20, 124

Dalmatius, Bp. of Cyzicus (425), 220

Dalmatius : an officer, 215; ascetic inclinations, 5 ; his influence as a recluse, 252 ; Cyril and, 260; death (c. 440), 277 Damascus: in Phoenicia Secunda, 251, 261 ; Juvenal of Jerusalem and, 251 ; Christian developments near, 396. See Heracleides Damasus, Pope (366-84), 237 ; controversy witk Ursinus, 466; alleged Decretal of, 21 ; as poet, 114, 453 ; case of Leontius of Salona, 124; opposes Gregory Nazianzen as Bp. of Constantinople, 126; relations with Acholius of Thessalonica, 126 ; anathematizes Apollinarianism and also Doctrine of ⁴⁴ Two Sons," 222 ; Christology, 222, 226; relation to secular authority, 453 ; his Basilica, 451.

Damnation, 193

Danes, 423

Daniel, Book of, 10

Daniel, Gallic bishop (saec. v.), 409

Daniel, the Syrian, (saec. iv.), 372

Daniel, Bp. of Haran (c. 449), deposed

by the Latrocinium, 291 Daniel the Solitary at Constantinople

(.c- 476), 344 Dankalis, 396

Danube : barbarian settlements near, 120, 134, 202, 401 ; crossed by Huns, 50 ; conflict of Huns and Goths (400), 51 ; provinces, 20, 120, 401 ; Latin Scythia, 190 f. ; pilgrimages from Danubian provinces to Nola, 115 ; religious questions there, 20; specimens of Danubian theology, 122. See Cassian, Odoacer Daphne, 70 Daranalis, 369 Dardanelles, 358 Dardania, 125

Dardanus, Praetorian Prefect of the Gauls

(c. 409, 413), 168 Darius, Count (c. 429), 194 Daventry, 426 David, tower of, 325

Deacons, 81, 83, 127 f.: levites, 468 ; functions, 15 f. ; keeping order in church, 14 ; limitation of number at Rome, 16 ; as papal legates, 287 (see Hilary), 467 (see Leo) ; administering church property, 148 ; superintending church repairs, 468 ; marriage of, 120 Signature of Arminius, British deacon at Aries (314), 424; opposition of the deacon Palladius to Pelagians, 425 ; his ordination as first bishop of the Scoti, 425 ; Calpurnius, deacon, father of St Patrick, 426 ; deacons of St Ambrose, 128, 148 ; Julian (ado- lescens), deaqon of Bp. Memor, 182 ;

Deacons—continued

deposed deacon accuses Chrysostom, 63; Paulinus accuses Celestius, 163 f.; the case of Zosimus, 159; Bessula, deacon of Carthage, represents bishop at Ephesus (431), 243 ; Basil, deacon of Constantinople, 269 ; deacons of Dioscorus at Latrocinium (449), 293, 330; Peter Mongus, deacon, consecrated bishop (477), 346 ; Muritta, deacon, godfather of Elpidophorus, 442 f. Maximus, deacon and monk of Antioch, a trouble to his bishop (see Maximus); murder of deacon at Jerusalem, 326 ; murder of Titus, Roman deacon, 407 Dialogue of Palladius with Theodore, Roman deacon, 51 ; Pelagius, Roman deacon, on the Three Chapters, 241, 270 ; Theodosius the deacon, collection of canons, 171 ; Liberatus, deacon of Carthage, writings of (see Liberatus) ; Leo, Roman deacon, writings (see Leo, Pope) Deaconesses, 52, 69 Dead Sea, 324 Deans, 170, 177, 463 f. Decentius, Bp. of Gubbio (c. 416), Letter

of Pope Innocent to, 21 Decius, Emn. (249-51), 104, 440 Decretals, 20 f., 118, 123, 125, 130, 196 f.,

199, 463 Decurio, 426

Dedication Festivals, 18, 381, 420 Dedications. See Churches Defensores Civitatis, 17, 466 Defensores Ecclesice, 179, 355 f., 358, 466 Delos, 287

Delphinus, Bp. of Bordeaux (c. 380-404), 115, 117; baptizes Paulinus (of Nola), 114 Delta, 191, 205

Demetrias: daughter ofOlybiusand Anicia Juliana, 140, 168 ; in Africa, i4of. ; dedicated as a consecrated virgin at Carthage (414), 140 f. ; eulogies of Jerome, 141 ; and of Pelagius, 141, I50f. ; return to Rome, 142; attitude of Jerome, 150L ; correspondence of Augustine with, 168 Demetrias, 250. See Maximus Demetrius, Bp. of Alexandria (c. 189230 ?), and the Indians, 397 Deogratias, Bp. of Carthage (454-7), 435 Deo taudes, Donatist watchword, 352 Derxene, 369

Deserts, 6, 23 f., 38, 41, 72, 78, 113, 191, 205, 210, 213, 217, 232, 267, 278, 324, 362, 395 Deuspassus, 352

Deuterius, Bp. of Macriana (saec. iv.), relations with Donatus the Great, 77 Devotions, 119 f. See Relics

Ephesu s—continued

Councils: Third (Ecumenical (431), 196, 216, 221, 259, 433 ; summoned by Theodosius II. (November, 430) for Whitsuntide (June 7, 431), 237 ; Nestorius at Ephesus, 240, 242 ; arrival of Cyril of Alexandria, 240 ; of Juvenal of Jerusalem (June 12), 240; his position, 318 f. ; arrival of Count Candidian, 242 ; of bishops of Macedonia, 242 ; position of parties, 240, 242 f. ; Palestinian, Phoenician, Arab bishops, 240 f., 396 ; legates of Pope Celestine, 170, 242 f., 248, 258, 452 ; their arrival delayed,

242f., 288 ; Bessula, a deacon, sole representative of Africa, 243 ; absence of Acacius of Beroea, 243; represented by Paul of Emesa, 262 ; delay of John of Antioch and the Easterns,

243 ; no representative of Armenia or Persia, 390 ; premature convocation by Cyril (June 21), 243, 288 ; protest of bishops, 244, 247, 250. (Session I, June 22): numbers present, 244 ; abstentions, 247 ; protest of Count Candidian, 244 ff. ; Nestorius refuses to appear, 244 f.; documents read, 245, 256 f., 302, 313 ; voting, 245 ; Apollinarian texts cited in error, 245, 282 ; condemnation of Nestorius, 245 f., 310, 348 ; sentence of deposition, 246 ; his protest, 248. Arrival of John of Antioch and the Easterns (June 26), 247 ; their council, 247 ; members, 247 ; they depose Cyril and Memnon of Ephesus, 247, 249 ; deposition disregarded, 248 ; hostility of local clergy to Easterns, 247 f., 250, 254. Imperial rescript (June 29) censures Cyril's action, 248 ; arrival of papal legates, 248. (Sessions of July 10, 11), they approve deposition of Nestorius, 248. (Sessions 4, 5): citation of John of Antioch, 249; John and the Easterns excommunicated but not deposed, 249; later censures of Cyril for this, 270 ; report to Emperor and Pope, 249; alleged condemnation of Pelagianism, 197, 249 ; condemnation of Messalians, 212. (Session 6, July 22) : question of " Nestorian " Creed at Philadelphia, 250 ; Creed of Nicaea affirmed, 250, 278, 289. (Session 7), autonomy of Church of Cyprus recognized, 250. (August) : arrival of John, the new imperial commissioner, 251 ; deposition of Nestorius, Cyril, and Memnon accepted, 251 ; abortive conference under Count John, 251 ; reference to the Emperor,

Ephesus—continued

252 ; imperial conference at Chalcedon, 253 ; its members, 253, 258 ; failure, 254; Cyrillians invited to Constantinople, 254 f., 258 ; dissolution of Council by Theodosius, 255 ; position of Memnon and Cyril, 255 Aftermath of the Council, vii., 256, 257, 265, 272 ; letter of Easterns from Ephesus to Theodosius, 262 ; new profession of faith adopted by Cyril, 262 f., 281 f. ; the pacification (433), 262-65, 272, 281. Records of the Council, 244, 249, 289 ; history by Hesychius, 241 ; Evagrius on, 316; question of date of Cyril's opposition to claims of Jerusalem, 319 ; Council recognized in encyclical of Basiliscus, 338, and in the Henotikon of Zeno, 348 f., and by Martyrius of Jerusalem, 353 ; rejected in Persia, 393 Second Council, the Latrocinium (449), 279, 303, 331, 339 5 proposals for new council (August 1) and its management, 285, 287 ; attitude of Rome, 286 ; the Tome of Leo to Flavian of Constantinople, 286 f. ; the papal legates, 286 f. ; their ignorance of Greek, 288. (Session 1), meeting of the Council under Dioscorus of Alexandria (August 8), 287 ; position of legates, 288, and of Flavian, 323 ; the participants, 287 f., 300 f. ; presence of Timothy Aelurus and Peter Mongus, 330; activities of Juvenal of Jerusalem, 287, 290 f. ; policy of imperial representatives, 287, 289 f., and of Chrysaphius, 292 ; the question of Eutyches, 288 f. ; difficulties of papal legates, 288 f. ; Pope Leo's letters evaded, 288, 300; Acts of Constantinople (448) and Ephesus (431) read, 289 ; restoration of Eutyches, 289, 331 ; attack of Dioscorus on Flavian and Eusebius of Dorylseum, 289, 300; their condemnation, 290 ; scenes of disturbance, 290; report of Dioscorus to Theodosius II., 290 f. Session 2 (August 22), 291 : absence of papal legates, 291 ; deposition of Ibas of Edessa, 291, 309; of Daniel of Haran, Aquilinus of Byblos, and Theodoiel, 291 ; case of Sophronius of Telia, 291 ; acceptance of Cyril's Anathemas, 291, 313 ; position of Domnus of Antioch, 287, 290 f., 293 f. ; Flavian's appeal to Pope Leo, 290, 292 ; action of Leo, 292 f. ; the Council annulled, 292, 322, 412, 461 ; the Latrocinium Ephesinum,

Ephesus—continued

313; Theodosius approves the Council, 293, 412; his policy reversed by Pulcheria, 296 ; attitude of Empress Eudocia, 325 ; records of Council read at Chalcedon, 290, 300 f. ; disregarded in case of Ibas, 309; Nestorius and the Council, 311 f. ; attitude of Anatolius, 333; Council recognized in encyclical of Basiliscus, 338 ; implications of Zeno's Henotikon, 348; records of the Council, 290 f., 300 Council (476), 339 Ephrem, St (c. 308-73), 391 Ephtalite Turks, 378. See Turks Epictetus, Bp. of Corinth (c. 369), 260 Epiphania, 394

Epiphanius, Bp. of Pavia (467-95), 416

Epiphanius, Bp. of Salamis (367-403) : as a monk at Ad Vetus, 31 ; Bp. of Salamis, 30 ; in Cyprus, 27, 30, 31 ; his dislike of images, 12, 34; his Panarion, 27, 30 ; friend of Jerome and Paula, 30 ; caution of Jerome, 30 ; hatred of Origenism, 27, 30 ff., 34, 41, 59 f. ; mission of Aterbius to Jerusalem, 30; Epiphanius and Palladius, 30, 34 ; his visit to Jerusalem (394), 31 f. ; his suspicions of Bp. John, 3if.; length of sermons, 32 ; disregard of etiquette at Jerusalem, 33 f., at Constantinople, 59 f. ; visit to Jerome at Bethlehem, 32 ; and to Ad Vetus, 32 f. ; Jerome takes his side, 33 f., 41,119 ; forcible ordination of Paulinian, 32 f. ; strained relations with John of Jerusalem, 33, 35 ; letter to Bp. John, 30, 34 f. ; translation by Jerome, 34 ; correspondence with Jerome, 41 f. ; Epiphanius and Rufinus, 34; and Pope Siricius, 36 ; varying relations with Theophilus of Alexandria, 36, 38, 41 f., 59; Epiphanius at Constantinople, 59 f.; attitude to Chry- sostom, 59 f. ; return to Cyprus, and death, 60 ; popular reverence for him, vi., 30 f.

Epiphanius, the monk (c. 510), 334 Epirus, 125, 432 Epitaphs, 453

Epithalamium, iii, 141, 182 Erazamoin, 369 Erez, 369 Erin, 425

Erzeroum, 365, 375 Esdras, Fourth Book of, 10 Esquiline, 452, 458 Etchmiadzin, 368 f., 375 Etheria, virgin (saec. iv.), her Peregrinatio, 10, 113 ; her home, 113

Ethics, Pagan and Christian, 3, 4, 419, cf. 146

Ethiopia, 217 ; St Matthew in, 397 Euchaites, monastery in Helenopontus,

343. 352 Eucharist, 77. See Liturgy Eucharisticon. See Paulinus of Pella Eucheria. See Etheria Eucherius, Bp. of Lyons (c. 434-49) : his secular career, 418 f. ; his sons educated by Vincent of L^rins, 196 ; address of Cassian to, 191 ; asceticism, 191, 419 Eucherius, son of Stilicho, 107 Eudocia, Athenais, Empress (421-60?): pagan, daughter of Leontius the Athenian rhetor, 275 ; baptism, 276 ; married to Theodosius II. (421), 276 ; mother of Eudoxia, 276 ; proclaimed Empress (423), 276 ; literary studies, 276, 325 ; relations with Theodosius II., 276, 325 ; in retirement at Jerusalem, 325 ; attitude to Council of Chalcedon, 325 ; foments opposition of Gerontius in Palestine, 325-28 ; letter of Pope Leo to, 328 ; disasters to her family, 328 ; Peter the Iberian and, 390 ; joins in restoring Church " of the Apostles" at Rome, 452 Eudocia, grand-daughter of Athenais Eudocia: daughter of Valentinian III. and Eudoxia, 432, 447 ; captive of Genseric in Africa, 328, 432, 447; intended bride of Gauden- tius, son of Aetius, 445 ; marries Huneric, 445 Eudoxia, Empress (395-404), wife of Arcadius: a Frank, daughter of Bauto, 49 ; married by Eutropius to Arcadius (395), 49 ; her attitude to Chrysostom, 54, 59, 61, 65 ; the affair of the statue, 66 f.; supposed allusions of Chrysostom to her, 61, 64, 67 ; her death (404), 70 ; mother of Theodosius II., 271 Eudoxia, Empress (422-55 ?), wife of Valentinian III., 276, 293 ; daughter of Theodosius II. and Athenais Eudocia, 276, 452 ; forced second marriage to Petronius Maximus (455)) 446 ; captive of Genseric in Africa (455), 432, 447 ; mother of Eudocia, 432, 447 ; shares in restoration of Church ^,l of the Apostles " (Church of Eudoxia) at Rome, 452 Eudoxius, Arian, Bp. of Constantinople

(360-70), his burial place, 211 Eugenius, Bp. of Carthage (481-505 ?) : his character, 437 ; ill-treatment by Vandals, 437 f. ; relations with Huneric, 438 f., 441 ; conference with Cyrila (484), 439 f.; intern- ment, 441 ; recalled by Guntamund (487), 443 ; re-opening of churches

(494), 443 Eugenius, Pope (654-57), 160 Eugenius, usurping Emperor (c. 394), 84 f.

Eugraphia, opponent of Chrysostom, 54,

61 ; an "elderly coquette," 61 Eulalius, Bp. of Chalcedon (c. 430), relations with Alexander the Acoemete and Hypatius the monk, abbot of Rufiniance, 214^; hostile to Nestorius ana to the Easterns, 254 Eulalius, Anti-Pope (418-19 : archdeacon of Zosimus, 173 ; consecrated at the Lateran, 173; supported by Sym- machus, Prefect of Rome, 173, 451 ; intervention of the Court of Ravenna, 173 ff. ; opposition of Placidia, 175; his ejection, 174; survival of his party, 178, 453 Eulogies, 261

Eulogius, Bp. of Caesarea in Palestine (c. 404-17?), 406; presides at Council of Diospolis (415), 154 Eulogius, tribune and notary, at the

Latrocinum (449), 287 Eunomians, 121

Eunomius, Bp. of Cyzicus (360-64), Arian, 340

Eunuchs, 50, 147, 252, 260, 277, 293,

325, 383, 445 Euoptius, Bp. of Ptolemais (c. 430) : brother of Synesius, 204, 253 ; a Cyrillian, 253 Euphemia, St, martyr (307) : Church of, at Chalcedon, meeting-place of Arcadius and Gildas, 51 ; Dioscorus the Tall Brother buried there, 66 ; meeting-place of Council of Chalcedon, 299; sanctuary adjoining church, 306 f. Euphrates, 379, 385, 394: solitudes on its borders, 213; boundary of "diocese" of Pontus, 320; the two rivers and the plain of Aram, 362 ; Upper Euphrates, 363, 372 ; Lower Euphrates, Jewish colonies near, 380; provinces of the Empire on, 390

Euphratesiana: ecclesiastical province, 261, 265, 334, 345 ; Cyrrhos in, 253 : Samosata in, 261 ; its metropolis Hierapolis, 261, 345; in "diocese" of the Orient, 334 Eupraxios, official (jaer. vi.), 316 Euprepius, monastery of, at Aniioch, 220

Euric, king of the Visigoths (466-85) ; succeeds Theodoric II., 416; conquests in Gaul, 416 f.; ecclesiastical policy, 417 f., 469., keeps bishoprics vacant in Aquitaine, 417 f. ; Sidonius

Apollinaris and, 416-18,423; Faustus of Riez and, 418, 420, 423 ; further conquests, 422 f.; death, 423 ; father of Alaric II., 418 Eusebius, Bp. of Ancyra (c. 445), supporter of Dioscorus at Latrocinium (449), 301, 307; deposition demanded at Chalcedon, 301 f. ; views of canons on jurisdiction of Constantinople, 321

Eusebius, Bp. of Caesarea in Cappadocia

(360-70), 372 Eusebius, Bp. of Caesarea, in Palestine if- 313-37) ' ^as historian, viii. ; aids in composing Apology for Origen, 36, 43; his episcopal lists, 318 f. ; on Christians in Armenia, 366; on Gospel to the Hebrews, 397 ; Life of Constantine, 379, 381 ; History, 318, 397 J Praeparatio, 379 Eusebius, Bp. of Dorylaeum (c. 448-52 ?) : a pleader, attacks Nestorius at Constantinople (c. 428), 228, 280 ; later Bp. of Dorylaeum, 228 ; attacks Eutyches before Flavian at Constantinople (448), 280; his character and opinions, 280 ; himself assailed at the Latrocinium, 289, 291, 300; appeals to Pope Leo, 292 ; his successor appointed, 294; acts as accuser at Chalcedon, 300, 303 ; views as to the proposed Definition, 307

Eusebius, Bp. of Emesa (c. 341-59), 420 Eusebius, Bp. of Nicomedia (c. 325-42), 56

Eusebius, Bp. of Pelusium (c. 431-57), assailed by Isidore, 206, 332 ; ejected as a Dioscorian, 332 ; consecrates Timothy Aelurus at Alexandria, 332

Eusebius, first Bp. of Vercellx (340-71), 128

Eusebius, a bishop in Italy (saec. v.),

correspondent of Cyril, 185 Eusebius of Cremona, priest (c. 393) : friend of Jerome, 37 ; hostile to Origen, 37, 43 Eusebius, a "Tall Brother" (V. 401), 39, 42

Eustathius, Bp. of Berytus (c. 448-57) : in trial of Ibas of Edessa, 283 ; share in Latrocinium (449), 301 ; deposition demanded at Chalcedon, 301 f. ; question of his presence after, 302 Eustathius, Bp. of Sebaste (c. 357-80) :

his monks, 201 ; his charity, 372 Eustathius, deacon (r. 414), 127 Eustochium, virgin (c. 370-418) : friend and companion of Jerome at Bethlehem, 133, 136, 155 f., 207; her charity, 136 ; letter to Pope Innocent, 156 ; death, 207

Eutherius, Bp. of Tyana (c. 431): deposed at Constantinople after Council of Ephesus (431), 258; hostility to Cyril, 261, 265 ; letter to Pope Xystus, 265 ; exiled, 266 ; attacked by Marius Mercator, 284 Euthymius, St, abbot (377-473): his monastery near Jerusalem, 294, 324 ; attitude to Chalcedon, 325, 327 ; Life by Cyril of Scythopolis, 326, 353 Euthymius, St, monk near Jericho:

healing power, 396 Euthymius, a "Tall Brother" (c. 401), 39, 42

Eutropius, prcepositus sacri cubiculi (c. 395), 203: effects marriage of Arcadius and Eudoxia (395), 49; influence and character, 50 ; successes against Huns, 50 ; made Consul and Patrician, 50 ; secures Chrysostom's appointment as Bp. of Constantinople, 51 ; intrigues with Gildo, 85 ; his death, 54 Eutyches (c. 378-453 ?) : his early influence, 227 ; opposition to theology of Antioch, 227, 277, and to Nestorius, 229 ; partisan of Cyril, 253, 260, 277 ; comparison of beliefs, 281 f., 291 f. ; godfather and director of Chrysaphius, 276 f. ; Dioscorus of Alexandria seeks profit from this, 276 f., 279, 284 ; Eutyches* monastery, 277 ; theological views, 277 f_M280, 282, 335 ; attitude to the " Two Natures," 280 f., 283, 289; his wide influence, 277 ; attacked by Theodoret, 278 ; his letter to Pope Leo, 279, 284 ; accused before Flavian at Constantinople, 280 ; deposed and excommunicated, 280f. ; his "appeal," 283 ; action of Dioscorus, 303 ; letter to Peter Chrysologus of Ravenna, 284 ; Pope Leo's view of him, 284 f., 286, 297 ; attitude of Theodosius II., 285, 327, 412 ; Tome of Leo, 286 f. ; papal legates at Ephesus with letter of condemnation, 287 ; policy behind the Latrocinium, 287 f. ; rehabilitation of Eutyches there, 288 f., 300 f., 331,4X2; effect of fall of Chrysaphius, 295 ; Eutyches in confinement, 296 ; supported by Hesychius, 241, 327; Council of Chalcedon and Eutyches, 300 ff., 304 f., 308, 316, 323; Leo's condemnation of him accepted there, 302, 308, 316, 322, 412 ; Egyptian bishops and Eutyches, 3 04k ; refusal of monks to condemn him, 305 f.; Nestorius and Eutyches, 311, 317, 393; Amphilochius of Side and Eutyches, 335 ; Palestinian monks and the condemnation, 324; Eutyches in exile, 326 f. ; Pope Leo ami the exile, 327 ; opponents of Chalce/don as disciples of Eutyches, 330, 457 ; position in Egypt, 330 f.; Timothy Aelurus and, 330, 336, 339 f.; Eutyches' views censured in Encyclical of Basiliscus, 338 ; and in Henotikon of Zeno, 349 ; position in Syria, 340 f.; view of Eutyches at. Rome, 457 ; monastic disturbances caused by his case, 24 ; its effect on reputation of monasticism, 25 ; effect of conflict in East and West, 460 Eutychians, 327 ; "Eutychian" as label, viii. ; Pope Leo's definition, 335 ; Eutychians at Constantinople, 333, 339; their opposition to Timothy Aelurus, 339 ; his attitude to them in Egypt, 340 Eutychianus, Spaniard (c. 437), 436 Euxinus, Pontus, 336, 360, 362. See Black Sea

Evagrius, Bp. at Antioch (c. 389-92): head of the "Little Church," 207 ; his followers, 207 Evagrius, monk (c. 345-99): native of Pontus, 28 ; his career, 28 f.; master of asceticism, 29, 151 ; attitude to Origen, ibid. ; writings, 29, 46; Jerome's view of him, 151 ; his death, (399), 39

Evagrius, historian (saec. vi.), 220, 324, 343f, 347, 35o: as historian, viii.; his personal history, 316; on monument of Simeon Stylites, 218 ; on Dioscorus of Alexandria, 294; on Church of St Euphemia at Chalcedon, 299; account of Council of Chalcedon, 301, 306, 310, 316 ; on Alexandrian affairs, 331, 334 f., 337 ; on the Apology of Nestorius, 311 ; on the Anti-encyclical of Basiliscus, 345 ; and the Henotikon, 348 ; on Roman Council (484) and deposition of Acacius, 355 ; on African confessors at Constantinople, 442 Use of Zacharias of Gaza, 316, 334, 339, 358 ; his authorities, 316, 329, 33i, 335, 339, 355 J quoted, 236 339

Evodius, Bp. of Uzala (c. 401-26), 193 Exarch, 320

Excommunication: by Theophilus of Alexandria without trial, 39; of Apiarius, 169, 179; of Julian of Eclanum, 183 ; sentences by Nestorius annulled by Pope Celestine, 234; of papal legates by Roman Synod (484), 355 ; of Acacius of Constantinople (484), 356; of the advocate Tutus, 359; position of persons excommunicated, 41, 58, 68, 149, 170, 258, 281, 356, 414 ; partial

excommunication, 249 ; of laity, 68, 278, 414 Exegesis. See Bible Exile. See Civil Power Exokionion, Exokionitai, 202, 458, cf. 53 Exorcists, 16 Exploration, 397 Exposure, 438

Exuperius, Bp. of Toulouse (c. 405-11), 21, H7f.

FABIOLA, Roman matron (f 399), 131 f. Fabius, Italian bishop (saec. v.), 229 Fabius Maximus, Q. (saec. iv. B.C.), 132 Fabricius, Caius (saec. iii. B.C.), 139 Facundus, Bp. of Hermiana in Byzacena (c. 546-71): his Defensio Trium Capitulorum, 74, 268, 270, 278, 301 f.

Fall, The : views of Augustine, 143 ff. ; of Theodore of Mopsuestia, 146; of Pelagius, 143 f., 146, 148, 154, 422; of Celestius, 148 f.; of Faustus of Riez, 422 ; of Bossuet, 145 ; modern Catholic doctrine, 145, 149 Famine, 108, 138, 443 Fasti Consulates, 105

Fastidius, British bishop (saec. v.), 188,

425 ; the De Vita Christiana, 188 Fatalis, friend of Fastidius (saec. v.), 188 Fathers, Appeal to, 199, 231, 245, 254,

278, 282, 302, 335, 439 Faustinus, Bp. of Potentia in Picenum (c. 418) : legate of Pope Zosimus to Carthage, 170, 175 f. ; and of Pope Celestine, 178 f. Faustus, Armenian bishop (c. 373), 374 f-

Faustus, Bp. of Riez {c. 400-85 ?): a Briton, 420, 423 ; abbot of L^rins (c. 455), 25, 420 ; character and abilities, 420 ; admired by Sidonius Apollinaris, 420 ; attacked by Prosper of Aqui- taine, 198 ; attitude to Pelagianism, 266, 421 f. ; on The Grace of God and Free Will, 421 f. ; exiled by Euric, 418, 422 f. ; restored, 423 Faustus, an Armenian (saec. iv.), 374 Faustus of Byzantium (saec. iv.), History

of Armenian Church, 367, 373 ff. Faustus, Manichean bishop (c. 383), 421, 454

Faustus, Consul, his date, 457 Faustus, Basilica of, 435 Felix I., Pope {c. 269-74), Apollinarian writings wrongly attributed to, 231,

245, 282

Felix III., Pope (483-92): his father's work, 468 ; succeeds Simplicius, 354, 469; effort to settle Alexandrian affairs, 354 f.; falling away of his legates imprisoned at Constantinople, 355 ; their deposition, 355 ; he deposes Acacius of Constantinople, 356 f. ; breach with Gteek Church, 357, 469 J his aims, 357, 469 Felix, Bp. of Aptunga (c. 311-13), 98 f. Felix, Bp. of Como (saec. iv.), 128 Felix, Bp. of Nocera (c. 402), 21 Felix, Bp. of Treves (c. 385-99), 118 Felix, priest of Nola (saec. iii.), U4ff. Felix, Roman priest (saec. v.), father of Pope Felix III., repairs Basilica of St Paul, 468 Felix, Magister Militum, in Gaul (c. 426), 407

Felix, Manichean (saec. v.), 454 Felix, rival of Aetius (c. 430), 401 Felix, Roman "defensor" (c. 483), 355 Ferrandus, Fulgentius (saec vi.), 86 Festivals and Fasts : Christmas, 8, 68, 257 ; Epiphany, 8, 173 ; Lent, 100, 174, 216 ; Holy Thursday, 161, 332 ; Good Friday, 174, 383 ; Holy Saturday, 7 f., 68, 174 ; Easter, 8, 68, 132, 161, 174, 283, 428; Pentecost, 7 f., 69 ; Ascension, 439; Ember seasons, 7 of saints and martyrs," 8, 11 ; St Peter and St Paul, 459 ; St Peter's Chair, 293 ; of the Elders of the Apocalypse, 10 ; of the Four Living Creatures, 10

Dedication, 153, 381, 420 Fiesole, 106 Finns, 401

Fire-worshippers, 358

Firmus, Bp. of Caesarea, in Cappadocia

(c. 431-39), 238, 253 Firmus, son of Nubel the Moorish Chief (c. 372) : murders his brother, 80 ; revolts from Empire, 80; attacked by his brother Gildo, 62 ; and by Theodosius, 81 ; hangs himself, 81,

Flaccilla, Empress (376-85): wife of Theodosius I., mother of Arcadius, 49

Flaccilla, daughter of Arcadius (born

397), 201 Flanders, 117 Flavia Caesariensis, 423 Flavian, Bp. of Antioch (381-404): Chrysostom under, 52 ; his great age, 52, 67, 70 ; death, 70 Flavian, Bp. of Constantinople (446-49) : successor of Proclus, 275 ; doctrinal sympathies, 275 ; his views and those of Cyril of Alexandria, vi., 281 ; disliked by Dioscorus, 275 ; opposed by monks, 216; tries Eutyches at Constantinople (448), 280, 282 ff., 288 f., 301, 349; allegation of unfairness, 285 ; letter to Pope Leo, 284; Theodosius II. exacts a confession of faith, 285 ; Tome of Leo (#.v.)_} 241, 286, 295,

302, 312, 330 412, 461 ; at the Latro- cinium (449), 287 ; his precedence there, 287, 323 ; proposals for deposition, 288 f., 300 f., 303, 339; ill- treatment, 290, 293 ; appeal to Leo, 290, 292 ff., 412; escape, 290 f.; deposition approved by Emperor, 293 ; decree revoked, 324; death, ²93> 31¹ ) alleged murder, 293 f.; successor elected, 294; burial at Constantinople, 296 ; Nestorius and Flavian, 311 f., 314, 393; Flavian rehabilitated at Chalcedon, 301, 322 Flavian, Bp. of Philippi (c. 431): letter of Pope Celestine to, 235 ; at Council of Ephesus (431), 242 ; Cyrillian, 253 ; at Constantinople, 254, 258 Fleet, 61, 65, 109, 446 f. Flesh, Resurrection of, 36, cf. 204 Florence, 106

Florentius, Patrician (c. 448), 280, 283 Florus, Italian bishop (saec. v.), 186, 229 Fonts, 7, 16, 68, 443

Forgery, 199, 228, 231 f., 245, 282, 350, 368

Fortunatus, Manichean (saec. v.), 454 Fossores, 16

France, 430. See Franks Francis, St (1182-1226), 116 Franks : beyond the Rhine, 105 ; their advance to Cologne and Tongres southwards, 105, 403 ; swept aside by others, 106 ; command of-frontier, 105, 112; further advances (saec. v.), 402 ; checked by Aetius, 402 ; rampant in N. Gaul, 403, 415 ; Cologne, capital of a Frankish kingdom, 403 ; wandering bands in Armorica, 414. See Bauto, Eudoxia Free Will: infant baptism and question of, 149, cf. 157 ; views of Augustine, 143, 168, 192 f., 200 ; of Cassian, 193, 422 ; of Faustus of Riez, 421 f.; of Leo, 199 f., 457 ; of Pelagius, 143 f., 163 f., 422

Frejus, diocese of: relations with L^rins, 25,190^,420. See Leontius,Theodore Frequentum, 182 Frigento, 182

Frigidus, Battle of the (394), victory of

Theodosius, 105, 361 Frontiers : of Eastern Empire, 360 f., and Persia, 202, 365, 375, 380, 384, 386, 388, 390 ; Arab tribes on, 388, 394 f. of Western Empire broken (saec. v.), 104; barbarian settlers on, 104 f. ; advances on the Rhine, 105, 112 ; invasions of Italy, 106, 108, 450, 467 ; in Gaul, 416, 422 ; in Britain, 423; in Egypt, 400; Africa, 133, 205, 438 on Danube, 134, 202 Frumarius, King of the Suevi (c. 461), 406

Frumentius, Bp. of Auxume (c. 368);

mission of, 397 f., 400 Fulgentius Ferrandus (saec. vi.), 86 Funerals, 373

Fussala, 176 ff., 235. See Antony

Gabala. See Severian Gabalum, 417

Gabriel, Archangel, cultus of, 10 Gades, 194

Gaiane, martyr (saecc. iii.-iv.), 368 Gainas, the Gothic (c. 399-400), 203 ; commander of imperial forces in Asia, 50, 105 ; intrigues with Stilicho against Eutropius, 50; revolt and temporary success, 51 ; slain by Huns in Thrace, 51 ; relations with Chrysostom, 54 Galata, 328

Galatia Secunda, 334. See Ajax, Palladius

Galerius, Emp. (306-11): victory (297),

364 ; persecutor, 440 ; death, 443 Galicia : Priscillianists in, 112, 404 f. ; Etheria's convent in, 113 ; the Suevi in, 402, 406 ; state of the Church in, 404 f. ; Britons in, 423 Galla, Empress (c. 386-94), sister of Valentinian II.: second wife of Theodosius I., 49 Galla Placidia, Empress (425-50): daughter of Theodosius I., 49; sister of Arcadius and Honorius, 49, 109, 166; prisoner of Alaric (410), 109; marriage to Athaulf the Goth (414), 110 f. ; marriage to Constantius (417), in, 160; their relations, 175; attitude to Pelagian- ism, 166; supports Bonifacians in papal struggle, I73» 175 5 her letters, 175 ; in retirement at Constantinople (423), 187 ; mother of Honoria and of Valentinian III., 187; returns to Ravenna (425), 187, 401 ; ruler for Valentinian III., 401, 405, 445 ; court intrigues, 401, 405 ; relations with Count Boniface, 194,401,431 ; under influence of Aetius (432), 401 ; decree against Pelagians, 187 ; relations with Augustine, 194 ; supports Pope Leo after the Latrocinium (449), 293, 467 ; grandmother of Placidia the younger, 432, 446 ; death (450), 445 ; Palace of, 61 Gallas, African tribe, 396 Galloway, 427

Gangra in Paphlagonia : Council (saec. iv., med.), 19, 387; Dioscorus in exile at, 298, 329 f.; Timothy Aelurus in exile at, 336 Garamoea, 381, 386 Gargilius, Baths of, at Carthage, 95 f. Garin, 365

Garhni, 364

Gaudentius, Bp. of Brescia (saec. iv.), pupil and successor of Philastrius, 128 ; preacher, 128 f.

Gaudentius, Bp. of Novara (397-417), 128

Gaudentius, Donatist, Bp. of Thamugad (c. 411-20): at the Conference at Carthage (411), 96, 102 ; exhibition of fanaticism later, 102

Gaudentius, son of Aetius (saec. v.): destined by his father as husband for Eudocia, daughter of Valentinian III., 445 ; prisoner of the Vandals, 447

Gaul: early invasion of Rome from, 108 ; ecclesiastical organization, 19, 161 f., 407, 465 ; civil organization, 19, 168, 187, 406 f., 453, 465 f. ; procedure in ecclesiastical disputes, 20 ; monastic influence in, 24 f., 190 f., 418 ff. (see also Lerins) ; relics of Priscillianist struggle, 112; influence of St Martin, 112, n6f.; of Paulinus of Nola, 115 ; Sulpicius Severus on condition of, 116 ff.; schism as to Felix of Treves, 118 ; career of Vigilantius in, 118 ff.; celibacy in, 120; " Bonosiaci" in, 123 ; Franks, 105, 403 ; Alamanni and Burgundians, 105 ; Suevi, Alans, and Vandals (406), 106 f., 109, 138 f., 430 f. ; usurpation of Constantine III. at Aries, 107, 109f., 117, 423; Goths in (412), 99, no; Paulinus of Pella on the barbarians, 138 ; Salvian of Marseilles on them, 139, 419; Pelagian tendencies in, 141 ; career of Heros of Aries and Lazarus of Aix, no, 117, 156, 162 ; attitude of Pope Zosimus in ecclesiastical affairs, 161 f., 172, 407, 464 ; Emp.Honorius and theGallic bishops, 174; Placidia and (425), 187 f.; influence of Germanus of Auxerre, 188 f., 4i2f., 425 ; and of Lupus of Troyes, 188 f., 413; relations of Britain and Gaul, 188 f., 424 f.; Pope Celestine and, 188, 196 f., 409; reputation of Simeon Stylites in, 217 ; Ste Genevieve, q.v. ; heresy of Leporius, 230; barbarian domination in, 358, 401, 422, 447 f. ; Aetius and the barbarians, 402 f., 432 ; mission of Leo, 467 ; effect of barbarians on ecclesiastical organization, 403, 417 ; developments under Patroclus of Aries, 160 ff., 407 ff., and his successors, 407 ff. ; Pope Leo and Hilary of Aries, 409 ff. ; Leo and Ravennius, 411 f.; invasion of Attila (45i),4i3 ; Councils (q.v.~), 414, 421 ; Libri Canonum, 21 ; imperial pretenders" in, 415 ; proclamation of Avitus, 415, 447 ; progress of Goths and Burgundians, 415 f., 447 f., 450 ; career of Sidonius Apollinaris, 4! 518 ; of Faustus of Riez, 420-23 ; proclamation of Julius Nepos, 449 ; Manicheans in, 455 Gaza: Peter of Iberia at (438), 325 f. ; Hilarion (f 371) at, 395. See i^neas, Zacharias

Gelasius, Pope (492-96): Decretal Letters, 21 ; on the Bonosiaci, 123 ; De duabus Naiuris, 254 ; Gesta de Nomine A cacti, 294, 317, 342, 346, 354; on Nestorius, 312 ; suppresses Lupercalia, 451 ; and Manicheans, 456 ; on Pelagianism, 457 ; on unity of the Roman Church, 458 Geminian, Bp. (c. 458), papal legate, 335

Genesis, 62, 65, 362

Genethlius, Bp. of Carthage (374-91),

his Councils, 82, 87 Genethlius, Count of the Privy Treasury,

present at Chalcedon (451), 299 Geneva, 412

Genevifcve of Nanterre, St (c. 423-512),

217, 413

Gennadius, Bp. of Constantinople (45871): succeeds Anatolius, 336; his views, 336, 338, 342 ; aids Martyrius of Antioch, 342 ; ordains Daniel the Sty lite, 344 ; death, 338 Gennadius, priest of Marseilles (f 496) : De Viris Illustribus, 123, 127, 188, 190, 405 ; De Ecclesiasticis Dog- matibus, 123 ; on Fastidius, 188 ; on Cassian, 190; on death of Theodoret, 341 Genoa, 196

Genseric, king (c. 428-77) of the Vandals : established in Baetica, 194 ; invades Africa (c. 429), 194, 431 ; siege of Hippo (430), 195, 431 ; takes Carthage (439), 432 ; his conquests in Africa, 432, 434 ; piracy, 432, 446 f. ; treatment of Church of Carthage, 433, 435 *, invades Sicily (440), 122 ; persecution there, 122; persecution in Africa, 433, 435 ff., 438 ; attempted proselytism, 436 ; his troops pillage Rome (455), 415, 432, 446 f. ; imperial captives, 328, 432, 447 ; relations with Pope Leo, 446, 467 ; supports pretensions of Olybrius (473). 449 5 death, 437 Genzon, son of Genseric (saec. v.) : his

domains, 434 ; his sons, 438, 443 Geography, knowledge of, 397, 399, 465 George, Anti-Pope of Alexandria (c. 35660, 56

George, the monk in Cappadocia (saec.

v.), 328

Georgia, 361, 371 Gerasimus, St, monk (+475), 325 Germa, 221. See Antony German, Germans: language, 415; peoples, 106, 112, 120, 450; in Dacia, 127 ; on the Danube, 120, 449 ; supremacy of Huns over, 401 ; relations with the Empire, 104, 112 ; auxiliaries in army, 104, 108, 450 ; attitude of Romans to, 108 ; Germanic barbarism, 127, 337 ; effect on Latin Church, 347 ; invasion of Britain, 423. See also Goths Germanicia, 390. See John Germanus, St, Bp. of Auxerre (418-48); formerly a secular official, 404; character, 188, 404, 413 ; sent by Pope Celestine to Britain against Pelagians, 188 f., 425 ; relations with Hilary of Aries, 410, 412 ; visit to Ravenna and death, 412 ; burial at Auxerre, 413 Gerontius, Archimandrite (c. 461), prosecutes Lampetius, 213 Gerontius, priest (saec. v.): Life of Melania the Younger, 133 ; monk and almoner of Melania, 325, 353 ; succeeds her, 325 ; relations with Peter of Iberia, 325, 390 ; attitude to Chalcedon, 325, 353 Gerontius, general of Constantine III. (saec. v.), 109 ; revolts, 109 f. ; flees to Spain, no Getae, 106 Gibraltar, 194

Gildas, historian (saec. vi.) : De Excidio Britanniae, 424k, 430; his omissions, 424 f.; on Saxon invasion, 430 Gildo, son of Nubel: supremacy in Africa (387-99?), 82 ; relations with Donatists, 82, 88 f. ; revolt and death, 85, 89

Glycerius, Emperor (473), 449; consecrated bishop, 449 Gnosticism, Christian, 13 Gnostics, 193 Godfather. 39, 276, 442 Golden Horn, 61, 338 Gomon, 214

Gondebaud, Burgundian king (c. 470516): succeeds to part of Euric's power, 418 ; letter of Avitus of Vienne to, 421 ; nominated Patrician by Olybrius, 449 ; succeeds to power of Ricimer, 449 ; share in proclamation of Glycerius, 449 Gonderic, king of the Vandals (saec. v.) : power in Andalusia, 430 ; brother of Genseric, 431 Gorioun (saec. v.) : " Life of St Mesrob,"

376 Gorneae, 364 Gortyna, 125

Gospel, Hebrew, 397 Gospel, reading of, 399 ; versified, 114 Gospels, Book of the, 210 Gothic language, 54

Goths : early home, 360 ; Armenian fables, 368 ; relations with Empire, 50,105 f., iiof., 121, 447 ; missions to, 54, 70, 121, 360; Catholics among them, 53 f. ; Arian influences, 53,120 f., 123; bishops of, 120 ff., 194; settlements in Crimea, 54, 360; campaigns of Theodosius in Balkans (saec. iv.), 125 ; settlements in Illyricum, 50 t^cf- 73), 105 f., 134; in Danube provinces, 120; in Thrace, 120; in Asia Minor and Phrygia, 50; in conflict with Huns (400), 51 in Africa under Sigisvult (427), 121 f., 194,431

at Constantinople, 50 f.; overthrow Rufinus (395), 50; relations of Chrysostom with, 53 f., 70. See also Gainas

in Gaul (412), 99, iiof. ; successes of Constactitius against them, ill, 160; established at Toulouse (419), 402 ; used by Aetius against Suevi and Bagaudse, 403 ; and against Attila (451), 403,413; menace to Aquitaine, 414 f. ; secure proclamation of Avitus as Emperor (455), 415, 447 ; capture Narbonne (462), 415 ; masters of Auvergne, 416; treatment of Church in Aquitaine (475), 417 ; in possession of Aries (477), 422, 450. See also Athaulf, Euric in Italy: introduced as auxiliaries by Theodosius, 50 ; invasion (401), 106* 134; battle of Pollentia (402), 73, 106, 134 ; capture of Rome by Alaric (410), 108 f., 135; Athaulf in Italy (411), no; S. Agata dei Goti at Rome, 458. See also Alaric, Ricimer, Theodoric in Spain (414), inf., 402, 406, 450 Grace : views of Augustine and Pelagius compared, 143 ff.; opposition of ascetics to Augustine's views, 146, 150 f.; Pelagius and the " aid of God," 153; Council of Diospolis (415), 154; appeal by Church of Carthage to Pope Innocent, 157 ; his views, 157f.; Council of Carthage (418), 166 ; writings of Augustine, 168, 193 f. ; attitude of Julian of Eclanum, 184; Prosper and the "ingrates," 195; views of Leo, 199 f., 457 f»; of Faustus of Riez (473-74), 421 f.; "Dialogue of Arnobius and Serapion," 458 Grammarians, 430. See Cresconius Gratian, Emperor (375-83), 120 ; struggle with barbarians on the Rhine, 105 ) in Illyrian provinces, 125 ; appeal of Roman¹ Council (378) and rescript to Aquilinus, 130, 411, 466 Gratus, Bp. of Carthage (343-53): at Council of Sardica (343), 78 f., 172 ; his Council (348), 87, 172; its canons, 79, 172 Greece : Muses of Helicon removed by Constantine, 69 ; Athens and Corinth ravaged by Alaric, 105 ; a province of Illyricum, 106. Greek, 384: civilization v., 2 ; philosophy and thought, 13 ; its influence in theology, 13, and in exegesis, 380 ; theology of Greek Syria, 393, and Illyricum, 465 ; commerce, 360, 385

Language: its subtlety, 230, 461 ; in Eastern Empire, 460; not official there (451), 308 ; in Macedonia, 125 ; little known in Mesopotamian Syria, 287 ; Syrian accent/ of Severian of Gabala, 54 ; inscription of Aizan, Prince of Axoum, 398 ; as dividing East and West, 460 ; difficulties to Popes, 461, 465 (but see 297); known by Pelagius, 145, 149 ; and Celestius, 149; and Julian of Eclanum, 183 ; and Julian of Cos, 297 ; and Emp. Marcian, 308 f. ; not by Orosius, 153 ; nor by Leo's legates at Latrocinium, 288 Books translated in Persian Armenia, 268, 376; the name "Armenian," 363; and " Catholicos," 371; teachers in Armenia, 373, 376. See Hellenism Episcopate : bishops supporting Chrysostom, 72, 135 ; theological variations (saec. v.), 345, 349 ; Pope Leo and, 322 ; Pope Felix III. and, 469 ; system of Patriarchates, 464 ; relation to Alexandria, 460 Parentage of Pope Zosimus, 159 f. Gregory the Great, Pope (590-604): Donatists in Numidia in his time, 103; x)n the Bonosiaci, 123; on African confessors, 442 ; note of Arian Church in Rome, 458 Gregory, Anti-Pope of Alexandria (340), 56

Gregory, Bp. of Antioch (569-94), 316 Gregory the Illuminator, Bp. of Armenia (tr. 302): an Armenian educated in Cappadocia, 367 ; consecrated at Caesarea, 368, 373 ; legendary history, 368 f. ; origin of Armenian Christianity, 370 f. ; his family and successors, 371 f., 375 f. ; and Daniel the Syrian, 372 Gregory Nazianzen, Bp. of Constantinople (381): election opposed by Pope Damasus, 126 ; ordains Evagrius a

Nitrian monk, 28 ; his attitude to Origen, 28 f. ; " Cappadocian " Chris- tology, 224, 227 ; on the Theotokos, 227 ; horfiilies translated by Rufinus, 46

Gregory, Bp. of Nyssa (372-05) : attitude to Origen, 28 ; " Cappadocian" Christology, 224 Gregory Thaumaturgus, Bp. of Neo- csesarea in Pontus (c. 233-70): Apollinarian writings attributed to, 231, 282

Gregory, Bp. of Tours (c. 573-94),

writings, 117, 418 Grenoble, 412 Grunnius, 46, 151 Gubbio, 21. See Decentius Guelma, 91

Gundesapour, Gundisapor, 381, 386 Guntamund, king of the Vandals (48496), son of Genzon, 443

Habakkuk, prophet, tomb of, 10 Habetdeum, Bp. (c. 484), 441 Hadrian, Emp. (117-137): Bridge of, at Rome, 106 ; wall of, in Britain, 423, 427

Hadrumetum in Byzacena: Council (394), 88; monks, 193. See Primasius Haidra, 85

Hair : of barbarians and Romans, 438 Halmyrissos in Thrace. monastery of,

215 Hamath, 394 Hannibal, 364, 469 Haran, 291. See Daniel Harpocration, deacon of Alexandria (c.

449), 293 Hatra, 394 Hayk, 363

Healing, through prayer, 361 Hearers, among Manicheans, 454, 456 Hebdomon, £9

Hebrew: Bible, 152 ; Gospel, 397 Hedjaz, 396

Helena, mother of Izates of Adiabene,

tomb at Jerusalem, 380 Helenopolis, 51. See Palladius Helenopontus, 343 Helicon, 69

Heliodorus, Bp. of Altinum (c. 400),

friend of Jerome, 132 Helladius, solitary (c. 423): friend of

Cassian, 191 ; later a bishop, 191 Helladius, Bp. of Tarsus (c. 430): character, 258 ; friend of Nestorius, 238, 258 ; letter of Cyril to, 238 ; position after Council of Ephesus (431), 258, 261 ; letter to Pope Xystus, 265 Hellenism : dislike of Copts for, 30; in

Asia, 364, 385. See Greek Hellespont, 221

Helpidius, Bp. of Laodicea (c. 394-414), 207, cf. 67

Helpidius, Count: imperial representative

at Ephesu$ (449), 287, 289 Helpidius, Arian: correspondent of

Augustine, 121 f. Helvidius (c. 383), 123 Hemimont, 334

Henotikon, the : Zeno and Acacius, 348 ; doctrinal character, 348 f. ; Monophysite view of, 349 f. ; reception at Alexandria, 349 ff. ; at Antioch, 351 ff. ; at Rome, 355 ; in Armenia, 391 ; in Persia, 392 Heracles, 203, 369

Heraclian, Count of Africa (409-13): murderer of Stilicho, 99; harshness to Roman fugitives, 140 ; invasion of Italy, 99 ; defeat and death, 99 Heraclidas, Bp. of Nyssa (c. 430), 212 Heraclides, Bp. of Ephesus (401-4): installed by Chrysostom, 62 ; attacked at " The Oak," 62 Heraclides of Damascus, 221, 311 Heredity, 144, 149, cf 186 Heremius, Bp. of Thessalonica(c. 359), 126 Heresies: Theodosius I. and, 222 ; collected by Epiphanius, 27 ; by Philastrius, 128 ; Sidonius Apolli- naris on, 417 ; Pope Gelasius on, 457 Heretics : legislation against, 222, 440, 466 ; reconciliation of, 20; monks and, 23 ; Nestorius and, 220; in East and West, 212 ; at Constantinople, 202, 220 f. ; at Rome, 453, 458 ; in Lydia, 250 Hermitages, 23, 34 f., 215 Hermopolis Parva, 39, 59. See Dioscorus Herod Agrippa I. (b.c. 10-a.d. 44), 443 Herodias, 67

Heros, Bp. of Aries (c. 411-17): disciple of St Martin, 117; supports Constantine III., 117 ; ordains him priest, no; exiled, 117, 154, 160; succeeded by Patroclus, 160; opposes Pelagius in Palestine (415), 154 f., 162; letter to Africa, 156 f. ; forwarded to Pope Innocent, 157 ; attitude of Zosimus to, 162 ff. Herulians, 406

Hesychius, Bp. of Salona (405-29 ?): Decretal Letter of Pope Zosimus to (418), ai, 125 Hesychius, priest of Jerusalem, (fl. c. 41238): as historian, viii. ; history of Council of Ephesus, 241 ; friend of Eutyches, 241, 327; opposition to Chalcedon, 326 Hiba. See Ibas Hibernia, 425. See Ireland Hierapolis in Euphratesiana : massacre at, 345 ; ejection of bishop as " Chalced- onian," 353. See Alexander

Hierax, schoolmaster at Alexandria

(saec. v.), 209 Hilarion, ascetic at Gaza (+ 371), 395 Hilary, Pope (461-68), 458 ; deacon of Pope Leo, legate at Latrocinium (449), 287 f., 292, 468 ; " Contra- dicitur," 289 ; report to Pope Leo, 292, 294 ; succeeds Leo,. 468; his Decretal Letter, 21 ; founds monastery at Rome, 26; relations with Gaul, 422 ; with Anthemius (467), 458; annuls decision of Spanish Council (465), 466; succeeded by Simplicius, 422, 469 Hilary, Bp. of Aries (428-49): pupil, kinsman, and successor of Honoratus, 191, 407; his reputation, 407 f.; jurisdiction and administration, ibid. ; relations with Augustine, 194 ; with Leo (445), 409-12 ; the affair of Besangon, 409 f. ; friendship with Germanus of Auxerre, 410, 412 Hilary, Bp. of Narbonne (c. 417). 161 Hilary, Bp. of Poitiers (353-68): style, 113; controversy with Auxentius at Milan (364), 128; cited by Pelagius, 152 Hilary, monk of Marseilles : correspondence with Augustine on Pelagianism [150], 194; extreme Augustinian, 195 ; Pope Celestine and, 196, 409 Hilary, priest: correspondence with Augustine on Pelagianism at Syracuse, 150

Hilderic, son of Huneric, king of Vandals : recalls Catholic bishops to Africa

(494). 443 Himeria, in Osrhoene, 353. See Uranius Himerius, Bp. of Nicomedia (c. 431): opponent of Cyril, 253, 261 ; deposed, 258 Himerius, Bp. of Tarragona (saec. iv.) : Decretal Letter of Pope Siricius to, 21 Himyar, 396 Hindustan, 399

Hippo, 157, 176, 190; Donatist Bp. of, 81, 459 ; Council (393), 85 ; Bishop Maximin at (427), 121 ; Pinianus and Melania at, 141 f. ; Pelagius at (410), 147 ; Orosius at, 151 ; Timasius and James at, 152 ; siege of (430), 195. 431

Bishops: Valerius (c. 395), 86; Augustine (395'43o)» 9-^v- Hippodrome, 53, 337 Hira, Hirta, 394 Historia Miscellanea, 334, 339 Hittites, 363 Holland, 402 Holophernes, 434

Holy Places, 11, 33, 150, 168, 369, 375, 394, 406, 453

Holy Spirit, 78, 89, 179 Homer, kingdom of, 396 f. Homerites, 399 Homoiousians, 79, 122 Homoiousios, 266 Homoousians, 122, 438, 440 Homoousios, 313, 438 Honoratus, Bp. of Aries (426-8) : noble and monk, 190; in the Pelopon- nese, 190; establishes monastery at L£rins, igof., 407 ; bishop, 191, 407, 420 ; his jurisdiction, 407, 409 ; relations with Cassian, 191 ; with Hilary, 191, 407 ; with Pope Celestine, 409 Honoratus, Bp. of Thiabe in Numidia

(c. 428), 195 Honoratus, Antoninus. See Antoninus Honoria, daughter of Constantius and

Galla Placidia, 187 Honorias, province of Pontus, 334 Honorius, son of Theodosius I., Emperor (395-423): Emperor of the West, 49) ^IJ7 J government established at Milan, 49 ; transferred to Ravenna (404), 129, 401 ; influence of Stilicho, 49> 73 > marries Stilicho's daughters, 107 ; orders his death (408), 107 ; relations with Eastern Empire, 73 ; attitude to Chrysostom, 72 ; relations with Pope Innocent, 72,138 ; attitude to Donatists in Africa, 89, 95, 99 ; revolt of Heraclian (412), 99 ; revolt of Britain (409), 107, 109, 423, and of Gaul (409), 107 ; invasions of Italy by Alaric, 104, 106, 108, 201 ; dislike of barbarians in Italy, 447 ; capture of his sister Placidia by them, 109 ; her relations with him, 166, 187 ; failure of Constantine III. in Gaul (411), no, 117; relations with Constantius, Iiof., 160; relations with Athaulf the Goth, nof. ; triumph at Rome (417), hi ; attitude to Pelagians, 166, 184; the Goths in Aquitaine (419), 402; proclaims Constantius Augustus (421), 175 ; death, 178, 187 Hormisdas, Pope (514-23), 456, 464 Hospitals, 132, 372 f. Hostages, 325 Hours, 5, 7, 114

Hripsime, martyr (saecc. iii.-iv.), 368 Huneric, son of Genseric, king of the Vandals (477-84): husband of Eudocia, 445 ; treatment of Catholics in Africa, 434, 437-41, 469; of Manicheans, 437 f., 456; personal character, 437 f. ; persecution (483), 438-41 ; dies the death of the persecutors (484), 443 ; his family, 443; details of persecution, 444

Huns : crossing Caucasus and Danube, 50; invasion oi Cappadocia and Syria, 34, 50; and Thrace, 50; threaten Palestine, 34, 50, 132 ; defeat Goths on Danube (400), 51 ; established in Pannonia, 401, 413 ; supremacy over other barbarians, 401 ; invade Gaul under Attila (451), 413 ; and Italy (452), 413 f. ; quarrels after his death, 414 Hydatius, Bp. of Aquae Flaviae (42770 ?), 436: his personal history, 405 f. ; his Chronicle, viii., 405 f. (to 468 a.d.), 431 ; on Maximin and Genseric in Sicily, 122 ; on Eudoxia and Genseric, 446; on Priscillianists, 404 f. ; on Spanish adhesions to Tome of Leo, 412 ; on invasion of Gaul by Attila, 413 ; on Manicheans in Spain, 456 Hyfcres, 24, 191 Hymns, 113, 264 Hypanis, 360

Hypata, 250. See Pausianus Hypatia, of Alexandria (+41O: Neo- platonist, 203, 210; t-.cher of Synesius, 203 ff. ; murder of (415), 205, 210

Hypatius, Abbot of Rufinianae (431); Phrygian monk from Thrace, 215; establishes monastery at Rufinianae, 215 ; quarrels with Bp. of Chalcedon, 215 f. ; opposition to Nestorius and his supporters, 216, 254 Hypepe, 294

Hypostasis: meaning of term, 223ff. ; Antiochene view of "two hypostases " in Christ, 223, 225 ; view of the " Cappadocians," 224; view of the West, 224 f. ; of Cyril, 281 ; of the School of Edessa, 393 ; the " Hypostatic Union," 224 f., 393 ; the Definition of Chalcedon, 307 ; the " Three Hypostases " in the Godhead, 266 Hyrcania, 381

Ibas, Bp. of Edessa (435-57): head of the School of the Persians, 273, 390 ; its character, 391 f. ; becomes Bp. of Edessa, 273, 392; theological views and works, 273, 340, 390; dislike of Cyril, 273, 309 ; disliked by Eutyches, 277 ; difficulties fomented by Uranius of Himeria, 277, 279, 283 ; issue of trial at Tyre (449), 283, 309; attacked by Marius Mercator, 284 ; new civil trial, 285 ; in prison, 286 f., 392 ; deposition at Latrocinium, 291, 309, 348 ; successor appointed, 294, 392 ; restoration at Chalcedon, 309; referred to in Henotikon, 348; letters to Maris, 273, 309

Iberia origir of Christianity in, 361 ; part of Roman Empire, 364 ; revolt (481-82), 378 ; its bishops condemn Tome of Leo and Council of Chalcedon (491), 39L See Peter Ibis, Oasis of: Nestorius at, 267, 272,

3io, 343 5 Peter of Iberia at, 343 Iconium, 212 Idols, 11, 427 Idumaea, 267 Illuminations, 65, 271 Illus the I saurian : sent against Zeno (476), 344; joins him, 345, 347 ; Patrician, 347; relations of John I'alaia with (482), 347 f. ; at variance with Zeno, 348 ; sent to the East, 351 ; proclaims Leontius Emperor, 351; takes refuge at Papyrion, 352 ; result of his fall, 352 f-

Illyria, Illyricum : Stilicho and, 50, 73, 106; including Dacia, Macedonia, and Greece, 106, 125 ; variations of language, 125, 465 ; and of ecclesiastical attachments, 125,465 ; Alaric in, 50, 73, 105 ff., 134; Photinians in, 122 ; Council of Capua (391), and its bishops, 123 ; references to Popes from, 126 f. ; papal claims over, 124 f., 161, 212, 275, 307, 464 ; position of Thessalonica, 126, 161, 299, 464; attitude of bishops of Constantinople, 126, 212, 275, 357 ; relation of Canons of Chalcedon to, 320 ; bishops supporting Dioscorus, 298 ; action of its bishops at Chalcedon, 299, 301, 303, 307. See also Diocese, Peter Images: cultus of, uf. ; imperial, 12; miraculous, 12 ; of Christ on tapestry, 34 ; Council of Elvira (c. 300) and, 12, 34 ; Epiphanius on, 12 Immorality, 454 f.

Incapacity, legal, 89, 92, 440f., 456 India, Indians, 394 . Christianity of, 397, 399 f. ; commerce, 396. See Theophilus

Indian Ocean, 362, 386, 396, 399 Indies, 400 Indus, 400 Ingrates, 195

Innocent I., Pope (402-17): succeeds Anastasius, 46, 134; Decretal Letters, 21. 118, 130; attitude to Jerome, 46, 74, 134, 156; notified by Theophilus of Chrysostom's deposition (404), 71 f. ; quashes the sentence, 71, 460 f. ; letter to Theophilus, 7z ; attitude to canons of Nicaea, 72; ielations with Emp. Honorius, 72, 138 ; his legates seized at Athens, 72 ; missions to Constantinople, 173, 182 ; renounces communion with Chrysostom's op-

xments, 73 f., 156, cf. 162, 202; etters to him, 73 ; relations with Victricius of Rouen, 21, 118, 130; with Exuperius of Toulouse, 21, 118 ; letter to Marcian of Naissus on " Bonosiaci," 123; relations with Thessalonica, 126; restoration of Bp. Photinus, 127 ; on metropolitical jurisdiction, 130 ; paganism at Rome under, 131, 137 ; absent from Rome during siege (410), 138 ; church building under, 452; on Anicia Faltonia Proba, 141 ; relations with Alexander of Antioch (415), 207 f., 250 ; on Cyprus, 250; proposal at Jerusalem to refer to him question of Pelagius, 153 ; Eustochium and, 156; appeals from Africa, 157; his judgement (417), 157 ff., 162, 185, 199 ; Augustine on it, 158 ; Pelagius and, 162 f., 165 ; Prosper on, 197 ; consecrates Julian of Eclanum, 182 ; death, 159; succeeded by Zosimus, 157) 159 5 character, 134 Inscriptions, 11, 66, 106, 128, 226, 337,

362, 398, 407, 445, 452 f., 468 Interpreter, use of, 153 Intolerance : Episcopal, 437 ; monastic, v., vi.

Iranians, 361, 363 f., 379 Ireland : home of Scoti, 145, 423, 426, 429 ; untrodden by Romans, 425 ; attacks on Britain, 423 ; conversion of, 189, 425 ; story of Palladius, 425, 429 ; of Patrick, 425-28, 429 ; Pelagius in, 145, .147, 189 ; culture in, 429 f. ; asceticism, 427; Collectio Htbernica, 189 Irenaeon, 214 f.

Irenaeus, Bp. of Tyre (c. 446-48): a Count, friend of Nestorius, 238, 240, 270, 275 ; letter of Cyril, 238 ; accompanies Nestorius to Ephesus (431), 240; influence for him at Court later, 252; his " martyrology," 266; banished to Petra, 267 ; his " Tragoedia," 270 ; becomes metropolitan of Tyre, 275, 278 ; recognized by Proclus of Constantinople, 275 ; deposed by Theodosius II., 278 f.; successor appointed (448), 279, 291 ; deprived at Latrocinium (449), 291 Irene, St (saec i.), 66 Irish Sea, 427 f. Iron, Desert of, 362

Isaac, Catholicos of Armenia : signs Con- substantialist memorial at Antioch (363), 372

Isaac the Great, Catholicos of Armenia (390-441 ?), son of Narses, 268, 37i, 375 f. Isaac, Bp. ot Nineveh (saec. vi.), 213

Isaac, Bp. of Seleucia-Ctesiphon (c. 399410), delegate of Council of Seleucia

(410), 387

Isaac the monk: a Syrian, 54 ; said to have prophesied defeat of Valens (378), 54 ; founds monastery or hermitage at Constantinople, 54, 215, 252; hostile to Chrysostom, 54 ; accuses him at " The Oak," 63 ; subsequent effect, 25 Isaac the Jew (saec. iv.) : the " Ambrosi-

aster," 455 Isaiah, prophet, 136, 354, 362; "Ascension of Isaiah," 122 Isaiah, Egyptian prophet (f 488) : career,

354 5 biography of, 317, 325, 354 Isaura, 337

Isauria, 337, 344 f., 351 Isaurians, 70, 73, 337. See Illus, Trocun- dus, Zeno

Isidore, Bp. of Seville (600-36), writings, 123

Isidore, priest of Alexandria (318-403) : Nitrian monk, 38 ; Origenist, 35 ; made Xenodochus at Alexandria by Theophilus, 39 ; confidential position, 38 ; missions to Rome, Constantinople, and Palestine, 39 ; attempt to secure his election as Bp. of Constantinople (398), 39» 52, 58; negotiations with Jerome, 35 ; relations with John of Jerusalem, 35 ; quarrel with Theophilus and excommunication, 39; returns to Nitria, 39; received by the Tall Brothers, 39; great age, 39, 52 ; problematic visit to Constantinople, 42, 66 ; death, 42, 66 Isidore of Pelusium, monk (+ c. 449) : personal history, 205 ; contemporary of Theophilus, 57 ; admirer of Chrysostom, 206; caustic reflexions on Theophilus, 206 ; on Cyril, 206, 256 ; on Eusebius of Pelusium, 206, 332 ; attempt to reconcile Rome and Alexandria, 208 ; writings, ~5 7 Isis, 400 Islam, 394 Isonzo, 450

Israel, Israelites, 193, 397

Italians, 72, 118, 229, 297, 413 ; teachers

in England, 430 Italy, 140, 185, 287, 423,. 432, 465 ; imperial capital Milan, 49, 129; transferred to Ravenna, 129, 284, 322, 358 ; the Court at Rome (449), 293 ; the army of the East in, 49 f. ; invasion of Alaric (402), 73, 106, 134 ; of Radagaisus (406), 106 ; and Alaric (408-10), 94, 108, 134, 201 ; Athaulf in (411), no; invasion by Heraclian (412), 99 ; still free from barbarian settlements, 401 ; the "Italian" Empire [358], 461 ; Imperial Italy survives provinces (425), 445; invasion of Attila (451-2), 286, 413 ; threats of Vandals, 447 ; Italy under Ricimer (456-72), 415,1 447 f., 458 ; disappearance of Empire (476), 418, 448 f. ; under barbarian kings, 347, 358, 450, 467, 469 ; comparison with time of Hannibal, 469 Ecclesiastical organization, i8ff.; in North Italy, 20, 117, 127-30, 181 ; papal jurisdiction, 182, 292, 322, 453,456,462 f., 465; secular authority and the Pope, 453,465 f.; papal claims outside Italy, 124, 463 f. ; Libri Canonum, 21 ; African superiority, 176 ; Arianism in, 458 f.; Manicheans in, 455 f. ; Pelagian sympathies in, 146, 182, 199, 229 ; cf. 181, 457 Eusebius of Cremona, 37 ; and the affair of Jerome and Rufinus, 37, 43 ; envoys of Council of Carthage to, 92, 94; Paulinus of Nola in, 114; Nicetas of Remesiana in, 127 ; Cassian in, 190 Ithacius, Bp. of Ossonoba (c. 379-88),

118. See Priscillianism Itinerary : of Antoninus, 426 ; of Etheria,

10, 113 Ivernia, 425. See Ireland. Izates, King of Adiabene (saec. i.), 380

Jacob. See Aphraates

Jahbalaha, Bp. of Seleucia-Ctesiphon

(c. 415-20), 387 James, Bp. of Nisibis (c. 325-50), 382 James, priest (c. 428), in Lydia, 250 James, Syrian Solitary (c. 344), 266, 335 James, pupil and opponent of Pelagius,

152, 164 Jason, Arian, "Doctor," 122 Jazdgerd I., King of Persia (399-420),

attitude to Christians, 387 f. Jazdgerd II., King of Persia (c. 438-57) : Armenian revolt, 376 f. ; propaganda of Mazdaeism, 376 f., 389; persecution of Christians, 377, 389 Jeremiah, 104, 362 ; Jerome's Commentary

on, 46, 145, 151, 155 Jericho, 396

Jerome, St (346-420), 191 : in Rome, 30 ; love of Res Romana, 139, and pagan literature, 45, 136 ; in Egypt, 30; his circle at Bethlehem, 29 f., 32, 47, 112, 118, 150; Jerome and Paula, 30, 133, and Paula the younger, 133, 155 f., and Eustochium, 133, 136, 155^f- ; her death, 207, and Laeta, 133, and the two Melanias, 46, 133, 207 ; his friends in Italy, 37 f., 42 ff., 45, 207 ; early attitude to Origen, 28 ff., 37, 44, 152; as exegete, 29, 48, 152 ; later view of

Jeropu St—continued

Origen, 42 f., 47, 119 ; relations with Epiphanius, 30, 32 ff., 41, 119 ; visits him in Cyprus, 30 ; refusal to exercise

riestly functions, 33; his brother aulinian ordained by Epiphanius, 33 ; relations with John of Jerusalem, 31 ff., 34ff, 41,119,155 f. ; threatened with expulsion from Bethlehem, 34 ; quarrel with Rufinus, 34, 119, 132 ; his reconciliation (397), 36; fresh cause of quarrel, 37, 42 ff., 45 ff.; riot at Bethlehem, 15 5 f.; restoration, 206 RelationswithTheophilus of Alexandria, 35 f., 74, 186, and Isidore, 35, and Pope Siricius, 36, and Eusebius of Cremona, 37, and Chromatius of Aquileia, 43 ff., and Paulinus of Nola, 45; Augustine, 45, 152, 155, 207, and Pope Anastasius, 38, 46, and Pope Innocent, 46, 134, 156, and Pam- machius (7.1/.), and Oceanus, 37, 42 ; Marcella, 74, 136 ; on Exuperius of Toulouse, Alethius of Cahors and Amandus of Bordeaux, 117, and Vigilantius, 119 f., and Fabiola, 132, and Anicia Faltonia Proba, 141, and Demetrias, 141, and Pelagius, 145, i5of., 153 f., 156 f., and Annianus of Celeda, 206 Hydatius and Jerome, 406; Sulpicius Severus and, 118; Theodore of Mopsuestia and, 185, 207 Jerome on the fall of Rome (410), 136 ; on the site of Ararat, 362 ; on Brahmins, 397 ; his death (420), 207 ; loved by contemporaries, vi. ; Collect for his Feast, 48 Works, vii., 48, 113, 147 ; style, 113 ; translations of Origen, 29, 37, 42, 46 ff.; Chronicle, 46 ; De viris illustri- bus, 29, 78, 397 ; adv. Rufinum, 30, 44 f. ; Contra Joan. Hierosol., 35, 41, 155 ; its date, 35 ; Dial. adv. Pelag., 151, 155, 206; Contra Vigil- antiunty 119 f. ; Vita Hilarionis, 395 ; Comm. in Jeremiam, 46, 145, 151, 155 ; in Ezech., 46, 136, 155 ; in Zech., 117; in Ep. ad Gal., 152. Letters (Ep. 39). 132; (Ep. 51), 30, 34 ; (Ep. 55), 117; (Ep. 58), 119, (Ep. 60), 132 ; (Ep. 61), 119 ; (Epp. 64,66), 132 ; (Ep. 67), 152 ; (Ep. 70), 397 ; (Epp. 77-8), 132 ; (Epp. 81, 84), 42 ; (Ep. 88), 43 ; (Epp. 88-91, 92, 93-4). 41 ; (£p. 95). 43 I (Ep. 96), 40; (Ep. 97), 58 I (Ep, 98), 58 ; (Epp. 101-5), 152 ; (Ep. 107), 13? 'fy. 109), 119; (Epp. 110-12, ixyio), 152; (Ep. 121), 117; (Ep. 123), 107, Ti7; (Ep. 125), 117 ; C£>.i27), 46,135 f.; (Ep. 130), 140 f.; (Ep. 131), 151 ; (Ep. 132), 46, 151 ; (Ep. 133,

Jerome, St—continued

to Ctesiphon), 46, 151, 206; (Epp. 135-37, 138), 156; (Et. 143), 157. 207; translation of Bible, 152 Jerusalem : Jeremiah and, 104 ; Evagrius at, 29 ; Melania at, 29, 133 ; Aterbius at, 30 ; Epiphanius at, 31 ; Pinianus and Melania at, 142 ; Dedication Festival, 153; Orosius at, 153; Julian of Eclanum at, 185 ; Athenais Eudocia at, 276, 325 ; death of Helena of Adiabene at, 380 ; ascetics at, 216 ; factions at, 468. See Aelia Church of J.: Jerome (?.».) and, 136 ; proceedings against Pelagius at, 153 f. ; Tractoria of Zosimus sent to, 181 ; letter of Pope Leo to, 334 Its importance, 157, 181 ; Council of Nicaea and, 318 ; organization of the Church, 464 ; its " Council," 283 ; pretensions of Bp. Juvenal, 238, 241, 249 ff.; attitude of Cyril of Alexandria, 319; Patriarchate, 241, 319 f., 464; relations with Antioch, 249 f., 319; and Caesarea, 251, 318 f.; defeat of the " Theodosians," 327, 332, 380 ; monastic settlements, 324 f., 326 f. Buildings : Monastery of St Euthymius, 294, 324 ; Convent of Passarion, 324 ; monastery on Mount of Olives, 325 ; Holy Places 406; Church of

Holy Sepulchre, 36, 42, 381 Bishops : Eusebius' list of, 318 ; Cyril (c. 351-86), q.v.; John (386-417?), q.v. ; Praylius (417-20), 163, 168; Juvenal (c. 420-58), q.v. ; Anastasius (c. 458-78), 344, 353; Martyrius (c. 478-86), 353; Theodosius intruded bishop (c. 452-3), q.v. Jew, Jews: Court of the "patriarchs," 14; settlements, 128 ; at Alexandria, 209 ; in Adiabene, 380 ; at Nehardea, 380; Jewish Christians, 380, 397 ; dislike of Christians in Persia, 382 ; controversy of Aphraates with, 381 ; propaganda in the Yemen, 397 ; opposition to Theophilus Blemmyas, 399 » persecution in Armenia, 389 ; name as term of abuse, 300 ; schools of, 380. See Talmud, Ambrosiaster Jezebel, 61, 64 Job, Tomb of, 10

Johannites, followers of St John Chrysostom, 69, 219, 258: credited with burning of St Sophia, 69 ; attit ude of Atticus to, at Constantinople, 202; reconciliation (438), 271 John, St, Apostle: theology of, 13, 223 ; tomb at Ephesus, 241, 244; apocryphal Acts, 404 John Baptist, St, 67, 368 John, Bp. of Antioch (429-41) : successor of Theodotus, 237 j old friend" of

Nestorius, 237 ; letter to Nestorius on the Messalians, 212 ; and on the Theotokos, 238 ; letter of Cyril to, 238, 302 f., and of Celestine to, 235, 238; detects Apollinarianism in Cyril's Anathemas, 238 ; letter to Firmus of Caesarea, 238 ; promotes refutations of Cyril, 239 ; leader of Eastern representatives to Council of Ephesus (431), 243, 340; delay in arrival, 243, 246, 249; holds opposition Council, 247, 255, 263 ; deposition of Cyril, 247 ; Cyril attacks him, 248 f. ; John not deposed, 249, 270, 390; secession of Cyprus from Antioch, 250; pretensions of Jerusalem, 249 ft, 319; proceedings before Count John at Ephesus, 251, 253 ; before Theodosius II., at Chalcedon,

253 » John assailed by local clergy,

254 ; returns to Antioch, 255 ; treatment at Ancyra and Caesarea, 258 ; again pronounces deposition of Cyril at Tarsus, 258 ; Pope Celestine and John, 257, 259 ; efforts of Emperor to reconcile John and Cyril, 259 ; Cyril's explanations, 261 f. ; sacrifice of Nestorius, 263 f. ; signs Formula of Union (433), 264, 314; letter to Theodosius, 264; opposition to his action, 265 ; Monophysitism at Antioch, 266 ; John invokes secular power, 266 ; Nestorius at Antioch, 267; John resists further demands of Cyril, 268 f. ; signs " Tome " of Proclus, 269 ; relations with Cyril, 270 f.; his nephew and successor Domnus, 273, 278, 294; his character, 237 f.

John VI., Catholicos of Armenia (saec. x.), historian, 391

John, Bp. of Beit-Selok (saec. v.), martyr, 389

John, Bp. of Elche (saec. vi.), 464

John, Bp. of Germanicia in Commagene (c. 431-50. 390

John, Bp. of Jerusalem (386-417), 406; successor of Cyril, 31 ; his theological views, 31 f., 36, 38, 155; relations with Epiphanius, 31-35, 119; with Jerome, 31-35, "9. 15°, 153, 155 f-; appeals to civil power, 34 ; relations with Rufinus and Melania, 31, 44 ; with Theophilus of Alexandria, 35 ; the affair of Paulinian, 33, 36 ; relations with Pope Anastasius, 44, with Pelagius, 150, 153, with Orosius, 153; the riot at Bethlehem, 155; letter of Pope Innocent to, 156 ; letter of Augustine, 158 ; death, 163

John of Beth-Rufin, Bp. of Maiouma (saec. v.), historian, successor of Peter of Iberia, 317

John, Bp. of Persia (c. 325), present at

Nicaea, 381 John Codonatus (saec. v.), rejected Bp. of Apamea, 343 ; ejected from See of Antioch (477), 343; nominated to Tyre, 357

John Mantagouni, Catholicos of Armenia

(c. 480-7), 378, 391 John Talaia, Bp. of Alexandria (482) : monk of Canopus, later priest of A., ■>47 ; his undertaking at Constantinople, 347 f. ; successor of Timothy Salofaciol, 348 ; not recognized at Constantinople, 348; accused of perjury by the Emperor, 354; flees to Rome, 348, 354; complains to Felix III. of Acacius of Constantinople, 355

John of y^Egeum, priest (c. 483): historian viii., 317 ; on consecration of Peter the Filler, 342 ; on massacre at Hierapolis, 345 John, deacon of Constantinople (c. 403) : deposed by Chrysostom, accuses him at " The Oak," 63 John, monk of Antioch (c. 620), historian,

on Emp. Zeno (475), 337 John, usurping Emperor (423-5), ^J78»

187

John, Comes sacrarum largitionum: at

Ephesus (431), 251, 253 John, silentiary (c. 454), 330 f. John the Eunuch : at Jerusalem (430), 325

John, physician of Cyril (saec. v.), at

Constantinople, 252 John Diacrinomenus (scec. vi.), historian, 317

John Philoponus of Alexandria (saec. vi.),

attacks Council of Chalcedon, 311 Jonah, 313

Jonas the Armenian, founder of monastery

of Halmyrissos, 215 Jordan, 324

Jordanes, historian (saec. vi.), 413, 420 Joseph, patriarch, tomb of, 10 Joseph, St, 123

Joseph, Catholicos of Armenia, martyr

(454). 377 Josephus, Flavius (37-100?), 380 Jousig,- Catholicos of Armenia (373 ?),

successor (?) of Narses, 375 Jousik, Catholicos of Armenia (c. 330), son of Urthanes, 371 ; treatment of King Diran and ill-treatment by him, 371

Jovian, Emp. (363-64): appoints Romanu9 Count of Africa, 78 ; abandons protectorate of Armenia by treaty with Sapor II. (363 a.d.), 365, 374 ; address of bishops at Antioch to . (363), 372 Jovinian, heretic (c. 390), 123

Jovinian, ascetic in Gaul (saec. iv.),

friend of Cassian, 191 Jovinus usurping Emperor (c. 411), no, 160

Jovius, guardian and favourite of Honorius (c. 409), a pagan, procures toleration for Donatists, 94 Jucundus, Arian Patriarch of Carthage

(c. 483), burnt alive, 438 Judas : Chrysostom and Nestorius compared with by Cyril of Alexandria, 211, 246 Judices, 434

Julian, Bp. of Antioch (c. 471-6), 343 Julian, Bp. of Cos, legate at Chalcedon

(45 297

Julian, Bp. of Eclanum (417-18, 454), 164; his personal history, 182 ; knowledge and ability, 183; consecrated by Pope Innocent, 182 ; relations with Paulinus of Nola, 164, 183 ; deposed as Pelagian by Pope Zosimus (418), 183 ; attacks Augustine's teaching, 184 ff. ; ill-success in the East, 185 ; upheld by Theodore of Mopsuestia, 185 f., 229; relations with Nestorius at Constantinople, 229; attacked by Marius Mercator, 231 ; expelled from Constantinople, 231 ; alleged approval at Ephesus (431), of his deposition, 249; address to Pope Xystus III. (439), 199; opposition of the deacon Leo, 199 ; his writings, 184, 186; formulary attributed to him, 181

Julian (331-63)* Emperor (361-63): grants toleration to Donatists, 76, 93 ; Anti-Catholic edicts, 86, 93 ; victories over barbarians, 105 ; overcome by Sapor, 372, 374, 381 f. ; position after his death, 77, 93 Julian, son of Constantine III., executed (411), no

Juliana, Anicia (saec. v.), 140 f., 151 (?), 168

Julius, Pope (337-52): Basilica of, 451 ; Apollinarian writings attributed to, 231, 245, 282 Julius, Bp. of Puteoli: papal legate at

Lairocinium (449), 287 f. Julius, St (c. 304 ?), 424 Julius Nepos, Emperor (474-75), 416,

449 Jupiter, 9 Jura, 24, 105

Justin II., Emperor (565-78), 213 Justina, Empress (c. 368-88), wife of

Valentinian I., an Arian, 120 Justinian, Bp. of Vulentia (c. 546), 123

Justinian. Emperor (527-65) : Marcianites under, 213 ; attempt to settle

Monophysite controversy, 318 ; organization in the Caucasus, 361 ; and in Armenia, 366 ; death, 270; " Codex Justinianus," 278, 342, 442 Jutes, 423

Juvenal, Bp. of Jerusalem (c. 420-58): baptizes the Sheik of Parembolae, 396; letter of Pope Celestine to, ²35» 238 ; his fondness for intrigue, 238; a Cyrillian, 238, 240 f., 253 f., 314, 324; ambitions for a Patriarchate, 241, 249, 251, 319; opposed by Cyril, 251, 319; at Council of Ephesus (431), 244 ; delegate to conference at Chalcedon (43U> 253 ; at Constantinople (431), 254, 258 ; on the side of Dioscorus, 285 ; at the Lairocinium (449), 287, 290 f. ; censured by Pope Leo for "imperitia," 296; at Council of Chalcedon (451), 299; his priest Hesychius, 241 ; deserts Dioscorus, 301 ; monastic opposition to him at Jerusalem, 324, 326 f. ; intrusion of Theodosius as bishop, 326 f. ; restoration of Juvenal, 327; succeeded by Anastasius, 344, 353 Juvencus, poet (saec. iv.), 114

Kalaat-Semaan, 218

Karka, Kerka, 386, 389

Kerkuk, 381, 386

Khaiber, 397

Khaldis, 362

Khargeh, 267

Kharpout, 364

Khorassan, 377

Kings, Books of, 362

Kiud, Catholicos of Armenia (c. 465), 377 f.

Knitting, 408

Kokhe, 385

Kotchanes, 311

Kouban, 360

Koufa, 394

Kour, 361 f.

Kurds, 70, 337

Lactantius, L. Caecilius Firmianus

(saec. iv.), 113, 152 Laeta, wife of Toxotius, son of Paula, 132 ; mother of the younger Paula, 132 ; Jerome and, 133 Laetus, African bishop (c. 484), burnt

alive, 439 ^ Laity : influence m elections, 15, 18, 328 ; in ordination, 86, 141 f., 218, 344 ; in restoration of penitents, 15 ; "protector" of, 17; acclamation in elections, 18 ; attitude to monks, 22 ; excommunication of, 68, 278, 414 Lampetius, heretic (c. 460): ordained priest at Cacsarea, 212 ; deprived, 213; influence, 213; the "Lam- petians " or " Messalians," 213; his Testament, 213 Laodicea, 67 ; Council {saec. iv.), 10, 19, 387. See also Apollinaris, Helpidius Laon, 444

Lapses, 441. See Apostasy Laquedives, 399 Larissa, 125, 249. See Basil Lateran, 132, 137, 173 f., 292, 407, 452 f. Latin, 190, 297, 412 : official language even in Eastern Empire (saec. v.), 308, 330 ; yet dividing West from East, 460 ; papal letters in Latin and Greek, 308 ; letter of John of Antioch to the Emperor, 264 ; Latin text of Acts of Council of Ephesus (431), 250; prevalent in "diocese" of Dacia, 125 ; difficulties of papal legates, 461 ; Pelagian controversy as one between Latins, 153 in Africa: difficulty of Valerius of Hippo in, 86; Latin subjects in Africa, 436 f. ; culture almost abolished by Vandals, 432 ; pretended ignorance of Cyrila of Carthage, 439 ; curious names in Africa, 435, 441 ; Augustine and Jerome's version of Scriptures, 152 ; language of Orosius, 153 Deeply implanted in Gaul, 424; abolished in Britain except for clergy, 424 ; curious Latin of St Patrick, 428; Latin monasteries of Bethlehem, 155 ; Latin town in Scythia, i9of. ; language of Marius Mercator, 284 ; influence in theology, 224 ; " Latin Church," 347 Latins, 72, 74, 153, 155, 436 f., 461, 467 Latrocinium, 313. See Ephesus, Council

(449) Lauras, 324 L'auros, ad duas, 446 Laus perennis, 215

Lausiac history, 29 f., 51. See Palladius "Laws of the Countries," 379 Lazarus, Bp. of Aix (409-12) : accuser of Britius (c, 400), 117; compromised with Constantius III., 117 ; exiled in Palestine, 154 ; accuser of Pelagius, 154; relations with Orosius, 154, 156; letter to Africa, 156 f. ; letter sent to Pope Innocent, 157 ; hostility of Pope Zosimus to, 162, 164; Pelagius and, 163 Lazarus of Pharbe, historian (saec. v.),

368, 376, 378 Ledan, 382 Legacies, 419

Legates, papal, 72, 170, 175, 178 f., 243, 286 f., 289, 291 f., 295 ff., 298 f., 318, 321, 323, 335, 452, 461 Legends: of St Germanus in Britain, 189 ; of St Maris in Persia, 379, 385 ;

of St Thomas in India, 400, cf. 360 ; in apocryphal Acts, 404 ; evidence of legends for state of Britain, 430 ; in Procopius, 446 ; in story of Victricius of Rouen, 117; of St Thaddeus, 367 ; Armenian, 368 f. ; of death of Nestorius, 315 Leiva, 406 Leman, Lake, 161 Lemellef, 77 Lent, 100, 174, 216

Leo, St, Pope (440-61), 19S, 350: letter as archdeacon to Cassian on Nestorius, 196, 230 ; warns Xystus III. against Julian of Eclanum, 199 ; possible author of De Vocatione and Hypomnesticon, 200, 457 ; influence under Popes Celestine and Xystus, 467 ; archdeacon of Xystus, on mission in Gaul (440), 467 ; recalled to succeed Xystus, 467 Promotes trial of Manicheans in Rome (443 - 4), 405, 455 5 attitude to Pelagianism, 457 ; collection of errors of Eutyches, 278 ; used by Theodoret (447), 278 ; correspondence with Eutyches (448), 279, 282 ; invited to Council (449), 286 ; sends legates, 286 f. ; letters to Emperors, to Flavian of Constantinople (see Tome infra)_tetc., 286; attitude to Eutyches, 286 f., 302, 457 ; Leo's letters evaded by Dioscorus at the Council at Ephesus (449), 288, 300 ; Flavian's appeal after the Council, 290, 292 ; report of the legate Hilary, 292, 461 ; appeal of Theodoret, 292 ; his restoration, 300, 309; Leo annuls the Council, 292 f., 412, 461 ; his view of responsibility of Dioscorus and Juvenal, 296; the Latrocinium Ephesimtm, 313 ; Leo enlists support of Valentinian III., 293 ; reply of Theodosius II., 293, 412; Leo and consecrators of Anatolius of Constantinople, 294 f. ; sends legates there, 295, 311 ; view of consecration of Maximus of Antioch by Anatolius, 309 ; policy of Pulcheria, 296 ; Leo's view of proposed Council (451), 297 ; yields to government pressure, 318 ; Leo excommunicated by Dioscorus, 298, 304, 306, 331 ; his instructions to Paschasinus, 297 f. ; Council of Chalcedon and Tome of Leo, 302 ; Leo and Cyril, 302, 306 f., 317; Leo of Dioscorus ? 307 ; Leo or Cyril ? 307, 317 f. ; deposition of Dioscorus, 304, 331 ; Monophysite view of Leo, 310, 326, 331, 349, 351, 458; Nestorius and Leo, 311 f., 314, 393; Leo and Nestorius, 457 ; Leo's view of Juvenal's pretensions for Jerusalem

Leo, St, Pope—continued

at Ephesus (431), 319 ; Cyril's letter about them, 319; Leo's legates and the pretensions of Constantinople at Chalcedon, 321 ; Leo's views,

321 f., 333; modified approval of Council, 323 ; trouble and efforts for peace in Palestine, 326 f.; Leo and Empress Eudocia, 327 f. ; monastic opposition, 326, 329; Leo and Proterius of Alexandria, 329 f. ; appeal of Proterians to, 333 ; his complaints of Anatolius' toleration of Eutychians, 333 ; efforts to maintain his position, 334 ; new doctrinal letter, 335 ; rejected by Timothy Aelurus, 335 ; Leo and Timothy Aelurus, 336; and Timothy Salofaciol, 336 f. ; attitude of Peter Mongus to him, 350 f. ; relations with Thuribius of Astorga, 404 f. ; and Priscillianism, 405 ; the Latin Episcopate and the Tome, 412 ; Leo and Attila (452), 413, 467 ; and Genseric (455), 446, 467; founds monastery at Rome, 26; death of Leo, 468 ; character and ability, 284, 468 ; as seen by a civil official, 411; petits vers, 468

Leo on Pope Siricius and the delegation to Thessalonica, 126; on jurisdiction of Milan, 129 ; relations with Hilary of Aries (445), 409-12 ; Leo and Gallic jurisdictions, 410, 412 ; use of Roman text of Canon 6 of Nicaea at Chalcedon, 321 ; exercises discipline in Africa, 435

Theology : Leo's equipment, 284 ; his Christology as formulated in the Tome, 286, 306 ; and in the later doctrinal letter (Ep. 165), 335 ; in relation to that of Cyril vi., 302, 308 f., 317. 335 5 to passages quoted at Ephesus (431), 245 ; to that of Eutyches, 284 f., 286, 306 f. ; treated by Monophysites as Nestorian, 310

Tome of Leo: addressed to Flavian of Constantinople (449), 286; its doctrine, 286; in opposition to Eutychian and Alexandrian views, 286 ; not read at the Latrocinium

(449) , 288 ; importance attached to it by Leo, 297, 306, 330, 412 ; efforts to secure adhesions in Gaul, 412 ; addition of quotations of authorities

(450) , 302 ; read at Chalcedon (451), 302 ; accepted by the Council, 304,

322 ; hesitation of Egyptians, 305 ; treated as norm of doctrine, 306, 330, 461 ; welcomed by Nestorius, 312 ; opposition excited by it, 323 ; rejected by Timothy Aelurus, 330, 340, and by Peter Mongus, 330;

Leo, St, Pope—continued

charged with obscurity, 334; large number of abjurations, 345 ; evaded in the Henotikon, 349 ; violence of opposition in Egypt, 457; condemned (491) by bishops of Armenia, Iberia, and Albania, 391 Decretal Letters, 21 ; letter to Maximus of Antioch, 251 ; (Epp. 62-4), 293 ; Synodal Letter (451), (Ep. 97), 129 ; letter to Theodoret (453), 341 ; others, 126, 308, 313, 322, 329, 334 Sermons, 293, 456^,468; homily on Rome, 459 Leo, Armenian priest, martyr (454), 377 Leo, Emp. (457-74): created by Aspar, 331 ; husband of Verina, 337; crowned by Anatolius of Constantinople, 331 ; attitude to Council of Chalcedon, 331 f., 468; appeal of Proterians of Alexandria to, 333 ; orders punishment of the assassins, 333 ; tolerates Eutychians, 333 ; representations of Timothy Aelurus to,

333 f- ; the imperial questionnaire,

334f. ; sends P3>e Leo's new doctrinal letter to Timothy Aelurus,

335 ; enforces toleration of Chalcedon in Egypt, 468 ; gives his daughter Ariadne to Zeno the Isaurian, 337 ; proclaims their son Leo Augustus (473), 337; keeps Peter the Fuller in custody, 342 f. ; chooses Anthemius (467) as Emperor of the West, 448 ; sends unsuccessful expedition to Carthage, 432; murders Aspar (471), 337 ; dies (474), 337, 343

Leo, grandson of Emp. Leo: son of Zeno and Ariadne, 337 ; proclaimed Augustus (473), 337 5 crowns his father (c. 474), 337 Leo, minister of Euric the Goth (saec. v.) :

a Catholic, 418 Leontian Martyrs (454), 377 Leontius, Bp. of Ancyra (c. 397), 67, 69 Leontius, Bp. of Aries (c. 455-82), 421 f. Leontius, Bp. of Frejus (c. 419-32), 190 f. Leontius, Bp. of Salona (saec. iv.), deposed by Ambrose, restored by Damasus, 124, 130 Leontius, Gallic bishop (saec. v.), 191 Leontius, Emp. (c. 438), 351 f. Leontius, rhetor of Athens, father of

Athenais Eudocia, 275 Leontius (saec. vi.), possible author of Contra fraudes Apollinaristarum, 282 Lepers, 373

Leporius, monk of Treves (saec. v.), 230, 235

Ldrins: position of, 190; near Lero, 191 ; monasteries in, 24, 419; founded by Honoratus, 190, 407;

his successors, 420; relations with diocese of Frejus, 25, 190, 420. See also Vincent Lero, 191

Letters, papal, 21, 465. See Decretal Levites (deacon), 468 Libellatici, 441

Liberatus, deacon of Carthage (c. 564): his Breviarium, 260, 268, 317, 329, 348, 358 ; defends the Three Chapters, 317; on the mission of Aristolaus, 265 ; on death of Flavian, 294, and of Timothy Aelurus, 346 Liber Censuum, 465

Liberius, Pope (352-66), 85, 451 f. See

also Basilica Liber Pontificalis, 26, 38, 137, 159 f., 424, 456

Liber Regularum, n8, 130 Libia, 406

Libius Severus, Emp. (461-5), 415, 448, 468

Lilri Canonum, 21

Libya : deserts of, 72, 267 ; provinces of, 240; barbarians on frontier, 133; condition (saec. v.), 204 ; clergy of, 348 ; bishopric of Ptolemais in, 253 Libya Cyrenaica, heresy in, 203 Licinius, Emp. (308-24), 368, 395 Liguria, 129

Lilyboeum in Sicily, Goths at, 432. See

Paschasinus Limoges, 417

Lincoln, See of, 424. See Adelfius Lipari, iii Litany, 8

Literature in Britain, 430; in France, 430; in Ireland, 429 ; in Provence, 418 f.

Liturgist, Peter the Fuller as, 352 Liturgy, 16 ; time and frequency, 7 ; form of, 8 ; at shrines, 11 ; in relation to ancient sacrifices, 112; refusal of Jerome and Vincent to celebrate, 33 ; celebration of, as mark of reconciliation, 36 ; mention of names in, 208 (see Diptychs); custom of sitting during Gospel, 399; recitation of Creed of Nicaea in, 352 ; language of, in Armenia, 370, and in Persia, 381. See Mysteries Livania, 151, 188 Lodfcve, 408. See Maximus Logos, [228], 341. See Christology Logrono, 406

Loire: and Armorica, 109, 402; Attila at the, 413 ; Saxon pirates at mouth of, 414 Lombards, 182

London, 424, 426. See Restitutus Lots, casting of, 353

Lucania: bishops of, 21 ; Alaric in, 109, 136

Lucentius, Bp. of Ascoli in Picenum,

legate of Leo to Chalcedon, 297 Lucidus, priest of Riez (c. 473-4), 421 Lucifer, Bp. of Calaris (c. 354-71),

schism, 453 Lucilla, widow of Carthage (c. 311),

opponent of Csecilian, 84 Lucius, Anti-Pope of Alexandria (c. 367.78), 56, 305 Lucius, King (saec. ii.), story of, 424 Lucius Verus (saec. ii.), 385 Lucullus in Armenia (66 b.c.), 364;

mansion of, 449 Lugdunensis, Civitas, 415. See Lyons Lugdunensis Tertia, province of, 414, cf. 421

Lugo, 405. See Agrestius Luni, 130 Lupercalia, 451

Lupus, St, Bp. of Troyes (426-79): secular career, 418 ; in Britain, 188 f. ; conference with Attila, 413 Lusitania: Suevi in, 402 ; metropolis

Emerita, 404 f. See Antoninus Luxury, 53, 131, 155 Lycaonia, 337: Messalians in, 212 ;

province of, 334 Lycia, 61, 212 Lycus, 362, 374

Lydda, 41, 154. See Dionysius, Diospolis Lydia: Quarto-decimans in, 221, 250 Lyons : Burgundians at, 415, cf. 421 ; Sidonius Apollinaris at, 415 f., 420; dedication of Cathedral, 420 ; MS. of Cathedral, 100. See Eucherius

macar1us, Bp. of Magnesia ad Sitylum (c. 403): at Synod of the Oak, 62 ; his learning, 62 Macarius of Tkoou (saec. v.), 298 Macarius of Rome (saec. iv.), Rufinus

translates Origen for, 36 f. Macarius, Roman official in Africa (c.

347), enforces Donatist reunion, 92 f. Maccabees, 327, 378

Macedonia: "Diocese" of, 125, 334; province of Ulyricum, 106 ; Stilicho's designs on, 106; language, Greek, 125 Bishops of: Decretal Letter of Pope Innocent to, 21 ; holding jurisdiction from the Pope, 234 ; Nestorius and their theology, 234 ; John of Antioch on, 238 ; at Council of Ephesus (431), 242 ; led by Flavian of Philippi, 242 ; Emp. Leo and, 334 Macedonians, followers of Macedonius, Bp. of Constantinople (336-60): " Homoiousians," 122; in Armenia, 201 ; in province of the Hellespont, 221 ; Nestorius and, 221, 242 ; their end, 221. See Philotheus Macriana, 77. See Deuterius Macrobius (c. 400), 131

Madain, 386 Maestricht, 403

Magi: introduced by Persians in Armenia, 377; -revolt of Vahan the Magus, 378; organization in Persia, 379 f., 388 ; dislike of Christians, 382 ; instigate persecution, 382 f., 388 ; in Cappadocia, 388 ; Theodore of Mop- suestia on, 388 Magic: at Athens, 351; Persian Christians charged with, 383 Magister Militum, 106, 187, 299, 407, cf. 82

Magister Officiorum, 78, 94, 299 Magistriani, 345 Magnentius, Emp. (350-53), 76 Magnesia, Battle of (190 b.c.), 363 Magnesia ad Sipylum, 62. See Macarius Mahomet II. (1451-81), 104, 226 Mahoze, 386

Maiouma. See Peter of Iberia, John Maipherqat. See Marutas Majorian, Emp. (457-61): set up by Ricimer, 415, 448 ; panegyrized by Sidonius Apollinaris, 416 ; his career, 448 ; in the imperial tradition, 449 ; removed by Ricimer, 448, 468 ; his Novellae, 411 Majorinus, schismatic bishop of Carthage

(3H-I5). 83 Maketes, 205 Maktaba, 389

Malalas, Joannes, historian (saec. vii.),

343 Malatia, 365

Malchus, Byzantine historian (saec. vi.),

431, 437 Maldives, 399 Malpatus, Messalian, 213 Mamertus, Bp. of Vienne (463-75), 421.

See also Claudian Mamigouni, Vahan (c. 485): "the Magus," 378 ; leads successful rebellion in Armenia, 378, 391 Manavazakert, 372 Manazgerd, 377 Manchu, 384 Mandaites, 380 Manes, 456

Manicheans, Manicheism, 184 ; prosecuted under Diocletian, 454, 456 ; prevalence in Africa, 454; organization and doctrine, 193, 454 f.; elements in, 380; Augustine's experience of, 85, 186, 456 ; his controversy with, 121, 421, 454; activities, 212; case of Philip the priest, 233 ; of Maximus of Valence, 408 ; vigorous steps of Pope Leo against (443-4),405, 455f.; action of Emp. Valentinian, 456; persecution by Huneric in Africa, 437 f. See Clementianus, Faustus, Fortunatus

Manu&cnpts, 189; Bobbio, 122 writings of Faustus of Riez, 420 ; Toledo, 293 ; of Historia Miscellanea, 316; of Encyclia, 334; of Pelagian treatise, 147 ; of the Book of Heraclides, 311 ; " Martyrology," 384 ; of Gallican Councils, 408; of documents of Chalcedon, 308 ; of African conference (484), 444 ; Book of Armagh, 426

Maouvia, queen of the Saracens (saec. iv.), 395

Marcella, Roman matron (+410): her community on the Aventine, 26, 131 ; her ward, Principia, 131, 135 ; protests against Rufinus' translations of Origen, 37 ; representations to Pope Anastasius (c. 400), 38 ; relations with Jerome, 74, 136 ; ill- treatment by Goths, 135 ; death, 135 f. Marcella, Cubicularia of Pulcheria (saec. v.), 260

Marcellinus, Chronicles (saec. vi.): Chronicle, viii., 295, 421, 442 ; sources, 293 Marcellinus, governor of Dalmatia

(c. 456), 415 Marcellinus, tribune and notary (+413) : brother of Apringius, 99 ; sent by Honorius to Africa (410-1), 95 ; presides at Conference of Catholics and Donatists, 95 ff., 99 f., 150; in pious circles at Rome, 131, 146; works of Augustine addressed to, 146, 150; acquaintance with Pelagius, 146; suspected for Heraclian's revolt, 99; executed by Marinus (413), 100 Marcellus, St, Pope (307-9), Church

of, 173

Marcellus, St, Abbot of Akoimetai

(c. 449), 213 f. Marcellus, memorialis (c. 411), account

of Conference with Donatists, 100 Marcian, Bp. of Naissus (c. 409), 123 Marcian, monk of Bethlehem (saec. v.), 353 Marcian, Emp. (450-57): senator and soldier, married by Pulcheria, 295, 446; she invests him as Emperor, 295 ; his age, 295 ; attitude of Dioscorus of Alexandria to, 296; attitude to Council of Chalcedon

(45O, 298 f., 307 f., 33i; his

speeches in Latin and Greek, 308 ; refers claims of Jerusalem to the Council, 319; protest of Pope Leo to (as to Can. 28), 322; shows mercy to Nestorius, 314 f.; letter to monks of Palestine, 327, and to monks of Alexandria, 330; ratifies election of Avitus as Western Emperor (455), 447 ; mistakes of Agathangelus as to, 368 ; death (457), 328, 331 U 368

Marcian, banker (saec. vi.), 213 Marcianites: Messalians, 213 Marcianopolis. See Dorotheus Marcion, 114 Marcionites, 274

Marcus, Pope (336), Basilica of, 451

Mardin, 363

Marguerite, Ste., 191

Mari, Maris, a " Persian" of Beth-

Ardaschir (c. 433), 273, 309 Maria, daughter of Stilicho (saec. v.):

wife of Emp. Honorius, 107 Marina, daughter of Arcadius (403-49), 201, 236

Marinus, Count of Africa (413) : defeats and executes Heraclian, 99, and Apringius and Marcellinus, 100 Maris, St (f 82): evangelizer and first bishop of Persia, 385 ; value of the legend, 379, 38$ Maris. See Mari

Marius Mercator (saec. v.) ; his personal history, 231, 284; Cyrillian and anti-Pelagian, 284 ; violence, 284 ; lack of accuracy, 123 ; on Bonosus, 123 ; on Pelagius at Rome, 145, and in Palestine, 168 ; on Pelagius' Commentary on St Paul, 147 ; on treatment of Celestius by Atticus of Constantinople, 162; on the Tractoria of Zosimus, 181, 185 ; on Julian of Eclanum and Zosimus, 183; on Creed of Theodore, 185, 284; on sermons of Nestorius against Pelagianism, 231, and his counter- anathemas to Cyril, 239 ; the Com- monitorium 231 ; Liber subnota- tionum, 145, 183 ; other quotations,

151, 168

Mark, St, 304, 348 Mark, a Photinian (c. 401-17), 122 Mar-Mattai, monastery of, 381 Marolus, Bp. of Milan (c. 411), 128 Marriage, 182 : and penance, 6 ; married men as clergy, 114, 426, 468 ; as bishops, 182, 188, 204, 275, 4^IO> 447 ; a married virgin, 127 ; Narses on indissolubility of marriage, 373 ; Manichean view of, attributed to Augustine, 184, 186; Augustine's reply, 186 ; marriage of two sisters to one man, 107. See also Celibacy Marsa, widow of Promotus (c. 400), 54 Marsala, 297. See Lilybaeum Marseilles, Massilia : monasteries at, 24, 190, 194; bishopric of, in relation to province of Narbonnensis II», 130, 161 ; shrine of St Victor, 191 ; Cassian at (y.v.) ; Prosper and Hilary, 194, 196; Gennadius, 341 ; Salvian, 419 ; Euric master of (477), 422 f. Bishops : Proculus (c. 381-428 ?), q.v.; Venerius (c. 431-51), 196, 409

Martial, former Master of the Offices,

at Chalcedon, 299 Martin, Pope (649-53), 160 Martin, St, Bp. of Tours (372-97): a soldier, 117; monk-bishop, 112; reputation for asceticism, 18, 112, 413 ; gives impulse to monasticism in Gaul, 24, 116, 403 ; opposition of St Britius, 116; contrasted with Ausonius, 113 ; with Ambrose and Augustine, 113 ; attitude to Paulinus and Theresa, 115 f. ; friend of Victricius of Rouen, 117 f., 425 ; Sulpicius Severus and, 116 ff. ; church of St Martin at Withorn, 427 Martyrium, 307

Martyrius, Bp. of Antioch (460-70), 342 Martyrius, Bp. of Jerusalem (c. 478-86), 353

Martyrologies, 266, 384 Martyropolis, 386

Martyrs, 301; anniversaries of, 8, Il4f. ; relics, 11 ; in Africa, 436 ff. ; Donatist " sons of the Martyrs," 91; Armenian, 368, 377; in Britain, 424 f.; in Egypt (Cyril and the assailant of the Prefect Orestes), 210 ; in Media, 389 ; in Persia, 383 ff., 387 ff.; in Rome, 453 Marutas, Bp. of Maipherqat (c. 400) : not the author of the martyrology, 384 ; influence at Persian Court, 386 f. ; secures holding of Council of Seleucia (410), 386 f. See Maruthas Maruthas, Syriac-speaking Mesopotamian bishop: /at Synod of the Oak (403), 62

Mary, Virgin, 246: "children" of, 123;

Mary Church " at Ephesus, 244 ff. ; meaning of its title, 244, 452 ; dedication of Liberian Basilica at Rome, 452. See also Christology, Theotokos Marzban, 376 ff.

Mascezel, brother of Gildo, lands in

Africa (398), 85 Massaoua, 396

Massilia, 130, 341. See Marseilles Matthew, St: in Ethiopia, 397 ; Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum, 122 ; monastery of Mar-Mattai, 381 Matthias, St: in the Caucasus, 360 Maurice, St (saec. iii.), 215 Mauritania: Decretal Letter of Pope Celestine to bishops of, 21 ; disciplinary action of Pope Leo in, 435 ; Donatist practice as to admission of "traditores " in, 77 ; Rogatists in, 80, 83 ; revolt against Count Romanus (372), 80; fear of Optatus in, 83 ; Vandals in provinces of (429), 194 f., 431 f. ; provinces restored to the Empire (442), 432,435. Caesarea, Tipasa

Mauritania Caesariensis, 435, 442 Mauritania Sitifensis, relics in, ii Mauritania Tingitana, 165 Mausoleum, 131, 307 Maxima Ccesariensis, 423 Maximian, Bp. of Constantinople (43134): consecrated successor to Nestorius, 254 f.; character, 254 ; approval of Pope Celestine, 257; relations with Nestorians, 258 ; supports Cyril, 260; notified of the reconciliation, 264 ; death, 266 Maximian, Donatist bishop of Carthage

(>• 393), 83 f. ; schism, 84, 89 f. Maximin, Arian bishop: in controversy with Ambrose (383), 121 ; lands in Africa with Count Sigisvult (427), 121, 194; in controversy with Augustine, 121 f.; condemned in Sicily, 122; advises Genseric to persecute (440), 122 ; possibly not the same, 121 ; character and ability, 121 ; writings, 122, 124 Maximin Daia, Emp. (307-14), 366, 370 Maximus, Bp. of Antioch (451-6?): replaces Domnus, 294, 308; his former career, 269, 294 (see Maximus, monk and deacon, infra); selected and consecrated by Anatolius of Constantinople, 308 f. ; attitude of Pope Leo to, 309; changed attitude to Tome of Leo, 296 ; letter of Leo to, 251 ; at Council of Chalcedon, 299 ; replaced (455-6), 341 Maximus, Bp. of Constantinople (c. 38081): supported by Peter of Alexandria, 58

Maximus, Bp. of Demetrias (c. 422), ordination annulled by Pope Boniface, 250

Maximus, Bp. of Lodfeve (c. 422), accused

of Manicheism, 408 Maximus, Bishop of Riez (433-51 ?), abbot

of L^rins (426-33), 420 Maximus, Bp. of Salona (saec. iv.), 124 Maximus, first bishop of Turin (c. 390), 128

Maximus, monk and deacon of Antioch (saec. v.) : hostility to Theodore of Mopsuestia, 269, 277 » and Diodore of Tarsus, 266; application to Cyril of Alexandria, 260, 269; friend and possible inspirer of Eutyches, 277 ; source of trouble to John of Antioch, 294 ; probably succeeded Domnus as bishop, 294 (see Maximus, Bp. of Antioch, supra) Maximus usurping Emperor (c. 383), 107 Maximus: proclaimed Emperor by

Gerontius (c. 409), 109 Maximus, physician of Thenae (saec. v.) : Eunomian converted by Augustine, 121

Maxula, 434 Mayence, 106

Mazdaeans : Persian, conversions among, 387 ; opposition of Mazdaean clergy, 394; fanaticism of Jazdgerd II., 376 f., 389

Mazdaeism : in Persia, 376, 379; system of, 379 f. ; upheld by Sassanids, 364, 369; persecution of Persian Christians in interests of, 382 f. ; propagation in Armenia, 364, 376 f., 390 ; opposition of Narses to, 372 Maziques, 310 Meched Ali, 394 Medes, 363

Media, 363 ; Christians of, 379, 389 Media Atropatena, 364 Medina, 397

Mediterranean, 161, 396, 432 Melania the elder (c. 350-410): leaves home on Caelian Hill at Rome (372), 132 ; her son Publicola, 132, 133 f. ; paganism in her family, 133, 451 ; settles at Jerusalem, 132 ; community on Mount of Olives, 30, 133 ; care for Evagrius, 29 ; friend of Palladius, 29 f., and Rufinus, 29, 43, her director, 134; interest in Origen, 29 f.; relations with John of Jerusalem, 31, 44 ; varying relations with Jerome, 46, 207 ; her grandchildren, 133, 207 ; determines to revisit Rome, 133 ; lands at Naples (402), 133 ; visit to Paulinus, 127, 133; meets Nicetas of Remesiana, 127; conversion of Apronianus and Avita, 134 ; visit to Africa, 134 ; death in Palestine (405), I33» 134 ; attitude of her friends to Pelagius, 150; an example of asceticism, 112 Melania the younger (c. 383-4371): daughter of Publicola and Albina, 132, 207; her uncle Volusianus, 451 ; home on the Caelian Hill, 134, 168, 207 ; marriage to Pinianus, 133 ; loss of her children, 133 ; determination to renounce the world. 133 f. ; opposition of Publicola, 134 ; hospitality to exiled Johannite bishops (405), 74, 135 ; friend of Rufinus, 135 ; at death-bed of Rufinus (410), 136; journey to Africa, 141; at Carthage and Thagaste, 141 ; at Hippo, 141 f.; relations with Augustine, 141 f.; arrival at Jerusalem, 142 ; founds monasteries on Mount of Olives, 325 ; friendship with Pelagius, 168 ; instruction by Augustine on Pelagian teaching, 168; at death-bed of Jerome (420), 207 ; her death (439), 325 ; succeeded by her almoner Gerontius, 325, 353 ; " Life " by Gerontius, 133:

Meietius, Bp. of Antioch (361-81), 237 Melidas, Catholicos of Armenia (c. 454), 111

Melitene, metropolis of Armenia II*, 365 f.

See Acacius Melkite, meaning of, 337 Membressa, 84. See Salvius Memnon, Bp. of Ephesus (c. 431): Cyrillian, 242 ; at Council of Ephesus (431), 244; treatment of Nestorius, 242, and of the Easterns, 247; deposed by John of Antioch and the Easterns, 247 f., 249 ; disregards deposition, 247, 251 ; placed under arrest, 251, 255 ; imperial decision, 255

Memor, Bp. (c. 408-9) : father of Julian of Eel ianum, 182 ; friend of Augustine, 182 ; possibly Bp. of Eclanum, 182

Memorialise IOO

Memory, influence on tradition, 426 Menas, St, 214 Mende, 417 Mendicity, 373

Merobaudes, general and consular (saecc.

iv., v.), 105 Meropus of Tyre, explorer (saec. iv.), 397 Merouzanes, Armenian bishop (saec. iii.), 366

Merulana, Domus, 458 Merv, oasis of, 378, 381 Mesene, 386

Mesopotamia: Romans in (saec. iii.), 364 ; province of, 365 ;. relations with Persia (saec. v.), 386 ; Bedouins of, 217 ; monks in deserts of, 23 ; Syriac speaking bishop from, at Synod of the Oak, 62 ; exile of Johannites from, 72 ; monks from Mesopotamian Syria at the Latro- cinium (449), 287 ; monks in district of Amida, 340 f. See also Adelphius, Maruthas

Mesrob, monk and teacher (354-441) : secures translation of Greek and Syriac books into Armenian, 268, 376

Messalians: activities of, 212 f., 214 f.; Lampetians, 2 i 2 f. ; Marcianites, 213 ; " rule " of Alexander, 213, 215 ; absorbed in Paulicians (saec. vii.), 213. See Adelphius Messina, 109, 135 f. Methone, 190

Metrodorus, philosopher and explorer

(saec. iv.), 397 Metropolitan, 125, 130, 240, 406, 412, 465 Metz, 413 Metzketh, 361 Meuse, 105 Micah, Tomb of, 10 Michael, Archangel, cult of, 10

Michael the Syrian, Patriarch of Antioch

(1166-99), 334 f. Mihr, temple of, 369

Milan : residence of the Emperor (saec. iv.), 20, 49 ; loss of prestige on transfer of capital to Ravenna (c. 404), 129; capture by Attila (452), 413

Stilicho at, 49 ; Augustine at, 85, 121 ; Paulinus of Nolaat, 115 ; PhilastriuS at, 128 ; Hilary and Auxentius, 128 Church of: in relation to Upper Italy, I9f., 127,129 ; importance as Imperial See, 20, 43, 129 ; extent of its jurisdiction (saec. iv.), 128, (saec. v.), 129, 412 ; African property of, 148 ; metropolitan of Milan consecrated by metropolitan of Aquileia and vice versa, 463 ; Arians at, 121 ; Council (450,4" Relations with Africa, 20, 89; with Antioch, 254 ; with Aquileia, 20, 129, 463 ; with Constantinople and Easterns, 71 f., 129; with Danube Provinces, 20 ; with Gaul, 20 ; with Rome, 43, 72, 412 ; with Spain, 20 Bishops : Auxentius (c. 364), 128, 440 ; Ambrose (374-97), y.f. ; Simplicianus (£' 397-400), I Venerius (401-11), q.v. ; Marolus (c. 411), 128 Miles, Bp. of Susa (saec. iv.), 385 Miletus, 221

Milevis, Mileu, Milevum, 79; Council

(416?), 157. See Optatus Miltiades, Pope (310-14), 84 Minervius, monk (saec. v.), 191 Mines, 267 Mirabella, 182

Miracles: in life of St Martin, 112; at tomb of Ammonius, 66; attributed to Epiphanius, 31 ; in Africa, 442 ; of the Arian Theophilus at Antioch, 398 ; in Armenia, 367 f.; at Bari, 299; celebrated at Constantinople, 442; at Ephesus, 299; in Iberia, 361 ; at Naples, 299 ; in Palestine, 395 f.

Mirian, King of Georgia (saec. iv.), 361 Misael, chamberlain (saec. vi.), 354 Misenus, Bp. (c. 483) : envoy of Pope

Felix III., 355 Missions : in Po valley, 128 ; in the Alps, 129; in Armenia, 367 f., 370 f. ; among Arabs and Indians, 394-400; to Britain from Gaul, 424; in the Caucasus, 360 f. ; in Gaul, 117; in Ireland, 189, 425-9; in Media, 389 ; in Persia, 379, 385 ; of Messalians on the Euphrates, 213 ; in the Far East, 400 ; Jewish, in Adiabene, 380; in Phoenicia, 70; among the Goths, 54, 70 ; in Dacia, 127 Mithradates (135-69 B.C.), 363

Mitylene, 316. See Zacharias Moab, 136

Mobed, 379, 381, 388 Mobedan-mobed, 380 f. Modus, St, 66 Modalism, 27, 341 Moden, 190

Mcesia : Goths in, 120, 334; province of

Mcesia Superior, 125, 127, 334 Monasticism, monks : ideal of, 5 f., 22, 102 f.; admiration of Theodoret for, 274; the laus perennis, 214 f. ; criticisms, 22, 116 f., 119; as viewed by the State, 3, 327, 350 ; popularity in the East, 216 ; development in East and West, 23 ff. ; differences, 24 f. ; not favoured at Rome, 26, 159 ; monks excluded from clergy there, 26, 159; Pope Zosimus on usurpation of, 125 ; Fabiola and relief of, 132 ; maintenance of a monk, 340; Isidore's means, 41 ; slaves as, 24; dress, 22 f., 395, 409

Organisation, 23, 25 ; Cassian's Institutes, 191 ; efforts of Chrysostom to enforce discipline, 52 ; Pope Zosimus and (418), 125 ; John of Jerusalem and, 34, 155 f. ; St Euthymius and, 324; regulations of Council of Chalcedon (451), 24 f. ; of Council of Aries (455), 25 ; of imperial government (471), 342 f.

Monks as bishops : in Gaul, 112, igif., 407 f., 409; at Antioch, 207, 294, 342 ; at Constantinople, 220, 229 ; at Tarsus, 258

Books in monastic cells, 41 ; monastic writings, 29, 47, 113 f., 191, 205 f., 270, 277; career of Evagrius, 28 f., and of Palladius, 29 f.

Relations of monks and bishops, 35 : (in Egypt), Theophilus and, 38-42, 57, 60, 66, 118, 156 ; Cyril and, 232, 236, 240, 266 ; Dioscorus and, 324 ; Peter Mongus and, 350 f. (At Constantinople) opposition to Chrysostom, 54 f., 63, 216; to Nestorius, 216, 228 f., 234, 239 f. ; to Flavian, 216, 289, and Anatolius, 216. (In Gaul), 25, 409, 420. (In Armenia), fostered by Narses, 373. (In Palestine), John of Jerusalem and Bethlehem, 34 f., 155 f.; opposition to Juvenal, 326 f.; and his successors, 353- (In Syria), 328, 340.

Influence and importance : papal letters to, 286, 292 ; imperial letters to, 326 f.; letter of Cyril to, 236 ; influence of the Tall Brothers, 39, 66 ; monastic influence at Court of Theodosius II., 252, 260, 276 f., 280; influence of Eutyches, 227, 260, 277, 280; Bar-

Monasticism—continued

sumas summoned to the Latrocinium (449), 285 ; the Council sides with monks against Flavian, 289 ; heads of monasteries at Chalcedon (451), 305 ; signature of archimandrites to condemnation of Eutyches, 283 ; Simeon Stylites and others consulted by government (458), 218, 335 ; " Henotikon " addressed to monks, 348 ; power of Peter the Fuller, 342 Theological interests: reasons for popularity of Origen in Egypt and Palestine, 28 ff. ; Origen disliked by Pacomians, 30 ; anthropomorphism, 32, 38, 40; Apollinarian views in Armenia, 269, 390; Messalians at Constantinople, 2i4f. ; monastic opposition at Chalcedon, 24, 216, 305 f. ; support for Chalcedon in monastery of Dius, 328, 358; detestation of it in Palestine, 325-28 ; Monophysitism among Meso- potamian monks, 340 f. ; theological limitations, 287 ; attraction of Monophysitism, 341 ; controversies in grace and predestination in Africa and Gaul, 193 f. ; Pelagianism (y.r.) Monastic intolerance, v., vi., 210, 292 ; stirred against paganism, 23, 216 ; against "heresy," 23 f., 35, 38, 240, 270, 277, 279 ; attitude of Nitrian monks to Simeon Stylites, 217 Restlessness and turbulence: life in deserts, 22 f., 41, 47, 213 (see also Nitria) ; wanderings of monks, 23, 52, 210, 270, 297, 324, 342 f., 350; violence, 25 f., 210, 287, 293, 326 f., 468 ; disturbances at Alexandria, 38, 210, 350 f., cf. 468 ; at Constantinople, 270, 328, 358 f.; at Chalcedon (451), 24, 216, 305 f. ; in Palestine, 155, 326 f., 353, cf. 468 ; at Antioch, 342 f.

Monasteries : in Adiabene (Mar-Mattai), 381. In Africa, 141 (Hadrumetum), 193. In Armenia, 269, 376. In Britain, 424. At Constantinople (including Chalcedon) of Acoemeti, q.v.; of Dius, 215, 328, 358; of Isaac, 54, 215, 252 ; of St Bassa at Chalcedon, 342 ; oiRufiniance, 214 f., 254. In Egypt, at Canopus, 339, 346 f. ; in the Delta, 191 ; in Nitrian desert, the cells, 29, 191 (see also Nitria); Sinai, 326 ; (St Catherine, 395) \ Pelusium, 205. In Gaul, 24 f., 418; Lerins and islands, 24, 190, 407/., 419 f.; Marseilles, 24, 190 f., 194 ; St Maurice, 215 ; Treves, 230 ; in the Jura, 24. In Ireland, 427, 429 f. In Palestine and Syria, 30f., 274, 324, 326; Ad Vetus, 31, 33;

Bethlehem, q.v.; on Mount of Olives, 30, 133 *m 324 f- ; at the Tower of David, 325 ; near Maiouma, 326 ; at Parembolae, 395 f. ; of St Euthy- mius, 294, 324 ; of Passarion, 324 ; at Antioch (Euprepius), 220, 267 ; at Apamea, 294 ; in Mesopotamian Syria, 287 ; at Tekoa, 325, 353. In Persia, 383. At Rome, 26. In Spain, 312, (Galicia) 113. In Thrace, at Halmyrissos, 215 Mondonedo, 423 Money, right of coining, 450 Monobazus, brother of Izates of Adiabene

(saec. i.), 380 Monophysites, Monophysitism, Chap, xii. passim. Relations with Apollinarianism, 222, 228, 266, 277 ; orthodox beginning, 224. Party intrigues, 280 ; attitude to Chalcedon and to Pope Leo, 310, and Nestorius, 315. Forged treatises, 228. Doctrinal policy of the party, 305, 310. Defence of Bp. Theodosius in Palestine, 327. Eusebius of Pelusium, 206, 332. Peter of Iberia, 390. Affairs in Egypt, 331 f. Tendencies in Armenia, 391. Divisions at Edessa, 391 f. Propaganda in Persia, 393 ; violence, 341. At Antioch, 343. See also Severus Monotheism, 225 Moors, 80, 195, 438

Mopsuestia, 353 ; Julian of Eclanum at, 185 f., 2ii, 229; theology of, 269. See Theodore Morality, Christian, 18, 22, 146, 371.

See Ethics Morini, 117 Moses, patriarch, 206 Moses, Catholicos of Armenia (c. 457), 377 Moses of Chorene, date of, 367 Moses, the solitary, Bp. of the Saracens

(f. 375). 395 Mosul, 381, 394

Mother of Christ, of God, of Man. See

Christology Mouch, 372 M our ad-Sou, 372

Muirchu Maccu-Machteni (saec. vii.), 425 Muritta, deacon of Carthage (saec. v.), 442

Musaeus, Bp. (c. 430), 238 Muses of Helicon, 69 Musonius, primate of Byzacena (c. 397), 87

Mutilation, 39, 111, 442 Mysteries, Holy : in open country, 68 Mysticism, 183, 277, 341

Naaman, 394

Nabarnougi. See Peter of Iberia Nablus, 327

Naharmalka, 385

Naissus, 123, 127. See Bonosus, Marcian Namma, son of Nubel the Moor (saec.

iv.), 80 Nanea, goddess, 369 Nanterre, 217. See Genevieve Naples, Melania at (402), 133 ; Capreolus at, 433 ; mansion of Lucullu^ near, 449 ; marvel at, 299 Narbonensis : provinces N. Prima and N. Secunda, 407, 410. Position of bps. of N. II* in relation to Marseilles, 130, 161 ; interference by Pope Zosimus, 161. Jurisdiction of Patroclus of Aries, 161, 407. Alteration under Honoratus and Hilary, 407. Strictures of Pope Celestine, 21, 196, 409. Attitude of Pope Leo, 410 Narbonne: Decretal Letters to bishop, 21 ; province of (see Narbonensis) ; coveted by Goths, 402 ; protected by Aetius, 403 ; captured by treachery (462), 415 ; Athaulf established at, 110 f. ; Lodfeve dependent on, 408 f. See Hilary, Rusticus Narses, Catholicos of Armenia (c. 363 ?) : grandson of Jousik and great- grandson of Gregory the Illuminator,

371 f. ; brought up at Caesarea, 372 ; consecration by Basil, 372 ; story of the dove, 372 ; reforms and charities,

372 f. ; assassinated by King Pap, 371, 373 J his son Sahag, 371, 375

Natale, 19, 459, 462. See Anniversary Nathyr, Bp. of Pharan (saec. v.), 395 Nationality in Church organization, 370, 396

Nativity, Grotto of the, 11, 33 Nature. See Christology Navy: of Stilicho, 85 ; of Genseric, 432, 435) 446 f. ; Corsican timber for Huneric's, 441 ; Ricimer's, 447 Nazianzus, 224, 227. See Gregory Nebuchadnezzar, 434 Nectarius, Bp. of Avignon (c. 439-51), 411 Nectarius, Bp. of Constantinople (381-98) : successor of Gregory Nazianzen, 28 ; Evagrius and, 28 ; his brother Arsacius, 69; death, 51 ; character, 52 Nedjed, 396 Nedjef, 394 Nehardea, 380 Nennius, 189

Neo-caesarea: Council (315), 19 ; canons, 387

Neophytes, 5, 68, 427 f., 443 Neoplatonism : Victorinus and, 85 ;

theurgic, 351 Neoplatonists : Augustine and, 85 ; Hypatia, 203, 210; Porphyry, 43, 278; Synesius, 203 f.

Nephalius, monk of Alexandria (saec. v.), 351

Nepotianus (f 396), correspondent of

Jerome, 132 Nervii, 117

Nestorian, Nestorians : after the Council of Ephesus (431), 258, 266 f. ; " Simonians," 267; in the East, 285, 391 ; in Persia, 313 as term of abuse, viii., 307 ; Dioscorus and " Nestorianizers" at Latrocinium, 288 ; " Nestorians " support legates at Chalcedon, 308 ; Chalcedonians viewed as " Nestorians " by Monophysites, 310, 324, 341 f.; Theodoret and the Easterns at Chalcedon as "Nestorians," 313

Nestorianism: influence of Diodore and Theodore on Nestorius, 268 ; Theodoret as " Master" of Nestorius, 300 ; teaching compared with that of Paul of Samosata, 228 ff., 235, 284. Nestorius on Theotokos, 227 f., 238, 253 ; his theological statements, 245, 268, 309, 352. What was Nestorianism really? 235, 312f. Nestorius' own view of it, 311 f. ; his view of the Tome of Leo, 312 f., 314; Dioscorus and Tome of Leo, 298, 331 ; Greek view of the Tome, 317, 324

Letter of Archdeacon Leo to Cassian, 196, 230 ; Cassian de Incarnatione, 228, 230 ; the Praedestinatus on, 198 ; letter of Eutyches to Pope Leo against, 279 ; Pope Leo on, 457 in the creed of Rufinus " of Palestine," 146; in creed of Philadelphia, 250; Nestorianism or teaching of Diodore and Theodore in the East ? 390; attitude of School of the Persians, 390 f. ; position in Persia, 393 ; in Armenia, 268, 391; decline at Antioch, 343 f. ; condemned in the Henotikon, 348 f.

Nestorius, Bp. of Constantinople (428-31) Chap. x. passim: priest and monk of Antioch, 220; character and eloquence, 220, 231, 258,>267 ; elected successor to Sisinnius, 220; vigour against heretics, 220 f., 242, 250; upholds preaching of Anastasius, 228 ; his own sermons and homilies, 220, 228 f., 232, 234 f., 238, '245, 268 ; attacked by Eusebius the pleader, 228, 280 ; and by Cassian, 198, 228, 230, 235 ; opposition of monks, 24, 216, 228 f.; unwise treatment, 229, 239; patronizes Pelagian bishops at Constantinople, 229 ; letters to Pope Celestine about them, 229; accuses opponents of Apollinarianism and Arianism, 229; attitude of Pope

N es toriu s—continued

Celestine to his teaching, 230, 233 f. ; Nestorius and Cyril as theologians, 231 f. ; Cyril's letter to Nitrian monks, 232 ; and to him, 232, 302; his reply, 233 ; the case of Philip, 233 Cyril's "Dogmatic Letter" to Nestorius, 233, 245, 295, 302 his reply, 233) 245 ; Cyril's opinion of him,

233f. Teaching of Dorotheus, 234, 237. Cyril " against the blasphemies of Nestorius," 234. Teaching of Nestorius condemned at Rome (430),

234f., 243. His opinion of Pope Celestine, 235

The Court and Nestorius, 236, 276. Project of a Council, 236. Cyril cites Nestorius, 237; the proposals for Anathema, 237. Attitude of John of Antioch, 237 f., cf. 314; letter to Nestorius, 212, 238. Attitude of Acacius of Bercea, 237 f. Nestorius' reply to John, 238. His counter- anathemas, 239 Nestorius at Ephesus (431), 240; his supporters, 240, 244 ; Count Irenaeus, 240, 275, 296. Schnoudi and Nestorius, 240, 3iof., 315* Treatment by Cyril and Memnon of Ephesus, 242. Cyril summons Nestorius, 244 ; protests made against opening of Council, 244; Nestorius cited and deposed, 245 f., 339; sentence confirmed by papal legates on arrival, 248 ; attitude of Nestorius, 248 ; sentence accepted by the government, 251, 255 ; imperial efforts at conciliation, 251 f. The Easterns and Nestorius, 249, 251 ; attitude of Dalmatius and monks of Constantinople, 252 f.; and of monks of Chalcedon, 254; resignation of Nestorius, 253, 255 Nestorius sent to Antioch, 253 ; objection of Pope Celestine (432), 257, 267. Consecration of Maximian as successor, 254 ; approval of Celestine, 257, 461. Further imperial efforts, 259 f. ; attitude of Acacius of Beroea, 260, and of Theodoret and Andrew of Samosata, 261. Nestorius demands restoration, 263, 267. Deposition recognized by Easterns, 263, 276; feeling in Cilicia and Euphratesiana, 265 f. His removal asked for by Bp. John (c. 435), 267 Nestorius in exile, 267, 272, 276; at Petra in Idumaea, 267, and Oasis of Ibis, 267, 310, 343. His writings and followers proscribed, 267. Position of his friends after Formula of Union (433), 272 f., 276 ; renewal of proscription of writings and sup-

Nestorius— continued

porters (448), 278 ; his condemnation renewed at Chalcedon (451), 316. Nestorius and Dioscorus, 296, 311, and Tome of Leo, 312 f., 314. Treated as a heretic by Egyptians at Chalcedon, 304, and by Eutychian monks of Constantinople, 306; anathematized by Ibas of Edessa, 309; ambiguous attitude of Theodoret, 300, 309. Nestorius captured by Nobades, 310 Nestorius at Panopolis, 310; at Elephantine, 311 ; at Panopolis again and desert, 311 ; his Apology, 311 f. ; moved to fortress at Panopolis, 314 ; illness and death (454), 314 f.; Monophysite story of his death, 315 Nicaea: confinement of Chrysostom at, 69 ; position in relation to Constantinople, 320 ; project for Council at (451), 297 f. Council (325): imposes Homoousios, 313 ; treatment of vanquished party, 308 ; general acceptance by time of Theodosius I., 56; Rufinus edits Origen to fit it, 37 ; belauded by Martyrius of Jerusalem, 353 ; its effect on organization, 18, 22, 179, 318, 386, 465. Roman text of canons, i7off., 175, 179, 321, 323. See Canons, Creeds Alexander of Thessalonica at, 126; Aristaces of Armenia, 371 ; Bp. of Pityus, 360 f.; Bp. of Bosphorus, 361; Caecilian of Carthage, 172 ; Persian bishop at, 381 Nicander the Stylite (saec. v. ?), 217 Nicephorus Callistus, historian (saec. xiv.), 358

Nicetas, Bp. of Aquileia (c. 458), 21 Nicetas, Bp. of Remesiana (c. 398), 127 Nicomachus Flavianus, Vicarius (c. 392), 81

Nicomedia: as seat of government, 56; proposed meeting of John of Antioch and Cyril at, 259, 265 ; threat of exile to, 265 ; position relative to Constantinople, 320. See Eusebius, Himerius Nicomedia, Gulf of, 64 Nicopolis, 125. See Atticus, Theodotus Nicopsis, 360 f. Niebelungs, 402 Nile, 240, 310

Nilus the Sinaite (saec. iv.), his history and writings, 205 f., 217; objection to idle monks, 214 ; admiration of Chrysostom, 206 Nimes, 407, 417. See Crocus Nina, Christian captive in Iberia 361

Nineveh, 213, 362, 380 f. See Isaac

Ninian, St (c. 360-432 ?), 427 Nisch, 123, 127 Nischapour, 377

Nisibis: Roman stronghold (sate, iii.), 364; school of Persians at, 273; siege of Nisibis, 382 ; lost to Romans (363)) 273,365, 381; missionaries to Armenia from, 370; province, 381, 386 ; again added to Empire, 386. See Barsumas, James Nitria, 155 : deserts of, 38, 41, 191, 232 ; the cells, 29 ; valley in diocese of Bp. Dioscorus, 40; visit of Theophilus of Alexandria, 40 f. Monks of: not all Origenists, 30; anthropomorphism in, 38, 40 ; Theophilus suppresses Origenists, 40, $7» 210; consequent migrations to Palestine, 41 ; and to Constantinople, 42, 55, 58, 60; some return, 42; letters of Theophilus, 41 ; supporters of Cyril, 210; his letter against Nestorius, 232 ; Evagrius among,

28f. ; Palladius and Lausiac History,

29 ; Isidore, 38 f. ; his means, 41 ; Tall Brothers, 39ff.; Cassian, 191 ; books of monks, 41 ; writings, 29

Nobades, 310, 400 Nocera, 21. See Felix Noetus, heretic (c. 200), 341 Nola, 118 ; tomb of St Felix (saec. iii.), 114 ff.; Nicetas of Remesiana at (398, 402), 127 ; Melania the elder at (402), 133 ; Pinianus and Melania the younger at (408), 135; Pela^ian- ism at, 164, 168, 183. See Paulinus, Theresa Nomads, 78, 3948". Nonnus, Bp. of Edessa (449-51), 392 Noricum, 120, 124 Nor-khalakh, 364 Northampton, 426

Notaries, 17, 65, 96, 259, 268, 287, 290 Novapi, 128. See Gaudentius Novatians : system, 7, 453 ; persecution by Nestorius, 221, 250; at Rome, 453 f. ; at Constantinople, 202, 453 Novatus, African bishop, exiled (437), 433 Novellae, 411, 456 Nubel the Moor (+372), 80, 82 Numidia: Urbanists in, 80; Donatist supremacy, 81, 91 ; terror inspired by Optatus of Thamugad, 83 ; Circumcellions, q.v.; survival of Donatism to Arab invasion, 103 ; Vandals in (430), 195 ; acquisitions of Genseric (442), 432 ; restoration of Western Numidia to Empire, 435. See also Optatus of Thamugad Provincial organization: presiding bishop (decanus), 177, cf. 463 f.; Council and Donatists, 101 ; and Pelagians, 157; represented at Council

Numidia -continued

of Carthage (418) by Augustine of Hippo and Alypius of Thagaste, 166. See Councils, Optatus of Milevis Nymphios, 365

Nyssa, 212, 224. See Gregory, Heraclidas

Oak, The. See Councils

Oasis: Great, 267, 352. See also Ibis,

Merv, Pharan Oaths, 441

Obadian, Arab chief (saec. iv.), 395 Oceanus, priest, (yf. c. 383-411), friend of Rufinus, 37 ; Anti-Origenist, 37, 42 ; friend of Jerome, 42 ff., 131 f. ; his letter to, 44 ; the suppressed letter, 42 Octogonium, 338 Odenath of Palmyra (c. 261), 364 Odissus, great-grandfather of St Patrick, 426

Odoacer, German leader, 448: enters Pavia (476), and Ravenna, 449; treatment of Romulus Augustulus, 449; Sidonius' view of, 418; his government, 448, 450, 467 ; slain and replaced by Theodoric the Amal (493), 45o

Offices: at shrines,. 11; monks an<2, 26^ 58 ; Hours, 5, 7, 114 5 Vigils, 7, H9) 127 ; Arian Vigils at Constantinople, 53 Oil, 11

Olives, Mount of: monasteries of, 30, 34

[44, 133, 207], 324"f. Olybrius, Emp. (472): member of the Anician family, 446, 449 ; husband of Placidia, daughter of Valentinian III., 446, 449 ; advent and fall, 449 Olybrius, son of Anicius Probus (+410) : husband of Juliana, 140 ; death, 140 Olympias, matron at Constantinople, 58, cf. 69

Olympias, deaconess at Constantinople

(c. 368-408+), 69, cf. 58 Olympic games : at Daphne, 70; projected renewal at Chalcedon, 216 Olympiodorus, historian (saec. v.), 121,136 Olympius, Master of the Offices (c. 408), friend of Augustine, 94 ; replaced, 94 Olympus, 9

Optatus, Bp. of Biskra (c. 418), 168 Optatus, Bp. of Milevis (saec. iv.), 81 ;

on the Donatists, 76 f., 79 Optatus, Donatist, Bp. of Thamugad (saec. v.): Gildonian, 82, 88 ; brutality, 82 f. ; his Circumcellions, 84 ; arrest and death, 85 Orange, Council of (441), 408 Orders, Ordination, 325 ; problems as to, submitted to Rome, 20, 127 ; monks excluded from, at Rome, 26 ; irregular, 123 ; purchase of, 55 ; qualification for, 89 ; outside diocese, 33, 59 ; mutilation to escape, 39; Donatist

view of Catholic, 77> legislation against heretical, 92 ; validity of heretical, 123 f., 127; ordination to escape death, no, 447, 449 ; forcible, 33 f., 141, 342; of Daniel the Stylite, 344; of deacon as bishop, 346; St Patrick, 427 ; of Maximus, 250

Orestes, Augustal Prefect of Egypt (c.

415) : relations with Cyril, 209 f. Orestes, Patrician (saec. v.) : overthrows Julius Nepos (475), 449; captured and slain by Odoacer (476), 449 Orient, 299, 342 f., 351. 357, 37i> 4°9-

See Diocese Origen (c. 185-253), Chap. ii. passim, 436; centre of controversy, 27; gnosticism of, 13 ; doctrines, 28 ; reasons for popularity, 28 ff. ; Di<jy- mus the Blind and Gregory of Nyssa, 28 ; orthodox users of, 28 ff. (see especially Jerome, Rufinus), hostility of Epiphanius, q.v. ; attitude of Aterbius, 30 f.; of John of Jerusalem, 31 f., 34; of Theophilus of Alexandria, q.v.; of Macarius, 36 ; of Eusebius of Cremona, 43 ; of Chrysostom, 59 f. ; of Vigilantius, 119; of Augustine, 152, 163, 198; of Vincent, 198 ; unknown to Pope Anastasius, 38 ; he condemns Origen, 43, 163 ; "a pernicious author," 44 Apology for Origen, 36 f., 43 ; Peri Arcnon, 37, 42 ; Homilies, 46 Origenism : meaning of, 27 f. ; little trace in Evagrius of Nitria, 29 ; in Egypt, 30, 38, 40f., 55, 210; opposition in Egypt to, 32; little influence at Antioch, 60 Original Sin, 144, 149 f., 157, 163, 168,

184, 186, 192, 422, 457 f. Orleans : siege by Attila (451), 403, 413 ;

Council of (538), 123. See Annianus. Ormuz, 399 Ormuzd, 376, 380

Orontius, Italian bishop (c. 418) : Pelagian, 229

Orosius, Spanish priest, historian (saec. v.): pupil of Augustine, 137, 151, 419 ; History against the Pagans, 137, 419; on fall of Rome (410), 137, 419; on barbarians, 139; sent to Jerome by Augustine, 151 ff.; relations with John of Jerusalem, 153 ; with Heros and Lazarus, 154, 156; view of Pelagianism, 153, 157; Liber Apologeticus, 153 Osrhoene : Chereas governor, 285, 392 ; province, 365 ; capital Edessa, 365 ; Roman territory, 380. See Uranius Ostriches, 261 Ostrogoths, 450

Otriculum, Battle of (413). 99 Ourartou, 362 Ousia, 224 Oxyrhynchus, 332

Pacomians, 30, 339

Padusia, wife of Felix, Magister Militum

(saec. v.) : repairs Lateran, 407 Paganism, 380 : attitude of monks, 23 ; of Christian priests in Persia, 387 ; proscribed and dying (saec. v.), 112 ; Prudentius and, 114; temples at Rome closed, but unspoiled (till 410), i3of. ; in society at Rome, 131 f., 451 ; pagan reaction, 351 ; among officials, 132, 173, 259, 451 ; disappearance by time of Xystus III., 453 ; in N. Gaul and Britain, 358 ; in Iberia (t\W saec. iv.), 361 ; abolition in Armenia (saecc. iii.-iv.), 367, 369 ; paganism and Christianity, 11, 136 f., 259; in Armenia, 368-71 ; revival there, 373 ; in Caria, 351 ; in Persia, 380 f., 387 ; apostasy to, 388 ; of Axoumites and Homerites, 397 f. ; of Saracens, 395 ; in Egypt, 400; among Scoti, 426-29; festivals, 11, 216, 400 ; Lupercalia at Rome, 451 ; paganism and Donatism in Africa, 81, 89 ; Orosius' Against the Pagans, 137 ; " pagan times," 259, 456 ; Slavs in Dacia, 127; Suevi, 406 Caeionius Albinus, 132 ; Apronianus, 134 ; Hypatia, 203-205, 210 ; Jovius, 94 ; Leontius of Athens and Athenais, 275 ; Pamprepius of Athens, 351 ; Nicomachus Flavianus, 81 ; Rechila, 404, 406; Symmachus, 173, 451 ; Victorinus, 85 ; Volusianus, 451 Painting, 12 Pakaiaridj, 369

Palestine, 38, 134, 152, 211, 316: provinces of, 319, 334; Praetorian Prefect, 34; threatened invasion bv Huns, 34, 50, 132 ; tombs and shrines, 10 f. ; Holy Places, 33, 150, 168, 406; pilgrimages to, 325, 406, 453 Episcopate of, 155, 353, 395 f- J ^atEphesus (431), 240; at Latrocinium (449), 287 ; at Chalcedon (451), 298 f., 301, 303; position of Bp. of Jerusalem among, 318 f. ; letter of Theophilus to bishops, 74; of Marcian to Synod of, 327. See also Jerusalem Confessors in, 36 ; monks and Origen, 28; Origenist • monks from Egypt in, 41 f.; monastic opposition to Chalcedon, 324, 325-8. See Monasteries

Jerome and his circle in (see Jerome, Melania, Rufinus); Epiphanius in, q.v.; Heros and Lazarus in, 154, 156,

III.

Palestine- continued

162 ; Isidore in, 35, 39 ; Oceanus and Fabiola (395), 132; Orosius, 151, 156; death of the Paulas and Melanias, 133 ; Pelagius in, q.v. ; Peter of Iberia, 332, 390 ; Postumi- anus in, 118; Timothy Aelurus in, 336; Vigilantius in, 119; fugitives from Alaric in, 136 Acceptance of Encyclical of Basiliscus, 344, 353 J Monophysites of, 317, 346 Palladius, Bp. of Helenopolis (c. 367-431): a Galatian, 29 f. ; his identity, 30, 51 ; author of Lausiac History, 29, 51 ; friend of Rufinus and Melania, 29 ; in Egypt (to 399), 29 f. ; at Jerusalem, 30 ; Epiphanius and, 30, 34 ; the "Dialogue with Theodore," 39, 51, 61, 64 f., 71 f., 173 ; on Porphyrius of Antioch, 70 ; quoted, 42 Palladius, (saec. v.): relations with Britain, 188 f., 425, 429; relation to St Patrick, 429 Palladius, Praetorian Prefect of the Orient

(c. 451), 299 Pallia, in Gaul, 409

Pallium : of Theophilus of Alexandria, 40; of Acacius of Constantinople, 359 ; sent to bishops from Rome as mark of distinction, 464 Palmyra, 213, 364, 395 Pammachius (/. c. 385-409): senator at Rome, 131 ; ascetic, 5 ; his family,

131 ; founds home for poor travellers,

132 ; Anti-Origenist, 37, 42 ; relations with Rufinus, 37, 42, 146, and Pope Anastasius, 38; friend of Jerome, 42, 74, 136; intercepts letter to Rufinus, 42 ; letters of Jerome to, 42 f., 44 f., 74; death, 135 f. ; his house becomes a church, 135

Pamphilus, martyr (+309): the Apology for Origen, 36, 43 ; Jerome's view of its authorship, 43 Pamphylia, monks in, 23 ; provinces of, 334; letter of Atticus to bishops of, 212. See Side Pamprepius of Athens (saec. v.): theurgic Neoplatonist, 351 ; patronized by Illus, 351 ; at Papyrion, 352 Panarion. See Epiphanius Panegyrics, 416 Panion, 329. See Priscus Pannonia: provinces, 120, 124 ; barbarians in, 120, 124, 401, 413, 450 Panopolis, Nestorius at, 3iof., 314 Pantaenus of Alexandria (saecc. ii.-iii.), 397 Panticapeum, 360

Pap, King of Armenia (c. 367), son of Arsaces, upheld by Emp. VaJens, 373 f.; his guardian, Narses, 373; murders him, 37i» 373 puts forward

2 M

Faustus as Catholicos, 374 ; death, 374 f.; character, 374 Papa, Catholicos of Persia (c. 325-6), deposed, 385 ; restored by "Western Fathers," 385 Paphlagonia, 329, 455 Pappus, Syrian bishop (c. 404), removed as Johannite, 207"; restored by Alexander of Antioch, 207 Papyrion, 351 f. Para, 373

Parabolani, 16, 240, 287, 290 Parembolae, 395 f. See Peter Paris, 122, 217, 413 Parishes, 89, 274, 452 Parma, 430

Parmenian, Donatist bishop of Carthage (c. 350-91), 78; distinction and writings, 79; refuted by Optatus of Milevis, 79, and by Augustine, 80, 90 ; death (391), 82 ; replaced by Primianus, 82 Parschimnia, 369

Parthians, struggles with the Empire, 364; replace Seleucids at Beth- Ardaschir, 385 ; Christians among, 379 ; Rufinus on land of, 397 Pascentius, Count (c. 406), in controversy

with Augustine, 121 Pascentius, Manichean, of Rome (c. 443),

in Spain, 456 Paschasinus, Bp. of Lilybaeum (c. 451): papal legate to Chalcedon, 297, 301 ; to preside, 297 ; Pope Leo's letter to, 302 ; pronounces sentence on Dioscorus, 303 Paschasius, Spanish Christian (c. 437), at Vandal Court, 436; martyred, 436

Passarion, Convent of, 324 Passibility, 268, 278 Pastor, Galician bishop (c. 433), 405 Patriarchs, 318, 381 Patriarchs, Jewish, Court of, 14 Patricians, 299. In the East: Eutropius, 50; Aetius, q.v.; Florentius, 280, 283 ; Anatolius, 299; Aspar, 334, 337 ; Zeno, 337 ; Mus, 347, 35*- the West: Constantius, q.v. ; Sidonius Apollinaris, 418; Ricimer, q.v. ; Gondebaud the Burgundian, 449 ; Orestes, 449 Patrick, St, 423 ; Apostle of Ireland, 425 f. ; early history, 426 ; missionary work, 426 f. ; date, 428 f. ; relation to Palladius, 429; writings, 426, 427 f.; style, 428 Patrimony: of the Church, 17 ; of the poor, 408

Patroclus, Bp. of Aries (412-26) : in succession to Heros, 160; attitude to Heros, 162 ; relations with Pope Zosimus, 160 ff., 257; granted enlarged jurisdiction, 161, 410 ; Pope Leo's view of it, 410 ; relation of Pope Boniface to him, 175, and of Placidia, 187; appeails to Rome under, 408 ; assassination (426), 407, 409; character, 160, 408, 422 ; succeeded by Honoratus, 407 Paul, St, conversion of, 192; theology of, 13 ; St Augustine and, 143, 152, 192 ; Pelagius on, 147 ff.; Jerome on St Paul and St Peter, 152; Origen on, 152; Natale of, 459. See also Basilicas Paul, Bp. of Emesa(c. 431-3) : confidant of Acacius of Beroca, 262 ; represents him at Ephesus, 262 ; sent by John of Antioch to Alexandria, 262 ; reception by Cyril, 262 f.; Paul's view of his authority, 263 ; return to Syria, 263 ; new journey to Cyril with terms of reconciliation, 264 Paul, Bp. of Ephesus (c. 476), 339 Paul of Samosata, Bp. of Antioch (260-70), 27; adoptionism of, 123, 226, 230, 235 ; relation of Bonosus to, 123, and of Nestorius, 228 f., 235, 284, 312, and of Leporius, 230, 235 ; dislike of (saecc. iii., iv.), 341 ; Aphraates not influenced by the controversy, 380 f. ; Dionysius of Alexandria and, 328 Paula, St, wife of Toxotius (yf. c. 385404) : friend of Jerome, 30, 131, 133, and of Epiphanius, 30; mother of Paulina, 131, and of Toxotius, 132 ; example of asceticism, 112 ; death (404), 133 ; grandchildren, 132, 207. See Paula the younger Paula the younger (fl. c. 401-16), daughter of Laeta and Toxotius, 132 ; Jerome's scheme for education, 133 ; at Bethlehem, 155 ; letter to Pope Innocent, 136 ; at death of Jerome (420), 207 Paulicians, 213

Paulina, daughter of Paula (/. c. 385-97) :

wife of Pammachius, 131 f. Paulinian, brother of Jerome (/?. c. 385402), forcibly ordained by Epiphanius, 33 f. ; attitude of John of Jerusalem, 33 f- 5 settlement, 36 Paulinus (353-430, Bp. of Nola (c. 40931): early history and education, 114, 116 ; pupil of Ausonius, Ii4f. ; consul (cct. 25), 114; Consularis of Campania, 114 ; baptism (390), 114 ; husband of Theresa, 43, 114 ; desire for retirement, 5, 115, 190, 419; ordained priest (393) at Barcelona, 114, 141 ; settlement at Nola, 115 ; elected Bp. of Nola (c. 409), 135, 404; advent of Goths, 135; alarm of Augustine at influence of Pelagius on, 164, 168, 183; attitude of Placidia

Paulinus—continued

to, 175 ; Sidonius Apollinaris on, 419 ; his fame, 115, 175 Letters, 117, 119, 146; epithalamium, 182

List of friends, 117; Rufinus, 43; Sulpicius Severus, 116, 118; visit of Vigilantius, 119; Nicetas of Remesiana, 127 ; Melania the elder, 133; Pinianus and Melania the younger, 135; Marcellinus, 146; Pelagius, 164; Bp. Memor, 182 Paulinus, deacon of Milan (c. 412), deacon of St Ambrose, 148 ; administration of African property of Church of Milan, 148 ; accuser of Celestius, 148, 163 ; summoned to Rome, 164 Paulinus of Pella (saec. v.) : Euc harts tic on,

138 ; on invasion of Gaul, 138 Pausianus, Bp. of Hypata (c. 431): at

Council of Ephesus, 250 Pavia, 413, 416, 449. See Epiphanius Pedius, 138

Pegasius, Bp. of Perigueux (saec. v.):

friend of Paulinus of Nola, 117 Pehlvi, 381 Pekin, 384

Pelagianism, spread of, 146; in Britain, 188 ff., 425 (see Pelagius) ; in Ireland, 189, 425 ; survival in N. Italy and Dalmatia, 457 Nestorius and, 229, 231, 234; Cyril of Alexandria and, 185 ; modification in Cassian, 266 ; and Faustus of Riez, 191 f., 266, 422 ; misuse of term " semi-pelagian " as to Provence, 191; Marius Mercator and, 147, 185, 231, 284; Popes Leo and Gelasius on, 457 ; relation to Stoicism, 183 Pelagians: at Carthage, 150; in Sicily, 150,182,188 ; opposed by Augustine, q.v., and Jerome, q.v. ; authorship of Hypomnesticon, 200, 457 ; attacks on Jerome, 206 ; attitude of government, 181, 187 ; deposition of Julian (418), q.v.; attitude of Atticus of Constantinople (see Atticus) ; question of, at Council of Ephesus (431), 249 ; in Aquileia, 181, 457 ; Venetia, Dalmatia, 457 ; literary work of concealed Pelagians, 198 f. Pelagius (saec. v.), Chap. vi. passim: early history, 145 ; British monk, 131, 145, 147, 152, i$7_v 168, 193, 420; Jerome on "the Scot," 145, 151 ; knowledge of Greek, 145, 149 ; life at Rome (c. 400-10), 145 ; Roman friends, 131, 168; Marcellinus, 14O; Rufinus of Syria, 146 ; austerity, 146; relations with Celestius, 142, 147 f., 153 f.; in Africa (c. 411), 142, 147; at Carthage, 147 ; in Palestine, 141, 147, 150;

Pelagius—continued<

relations with Augustine, q.v.;

>rominence at Jerusalem, 150; re- ations with John of Jerusalem, 150, 153; Jerome and, i5of., 155 f. ; pupils Timasius and James, 152 ; their "conversion," 152; Orosius and, 151 ff. ; Heros and Lazarus and, 154, 156 f., 162; the Synod of Diospolis (415), 154; acquittal of Pelagius, 154 f.; Annianus of Celeda as his secretary, 206 ; Pope Innocent and,i57f., 162^,199; letter of Pelagius to, 163; Zosimus and, 157, 163ff.; Zosimus praises Pelagius, 164; Xystus and, 157, 168 f., 193, 197; Pelagius and Paulinus of Nola, 164, 168 ; attitude of the Patrician Con- stantius to, 166; and of Galla Placidia, 166, 187; imperial order for his expulsion from " Rome," 167 ; his condemnation by Zosimus, 167, 181, 183, 249; excluded by a Council from the Holy Places, 168 ; forcible measures of Government of Ravenna, 181 ; Roman divisions, 174 ;' attitude of Cyril, 185 ; and of author of the Praedestinatus, 19S ; disappearance of Pelagius, 168, 181 Theology, 143 ff., 147, 149, 153, 163 f., 168, 182; possible influence of teaching of Theodore of Mopsuestia, 146 ; its attraction, 143 f., 146 ; relation to that of Celestius, 148, 153 f. ; relation of Julian of Eclanum to, 182 f., 184 f. ; Faustus of Riez on, 420 ff. ; Sulpicius Severus and, 188 Writings: treatise On the Trinity, 146 ; Liber Capitulorum, 146 ; Commentary on St Paul, 147 ff. ; De Natura, 152 ; its quotations, 152 ; On Free Will, 163 ; Letter to Pope Innocent, 163 ; Letter to Demetrias (414), 141, i$of. ; doubtful authorship of Letter to Livania, 151, and De induratione cordis Pharaonis, 147 Pelagius, Roman deacon (sacc. vi.) : work against condemnation of the Three Chapters, 241, 270 Peloponnese, 125, 432; solitudes of, 190 Pelusium. See Eusebius, Isidore Penitence, 350, 395; discipline, 6, 132, 409 ; results of its rigour, 6 f. ; exclusion from clergy, 6,89; problems of, 20; alleged severity of Hilary of Aries, 409 ; attitude of Novatians, 7, 453 Penitents: bishop and, 6; laity unci absolution of, 15 ; form of reconciliation, 89; Kabiola among the, 132; Manicheans as, 455 f. Pension, 309, 340

PentadiH, deaconess at Constantinople (c. 404), 69

Pentapolis, 348 Pentecost, 69 Pera, 219

Perga, 212; Synod of (saec. v.), 334 f*

See Beronician Pergamius, Prefect of Egypt (c. 482), 348 Perigueux, 117, 417. See Pegasius Perjury, 354

Perkischo, Catholicos of Armenia (c. 429), 376

Peroz, King of Persia (457-84) : shows favour to Christians, " satraps" of Armenia, 377; treatment of Kiud, 378 ; revolt of Iberians, 378 ; persecution, 389; imprisons Babowai, 389 f.

Perpetua, St (fc. 202-3), 433 Persarmenia, 268, 376 Persecution : of Origenists by Theophilus of Alexandria, 39 f., 55, 59; of Johannites, 69, 72 f. ; of Donatists, 76 ; by Donatists, 77. 81 ff., 84, 91 f., 94, 341 ; of St Britius by disciples of St Martin, Ii6f. ; of heretics by Nestorius, 220 f. ; of Nestorians by government, 267 f., 278; of Monophysites, 341 ; by Monophysites, 341 f., 392 ; in Armenia, 368 f., 391 ; in Persia, 274, 379, 382-4, 387 f., 389 f. ; by Vandals in Africa, 430-44 ; in Sicily, 122 Persecutors, death of, 443 Perseverance, 194 f., 200 Persia : religious and political expansion under Sassanids, 364, 369 f. ; capture of Hatra, 394 ; frontier problems and the Empire, v. ; acquisitions of Diocletian (297), 365, 382 ; conflict from Constantius to Julian (363), 372, 382 ; relations with Empire under Jovian (363), 365, under Valens, 365, 373 f., 382, under Theodosius I. (c. 387), 365, 375. 382 ; partition of Armenia, 361, 365, 375 f. ; Persian Armenia, 268, 365, 376; relations under Theodosius II., 202, 220, 388 Ardaschir (226-41), 394 ; Sapor I. (241-72), 394 J Sapor II. (309-379), 365, 378 f., 382; Sapor 111.(383-8), 386; Jazdgerd I. (399-420), 387 f-5 Bahram V. (420-38), 376, 388 ; Jazdgerd II. (438-57), 376, 389; Peroz (457-84), 377 f., 389 f.; Balasch (484-8), 378 Jewish Colonies in 380 f. ; organization of Iranian Mazdaeism, 376 ff., 379 ff., 387, 394 ; Nestorius and the Persians, 220; fame of Simeon Stylites, 217, and of Theodoret, 274 ; Magi (g.v.') History of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, 384 f, ; of Aschcfcschad and Etch- miadzin, 368, 375 ; of Susiana, 382, 384 : of Nisibis, q.v.

Persia—continued Church of Persia, 273, 396; Origin of Christianity from Edessa, 379; story of St Maris (t 82), q.v. ; Tatian (saec. ii.), a Christian in Persian Empire, 379 ; Christianity in saec. iii., the " Laws of the Countries,"

379 ; Constantine and Persian Christians, 378 f. ; difficulties of Bp. Papa (saec. iv.), 385; John, a Persian bishop at Nicaea (325), 381 ; a learned bishop at Dedication of Holy Sepulchre (335), 381 ; organization of the Church, " Sons of the Alliance," 380 ; liturgical language, 381 ; provincial organization, 381 ; position of the Catholicos, 389; career of Simon Barsabaeus, Bp. of Seleucia (326-41), 382 f., 385, martyred (341), 383; Schahdost, bishop (341-2), martyred, 383 ; Barbaschemin, bishop (342 - 6), martyred, 383 ; vacancy of twenty years, 383 ; Aphraates, Bp. of Adiabene (fl. 336-45), his teachings,

380 f., 384; on condition of the Church (344), 385 ; lists of martyrs, 384; activities of Marutas of Maipherqat, 386 f.; Isaac, Bp. of Seleucia (399-410), 387; Council of Seleucia (410), 386 f. ; acceptance of Creed and Canons of Nicaea, 386 ; Jahbalaha, Bp. of Seleucia (415-20), at Constantinople, 387; visit of Acacius of Amida (420), 387 ; Council of Seleucia (420), acceptance of further canons, 387 ; persecution under Bahram V., 388; Dadiso, Bp. of Seleucia (c. 421-56), troubles, 388 f. ; Council of Maktaba (422 ?), forbids reference of disputes to Western Fathers, 389, 391 ; martyrdoms under Jazdgerd II., 389; Babowai, Bp. of Seleucia (45784), imprisoned, set free (464), executed (484), 389 f.; separation from West, 389 ; no Persian bishop at Ephesus or Chalcedon, 390; neither Council recognized, 393 ; Acacius, Bp. of Seleucia (c. 485-95 ?), 392 f. ; definition of faith, 392 ; little influence of Nestorius, 313, 393 ; colonies on coast of Hindustan, 400

Persian Gulf, 362, 394, 399 f.

Persians : and Armenians, 363, 369, 373, 377 f. ; and Romans, 372, 375, 382

Persians, School of the : at Nisibis, 273 ; at Edessa, its activities and importance, 273, 390f.; theological interest, 273, 390 ; closed, 391 ; Acacius and Barsumas, 393

Person, Persons: of the Trinity, 224f. ; of Christ, view of Leporius, 230:

Two Persons not Nestorian, 312; Person and Nature, 245. See also Christology

Pestilence, 413

Peter, St: position in the Apostolic College, 389, 459 ; See of St Peter, 322; his two Sees, 208, 352 ; Origen, Jerome, Augustine on St Peter and St Paul, 152 ; Council of Chalcedon and, 304 ; legendary journey, 360. See also Basilica, Churches

Peter, Bp. of Alexandria (373-80) : puts forward Maximus for Bp. of (Constantinople, 58

Peter, Bp. of Parembolae (c. 431): the Sheikh Aspebaetos, 396 ; his history, ibid., at Council of Ephesus (431), 396

Peter Chrj'sologus, Bp. of Ravenna (c. 450): eloquence, 284; correspondence with Eutyches, 284

Peter the Fuller, Bp. of Antioch (471-88) : former Acoemete, priest of Chalcedon, 342 ; Monophysite, 342, 352 ; installed in place of Martyrius at Antioch, 342 ; protected by Zeno,

342 ; withdrawal and second restoration, 342 ; exiled, 342 f. ; in custody of Acoemetes, 343 ; restored to Antioch (475), 343 ; again exiled,

343 ; fourth installation at Antioch, 352; accepts Henotikon, 352; a great liturgist, 352; places Nicene Creed in the liturgy, 352 ; treatment of the Trisagion, 352 ; relations with John Codonatus, 343, 357

Peter of Iberia, Bp. of Maiouma (c. 452) : Nabarnougi, son of King Bosmari, 325 ; early career, 325, 361 ; at Constantinople (422), Jerusalem (430), monk, friend of Melania the younger, 325 ; at Gaza (438), 325 f. ; ordained priest (447), 325 ; hostile to Chalcedon, 325 f. ; consecrated Bp. of Maiouma by Theodosius of Jerusalem (452), 326, 390 ; escapes from police, 327 ; in exile at Alexandria, 332 ; at Oxyrhynchus, 332 ; consecrates Timothy Aelurus Bp. of Alexandria (457), 331 f., 390 f. ; left in charge by Timothy, 337 ; wanderings in Syria, 353 ; refuses to accept Henotikon, 353, 390 f. ; death (488), 354 ; Life by Zacharias the Rhetor, 325, 354 ; another Life, 317, 328, 331 ; succeeded by John of Beth Rufin, 317

Peter Mongus, Monophysite, Bp. of Alexandria (477-90): deacon of Dioscorus at Latroci7iiu?n (449), 393, 330; Cyrillian, deposed by Pro- terius, 330 ; still deacon, consecrated Bp. of Alexandria (477), by Theodore of Antinoe, 346 ; buries Aelurus and disappears, 346 ; still at Alexandria, 347 ; attitude of Pope Sim- plicius to, 354 ; accepts Henotikon (482) and is recognized, 348 f. ; his policy, 349 ff. ; letter of Council of Antioch to (c. 382 ?), 353 ; his name placed on diptychs by Acacius of Constantinople, 355 ; attitude of Pope Felix III. to, 356; character, 35° f*i 354 j alleged attack on Flavian,

293

Peter Illyrian, priest at Rome (saec. v.) : builds Basilica of St Sabina on the Aventine, 452 Peter, reader of Alexandria: murders

Hypatia (415), 210 Pethion, missionary in Media (saec. v.),

martyr, 389 Petilian, Donatist, Bp. of Constantina (c. 400): at Conference (411), 96; character, 96 f. ; works of, 97 ; treatise of Augustine against, 90 Petra, 267, 395

Petronius Maximus, Emp. (455) : member of the Anician family, 445 ; rival of Aetius, 445 f. ; succeeds Valentinian III., 415, 446 ; marries Eudoxia, wife of Valentinian, 446 ; perishes in a rising, 415, 446 Phanagoria, 360

Pharan, Oasis of, 395. See also Nathyr Pharen, Abp. of Armenia (c. 336), 372 Pharaoh, 206, 434 ; Bp. of Alexandria as the ecclesiastical Pharaoh, 57 f., 256, 272. See also Alexandria Pharbe. See Lazarus Phasis : river, 362 ; plain of, 361 Phials, 11

Philadelphia, 250. See Theophanes Philae, 400

Philastrius, Bp. of Brescia (c. 381-96 ?),I28 Philip, Roman priest (saec. v.) : of the " Church of the Apostles " at Rome, 248, 452 ; legate of Pope Zosimus to Africa (418), 170 ; at Council of Carthage (419), 175 f- ; legate of Pope Celestine to Ephesus (431), 170, 248, 452 ; summoned by Theodosius II. to Chalcedon, 253 ; present at consecration of Maximian at Constantinople (431), 254, 452 ; secures restoration of his church by Theodosius II. and family, 452 ; inscription, 452

Philip of Side, priest of Constantinople (saec. v.) : candidate for succession to Bp. Atticus (425), 219 ; to Sisin- nius (427), 220; holds schismatic assemblies, 233; accused by Celestius of Manicheanism and deposed, 233 ; candidate for surcession to Nestorius (431), 254 ; relations with Cyril, 260

Philip, priest (c. 430): relations with

Cyril, 260. See Philip supra Philippi. See Flavian Philopotii, 5 Philoponus. See John Philosophy, 13. See Metrodorus, Sextus,

Neoplatonism Philostorgius, historian (fl. c. 368-425), 51, 399

Philotheus, " Macedonian," (c. 467), 458 Philoxenus, 392. See Xenaias Phoenicia, 395 : missions in, 70 ; provinces, 261, 319 ; of Phoenicia Secunda, 251 ; pretensions of Jerusalem as to, 251 ; assigned to Antioch, 319 Photinus, Bp. of Sirmium (saec. iv.) : his Adoptionism condemned, 123, 226; followers in Illyrian provinces and Italy (saec. iv.), 122 ; doctrine of Nestorius identified with, 230, 312 ; of Bonosiaci in Gaul and Spain (saec. v.), 123 f. Photinus, Macedonian bishop (c. 414) : condemned by Pope Anastasius, restored by Pope Innocent, 127 Photius, Bp. of Constantinople (857-91) : preserves knowledge of Acts of Synod of the Oak (403), 64; history of Olympiodorus (saec. v.), 121, 136; work of Theodore Mops., 185 ; Acts of Council of Ephesus (431), 212 f. ; John Philoponus against Council of Chalcedon, 311 ; letters ofVaradatus and Simeon, 335 ; work of Basil the Cilician, 358 Photius, Bp. of Tyre (448-57 ?) : succeeds Irenceus, 279 ; tries Ibas of Edessa, 283

Photius, priest of Constantinople (c. 429-32): Nestorian, 232, 250; banished to Petra, 267 Phrygia, 10, 215, 395; Goths in, 50; rovinces of, 334. See Laodicea, _ynaos Physician, 121, 252

Physis, 185, 224, 277, 280. See Nature Piacenza, 129. See Placentia Picenum, 170, 297, 457 Picts, 423, 427 f.

Pictures : in churches, 12 ; of Christ, 12,

34 ; of Simeon Stylites, 217 Pilgrimages, 113, 115, 118, 132, 406 Pilgrims, 10 f., 325, 453 Pincian Hill, 131 Pinciana, Domus, 142 Pindar: Prudentius compared with, 114 Pinianus (1431-2?): of the Valerii Severi, 133 ; husband of Melania the younger, 133; home on the Caelian Hill, 168, 207 ; hospitality to Johannite bishops, 74, 135 ; desire for retirement from world, 5, 134; opposition of Publicola, 134;

disposal of vasi property, 134 f., 141 f. ; at death-bed of Rufinus (410), 136; Augustine and, 141 f., 168; people of Hippo demand his ordination as priest, 141 f. ; arrival in poverty at Jerusalem, 142, 168 ; at death-bed of Jerome (420), 207; death, 325 Pirates: exterminated by Pompey, 337; of the Caucasus in the Black Sea, 360; Herulian, 406; Saxon at mouth of Loire, 414; Danish, 423; of Coroticus, 427; Vandal at Carthage, 432, 447 ; at Rome, 446 Pistus, Anti-Pope of Alexandria (339), 56 Pityus, Pizunda, 73, 343, 360 Placentia, 447. See Piacenza Places, Holy. See Holy Places Placidia: Palace of, 61. See Galla Placidia the younger (saec. v.) : daughter of Valentinian III. and Eudoxia, 432 ; sister of Eudocia, 432, 447 ; sister-in- law of Huneric, 437 ; intercedes for Catholics of Africa, 437 ; married to Emp. Olybrius, 446, 449 ; carried off by Vandals, 328, 447 Planeta, 409 Plato, 85 Pleader, 228 Po, 128, 413 Podion, 138

Poetry, Christian, 90, 113 ff., 138, 141,

276, 416, 418, 420, 453, 468 Poison, 373 Poitiers. See Hilary Pollentia, Battle of (402), 73, io§, cf. 134 Polytheism, Semitic, 397 Pompeianus, Prefect of Rome, proposes to Pope Innocent restoration of Paganism (?), 137 [Pompeianus], Pompey (106-48 b.c.),

337. 364 Pontianus, Pope (230-35), 160 Pontius, Donatist bishop (c. 362) : petition

to Julian, 76 Pontus : "Diocese" of, 241, 319, 357; extent, 320; provinces, 20, 334; Council of Constantinople (381) on, 319 ; jurisdiction of Constantinople, 20, 241, 321, 357; mountains, 73. See also Evagrius Pontus Euxinus. See Euxinus Poor: in the Empire, 2 ; Christians and relief of, 6, 39, 419 ; Pinianus and the Gospel precept, 134; relief at Rome, 466 ; home for poor travellers at Portus, 132 ; Persian clergy and poor, 384 ; relief of Persian prisoners, 388; Narses' hostels for poor in Armenia, 372 f. ; relief organizations, 372 ; those of Eustathius and Basil, 372 ; Hilary of Aries and the " patri-
• mony of the poor," 408 ; Salvian and, 419; register of poor at Jerusalem, 142 ; Eugenius of Carthage and, 437 Popes. See Rome, Church of Porphyry, Bp. of Antioch (404-14) : consecrated successor to Flavian, 70; enemy of Chrysostom, 70, 73> 207 i relations with Alexander the Mes- salian, 214; letter to the Persian bishops, 386; succeeded by Alexander, 207

Porphyry, Neoplatonist (232 P-305 ?) :

writings proscribed, 43, 278 Porridge, 151 Portugal, 405 Portus, 132, 449

Possidius, Bp. of Calama (400-37 ?): friend of Augustine, 91, 96, 195,433 ; his biographer, 157, 181, 433. 455. 466; beaten by Donatists, 91 ; at Augustine's death (430), 195 ; exiled by Genseric (437), 433 ; works, 455 Posters, 93, 100, 228, 245, 283, 323 Postumianus, disciple of Sulpicius Severus (saecc. iv., v.) : journey in the East, 118 Potentia, 170. See Faustinus Potitus, grandfather of St Patrick, 426 Praedestinati, 198

Praedestinatus: Anti-Augustinian treatise, its contents and method, 198 f. ; ciypto-Pelagian, 199; quoted, 148, 167, 455 Praenetos, 64

Propositus sacri cubiculi, 49 Praesidius, Bp. of Sufetula (c. 484), 439 Praetorian Prefect, 4, 34, 95, 100, 201, 299, 456 ; as bishop, 328, 418 ; of Gaul, 187, 406 f., 411 Praetorium, 441

Praevalitana, province of, 125, 334 Prat, 386

Prayer, 144, 213 f., 361 Praylius, Bp. of Jerusalem (417-20), 163, 168

Prbt: meaning of, 442, 444 Preaching, 4; at J erusalem, 8 ; of Bp. John, 31 f.; of Epiphanius, 31 f., 60; of Chrysostom, 52 ff., 61, 66 f. ; of Sever- ian of Gabala, 54, 64 ; of Gaudentius of Brescia, 128; of Proclus, 219 f. ; of Cyril, 209, 242, 246; of Simeon Stylites, 217 f. ; of Nestorius, 220, 228 f., 232 ; of Faustus of Riez, 420 ; Vandal prohibition, 437; of Pope Leo, 458, 468. See Sermons " Claque," 209 ; shorthand notes, 65 ; abuse of preaching by priests, 196, 409

Predestination: Augustine's view of, 192 ff., 195, 198 f., 422 ; Prosper and Hilary on, 194f., 421 ; the Prcedesti- natus (q.v.), 198 f. ; the deacon Leo on, 199 f. ; views in Gaul, 193, 419; Lucidus of Riez on, 421 ; Faustus of Riez on, 421 f. Prefect: of Egypt (see Augustal Prefect) ; of Rome, 5, 137, 181, 416, 418, 451 ; of Constantinople, 215. See also Praetorian Prefect Primasius, Bp. of Hadrumetum (c. 541), 79

Primianus, Donatist bishop of Carthage (391-411 ?) : successor of Parmenian, 82 ; deposed in a schism, 83 ; restored (393). 83 ; invokes civil power, 84 ; attitude of Catholics, 88 ; conference

(403). 91; (411). 96

Principia, ward of Marcella (c. 410): home *on the Aventine, 131 ; treatment by the Goths (410), 135 Priscilla, cemetery of, 8 Priscillian, heretic (saec. iv.) : austerity,

18 ; collection of texts, 146 Priscillianism, Priscillianists, 212; no trace in Prudentius, 114; in Spain, 112 {., 404 f. ; effect on opinion of asceticism, 113 ; on Church life, 112, 404 f.; summary of Doctrine by Turribius of Astorga, 405 ; censure of Pope Leo, 405 Priscus of Panion, historian (saec. v.),

329, 431 Prisoners, relief of, 388 Prisons : Episcopal, 229 ; civil, 326 Proba, poetess, 114 [i40f. ?] Probus, Sextus Anicius Petronius (f 394) : Praetorian Prefect, 4; loaded with honours, 445 ; kinsman of Ambrose, 4; baptism when dying, 5 ; his family tomb, 5, 131 ; house on the Pincian Hill, 131 ; members of his family, 140, 142, 151 ; widow Anicia Faltonia Proba (see Anicia) Probus, Spaniard at Court of Genseric:

martyred (437), 436 Processions, n, 53, 252, 344 Proclus, Bp. of Constantinople (434-46) : secretary of Atticus, candidate for succession (425), 219; consecrated Bp. of Cyzicus (425), 219; unable to gain possession, 220, 242 ; orator and preacher, 219 f. ; candidate for succession to Sisinnius (427), 220, and to Nestorius (431), 254 ; succeeds Maximian (434), 266; recognized, 268 ; his Tome to the Armenians

(437) . 269 ; attitude to monks, 270 ; brings back body of Chrysostom

(438) , 271 ; recognizes Irenaeus of Tyre, 275 ; encroachments in Illyria, 275 ; attitude to Juvenal of Jerusalem, 319; makes Thalassius Bp. of Caesarea, 328 baptizes Volusianus, 451 ; death (446), 275 ; succeeded by Flavian, 275

Proconnesus, 59 Proconsul, 78, 91, 99, 290 Procopius of Caesarea, historian (saec. vi.) : De Aedificiis Justiniani, 361 ; De Bello Persico, 387 ; De Bello Van-- dalico, 345. 431, 434, 442, 446 Proculus, Bp. of Marseilles (c. 381-428), 409; and Constantine III., 117 5 opposes Britius, 117; makes Lazarus Bp. of Aix, 117; attempted deposition, 161 f. ; brings Cassian to Marseilles, 190 f.; relations with Honoratus and Paulinus, 190; with Leporius, 230 ; succeeded by Ven- eriys, 196

Projectu's, Bp.: papal legate to Ephesus (431), 248 ; present at Constantinople at consecration of Maximian

(430, 254

Promotus, general (saec. iv.): enemy of Rufinus, 50; dead (in 395), 50; Eudoxia, wife of Arcadius, brought up in his household, 49 f. ; his widow, Marsa, 54 Prophets, 15, 325, 354 Propontis, 72

Proscription, 43, 71, 170, 212, 303, 383,

454. 457 Proselytism, 387, 397 Prosper of Aquitaine (saec. v.) : monk of Marseilles, 194 ; addresses Augustine on Predestination, 194 ; Augustinian sans phrase, 194 ff., 284, 421 (cf. 196) ; defends him against Cassian's Collationes (Contra Collator em), 193 ; and against Vincent of Lerins, 196 ; relations with Pope Celestine, 196 f., 409, 425 ; not mentioned in Vincent's Commonitorium, 198 ; silence after the work of the deacon Leo, 199 f., 419 ; study of doctrine of Incarnation, 284

Chronicle, i88f., 199,425, 446,456; fragmentary, viii. ; on Constantine the Vicarius, 167 ; contemporary account of Latrocinium (449) 293, 295 ; on death of Patroclus of Aries, 407 ; on Leo's call to the Papacy, 467 ; on Leo and Attila, 413 f. ; on Palladius, 425, 429 ; date of Genseric's invasion of Africa, 431 ; on exile of Possidius, 433 ; on Vandal persecution, 436 Contra Collator em, 166, 181, 187, 198, 425 ; Carmen de Ingratis, 195 ; other works, 195 f. ; order of date, 196 Proterius, Bp. of Alexandria (451-7): Dioscorus' arch-priest left in charge (451), 329; appointed bishop, 329; riotous scenes, 329 f. ; Leo dissatisfied by his statement of belief, 329 f. ; deposes Timothy Aelurus and Peter Mongus, 330 ; treatment of Peter of Iberia, 332 ; consecration of Timothy

Aelurus in opposition (457). 33² ; murder of Proterius (457), 332, 348 ; petitions and counter-petitions of Monophysites and Proterians, 331,

333 ; serious riots (458), 336; attitude of Timothy Aelurus to Proterians, 340; and of Peter Mongus, 348 ; name of Proterius erased from diptychs, 349

Protogenes, Bp. of Sardica (c. 316-43 ?), 126

Provence : sympathy with monastic'ideals in, 117,' 191, 4i8f. ; Lerins and Marseilles, 190, 418 ; views of Predestination in, 193 f., 200; activity of Leporius, 230; letter of Pope Celestine to bishops of, 235 ; saved from Visigoths, 416; bishops at Council of Aries (473-4 ?), 421 ; Euric master of (477), 423 Providence, 419

Provinces, 17, 412; system, 125, 129 f., 414; of Eastern Empire, 334, 343, 364 ff., 381, 386, 390, 396. Western Empire : Africa, 431 f., 464 ; Britain, 423 f. ; Gaul, 19,407,409 f., 414,421 ; North Italy, 129 f. ; Palestine, 319,

334 ; Suburbicarian, 21, 212, 462 f. ; Spain, 405, 466 ; Illyricum, 464 f.

" Provincials," date of, 465 Prudentius, poet (/. 348-405), 5, 113 ff.,

131

Psalms, 8, 252 ; Books of, 136; the Laus perennis, 215 ; Nicetas of Remesiana on Psalmody, 127 Ptolemais in Libya. See Synesius,

Euoptius Ptolemais in Syria. See Antiochus Ptolemy, dynasty of, 57 Publicola, Valerius (f 404): son of Melania the elder, husband of Albina, father of Melania the younger, 132 ; great wealth, 133 ; opposes desire of Pinianus and Melania the younger to renounce the world, 134; death (404), 134

Pulcheria, Empress (449-53) : daughter of Arcadius, Augusta (at 16), 201 ; simplicity of life, 201 f. ; letter of Cyril of Alexandria to, 236 ; monastic influences on, 252 ; doubtful attitude of Theodosius II., 252 ; efforts of Cyril to influence, 252, 260 ; marries Theodosius II. to Athenais Eudocia (421), 276 ; her influence supplanted by Chrysaphius (441), 276, 295 ; letter of Pope Leo to (449), 292 ; and of Valentinian III., 293 ; and Hilary the legate, 294 ; orders execution of Chrysaphius on death of Theodosius (449), 295 ; marries (cet. 51) Marcian, 295, 446 ; shares views of Leo and Flavian, 296; Leo's

protest after Chalcedon (451), 322; attitude of Empress Eudocia, 325 ; letter to monks of Palestine, 327 ; death (453), 331 Punic, 177

Pusaik, chief of workmen (c. 341), Persian

martyr, 383 Puteoli. See Julius Pyraeum, 379. 388, 394 Pyrenees, 107, 402; barbarians cross (409), 109; Gerontius crosses (411), 110 ; crossed by Goths again, 111 Pythagorean, 46

quiestor, 346 Quarries, 59

Quartodecimans, 221, 242, 250 Quicklime, 91 Quintilii, 135 Quintodecimum, 182 Quirinal, 452, 458 Quirinus, Church of, 332 Quodvultdeus, Bp. of Carthage (c. 438) : successor of Capreolus, 433 ; friend of Augustine, 433 ; ill-treated and sent to Naples, 433 ; dies in Campania, 435

Rabbinical Exegesis, 380 Rabbula, Rabbulas : Bp. of Edessa (41235) : magistrate converted by Alexander the ascetic, 213; becomes bishop, 213 ; Cyrillian, 265, 273, 390 Racotis, 385

Radagaisus : in Italy (406), 106 Raphael, Archangel, cult of, 10 Ratiaria, 125

Ravenna, 322 ; transfer of government to (c. 404), 129 ; government at, 99, 358, 460; characteristics of Court, 104, 108, 115, 141, 445 ; policy of government—as to Goths, no, 431, and Huns, 414 (cf. 412 f.) ; as to Pelagians, 166, 170, 181, 184; as to Eulalius, 173; as to Africa, 431 f., 435 ; Pope Zosimus and, 170, 172 ; relations with Constantinople, 203, 293 ; Rome and, 130, 184, 322, 412,

463

Donatists at (406), 95 ; execution of Stilicho at (408), 107 ; African delegates at (410), 94 ; Pope Innocent at (410), 138 ; Claudian at, 115, 141 ; Placidia established at (425), 187, 401, 445 ; death of Germanus of Auxerre at (448), 412 ; Aetius at, 412 f., 445 ; proclamation of Glycerius (473)1 449 5 flight of Julius Nepos from (475), 449; Odoacer established at, 450; supplanted by Theodoric (493), 450 Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, 20, 129, 322 ;

Ravenna—continued

its bishop a suffragan of Rome, 130, 463 ; appeal of John of Antioch to (43i)i 254 ; of Eutyches to Peter Chrysologus, 284; its bishop at Sardica, 129 Ravennius, Bp. of Aries (c. 449-55) : priest

of Hilary,, succeeds him, 411 f. Rayahs, 380, 436

Readers, 14, 16, 210, 217, 338, 342, 442, 452

Re-baptism, 77, 81, 88 f., 441 Rechiar, son of Rechila, Suevic king

(448), a Catholic, 404, 406 Rechila, Suevic king (+448), pagan, 404, 406

Reconciliation: of penitents, 15, 20, 89;

of heretics, 20 Red Sea, 396, 399 Reggio in Emilia, 129 Reginus, envoy of Zeno to Africa (483), 439

Registers, municipal, 91 Relics, 11 f., 31, 118 ff., 299, 368 Religiosi, 5

Remesiana, 127. See Nicetas Remigius, Master of the Offices (c. 365), 78

Remus, 459

Renaissance, Carolingian, 430 Renatus, priest: papal legate to Latro- cinium (449), 287 ; death at Delos, 287 ; his importance, 288 Reparatus, Bp. of Tipasa (c. 481), removed

by Arians, 442 Rephidim, Mt., 41 Res romana, 139, 415 Reschdouni, 377. See Sahag Restitutus, Bp. of Carthage (c. 359): leader at Ariminum (359), 78 ; result, 78 f.

Restitutus, Bp. of London (c. 314), at

Council of Aries, 424 Rew Ardaschir, 381 Rhaetia, 120 Rhegium, 136

Rhetor, 275, 316, 351, cf. 47, 85, 108, 113 Rhine : frontier struggles with barbarians, 105 ff., no, 112 ; crossed by Vandals (407), 430; Burgundians on left bank (413), 402 ; Attila, 413 Rhinocorura, 213. See Alfius Rhodes, 240 Rhodope, 334

Rhone : regions of, 406, 412 ; lateness of invasion, 406 ; Visigoths and, 422, 450 ; Burgundians and, 450 Ricimer (yf. 456-72): Patrician, 415; defeats Avitus at Placentia (456), 447 ; master of Italy (456-72), 331, 415, 448, 468; Emperor-maker, 415, 435, 448, 468 ; stirs up Goths and Burgundians against Aegidius, 415 ; relations with Constantinople, 448 ; marries daughter of Anthemius, 448 ; sacks Rome (472), 448 ; death (472), 448 f. ; Arian, 331; secures toleration of Arianism, 458 ; Suevic origin, 447 Ricomer, 105

Riez, Council of (439), 408. See Faustus,

Maximus Riochatus, antistes (saec. v.), 420 Riothime, Riothame, British chief (saec. v.), 420

Riots : at Alexandria, 210, 329, 332, 336 ; at Bethlehem, 155 f.; at Constantinople, 68 f. ; at Jerusalem, 326 Riparius, priest of Aquitaine (saec. v.):

Jerome and, 119, 156 Roads, 135, 426, 446, 452 Robe, christening, 442 f. See Baptism Rodez, 417 Rogatists, 80 f., 83

Rogatus, Donatist bishop of Cartenna

(saec. iv.), 80 Roman, Romans : victory over Antiochus at Magnesia (190 b.c.), 363, and Mithradates (65 b.c.), 363 ; Lucullus and Pompey in Armenia (66 b.c.), 364 ; new capital for Great Armenia,

364 ; campaigns with Parthians, 364 ; in Mesopotamia, 364 f. ; capture of Nisibis, 364; work of Diocletian,

365 f. ; wars with Persians, 365, 372, 375, 388 f. ; policy of Valens and Julian in the East, 373 f. ; loss of Nisibis (363), 273, 381 ; regained, 386 ; wars with Suevi, 406; with Vandals, 430-37 ; Romans and Vandals, 437 f., 443 ; in Vandal administration, 436; Romans and Ostrogoths, 450 f., and Ireland, 425

Attitude to barbarians, 107 f., 447 ; Salvian on barbarian virtues and Roman vices, 419; Goths as " Romans," in; Scoti as " Romans " because Christians, 428 ; Armenians as clients, 364, 369 ; " friends and allies," 366, 373, 417 ; neutrality in Armenian war with Persia, 377 ; character, 354, 411, 468

Africa, provinces of, 432 (see Africa) ; Arabia, 396 ; Britain, q.v. ; Gaul, q.v.

Food administration, 85, 108, 432 ; Treasury, victims of, in Gaul, 402 ; merchants among Homerites, 399; governor ejected from Armorica, 402 Roman Army. See Army Roman Empire, 375, 381, 390: conquest by Christianity, 369, 394, cf. 451 ; Constantine and Persian Christians 333), 378 f- ; Gildas and Britain, 430; Britain and the Empire, 188, 403, 420, 423, 430, 469 ; Christians in Roman Orient, 371 ff., 391 ;

Roman Empire—continued

toleration of Christians in Asia Minor and Syria, 370; persecution (3°9)> 382 ; Roman sympathies of Persian Christians, 382 ; bishops of the Empire and Persia, 385 f., 389, 391 ; missionaries from, to Saba and Axoum, 397 ff. ; trade expansion in Axoum, 399; theological disputes in, 394, 401 ; the Church as centre of union, 417 ; its institutions and the Church, 459, 467 ; in relation to Church institutions, 3, 327 Frontiers, 104 f. ; nomads on, 78, 394 f. ; Adiabene, 379 f.; Africa, 78 ; in Britain, 423 ; Egypt, 350, 400; Rhine, 105 ff., no, 112, 402, 413, 430; Rhdne and Cevennes, 422; Nisibis, 273, 364, 381, 386; Osrhoene, 365, 380 ; Persian, 202, 388 Decline in the West, v., 1 ff., 104, 401 ; over-centralization, 2 ; taxation, 2, 402; Huns and, 401, 413 f. (see also Attila); barbarian pressure, 78, 127, 138, 402 f., 417; attitude of barbarians to, 195, 447 ; progress of Goths and Burgundians, 415-18, 421 f. (see also Alaric) ; Suevi in Spain, 404, 406 ; Genseric in Africa (429), 194 f. ; temporary survival of Imperial Italy, 445 f. ; recovery of Western Numidia and the Mauritanias, 435 ; loss of Africa (455), 432 ; the Arian revenge, 433; sack of Rome by Genseric (455), 328, 415, 432, 446 f. ; the Empire under barbarian control, 448 ff., 451 ; its death scarcely perceived, 450, 469 Roman life : in Africa, 434 ; in Britain, 423 f., 428, 430; in Cappadocia, 372 f. ; settlements in the Caucasus, 361, in Cappadocia, 372 f. In Gaul: northern, 403, 414, 420, 424 ; under Syagrius (464), 415 ; effect of the Franks on, 403 ; in region of Aries, 406 f. ; under Euric (477), 422 f. In Spain, 407 The Probi, 131 ; Valerii Maximi, 132 ; life of Fabiola, 131 f. ; the Pontifex Albinus, 132; Publicola, 133 f. ; Pinianus' villa in Sicily, 135 ; estates in Africa, 135 Survivals of Paganism, 131 f., 134, I73> 259, 451

Tomb of the Apostles, 11, 137; cemeteries, 453. See also Churches Rome, Church and City of: Popes:—Eleutherius (177-89), 424; Pontianus (230-35), 160; Anteros (235-6), 160; Xystus II. (257-8), 46; Felix 1.(269-74), q.v.) Marcellus (307-9). 173; Miltiades (311-15), 84; Silvester (314-35), 451; Marcus (336),

Rome—continued

451 ; Jiolius (337-52), q.v. ; Liberius (352-66), 85, 451 f. ; Damasus (36684), q.v. ; Siricius (384-99 ?), q.v. ; Anastasius I. (c. 399-401), q.v. ; Innocent I. (402-17), q.v. ; Zosimus (417-18), q.v. ; Boniface (419-22), q.v. ; Celestine (422-32), q.v. ; Xystus III. (432-40), q.v. ; Leo the Great (440-61), q.v. ; Hilary (4618), q.v. ; Simplicius (468-83), q.v. ; Felix III. (483-92), q.v. ; Gelasius (492-6), q.v. ; Symmachus (498514), 456 ; Hormisdas (514-23), q.v.; Silverius (536-8 ?), 160; Vigilius (537-55), 123, 160; Gregory the Great (590-604), q.v. ; Martin (64953 ?), 160 ; Eugenius (654-7), 160 Tombs of the Apostles, 11, 137; traditional prestige of Rome, 20,459 ; called by Eugenius of Carthage, caput omnium ecclesiarum, 439; origin of the title "Bishop of the Catholic Church,* 459 ; the position of the Roman Pope and its basis, 459; influence in the East, 460 f., 465 ; custom of recourse to Rome for advice, 20 f., 117 f., 127, 234, 463 ; scope of Decretal Letters, 21, 123, 463 ; meaning of Siricius' ordinance on consecration of bishops, 130; condemnation of Origen's teaching by Anastasius notified to Milan, 43 ; ordinances of Roman Council (386) on ecclesiastical celibacy to Carthage, 82 ; rescript of Zosimus " ad universos totius orbis episcopos," 166 ; the authentic form of Roma locuta est, causa finita est, 158 ; Zosimus on the authority of his see, 165 ; his attitude to appeals, 165, 169f. ; the canons of "Nicaea," 170 ff., 175 ff., 179 ; Faustinus, legate of Zosimus and Celestine on the privileges of the Roman Church, 178 ; the Council of Carthage (423) on the Illuminations of the Holy Spirit, 179 ; Cyril and the " Most holy Father," and the submission of questions to the Holy See, 234; language of Roman legates at Chalcedon (451) in deprivation of Dioscorus, 304 ; of Felix III. in deposition of Acacius (484), 356; Ecclesia Romana semper habuit primatum^ 321 ; the Apostolic See and the Christian brotherhood, 322, 357 ; ground of Leo's intervention in Mauritania Caesariana, 435 ; Socrates on bishops of Rome and Alexandria, 453 ; the Roman Church and oecumenical authority, 465 ; defects of organization, 463, 465 Mother Church of Italy, 18 f. ; relations

Rome—continued

with Milan (g.v.) and Aquileia, 129 ; with Ravenna, 130, 322, 463 ; in relation to peninsular Italy and the islands, 20, 130, 182, 462 ; the suburbicarian province, 21, 462 f.; strictness of regulation, 462 ; in relation to Illyricum (7.v.), 124-7, to Gaul (y.tf.), 406-12 ; Vicariate of Aries, q.v.; Vicariate of Seville, 464 ; sending of the pallium, 464

Hierarchy of the Church, 159 ; imperial authority and papal elections, 173 f., 178 ; replacing of ropes, 160 ; priests, ¹73» 45² ; special position of deacons, 16, 173 ; official attitude to monks, 26, 125, 159, 196; laity consulted (saec. iii.) as to absolution of penitents, 15; "defensores," q.v. ; administration, 453

Councils : the natale ordinationis, 19, 462 ; Council (378), 130, 411 ; (382), 463; (386), 21,82, 130; (417), 162ff.; (430), 234 ; (465). 21 ; (484), 355 f., 358 ; (487), 441

Damasus opposes election of Gregory Nazianzen at Constantinople, 126 ; condemns doctrine of "Two Sons," 222 ; his use of secular power, 453 ; the affair of Leontius of Salona and action of Council of Aquileia, 124 ; appeal of Councils of Carthage (397, 401) to Rome and Milan on admission of Donatists, 88 f. ; Siricius and Innocent on the Bonosiaci, 123 f. ; Siricius and the Vicariate of Thes- salonica, 125ff.; condemnation of Origen by Anastasius, 43 ; Innocent restores Bp. Photinus condemned by Anastasius, 127 ; letter of Theophilus to Innocent on deposition of Chrysostom, 71 ; appeal of Chrysostom to Rome, Milan, and Aquileia, 71 ; .Innocent annuls sentence, 71 ; censure of Theophilus, 72 ; communion renounced with Chrysostom's opponents, 73, 156, 185 ; indifference of Theophilus, 203, 208 ; efforts of Council of Africa (407) at conciliation, 208; representations from Jerusalem as to Pelagius, 156, and from Africa, 157 ; Augustine on the reply, 158 ; Alexander of Antioch and Innocent (c. 415), 207 f., 250; reconciliation of Acacius of Bercea, 208

Zosimus establishes Vicariate of Aries, 161, 407 ; attempt to depose Proculus of Marseilles, 161 f. ; letters of Pelagius and of Praylius of Jerusalem, 163; African expostulations, 164 f. ; the Tractoria, and condemnation of Pelagius and Celestius, 167 ; inter-

Rome—continued

vention in Byzacene decision, 169 ; the case of Apiarius, 169-72 ; the policy of wisdom, 170, 179 f. ; African protests, 172 ; condemnation of Julian of Eclanum, 183 ; letter of Atticus of Constantinople, 185 ; little regard for Roman decisions at Alexandria, 185, 203 ; Boniface annuls consecration of Maximus of Demetrias, 250 ; African protests as to Apiarius and Antony of Fussala, 176 f. ; appeals from Gaul under Boniface, 408 f., and Celestine, 409. Celestine and Pelagianism in Britain, 188 f., 197, 425, 429 ; letters to bishops of districts of Vienne and Narbonne (428), 196, 409, and of Southern Gaul, 196, 409 ; Celestine on Augustine, 197 ; Atticus of Constantinople and Rome, 211 f. ; the question of Illyria, 212 ; Nestorius and Rome, 229 f. ; Rome and Nestorius, 232 ff.; Cyril and Celestine on Nestorius, 234 f., 238 f., 248 ; Cyril as Celestine's representative, 235, 237, 239, 243, 245, 256 ; doctrine of Rome and Alexandria, 235 ; Celestine on Jerusalem and Antioch, 238 ; legates to Ephesus (431), 242 f., 248, 288; their instructions, 248 ; approval of Nestorius' deposition, 248, 276 ; action as to the Easterns, 249 ; condemnation of Pelagians, 197, 249 ; report to Pope, 249 f., 257 ; notification of Mpximian's succession, 257 ; Celestine and John of Antioch, 257, 259. Xystus III., popularity, 197 ; the deacon Leo and Julian of Eclanum, 199; Acacius of Bercea, 259 f. ; Xystus and reconciliation of Cyril with John of Antioch, 264; letters of Eutherius and Helladius, 265 ; Proclus and Illyria, 275. Leo (see Leo). Hilary and the Gallican episcopate, 422 ; annuls decision of Spanish Council (465), 466. Sim- plicius and Alexandria, 354, 469; and Seville, 464; relations with Acacius of Constantinople, 346 f., 354. Felix III. and Acacius, 354ff. ; excommunication and deprivation of Acacius (484), 355 f. ; notification of sentence, 358 f. ; rupture of East and West, 357, 469. Gelasius on Nestorius, 312 ; on Pelagianism, 457 Rome, 85 : sieges of, 94, 108, 138, 448 ; capture by Alaric (410), 46, 94, 104, 108,136,140 ; threats of Alaric, 106 ; the problem of the Fall of Rome, 136 f., 419; spoils presented to the daughter of Theodosius, in; Rome and the barbarian menace, iiof., 134 f- J the awe of Rome, 136, 413,

Rome—continued

448 ; Attila and Rome (452), 413 ; capture and sack by Genseric (455), 328, 415, 432, 446f. ; capture by Ricimer (472), 448 f. ; the " Res Romana," 139, 415 Rufinus at, 36 ; Isidore of Pelusium, 39 ; fame of Augustine as orator at, 85 ; Rufinus the Syrian, 131 ; arrest of Eucharius, 107 ; Pelagius at, 145 IT. ; Marcellinus, 146 ; Celestius, 148, 181 ; Pelagius expelled by government from " Rome," 167 ; Prosper and Hilary at, 196 ; popularity of Xystus at, 197 ; fame of Simeon Stylites at, 217 ; Ninian, 427; Novatians^-, 453 f. ; Manicheans, 454 ff-

Prefect of (see, Prefect) ; Vicarius of, 130 ; proclamation of the Emp. John (423), 187; Emp. Anthemius at (467), 458 Bridge of Hadrian (Ponte di S. Angelo), 106 ; statue of Stilicho in Forum, 106 ; Arch of Triumph, 106 ; fortifications ofAurelian, 106 ; mausoleum of the Probi, 5, 131 ; Temple of Claudius, 131 ; Domus Pinciana, 142 ; Domus Merulana, 458 Aventine, 131, 452 ; Caelian Hill, 131 f., 134, 146, 168, 207 ; Esquiline, 452, 458 ; Quirinal, 452, 458 ; Suburra, 458; Trastevere, Trastevera, 137, 448

Rebaptism question after Ariminum (359), 77 » Pelagian sympathies in Rome, 146, 157, 198 f. ; the deacon Leo on position of Roman Church on* Free Will, 199f. ; relation of Theodoret and Roman theology, 274 ; Romans as "Nestorians," 307, 310; Greek opposition to Roman demands as to Faith, 318, 323 f., 326, 340 f.,

345, 349 f- Epiphanius and the Roman Church, 36 ; view taken of Jerome, 35, 46 f. ; influence of Eusebius of Cremona, 43 ; Victricius of Rouen and, 117 f. ; Heros and Lazarus, 162 ff. ; Paulinus the deacon and, 164; Council of Carthage (419) on appeals to, 86 f., 175 f. ; Prosper on Xystus III., 197 f. ; influence of Cassian, 230, 235 Roman Church and Arianism, 458 f. ; Eutychianism, 457 f. Novatians, 453 f. ; survivals of Pelagianism, 457

Roman Church and Council of Nicaea, 19, 72, 323, 465 ; and canons of Sardica, 19, 170 ff., 175 ff., 323; ignored Constantinople (381), 322 ; objections to canons of Chalcedon on jurisdiction, 321 ff.

Rome—continued

Roman Church and use of civil power, 453, 465 ff. See also Civil Power, Defensores Church building, 451 ff. See Churches, Rome

Festivals, 161, 174, 293, 459 Romanus, Abbot of Tekoa (saec. v.): opponent of Chalcedon, 325, and of the Henotikon, 353 ; high character, 325; " Life," 317 Romanus, Count of Africa (c. 365), 82 ; appointed by Jovian, 78 ; cruelty and rapacity, 78, 80 ; persecutes Donatists, 78 ; revolt of Mauritania (372), 80 ; his failure and removal, 80 f. Romulus, 459

Romulus Augustulus, Emp. (475-6), 449 Rouen. See Victricius Rufinianae, 214 f., 254 Rufinus, priest and monk (c. 345-410) : native of Aquileia, 43 ; attitude to Origen, 29 f., 34, 38, 44, 75 ; friend of Melania the elder, 29 f., 43 ; her director, 134; acquaintance with Palladius, 29 ; with King Bacour, 361 ; relations with Aterbius (393), 31; friendship of John of Jerusalem for, 31 f., 44, 150 ; attitude of Epiphanius, 34 ; and of Jerome, 119 ; appeals to Theophilus of Alexandria, 35 ; reconciliation with Jerome (397), 36, 42 ; return to Rome, 36 ; translates for Macarius Apology for Origen, 36, and Peri Arc/ton, 37 ; methods of translation, 36 f., 42 ; references to Jerome's work on Origen, 37, 42 ; relations with Pope Siricius, 37 f. ; return to Aquileia, 37, 42 ; Pope Anastasius on his translations, 38, 44; letter to Jerome, 42 ; reply intercepted, 42,44; Jerome's letter to Pammachius and Oceanus, 42-5 ; war with Jerome, 45, 47, 132; relations with Chromatiusof Aquileia, 43, 45, with Paulinus, 43, 115, with Pammachius, 44, 146; Anastasius and Rufinus, 43 f., 159; his confession of Faith, 44 ; Apology to Apronianus, 44 f. ; further translations, 45 f.; return to Rome, 134 f., 146; in Sicily, 135 f. ; death there (410), 46, 136 ; animosity of Jerome, 45 ff., 74, I50 ; " Grunnius," 46, 151 ; revision of Canons of Nicaea, 86 ; on mission of Apostles, 397 ; " Ecclesiastical History" quoted, 325, 361, 395. 397 f-

Rufinus of Syria, priest (c. 390): at Rome, 131; his "Confession of Faith," 146 ; alleged intercourse with Pelagius, 146 Rufinus, the minister (f 395) : Praetorian Prefect, 50 ; baptized at " The Oak," 62 ; godson of Ammonius the Tall Brother, 39; his Villa, 62, 66; establishes monastery there, 215 (see Rufinianae) ; guardian of Arcadius, 49; character, 49 f. ; hostility of Stilicho, 49 ; ambitions frustrated by Eutropius, 49 f. ; execution by Goths (395), 5o

Rufinus, Praetorian Prefect (c. 394), 34

Rufus, Bp. of Thessalonica (c. 410-31),

184, 235, 251 Rural churches, 462

Rusticulus, Novatian bishop at Rome

(c. 430), 453 Rusticus, Bp. of Narbonne (c. 451), 21 Rutilius Numatianus (c. 416), 190

Saba, Sabean, 396 f. Sabellians, 313

Sabellius, heretic (saec. iii.), 203,' 341, 380

Sabina, Basilica of, 452

Sacerdos, British representative at Aries

(314). 424 Sacra: imperial letter, 236, 265, 352 Sacraments: clergy and, 15 ; bishops and regulation of, 25 ; in monasteries, 33, 36 ; Roman See consulted as to, 20

Sacred books, Manichean, 454, 456 Sacrifices, pagan, 112, 136 Safar, 399 Sahabad, 386

Sahag, Catholicos of Armenia (c. 363) : of family of Bp. Albian, 372 ; signs Consubstantialist profession at Antioch, 372 Sahag the Great, Catholicos of Armenia, son of Narses (c. 390-441 ?), 268, 371, 375 f-

Sahag, Catholicos of Armenia (c. 380 ?) :

of family of Bp. Albian, 375 Sahag, Bp. of Reschdouni (c. 454),

martyr, 377 Sailors, Egyptian. See Alexandria Saints: cultus of, 8f., 115, 191, cf. 343, 433 ; its motives, 9 ; of Old and New Testaments, 10 ; disclosed by revelation, 10

Saiazan, Sazan, brother of Aizan of

Axoum (c. 356), 398 Salamis, 30, 33, 60. See Epiphanius Salian, 418

Sallustius, Bp. of Seville (saec. vi.), receives pallium, 464 Salona : Bps. Maximus (saec. iv.), 124 ; Leontius (saec. iv.), 124, 130 ; Hesychius (405-29 ?), 21, 125 ; Glycerius (c. 473), 449 Salonius, son of Bp. Eucherius (saec. v.),

Salvation: Augustine's view of, 192 ; mystical view of, 223

Salvian, priest of Northern Gaul (Jt,. c. 429) : at Marseilles, 419 ; De Guber- natione Dei, 419; contrasts barbarians and Romans, 139, 419 Salvius, Bp. of Membressa (c. 394), 84 Samosata, 353. See Andrew, Paul Samuel, prophet, 33, 189 ; tomb of, 10 Samuel, Catholicos of Armenia (c. 432), 376

Sanctuaries, 299, 343, 433, 453 Sapor I., King of Persia (241-72), 394 Sapor II., King of Persia (309-79), 3^5,

378 f., 381 ff. Sapor III., King of Persia (383-88), 386 Sara, 65

Saracens, 205, 395 f. ; Bp. of, 396 Sardica, 123, 125 f.: Council (343), 9-^v-

See also Protogenes Sardinia, 432 Sardis, 221 Sassanids, 364, 369 Satala, 374 Satraps, 366, 376 f.

Satuminus, consul-designate (c. 399), 51, 54

Satuminus, eunuch (c. 449), 293

Savia, Province of, 124

Savoy, 402

Saxons, 414, 423, 430

Schahdost, Catholicos of Seleucia-Ctesi-

phon, martyr (342), 383 Schism, 34, 36, 68, 77, 84, 88 f., 99, 118, 123 f., 172, 207, 221, 305, 357, 391, 453, 460

Schnoudi, monk (saecc. iv., v.) : of monastery on Upper Nile, 240 ; genuineness of Sermons, 240; alleged presence at Ephesus (431), 240 ; great age, 240 ; Cyrillian, 240; implacable hostility to Nestorius, 310; death (451), 315

Scholastics, 466

Schools, 373, 380. See Alexandria,

Antioch, Bordeaux, Persians Scipio, 104 Scodra, 125

Scoti, Scots: Jerome on, 145, 151 ; outside the Empire, 423 ; becoming Christian (431), 425, 429 ; St Patrick among, 426 ft'., 429; cannibalism,

Scripture. See Bible Sculpture, 11, 69, 130 Scupi, 125

Scythia, Scythians, 190, 363 Scythopolis. See Cyril, Severian Sebaste, 201, 365, 375. See Atticus of

Constantinople, Eustathius Sebastian, Emp. (c. 412), 110 Sebastian, son-in-law of Count Boniface

(saec. v.), 436 Sebastopolis, 361

Secretaries, 442. See Apocrisiarii

Secundianus, Bp. of Vibia (c. 484), 439 Seistan, 381

Selenas, Bp. of Goths (saec. iv.), 120 Seleucia in Asia Minor: Council (359), 440

Seleucia in Isauria, 300 f. See Basil Seleucia in Syria, 342 Seleucia-Ctesiphon, 273, 381 ff., 384^, 393 f.; Council (in 410), 386 f. ; (in 420), 387. Bishops, see Persia Seleucidae, Seleucids, 363, 385 Seleucus (c. 354-281, B.C.), 385 " Semi-pelagianism," 191 Semitic, 379, 381, 385, 397 Senators, 131, 134, 234, 299, 413, 451,

468 ; of Carthage, 433 Senate, 66, 69, 85, 108, 138 f., 413, 447,

451, 455, 468 f. Seneca (saec. v.), 457 Senior, 406

Septimius Severus, Emp. (193-211), 364 f., 385

Septimus, Bp. of Altinum (c. 450), 457 Septuagint, 152

Sepulchre, Holy, 5, 11, 36, 42, 381. See

Anastasis Serapeum, 329

Serapion, Archdeacon of Chrysostom (saec. v.) : an Egyptian, 53 ; character, 53 ; and Epiphanius, 60 Serapion: Dialogue of Arnobius and,

198, 458 Serbal, 395

Serena, niece of Theodosius I.: wife of Stilicho, 49, 107, 135 ; friend of Pinianus and Melania, 135; butchered by Alaric (408), 108 Serendiv, 399

Sermons, 8, 240: long (of Epiphanius) 32, (of Hilary) 408 ; scriptural illustrations (of Chrysostom), 65, 67 ; of Catholic bishops in Africa, 434 ; of Nestorius, 220, 228 f.; of Cyril, 340 ; Peter Mongus preaches old sermons, 350 ; on special occasions (Faustus), 420 ; of Simeon Stylites, 217 f. ; of Maximus of Turin, 128 ; of Pope Leo, q.v. See Preaching Servi Dei, Chris li, 167, 312, cf. 41 Services, 2, 5, 7 f. Servile condition, 427 Severi. See Valerii

Severian, African bishop, exiled (437), 433

Severian, Severianus, British bishop (saec. v.) : father of Agricola, 188 ; Pelagian, 188, 425 Severian, Bp. of Gabala (c. 400): preaching and accent, 54; hostile to Chrysostom at Constantinople, 54, 62 ; at the Oak, at Constantinople, 64, 69 ; in Syria, 67, 70, 73 ; Isidore of Pelusium 011, 206

Severian, Bp. of Scythopolis (c. 451),

murdered at Jerusalem, 326 Severus, Monophysite Patriarch of

Antioch (512-19), 213 Severus : "Life," 317, 351 Severus, Bp. of Treves (c. 447): in

Britain, 189 Severus, L. Septimius, Emp. (193-211), 364 385

Severus, Libius, Emp. (461 - 5), 415, 448, 468

Severus, ambassador of Zeno: in Africa

(c. 474). 435 Severus, Sulpicius. See Sulpicius Seville, 464. See Isidore, Sallustius Sextus, Pythagorean philosopher, 46 Sheik, 395 f. Shiites, 394 Shorthand, 65, 96 Shrine, 11, 299

Sicca Veneria, 96, 169, 172, 178. See

Apiarius, Urbanus Sicily: villa of Pinianus in, 135 ; death of Rufinus in (410), 46 f. ; projected voyage of Alaric to, 109; Pelagianism in, 150, 182, 188 ; Fastidius in, 188 ; Maximin the Arian in, 122 ; invasion by Genseric (440), 122, 432. See Lilybceum

Sick : Fabiola's hospital at Rome, 132; Narses' in Armenia, 372 f. ; Hilary and penitence sub expectaiione mortis, 4°9

Side. See Amphilochius, Philip Sidonius Apollinaris (431-89), Bp. of Auvergne (c. 470-89): great career as official, 404, 415 f., 418; son-in- law of Emp. Avitus, 416 ; bishop, 416 ; relations with Visigoths, 416, 418, 423 ; with ascetic nobles, 419 ; literary gifts, 41S f., 418; writings, 388, 416, 418, 420 f., 446 Sienna, 122

Sigeric, king of the Goths (415), seven

days' reign, in Sigisharius, Bp. (c. 409), 121 Sigisvult, Count (c. 427-9) : sent against Count Boniface, 194, 431 ; lands at Carthage (427), 121 ; accompanied by Bp. Maximin and band of Goths,

121, 194; retires before Genseric,

122, 194 Siglum, 10, 442 Silentiary, 330 f., 335

Silvanus, Bp. of Calahorra (c. 465), 406

Silverius, Pope (536-8 ?), 160 Silvester, Pope (314-35), Basilica of, 451 Silvia. See Etheria

Simeon, Bp. of Beth-Arsam (510-25), 392 Simeon Stylites (388-460): shepherd, monk at Antioch, Stylite, 216 f. ; austerities, 216 f. ; his pillar, 217;

widespread fame, 217 ; monastic criticisms, 217 ; sermons, 217 f. ; consulted by Theodosius II., 260; consulted officially on doctrine after Chalcedon, 218, 335 ; Theodoret and, 216 f., 266; copied by Daniel the Syrian, 344; burial, 218 Simon Magus, 304

Simon Barsabaeus, Bp. of Seleucia- Ctesiphon (c. 326-41): supplants Bp. Papa, 385 ; decision of the "Western Fathers," 385 ; martyred (341), . 382 f., 385

" Simonians " : Nestorians, 267 Simony, 55

Simplician, Simplicianus, Bp. of Milan (397-400), 89; his converts, 128 ; succeeds Ainbrose, 127; Pope Anastasius notifies to him condemnation of Origen's works, 43 ; death (400), 43, 128 Simplicius, Pope (468-83) : and Acacius of Constantinople, 354, 357, 469; letters of Acacius, 330, 346 ; alarm at restoration of Timothy Aelurus by Basiliscus, 469 ; letter to Emp. Zeno (477)i 345 » disturbed at concourse of bishops at Constantinople, 345 ; drops the question of Aries, 422 ; letters of Vicariate to bishop of Seville, 464; sees the end of the Empire, 469 ; death, 354, 469 Simplicius, Bp. of Vienne (c. 397-417), 117

Simplicius, Bp. (saec. v.): Sidonius

Apollinaris on, 417 Sinai, 205 : monks of, 326; monastery of St Catherine, 395 ; bishopric of, 395 ; Theodosius of Jerusalem at, 327. See Nilus Sin : Augustine's view of, 143, 151 ; view of Pelagius, 144, of Celestius, 148 ; attitude of Pelagius to Celestius, 154 ; Jerome's view, 151 ; Baptism and, 5 ff-

Original sin: Augustine on, 143, 150, 168 ; followed by Bossuet, 145 ; Catholic doctrine of, 145, 165. View of Theodore of Mopsuestia, 146, 185 ; of Pelagius, 144 ; of Celestius, 148f.; of Faustus of Riez, 421 f. ; of Julian of Eclanum, 184 ff. ; of St Leo, 457 ; of Dialogue of Arnobius and Serapion, 458. See Fall Transmission of sin, 148 f., 186; problem of infant baptism, 149, 157 Relation to prayer, 157 ; and doctrine of Redemption, 149, 192. See also Salvation Sinhala dvipa, 399

Siricius, Pope (384-399). 89, 131 ; attitude to Epiphanius, 36; and Rufinus, 37 f., 159; to Paulinus of

Nola, 43 ("superba discretio ), 115 ; on ecclesiastical celibacy, 82; on Felix of Treves, 118; on Bonosus, 123 ; founds Vicariate of Thessa- lonica, 125 f., 464; on the consecration of bishops, 130, 462 ; repairs churches, 452 ; death, 38 ; character, 37, US, 134; succeeded by Anastasius, 38

Sirmium: Formula of (357), 424. See

also Photinus Sisinnius, Bp. of Constantinople (425-7) : demanded by the people, 219 ; consecration, 212, 219 ; letter to Beronician and Amphilochius, 212 ; consecrates Proclus Bp. of Cyzicus, 219, 242 ; Pope Celestine on, 235, 257 ; death, 220; character, 219, 235, 257 ; succeeded by Nestorius, 220, 235 Sisters, Spiritual, 52 Sitifis, 94 Sivas, 365

Slaves: Christian, 15, 427; as monks, 24 ; Vandal punishment of Catholics, 433 f-

Slavs, v., 125, 127, 401 Socotora, 400

Socrates, historian (saec. v.) : as historian, viii., 51, 66, 210, 220, 387, 453 ; quoted, 38 f., 61, 65 f., 120, 209, 219 f., 228, 245, 267, 271, 328, 361, 388 ; date of history, 267 Soissons, Battle of (486), 415 Solitaries : of Chalcedon, 215, 328 ; Constantinople, 344; Egypt, 39, 193, 205, 210; (see Nitria) ; of Gaza, 395 ; of Palestine, 141, 216; of Provencal coast, 419 ; (see Lerins) ; of Sinai, 205; of Syria and Euphrates country, 213, 216, 266, 274, 344; of Tuscan coast, 190. See Ascetics, monks Somalis, 396 Somme, 402

Sophene, 363 f-, 365 U 370 Sophia, St, at Constantinople, 61, 65, 228: Eutropius takes refuge in (399), 50 f. ; statue of Eudocia in front of, 66; burning of the Church, 69, 72 ; Chrysostom leaves, 69 ; effort of Timothy Aelurus to enter, 338 ; Acacius drapes throne and altar in black, 344 ; sentence of Pope Felix III. pinned on his pallium in, 359 ; spoudaioi of, 5 Sophist, 201

Sophronius, Bp. of Telia (saec. v.), 291, 296

Soukoum, 360

Soul, 28, 151, 186, 222, 421

Sourmag, Catholicos of Armenia (c. 428),

376 Souster, 386

Sozomen, historian (saec. v.) : as historian, viii., 51; quoted, 10, 61, 65 f., 79, 109, 120, 201, 367, 383 f., 395 Spain, 407 ; rival Emperors in, 109 f.; Goths, 109, inf., 120; favourable view of, 139 ; Vandals, 194 f., 358, 401 f., 430f., 432; "Andalusia," 194 f., 402, 430 f. ; Suevi in, 402; appeals to Aetius, 403 j Majorian attacks Vandals, 415, 448 ; Britons in, 423 ; people of Tipasa take refuge in, 442 ; Visigoths in, 450 Church of: reference of disputes to Rome and Milan, 20: Decretal Letters to, 21 ; Priscillianists in, 112 f., 404 f. ; ordination of Paulinus at Barcelona, 114, 141 ; pilgrimages from, to Nola, 115 ; Bonosiaci in, 123 ; bishops of "Mauritania Tingi- tana," and African Council (418), 165 ; Turribius of Astorga, 404 k ; Hydatius, 404 f. ; circulation of letters of Flavian and Leo, 412 ; Pope Hilary annuls Spanish Council, 466 ; papal defensores in, 466 f. See also Galicia, Lusitania, Seville Spaniards: monks, 312; Catholics at Vandal Court in Africa, 436. See also Orosius Spires, 107, 402

Spoleto : proposed Council, 173 ff. See Achilleus

Sporacius, Comes Domesticorum (c. 451),

at Chalcedon, 299 Spoudaioi, 5 Stamboul, Old, 202 Station, 7

Statues, 66, 69, 130 Stephen, St, tomb of, 10 Stephen, Bp. of Antioch (478-80), 343 Stephen, Bp. of Ephesus (c. 449-51), at

Chalcedon, 299 f. Steward, 250, cf. 17, 148 Stilas, Dux of Egypt (c. 458), 336 Stilicho (saec. v.): of Vandal descent, 107; general of Theodosius I. marries his niece Serena, 49, 107 ; his son Eucherius, 107 marries two daughters to Emp. Honorius, 107 ; brother-in-law of Count Bathanarius, 89 ; control of the West, 49, 107 ; his Eastern policy, 49 f., 73, 125 ; relations with Alaric, 50, 73, 105 f., 107 f. ; and Gainas, 50; defeats Alaric at Pollentia (402), 73, 106, cf. 134; receives statue in Forum, 106; relations with Gildo and Mascezel, 85 ; Court intrigues against him, 107 ; troubles in Gaul, 107 ; poems of Claudian on his victories, 115 ; assassination by order of Honorius, 94, 107 f., by Heraclian, 99

Sioechadae, 191

Stoicism, 144, 183 Strasbourg, 107 Strathclyde, 427 Strikes, 24

Style, 113, 115, 204, 418, 428 Stylites, 217, 344. See Simeon, Daniel Subdeacons, 16, 164 Subregulus, 427 Substantia, 224

Suburbicarian jurisdiction, 21, 462 k Suburra, 458

Succession, Vandal, 438, 443 Successus, Bp. of Diocaesarea in Isauria

(c. 431), 281 f. Suevi: cross the Rhine (406), 106; settle in Galicia and Lusitania, 402 ; Aetius uses Goths against them, 403 ; Rechila and Rechiar kings at Emerita, 404 f. ; internal and external wars, 406; with Vandals, 430; paganism, 404, 496. See Ricimer Sufetula, 439. See Praesidius Suicide, 8i, 85, 102, 346 Sulpicius Severus (saecc. iv., v.) : native of Aquitaine, personal history, 116; retired life, 5, 190, 419 ; at Toulouse, 118; devotion to St Martin, 116; controversy with Britius, 116; relations with Paulinus of Nola, 115 f. ; with Postumianus, 118; and Vigilan- tius, 118 f. ; influence of Pelagiarism on, 188 ; account of British bishops at Ariminum (459), 425 ; works, 116, 118; elegance of style, 113; personal character, 115 f., 118,'-188, 419

Supernatural, 426 Superstition, 413 Susa, 385 f.

Susiana, 381 f., 384, 386, 392 Syagrius, Spanish bishop (c. 433), 405 Syagrius, son of Aegidius: establishes principality in N.W. Gaul (464), 415, 469 ; Sidonius Apollinaris on,

o ⁴¹⁵

Sycae, 328 Syene, 72

III.

2 N

Symbolum Fidei, 149. See Creeds Symmachus, Pope (498-514), 456 Symmachus the elder, Prefect of Rome (304): in conflict with Ambrose, *73 > P^ag^ani *73 i work of Prudentius against, 131 Symmachus, Prefect of Rome (c. 418-19): nephew of Symmachus the elder, ¹73 ; pagan, 173, 451; sides with Eulalius (419), 173 ; removes him, 174; relations with Achilleus of Spoleto, 174 Synaos, 395. See Agapitus Synesius, Bp. of Ptolemais (411-14?): early life and abilities, 203 f. ; pupil of Hypatia, 203 f., 210; relations

with Theophilus of Alexandria, 203 f.; bishop (411), 204; ideals, 204; on relations between Rome and Alexandria, 208 ; his brother and successor Euoptius, 253 ; correspondence, 204 f.

Synodicon : its history, 221, 270 ; signatures to Cyril's Acts at Ephesus, 247, 249 f. ; on Juvenal of Jerusalem, 251 ; on Cyril's douceurs., 261 ; quoted, 258 ff., 262, 264, 266 ff.

Sy nodus, 166

Syracuse, 150

Syria, 393, 397 ; Huns in, 34, 50; fugitives from Rome (410), 137 ; Alexander the Acoemete, 213 f. ; Aristolaus sent to, 259, 263 ; Paul of Emesa, 263 ; Peter the Iberian in, 353; Arab tribes near, 394; refugees from Africa in, 433 ; forces of Mahomet in, 226 ; deserts of, 72, 213 ; Bedouins, 217

Strength of Christianity in (saecc. iii., iv.), 370 ; cultus of angels in, 10. Monks, ²3) 297, of Mesopotamian Syria at Latrocinium (449), 287, their character, 287

Bishops of, 19 ; divisions as to Chrysostom, 67, 208 ; at Council of Antioch (381), 222 ; and Nestoriap controversy before Ephesus, 237 ; letter of Cyril to, 238 ; delay in reaching Ephesus, 243, proceedings there, 246 f. ; at Chalcedon (431), 253 ; their theological tradition, 266, 274, 393 J their view of Cyril, 271 f. ; at Latrocinium, 340 ; at Chalcedon, 299; (Canons 9, 17), 320; their metropolis Antioch, q.v. ; attitude to monks, 328 ; alleged ordination of Peter the Fuller at Seleucia, 342 ; growth of Monophysitism, 346; acceptance of Emp. Leontius, 352 ; influence of Acacius of Constantinople, 357

Syriac, vi., 394 ; MSS. vii., 384 ; Maruthas a Syriac-speaking Mesopotamian, 62 ; "Book of Heracleides " in, 221 ; hymns of Balai, 264 ; works of Ibas of Edessa, 273 ; Acts of the Latrocinium, 279, 286; Historia Miscellanea, 316, 334, 339 ; Life of Peter the Iberian, 325, 328 ; Life of Isaiah by Zacharias, 354 ; his history, 358 ; books translated into Armenian, 376 ; use of, in Armenian liturgy, 370 ; Edessa, a Syriac-speaking centre, 379) 384; teachings of Aphraates, 381, 384; Martyrologies in, 384; " Hirta," 394

Syrian, Syrians : commercial colonies of, 128 ; Rufinus the Syrian at Rome, 131, 146 ; clergy of Nestorius at Constantinople, 228 ; Simeon, Varadates,

James, 335; Daniel the Syrian at Constantinople, 344; Daniel Catholicos of Armenia, 372 ; Perkischo and Samuel, 376; Syrian masters in Armenia, 373, 376; "Syrian" colonies of Alexander, 399 ; Scriptores Syri, 328, 354. See also Michael, S>yriac

tabraca, 85, 178. See Apiarius Taktika, 375

Tall Brothers, 39, 215. See also

Ammonius, Dioscorus Talmud, 380 Tamalleni, Turris, 441 Tapestry, 34, 261 Taposiris, 332 Tarantaise, 412 Taron, 369

Tarraconensis, province, 405, 466 Tarragona, 21, 406. See Ascanius, Himerius

Tarsus, 67; Council (431), 258 f. ; Empress Verina crowns Leontius at, 351 ; bishopric of, 258, 353. See Diodore, Helladius Tatian, Apologist (saec. ii.), 379 Tatian, Prefect of Constantinople, at

Chalcedon (451), 299 Tattooing, 437

Taurianus, Cretan (saec. v.)i 127 Tauric Chersonese, 360 Taurobolium, 112 Taurus, 320, 337 Tayyaye, 389

Taxation: imposed by Heraclian on fugitives to Africa, 140 ; Receivers of Taxes as assessors to a Council, 169 ; ecclesiastical in Egypt, 272 ; victims of the Treasury in Gaul and Spain, 402; of Africa lost ^ (455). 432 Tchiboukli, 214 Te Deum, 127 Teima, 397

Tekoa, 325, 353. See Romanus Telanissos, 218 Telepte, Council (418), 87 Telia, 386, 435. Sophronius Tell Neschin, 218 Telmin, 441

Temple, 262 f. See Christology Temples; proposal to re-open, 136f. ; servants of, 369; endowments of, used for Armenian clergy, 371 ; closed but standing at Rome (saec.

v.), 130, 451 Terdjan, 369

Tertullian (c. 160-240), 113, 225, 436 Tetrapylon, 332 Teutons, 106 Thaddeus, St, 367

Thagaste: birthplace of Augustine, 85, 92 ; Pinianus and Melania at, 141. See Alypius, Augustine Thalassius, Bp. of Angers (saec. v.), 414 Thalassius, Bp. of Caesarea, in Cappadocia (c. 439-51 ?) : former Praetorian Prefect, 328 ; made bishop by Proclus, 328; Dioscorian, 285, 300 f., 307; at Chalcedon (451), 299; excuses for Latrocinium, 300; deposition recommended by officials, 301 f.; share in commission for definition, 307 ; attitude to the Canons, 321 ; to George the monk, 328 ; "a man of peace," 328, cf. 321 Thamugad: Donatist centre, 82, 102 ; its position, 102 ; Dulcitius at, 102. See Gaudentius, Optatus Theatres, 4, 138, 329 Thebais, Thebaid, province, 240, 310 Thenae, 121

Theoctistus, Bp. of Caesarea in Thessaly

(saec. v.), 250 Theodora, Church of, at Rome, 173 Theodore, Bp. of Antinoe (saec. v.) : consecrates the deacon, Peter Mongus, Bp. of Alexandria (477), 346, 35° ; at head of 30,000 monks, 350 ; exile,

353 f. 1 "Life," 325. 354

Theodore, Bp. of Fr^jus (c. 432-55), 25 Theodore, Bp. of Mopsuestia (392-428) : friend of Diodore of Tarsus, 222 ; Christology of, 222 f. ; possible influence on Pelagius, 146; welcomes Julian of Eclanum, 185, 229 ; attacks Jerome and Augustine, 185, 207; Nestorius and, 208, 312 ; in relation to Antiochene theology, 344, 393 ; efforts of the deacons Basil and Maximus against, 269, 277 ; influence in Cilicia, 261, and at Edessa, 273, 391, cf. 393 ; works translated into Syriac, 273 ; attitude of Armenian monks, 270; of bishops of Persian Armenia, 390, and of Theodoret, 274; Mari the Persian and, 273 ; on good terms with Cyril, 232; Cyril's work against him, 269 f. ; his "Creed" at Ephesus (431), 250 ; attacks of Marius Mercator on, 185, 284, and of Eutyches, 278; on "natural sinlessness," 185, 207; Apollinarianist attack on, 228 ; commentary on Job, 232 ; work against Magi of Persia, 388 ; death, 229 Theodore, St, sanctuary of, 343 Theodore, Roman deacon, 51 Theodore the Reader, historian (saec. vi.), viii.; fragmentary remains, viii., 317 ; on consecration of Anatolius, 294 ; on accident to Timothy Aelurus, 338 ; quoted, 217, 342 Theodore, Augustal Prefect (c. 451), 329

Theodore^ Bp. of Cyrrhos (+ c. 457): native of Antioch, 274, 340; knowledge and eloquence, 253 ; pastoral activity and influence, 274 ; sermons, 279 ; admiration for monks, 274; on Simeon Stylites, 216 f. ; opposition of Barsumas to, 277 ; attack on Eutyches, 278 ; attacked by Theodosius and the monks, 279 ; friend of Nestorius, 266 ; manifest orthodoxy, 256, 312 f.; his theology, vi., 274, 278, 286,317, 344,390; refutation of Cyril's Anathemas, 239, 256 ; later attitude to Cyril, 261 ff., 271 (?), 273 ; member of Eastern deputation to Chalcedon (431), 253 ; disputation with Acacius of Melitene, 254 ; attitude to Himerius of Nicomedia, 258 ; to John of Antioch, 253, 266 ; compelled to sign condemnation of •Nestorius (435), 268 ; censured by Irenaeus of Tyre, 270; welcomes refugees from Africa, 433, 435 ; confined to his diocese, 279, 287, 292 ; forbidden to attend Council of Ephesus (449), 285, 287; deposed there, 291, 340, 348 ; appeals to Pope Leo, 292 ; Leo's intervention, 292 ; letter of Leo to, 293 ; restored by Leo, 300, 309 ; relegated to a monastery, 294; at Council of Chalcedon (451), 300 ; his " censure " on Nestorius, 309 ; " Nestorian," 313 ; defends Leo's doctrine, 317 ; Letter of Leo to (453), 341 ; date of death, 341 ; reference to him in Henotikon, 348 Works, vii., 274 ; collection of patristic texts, 254; Eranistes, 254, 278; Letters, 271 (?), 275, 390, 433, 435. 456; as historian, via., 51 ; quoted, 207, 271, 387 f- Theodoric the Amal, the Great, son of Valamir, chief of the Ostrogoths: invades Italy for Zeno against Odoacer, 450; supplants Oaoacer (493), 450; character and policy, 451, 467

Theodoric the Squinter, chief of the

Ostrogoths (saec. v.), 450 Theodoric II., king of the Visigoths (453-66) : " ally" of the Empire, 447; with Aetius relieves Orleans (450i 413 5 king at Toulouse, 447 ; proclaims Avitus Emperor (455), 447 ; succeeded by his brother Euric (466), 416 Theodoric, brother of Huneric, king of the Vandals (saec. v.), still dive (477), 438 Theodosian Code. See Codex Theodosiopolis, 353, 365, 375 Theodosius, Bp. of Jerusalem (452-3 ?) :

icads monks to Alexandria against Domnus and Theodoret, 279 ; treatment by Dioscorus, 279, 324 ; foments agitation against Juvenal of Jerusalem, 324; supplants him as bishop, 326 ; attitude to Eutyches, 327 ; ejected by government, 327 ; relations with Peter of Iberia, 332 ; ordains him Bp. of Maiouma, 390; interned in monastery of Dius, 328 ; death at Constantinople (457), 328 ; buried in Cyprus, 328 Theodosius the Deacon: collection of

canons, 171 Theodosius I., Emp. (379-95), 10, 33, 109, III, 173, 215, 331, 415, 446,

467; son of the General Theodosius, 81 ; governor of Illyrian provinces under Gratian, 125 ; his achievements, 1 ; growth of influence of Constantinople under, 56 ; calls (Ecumenical Council there(38i), 319 ; agreement with Persia (c. 387), 365, 382, 386; legislation as to Arians, 53, 120; as to heretics generally (392), 92, 222 ; puts down usurpation of Eugenius (c. 394), &4f.; battle of the Frigidus (394), 105, 361 ; brings Goths to Italy, 50; relations with Stilicho, 49, 107 ; his niece Serena, 107; his daughter Placidia, q.v. ; death, 49 ; succeeded by Arcadius and Honorius, I, 49 Theodosius II., son of Arcadius, Emp. (408-49), 300 : proclaimed Augustus (402), 201 ; succeeds Arcadius at age of 7 (408), 107, 201 ; story as to Jazdgerd I., 387; power of Anthemius, 201 f., 448 ; war with Persia (420-2), 388; marriage to Athenais Eudocia (421), 276; attitude to his sister Pulcheria, 236, 252, 276; relations with Placidia, 187 ; his character and piety, 202, 206 ; Theodosian enclosure at Constantinople, 202 ; Isidore of Pelusium on, 206; attitude to Cyril, 236; summons Council of Ephesus (430, 236 ; represented by Count Candidian, 242 ; letters to him from members of Council, 246, 249, 262 ; new representation by Count John, 251 ; accepts sentence of deposition of Nestorius, Cyril, and Memnon, 251; influences upon him, 252 f., 276; orders conference at Chalcedon (430» 253 ; invites Cyrillians to Constantinople, 254 ; attitude to the Council, 255, 276, 278 ; letters to Acacius of Beroea and Simeon Stylites, 260 ; allows return of Chrysostom's remains, 271 ; influence of Chrysaphius, 276, 310f.; schemes of Dioscorus as to, 276 f. ; attitude to Domnus of Antioch and Irenaeus of Tyre, 278 f. ; and to Theodoret, 279, 292, 309 f. ; writes to Pope Leo for Eutyches, 284 ; attempts to reconcile Flavian and Eutyches, 285 ; summons a new Council (449), 285 ; exacts Confession of Faith from Flavian, 285 ; Leo and the Emperor, 286 ; the imperial programme, 287 f. ; Dioscorus' report of the Latrocinium, 291 ; letter of Leo, 292 ; formal approval of Council's decisions, 293, 325, 412 ; edict against Flavian and for Eutyches, 324; relations with Athenais Eudocia, 276, 325 ; their daughter Eudoxia, 276, 293, 451 ; restoration of " Church of the Apostles" at Rome, 452 ; death (449). 295. 311 Theodosius, general (saec. iv.), 82 ; father of Theodosius I., 81 ; quells insurrection of Romanus in Africa, 81 Theodosius, son of Athaulf and Placidia

(c. 415), III Theodosius (saec. v.) : at Hy&res, 191 Theodotus, Bp. of Ancyra (c. 430-9) : at Ephesus (431), 245 ; Cyrillian 253, 258

Theodotus, Bp. of Antioch (420-9): successor of Alexander, 208 ; attitude to Pelagius, 168 ; to Chrysostom's memory, 208, 211 ; to Alexander the Messalian, 214 ; death (429), 237 Theodotus, Bp. of Nicopolis (c. 373), 374 Theodotus of Byzantium (saec. ii.), 123 Theodulus, son of Nilus the Sinaite,

(saec. iv.) 205 Theognostus, Augustal Prefect of Egypt

(c. 482), 348 Theology: and religion, 13. See also

Christology Theophanes, Bp. of Philadelphia (c. 431), 250

Theophanes, historian (saec. ix.): his "Chronicle," viii. ; quoted, 333, 343, 352 f., 359

Theophilus, Bp. of Alexandria (385-412) : position in Egypt, 56 f., 272 ; friend of John of Jerusalem and Rufinus, 35 ; not anti-Origenist, 35, 38 ; sends Isidore to Palestine, 35 ; tries to make him bishop of Constantinople (39⁸). 39. 52, 58 ; consecrates Chrysostom, 52 ; relations with Epiphanius, 36, 41, 59 f. ; letters to Pope Siricius, 36; attacks anthropomorphism, 38 ; monastic disturbances, 38 ; attacks Origenism, 38 ; quarrels with Isidore, 38 f. ; the Tall Brothers, 39, 42 [55, 59], 66; oppression of Origenists, 40 f. ; his victims go to Palestine, 41 f. ; to

Theophilus —continued

Constantinople, 42, 55 ; letter to Pope Anastasius (400), 41 ; to bishops of Palestine and Cyprus, 41 ; relations witfi Chrysostom, 58 f., 61, 66, 242 ; with the Court, 59, 61 f., 70 ; at the Synod of the Oak (403), 62 ff., 211 ; deposition of Chrysostom, 64, 243, 248, 298, 346, 460 f.; Theophilus at Constantinople, 64 f., 66; return to Alexandria, 66; relations with Rome, . 36, 71 f., 203, 208, 461 ; Jerome translates his works, 74; he returns to reading Origen, 74 f., cf. 203 ; relations with Atticus of Constantinople, 202 ; with Synesius, 203ff.; death (412), 208 ; succeeded by his nephew Cyril, q.v. ; quoted at Council of Ephesus (431), 245 ; his character and ability, 35, 39, 42, 52, 58, 209, 231, 256 ; Isidore of Pelusium on, 206 Paschal (Festal) Letters (399), 38 ; (400), 40 ; (401), 40, 74 ; (402, 404), 74

Theophilus Blemmyas, the Indian (saec. iv.): Arian, envoy of Constantius to Axoum, 398 f. ; journey to Divou, 399 ; Christians there, 399 f.

Theotokos. See Christology

Theresa, wife of Paulinus of Nola 43, 114 f.

Thermantia, daughter of Stilicho, wife of Emp. Honorius, 107

Therouanne, 403

Thessalonica : metropolis of Macedonia, 125 ; Council of Sardica (343) and, 125 f. ; priests of, at Rome, 72; projected Council there, 72 ; delegation by Pope Siricius to Bp. Anysius, 126; the "Vicariate," 126f., 161, 464 ; letter of Atticus of Constantinople as to Pelagius, 162 ; Tractoria of Zosimus sent to, 181 ; letter of Julian of Eclanum to Bp. Rufus, 184 ; result, 185 ; letter of Celestine, 235 ; relation of Maximus of Demetrias to, 250 ; appeal of Eutyches to, 283 ; letter of Leo to, 334 Bishops: Alexander (c. 325), 126; Aetius (343-4), 126; Heremius (c. 359). 126 ; Acholius (c. 380-3), 126; Anysius (c. 383), 72, 126 ; Rufus (c. 410-31), q.v. \ Stephen (449-51), 299f.; Anastasius (c. 451), 21, 299

Thessaly: province, 125, 334; and Council of Ephesus (431), 249 f.

Thil, 369

Thomas, St: Journey in India, 400; Apocryphal Acts, 404

Thortan, 369

Thospa, 362

Thrace, 124; "diocese" of, 320f., 334,

357 ; province, 20; Huns in, 50; Gainas in, 51 ; Bp. Selenas and Goths in, 120 ; convent of Halmy- rissos, 215 ; bishops of, at Chalcedon, 299 ; jurisdiction of Constantinople and, 321, 357 ; armies in, 351 Three Chapters. See Chapters Tiber, 446 Tiflis, 361

Tiglath Pileser III. (c. 745-27 b.c.), 363 Tigranes III. (c. 95-60 b.c.), 363 f. Tigranocerta, 363 f.

Tigris, 128, 362, 365, 379, 383, 385 U 394 Timasius, pupil and opponent of Pelagius,

152, 164 Timber, 441

Timotheus, priest of Constantinople,

213

Timothy, Bp. of Alexandria (380-5),

brother of Athanasius, 58 Timothy Aelurus, Monophysite bishop of Alexandria (457-77) : present with Dioscorus at Latrocinium (449)« 330 J Cyrillian, 330 ; deposed by Proterius, 330; his theological position, 33of. ; consecrated bishop by Eusebius of Pelusium and Peter of Maiouma, 332, 390 f. ; exile and recall, 332; treatment of Chalce- donians, 332 f.; petition to the Emperor, 334; his intrusion condemned by bishops, 334; refusal to sign Leo's second doctrinal letter, 335 ; in exile, 317, 336 ; leaves Monophysites at Alexandria to Peter of Iberia, 337 ; loss of Aspar's protection, 337 ; recalled by Basiliscus, 338, 343, 469 ; relations with Acacius of Constantinople, 338, 344, 346, 348 ; and autonomy of Ephesus, 339 ; return to Alexandria, 339 f. ; restores remains of Dioscorus, 340 ; attitude of Zeno to, 345 f. ; death, 346, 354 ; writings, 317, 336 ; the Plerophoriae, 310, 315, 317 Timothy Salofaciol, Bp. of Alexandria (460-82) : elected by Proterians, 336 ; attitude of people, 336 f.; replaces Dioscorus on diptychs, 337 ; retires to Canopus, 339 ; pension from Timothy Aelurus, 340 ; recalled, 346 ; attitude of Pope Simplicius, 354 ; rivalry of Peter Mongus, 346f. sends John Talaia to Constantinople, 347 ; death (482), 348, 354 ; succeeded by John Talaia, 348 ; name removed from diptychs, 349 f.; body removed, 350 ; character, 336 f., 346 Tipasa, 77, 442. See Reparatus Tirechan, Irish bishop (saec. vii.), 425 f. Tiridates, King (c. 261-317), 367 f., 373 Tituli_y 452

Titus, Emp. (79-81), 380

Titus, Roman deacon, 407 Tkoou, 298. See Macarius Tobit, Book of, 10

Toledo: collection of Homilies at, 293.

See also Councils Toleration, 387, 398, 437, 454. 457 f- Tombs, 5, 10 f., 66, 137, 191, 241, 350, 380, 453. See Catacombs, Cemetery Tome. See Leo, Proclus Tongres : Franks at, 105 ; bishopric, 403 Torture, 210, 433, 442 Toulouse, 21, 117,161 ; Sulpicius Severus at, 118; Goths at, 402, 415 f., 447. See Exuperius Toumai: Franks at, 402 ; bishopric, 403 Tours, 116 : Council (461), 414. See also

Britius, Gregory, Martin Toxandria, 402

Toxotius (saec. v.), son of St Paula,

husband of Laeta, 132 Trade, 385, 396, 398 f. See Commerce Tradition : in relation to history, 426 ; the Roman, 358, 459 f., 468; the Christian, vi., 13 f., 198; in relation to Pelagianism, 144, 184 ; in relation to Christology, 223, 225, 274, 282 Traditors : Donatists and, 77, 91 ; Council of Angers (453) on deliverers of towns to the enemy, 414 Traducianism, 186, cf. 148 Trajan, Emp. (97-117), 14, 385 Trasamund, king of the Vandals (496523), 443 Trastevere. See Rome Travel, 397 f. Travellers, Home for, 132 Traz-oz-montes, 405 Treason, 414 f.

Trebigild: revolt of Goths under, 50 ;

unites with Gainas (399), 51, 105 Trent, 129. See Vigilius Treves : civil history, 403, 407 ; ecclesiastical, 403. See Felix, Leporius, Severus Tribe : in Britain, 424 Tribune, 455 ; and notary, 259, 268, 287,

314 f- Tricio, 406

Trinacria, 47. See Sicily Trinity, the: Athanasius and Basil on, 225 ; Augustine on, 121 ; Pelagius on, 146; the term " Hypostasis," 223ff.; Proclus on, 269; Christo- logical formula under Justinian', 318 ; in the Henotikon, 349 ; Ajax, 406 Tripoli, 439 Tripolitana, 83 Trisagion, 301, 352 Tritium, 406 Triton, Lake, 441

Trocundus, Isaurian, brother of Illus (saec. v.) ; relations with Zeno, 344 f. ; and Pamprepius, 351

i'roilus sophist (c. 201 Trophimus, Bp. of Aries (saec. i.), alleged

founder of see, 161 Troy, 136

Troyes and Attila's invasion, 413. See Lupus

Trygetius, Senator (c. 452), 413 Tuapse, 360

Tuentius, identity of, 409 Tunic, 409

Tun[n]unum, 345, 442. See Victor Turbantius, Italian bishop (c. 418),

Julian of Eclanum and, 186 Turin: Council of (c. 400), 117f. See

Maximus Turkestan, 217 Turks, 217, 378

Turribius, Bp. of Astorga (saec. v.), and

Priscillianists, 404 f. Turris Tamalleni, 441 Tuscany, Tuscia, 129, 190 Tutus, "ecclesiastical advocate" (484),

356, 358 f- Two Natures. See Christology Tyana, See Anthimus, Eutherius Tychonius Donatist (c. 372): on treatment of "Traditors," 77 ; on Seven Rules of Interpretation, 79 ; on the Apocalypse, 79 Tyre, 433: Council (335), 126; Conference as to Ibas (449), 283, 309 ; in province of Phoenicia, 261 ; Meropus the explorer, 397 ; Frumentius and itdesius, 397 f. See also Irenaeus, John Codonatus, Photius Tyrrhenian Sea, 130 Tysedis, 77

Ulfilas, Bp. of the Goths (saec. iv.), 121 Ultan, Irish bishop (+656), 425 Unction, Holy, 131

Union, Formula of (433). See Creeds Unity, Christian, 238, 357 f., 458 f. Uranius, Bp. of Himeria in Osrhoene (c. 445-51): friend of Eutyches, 277 ; intrigue against Ibas of Edessa, 277, 279, 283 Urbanists, 80

Urbanus, Bp. of Sicca Veneria (c. 418) : formerly priest of Hippo and pupil of Augustine, 169; the affair of Apiarius, 169 ff.; Pope Zosimus and, i7of. ; action of Council of Carthage (419), I7$f- Uriel, Archangel, cult of, 10 Ursinus, Anti-Pope (366), 453, 466 Ursus, tribune (c. 421), 455 Urthanes, son of Gregory, Catholicos of

Armenia (c. 314 ?), his family, 371 Usthazanes, Persian official, martyr (341),

383

Usury, 384 Utica, 438

I zala, 193. See Evodius

Uzfcs, 407, 411, 417. See Constantius

Vahak'n, 369

Vahan the Magus. See Mamigouni Vaison : Council of (442), 408 Valamir, Ostrogoth chief, 450 Valarschapat, capital of Armenia (sate, ii.), 364; martyrs at, 368 ; Council of (490. 391 Valence, 408, 412

Valens, Emp. (364-78), 71, 221 ; government of Egypt under (368), 57; difficulties with Persia, 365, 373; supports Pap in Armenia, 373 f.; relations with queen of the Saracens, 395 ; catastrophe (378), 54, 125 Valentia, province, 423 Valentia, 123. See Justinian Valentinian I., Emp. (364-75): Law of (368), 17 ; maintains Julian's policy, 77 ; intervention in Africa, 81 ; victories over barbarians, 105 ; prosperity under, 134; letter to Prefect of Rome, 466 Valentinian II., Emp. (375-92): restores Basilica of St Paul without the walls, 452 ; his sister Galla, 49 Valentinian III., Emp. (425-55), 448, 468 ; son of Placidia and Honorius, 187, 293, 401 ; aged six at accession, 401; a "palace Emperor," 445; government of Placidia (425-50), 401, 445 ; marries Eudoxia, daughter of Theodosius II. and Eudocia, 276, 293, 328, 451; his daughters Eudocia, 445 f., and Placidia, 446 ; relations with Constantinople, 293; with Genseric (454), 435 ; assassinates Aetius (434), 414, 445 ; massacred (455), 328, 432, 445 f.; family carried off by Vandals (455), 328, 447

Rescript to Aetius (445), 411, 466; law for Numidia and Mauritania (445), 435 ; law against Manicheans

(445). 455 f- Valentinus, Bp. of Chartres (c. 390 ?), 118 Valentinus, heretic (saec, ii.): Eutyches

treated as follower of, 282 Valeria, province of, 124 Valerian (c, 418), alleged influence on Cyril, 185

Valeria, Gens, its branches, 132, 133.

See also Publicola Valerii Maximi: palace of, 132 Valerius, Bp. of Hippo (t 396), 8$ Valerius, Count (saec. v.), piety and influence, 183 f., 185 ; relations with Julian of Eclanum, 183, and Augustine, 186 Van : Lake, 362 : town of, 363

Vandab 138, 448, 465; dress, 437 f. ; Arians, 122, 195, 433 ; in Gaul (406-8), 106 f., 430; in Spain (Andalusia), 194 f., 402, 430 f.; Genseric in Africa (429), 194 f_M431; siege of Hippo (430), 195 f.,

431; position of Capreolus, 243 ; exile of Catholics (437), 433 ; martyrdom of Spanish Catholics of the Court (437), 436; capture of Carthage (439), 358, 432 f., 455 ; cession of provinces to (435, 442), 432, 435 ; invasion of Sicily (440), 122, 432 ; piracy, 432, 447 ; Genseric and Catholics of Carthage (454), 435; sack of Rome (455), 328, 415_t> 432, 435, 446f.; Leo and Genseric, 446; imperial captives, 328, 331, 432, 447 ; masters of Africa, 103, 243, 358, 432 ; attitude to Roman administration, 434; effect on relations of Rome and Africa, 196, 230, 467; new threat to Italy (456), 447 ; Majorian and Vandals in Spain (c. 461), 415, 448 ; expedition of Basiliscus (468),

432 ; delight in persecution, 417, 431» 433 5 ecclesiastical policy of Genseric, 436 f. ; accession of Huneric (477), 437; persecution of Manicheans, 437 f. ; attitude to Catholics (481), 437; ferocity to his relatives, 438 ; persecution of Catholics, 438 ; summons Conference (484), 438 f. ; its sequel, 440 f. ; apostasies, 441 f. ; martyrdoms. 442 ; death of Huneric (484), 443 ; attitude of Guntamund to Catholics, 443, and of Trasamund, 443 ; toleration by Hilderic (523), 443 ; records of the persecution, 431, 443 f.

Kings: Table of, 443 ; Gonderic (saec. v.), 430 f. ; Genseric (c. 42877), q.v. ; Huneric (477-84), q.v. ; Guntamund (484-96), 443 ; Trasamund (496-523), 443 ; Hilderic ,_r (523), 443 Vannes, Council of (465), 414 Varadatus, Baradatus, Syrian solitary

(saec. v.), 266, 335 Varela, 406

Vasag, Marzban of Armenia (c. 450), 377 Vatican. See Basilica Venantius, brother of Honoratus (saec. v.), 190

Venerandus, Bp. of Auvergne (fc. 423), 117

Venerius, Bp. of Marseilles (c. 431-51), letter of Pope Celestine to, 196, 409 Venerius, Bp. of Milan (401-11?), formerly deacon of Ambrose, 128 ; letter of Pope Anastasius to, 43 ; relations with Africa, 89

Venetia 206 ; province, 129 ; Attila in

(452), 413 ; Pelagians in, 457 Veranus, son of Eucherius (saec. v.), 191 Vercellae, 128. See Eusebius Vercingetorix, 416

Verenianus, kinsman of Theodosius

(c. 408) : rising in Spain, 109 Vergil, 136

Verina, Empress (saec. v.): widow of Emp. Leo sets up Zeno, her son-in- law (474), 337 ; sets up her brother Basiliscus (475), 337 ; at Papyrion, 351 ; sets up Leontius as Emperor 351 f.

Verona, 128 f. : Alaric at (402), 106; Constantine III. at (409), 109; Attila at (452), 413. See Zeno Verulamium, 424

Vespasian, Emp. (69-79), 363, 365 Vestina, Roman matron, builds S. Vitale

at Rome, 452 Via Appia, 135 Via Labicana, 446 Vibia, 439. See Secundianus Vicariate, 464. See Aries, Thessalonica Vicarius, 167 : of Africa, position of, 78, 81, 91 ; of Rome, 130; of Pontus, 320. Ecclesiastical, see Aries, Thessalonica Vice-Emperor, 342, 407, 450 Vicentia : Attila at (452), 413 Victor, St, martyr of Marseilles (saec. iii.), 191

Victor of Tunnunum (saec. vi.), 345, 442 Victor, Bp. of Vita (saec. v.) : Historia persecutionis Africanae provincial, its character, 438, 443 f. ; referred to, 431, 437, 439, 441 ff- Victorinus, C. Marius (saec. iv.): Neoplatonist, 85 ; conversion by Simplician, 85, 128 ; relations with Augustine, 85 f. Victorius, Count (saec. v.), Governor of Auvergne under Euric, 418 ; Catholic, 418

Victricius, Bp. of Rouen (c. 390 ?-409) : soldier, 117; friend of St Martin, 117 f. ; missionary zeal, 117; in Britain (c. 395), 117, 425; relations with Pope Innocent (404), 21, 117 f., 130; Sulpicius Severus on, 118; Paulinus of Nola and, 117; Innocent's Liber Regularum, 21, 117 f., 130 Vienne: civil metropolis, 161 ; relation to Aries, 161, 410, 411 f. ; Gerontius at, no; Burgundians at, 415; monastery at, 24. See Avitus, Mamertus, Simplicius Viennensis: province, 161; letter of Pope Celestine to bishops of, 21, 196, 409 ; letter of Pope Leo to, 410; jurisdiction of Aries over, 161, 407, 410; Pope Leo's division between

Aries and Vienne, 412 ; subject to Burgundians, 421 Vigilantius, priest, disciple of Sulpicius Severus (saecc. iv., v.), 118 ; at Nola and in Palestine, 119 ; in controversy with Jerome, 10, ngf., objection to cultus of relics, 9, 119 f. ; his personal history, ngf. Vigilius, Pope (537-55), "3, 160 Vigilius, Bp. of Trent (c. 385), 129 Vigils, 7, 53, 68, 119, 127 Viminacium, 125

Vincent, Bp. of Cartenna (saec. v.), 80 Vincent, priest, monk at Bethlehem

(c• 394), 33 Vincent, monk of Lerins (+ c. 450): ability, 196; in controversy with Prosper, 195 f. ; the Comnwnitorium, 198 ; Quod semper, quod ubique, quod ab omnibus directed against Augustine, 198

Vincomalus, Master of the Offices: at

Chalcedon (451), 299 Vinegar, 91, 442

Virgins, consecrated, 3, 127 : at Rome, 26; in Africa, 141 ; attitude of Donatists to Catholic, 77 ; in Ireland, 427; their veil, 141 ; Demetrias, 140 f. ; Eustochium and Paula, 156 ; St Genevieve, 217, 413 ; Hripsime and Gaiane, 368. See also Celibacy Virovesca, 406

Visigoths, 448, 467 ; as members of the Roman family, 417, 447 ; conquests in Gaul, 417, 450; in Spain, 450; capital at Toulouse, 416 ; persecution in Gaul, 417; compared with Odoacer's Germans, 418 ; British auxiliaries at Bourges and, 420; Council of Aries (473-4) and, 421 f. See Euric, Theodoric Visions, 426

Vita in Byzacena. See Victor Vitale, S., Basilica of, at Rome, 452 Vitalis, Bp.: legate of Pope Felix to Acacius of Constantinople (483), 355

Vitalis, Spanish monk (saec. v.), 312 Vitalis, notable of Carthage (c. 420), 193 Viviers, 417 Voices, 426, 428

Volusianus, uncle of Melania : Prefect of Rome, 181 ; at Constantinople (436), 451 ; baptized when dying, 451 Vosges, 105

Vulgate, 143. See Bible

Wallia, Gothic chief (c. 416), 111

Walls of Hadrian and Antoninus, 423, 427

Widows, 52, 410

Wills, 419, 440

Witchcraft, 291

Withorn, 427

Women, 120: influence of, 83 f. ; (see Hypatia) ; in Ireland, 427 f.; compositions of, 114, 276 ; literary studies,

325

Worms, city of, 107, 402 Worms, 443 Writing, 362, 370

Xenaias, Philoxenus (c. 431), Cyrillian, 392

Xystus II., Pope (257-8), martyr;

writings attributed to, 46 Xystus III., Pope (432-40), 452 : reported Pelagian sympathies when priest, 157, 197 ; change of attitude, 168 f., 193, 197 ; letter of Augustine to (418) 193 ; succeeds Pope Celestine (432), 197, 265 ; popularity, 197 ; Prosper of Aquitaine and, 197 f.; application of Julian of Eclanum to (c. 439), 199; influence of the deacon Leo, 199, 467; intervention in division between Alexandria and Antioch, 259, 461 ; letter to Acacius of Beroea, 259 f. ; joy at Cyril's reconciliation, 264; letter of Eutherius and Helladius to, 265 ; protests against encroachments of Proclus in Illyria, 275 ; rebuilding of Lateran baptistery, 453 ; restores its ciborium, 137 ; founds monastery in Rome, 26; restores Liberian basilica, 452

Yathrib, 397 Yemen, 396 f. York, 424. See Eborius

Zacch^eus, 192

Zacharias of Gaza, rhetor, Bp. of Mity- lene (536-53): his history, viii., 316; monophysite standpoint, 316; tendency to exaggerate, 315, 336; on death of Nestorius, 315; on Anastasius of Jerusalem and the Anti-Encyclical, 344 ; history quoted,

326 f., 328 ff., 331 f., 334 U 337, 339, 346ff., 353, 358; biographies of Peter of Iberia, Theodore of Antinoe, and Isaiah, 325, 354 ; and of Severus, 351 ; becomes Bp. of Mitylene and orthodox, 316

Zaven, Catholicos of Armenia (c. 378), 375 Zechariah: tomb of, 10; Jerome on, 117 Zend, 366

Zeno, Bp. of Verona (saec. iv.), 129 Zeno, Emp. (474-91) : Isaurian, becomes Patrician, marries Ariadne, daughter of Emp. Leo, 337 ; Vice-Emperor at Antioch, 342 ; patronizes Peter the Fuller and the Monophysites, 342 (ff 338); crowned by his son Leo (474), 337 ; orthodox influence of Acacius, 338 ; representations to

Genseric for Catholics of Africa (c. 474), 435 ; loses the throne (475), 337, 343 ; wins over Illus and Tro- cundus, 344 f., 347; regains the throne (476), 345, 347 ; treatment of Basiliscus, 345 ; dominant influence of Acacius, 347, 355, 357 5 representations to Huneric for Catholics of Carthage (481), 437 ; the Henotikon (482), 348, 350, 355 ; recognition of Peter Mongus at Alexandria, 348 f. ; disagreement with Illus, 347, 351 ; Illus and Verina proclaim Leontius Emperor, 351 f. ; reprisals of Zeno, 352 ; Pope Felix and the situation, 355 5 Reginus in Africa (483), 439 ; correspondence with Babowai Catholicos of Seleucia (484), 390; " supports " Theodoric the Amal against Odoacer in Italy, 450 Zenobia, Queen of Palmyra (saec. iii.),

364

Zenonis, wife of Emp. Basiliscus, 338 Zeugitana, 434 Zeuxippus : Baths of, 240 Ziata, 364

Zichia, bishopric of, 361 Zokoum, Sheik, 395

Zosimus, Pope (417-18), 187, 409: antecedents, 159 f.; Pelagian sympathies (c. 415), 157; becomes P (417), 159; characteristics of his rule, 159, 172, 180; influence of Patroclus of Aries, 160 ff., 257 ; the Vicariate of Aries, 161, 407, 422, 464 ; protests aroused, 161 f. ; attitude to Heros and Lazarus, 162 f. ; the case of Celestius, 162 ff., 165; approves Pelagius, 163 f.; the deacon Paulinus, 164 ; remonstrances from Africa, 164^ ; action of Council of Carthage (418), 165 ff.; intervention of the Government, i66f.; the Tractoria condemning Pelagius and Celestius, 167, 199 ; their reception in the East and in Italy, 181 f., 185 ; Zosimus and Augustine, 167 f.; deposition of Julian of Eclanum, 183 ; Decretal Letter on monks to Hesy- chius of Salona, 21, 125 ; censures Byzacene Council, 169 ; the case of Apiarius, 169 f. ; papal legates at Carthage, i7of., 175; the African bishops and the " Nicene" canons, 171 f., 175 f., 179 ; Prosper on, 197 ; death (418), 172; burial in S. Lorenzo, 173 Zosimus, historian (saec. v.), 51 : pagan, 137 ; on proposal to re-open temples at Rome, 136 f. ; quoted, 361

^{^[1]} The "vigil," which has fallen into disuse for many centuries is still represented, in the Offices, by the long series of lessons, responds, and prayers which on Holy Saturday and the eve of Pentecost precede the benediction of the baptismal fonts, and on the Saturdays of Ember-seasons form the beginning of the Liturgy. See my Origines du culte chretien, p. 233 (fourth edition).

^{^[2]} Peregrinatio, c. 16, in the Itinera Hierosolymitana, ed. Geyer (Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinonim, vol. xxxix., p. 59).

^{^[3]} Sozomen, H.E.> vii. 29.

^{^[4]} Jerome adv. Vigilantium, 5 ; Sozomen, H.Eix. 16, 17 ; Paschal Chronicle, 406, 407, 415.

^{^[5]} Cf. vol. I., p. 53, note.

^{^[6]} An inscription belonging to the year 359 and found in Mauritania Sitifensis provides us with a list of relics (Audollent, in the Melanges de PEcoie de Rome, vol. x., p. 441 ; cf. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vol. viii., No. 20,600), which include some of the wood of the Cross, some of " the land of promise where Christ was born," and relics of the Apostles Peter and Paul.

^{^[7]} On this subject see Dobschiitz Christusbilder (Leipzig, 1899) iⁿ the Texte und Untersuchungen, vol. xviii.

^{^[8]} Can. 36: " Placuit picturas in ecclesia esse non debere, ne quod colitur et adoratur in parietibus depingatur."

^{^[9]} Jerome, Ep. li. 9.

^{^[10]} This, however, only lasted for a time. The arbitration of the bishop always remained open to suitors, with the consent of the parties ; but from 398 onwards various imperial ordinances revived the obligation of this agreement, and did so in regard to the court of the Jewish "patriarchs" equally with that of the Christian bishops (Cod. Theod. ii. 1, 10; Cod. Just. i. 4, 7).

^{^[11]} We need only remind ourselves of the inspired persons, the prophets of early days. At Rome at the beginning of the 3rd century the assembly of the faithful was still consulted to know whether a penitent could be absolved. (Cf. vol. I. p. 230 f.)

^{^[12]} Origines du culte Chretien, c. x.

^{^[13]} " Defensores." Vide infra, c. xv.

^{^[14]} The institution appeared first in a law of 368 (or a little later) Cod. Theod. i. 29, 1. Cf. Em. Chenon, Etude hhtorique sur le Defensor civitatis (Paris, 1889).

^{^[15]} For what follows besides the letters and other writings of St Jerome, which are our principal evidence, cf. the recent studies of M. Brochet, S. Jerome et ses ennemis (Paris, 1905), and of Griitzmacher, Hieronymus, Part III. (Berlin, 1908, vol. x. of the Studien zur Geschichte der Theologie und der Kirche).

^{^[16]} It is in this way that I explain the passage in the letter of St Epiphanius to John of Jerusalem (Jerome, Eft. li. 9), in which the latter is warned to be on his guard against a certain Palladius, a Galatian, quia Origenis hacrcsim ftraedicat et docet, neforte ali<]iios de ftoftulo tibi credito ad fterversitatem sui inducat erroris. The author of the Lausiac History was certainly in Egypt when this letter was written. If the point were pressed we might admit that another Palladius, also a Galatian and residing at Jerusalem, was referred to by Epiphanius in this passage. But this doubling is not at all easy to conceive.

^{^[17]} Jerome adv. Ruf. iii. 33.

^{^[18]} An Egyptian monk to whom someone had succeeded, not without difficulty, in proving that God was not made like a man, protested with grief that they had taken away his God and that he found himself rendered unable to pray (Cassian, Coll, x. 3).

^{^[19]} This saintly man was only too prone to neglect the rights of others when these were opposed to the outbursts of his zeal. While passing in company with John of Jerusalem through a village in the hitter's diocese he tore down a piece of embroidered tapestry in the church on the pretext that there was displayed on it an image of Christ or of some saint. Epiphanius shared the views of the Council of Elvira (canon 36), which was hostile to the use of images in churches. It did not occur to his mind that in acting as he did he was offering an insult to the Bishop of Jerusalem. All that he felt that duty demanded of him was to send another piece of tapestry in place of the one that he had torn down (Jerome, Ep. 51, c. 9).

^{^[20]} November 26. As to the year, cf. Liber Pontificalis, i., p. ccl.

^{^[21]} Origenes autem, cuius in nostram linguam composita derivavit (Rufinus), antea et quis fuerit et in quae processerit verba nostrum propositum nescit. (Jaffe, 282, Letter to John of Jerusalem.)

^{^[22]} Cassian, Coll. x. 2. ⁴ Socrates, H. E. vi. 7.

^{^[23]} Socrates, //. E. vi. 9 ; Palladius, Dial. 6.

^{^[24]} Vol. II., p. 494. He was the godfather of the minister Rufinus. It is clear that if Rufinus had been still in power, Theophilus would not have dared to touch Ammonius.

^{^[25]} Evagrius, who died in 399, escaped these melancholy quarrels.

^{^[26]} In the spring of the year 400. ² Jerome, Ep. 92.

3 Jerome, Ep. 93. A letter (Ep. 94) of Dionysius, the Bishop of Lydda, an opponent of Origenism of long standing (Jerome, c. Ioh. 42), is expressed

in different terms from the synodal letter.

^{^[29]} Ibid. Epp. 86-91.

^{^[30]} Now lost, but capable of being reconstructed from Jerome's third book.

^{^[31]} Aug., Ep. Ixxiii.

^{^[32]} He does not seem to have refused to recognize the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Constantinople.

- The rich, in spite of legislation to the contrary, were wont to seek to enter the ranks of the clergy in order to escape from the duties of the curia. To attain this end they had no hesitation in incurring expense, and, in one way or another, succeeded in purchasing ordination.

^{^[33]} The comparison is already to be found in the writings of the holy monk, Isidore of Pelusium, a contemporary of Theophilus (Ep. i. 152).

^{^[34]} John meant, no doubt, also that his council should unite itself to that of Theophilus ; otherwise he would have been too simple in trusting himself to a majority of Egyptian bishops absolutely at the disposal of their Patriarch.

^{^[35]} The Acts of the assembly, including its report to the Emperor, its notification to the clergy of Constantinople and the reply of Arcadius, were extant down to the time of Photius who has left us {Cod. 59) a fully detailed analysis of them. The beginning of the report to the Emperor is in Palladius, Dial. c. 8.

^{^[36]} 'Zwlfi-ri Opavah Twayevtffdai iv koit&vi, says Palladius (c. 9); Theodoret (H. E. v. 34) speaks of a great earthquake. Neither Chrysostom nor Socrates nor Sozomen make any mention of this accident.

^s 'Ej/ TrpocHTTelqf 0 /caXftrai Mapiaval, says Socrates (//. E. vi. 16) ; lv 7rpoafTTeiip avrrjc rrjs (3a<Ti\L8os rrepl rbv 'AvdirXovv (Sozomen, H. E. viii. 18).

^{^[38]} Gen. xii. 14-20.

^{^[39]} This is the place which Palladius {Dial. c. 17) seems to indicate ; Sozomen (//. E. viii. 17) speaks of St Mocius ; Socrates (//. E. vi. 17) of St Peter in Rufiniants, but by confusion with Ammonius.

^{^[40]} This scatue, in silver, was raised on a column of porphyry, the pedestal of which still exists in the Museum of St Irene, with the dedicatory inscriptions in Latin and Greek (Corpus Inscript. Lat. iii., No. 736.)

^{^[41]} The fourth canon of Antioch pronounced excommunication (dwo- paWeadat, rijs iKicXrjalas) against those who wittingly held communion with recalcitrant bishops. But the character of the penalty gives reason for thinking that it was only the laity that the council here had in mind.

^{^[42]} Palladius represents him as a man of ambition and a priest of ill-repute. Theodoret, who takes the least controversial line in this matter, confines himself {H. E. v. 35) to mentioning the works of beneficence which he left behind him and to extolling his mental powers.

^{^[43]} Cod.Theod. xvi. 4, 6 (November 18, 404).

^{^[44]} Funiculus triplex.

^{^[45]} Aug. Ep. 93 ; Contra Litt. Petiliani, ii. 83.

^{^[46]} Cod. Theod. xvi. 6, 1, 2 ; 5, 5. One of them was addressed (Vol. II., p. 505, note 2) to the Vicarius Nicomachus Flavianus, a Pagan by conviction, and so favourable to the Donatists that they considered him one of themselves.

^{^[47]} Aug. Contra Litt. Petit, ii. 83.

^{^[48]} St Augustine refers to this business again and again : see especially Contra Cresconium> lib. iv.

^{^[49]} The sentence has been preserved by St Augustine, Sermon 2 on Psalm xxxvi. c. 20 {Opera_y vol. xi., p. 1185).

^{^[50]} Ibid. p. 1189.

III. G

^{^[51]} Brev. Hipp. 37. The Council of Capua had decided that no Donatist should be received cum suo honore. The Council of Hippo asked for the exemption of those who had not practised Rebaptism, or priests and bishops who came into union with the whole of their flock. The ranks of the clergy were being manned with difficulty.

^{^[52]} We have information, in 394, of a Provincial Council at Carthage, and of a General Council at Hadrumetum in Byzacena.

^{^[53]} The law is lost, but it is presupposed by laws of a slightly later date [Cod. Theod. xvi. 5, 38; xvi. 11, 2), and summarized by Augustine Bp- ²6: "Lexfuerat promulgata, ut . . . haeresis Donatistarum . . . non tantum violenta esse sed omnino esse non sineretur impune ; non tamen supplicio capitali, propter servandam etiam circa indignos mansuetudinem christianam, sed pecuniariis damnis propositis et in episcopos vel ministros eorum exilio constitutor

^{^[54]} Cod. Theod. xvi. 5, 37, 38 ; xvi. 6, 3, 4, 5, all belonging to February 12, 405 ; xvi. 5, 39 (December 8). The first orders the posting everywhere of the Rescript obtained from Julian by the Donatists, with the Acta wherein the hatefulness of this concession was shown. Cf. Const. Sinn. 12, and Cod. Theod. xvi. 5, 40, 41, 43.

^{^[55]} Aug. Ep. 185, §§ 29, 30 J Ep. 93.

^{^[56]} Aug. Ep. 88 ; cf. Ep. 86. The high official to whom this last letter is addressed, Cascilian, may well have been a special commissioner sent to Africa to superintend the execution of the Law of Union.

^{^[57]} Aug. Brev. Coll. iii. 23 ; Coll. i. 133, 139, 189.

^{^[58]} Cod. Theod. xvi. 5, 44, 46.

^{^[59]} Cod. can. Eccl. A/ric., c. 108. ⁵ Cod. Theod. xvi. 5, 51.

^{^[60]} On the Catholic side, to the 266 signatories of the mandate there arrived 20 belated additions : there were 120 absentees and 64 sees vacant. This gives a total of 470 bishoprics. On the Donatist side the figures are not so precise ; but allowing for absences, for vacancies, which were very numerous since the Law of Union (405), and for the fact that in many places the Donatist bishop had joined the official church, one would arrive at a total which was very nearly the same.

^{^[61]} This document is usually printed at the end of the record of the Conference under the erroneous title of "Sententia cognitoris" (Aug. Opera, torn, xi., p. 1418). Its date by itself—not to speak of its contents— is at variance with this description.

⁸ Cod. Theod. xvi. 5, 52.

III. H

^{^[63]} On this business see Aug. Ep. 151.

^{^[64]} Cod. Theod. xvi. 5, 54, dated June 17, 414—a confirmation of the measures of repression ; ibid. 55, belonging to the following August 30— a confirmation of the official character of the records of the conference.

^{^[65]} The text had come down to us in a 9th century MS. which originally belonged to Lyons Cathedral (.Parisin. 1546). It opens with a preface in which a certain Marcellus, memorialise who had been adviser of the arbitrator Marcellinus, explains that he has thought it advisable to divide it into sections, and to collect in a table of contents the titles of all the sections which thus form, as it were, an abridgement of the whole text. For the first two sessions our information is complete, text and table having been preserved ; but for the third—the most important— we possess no more than the table and the first 281 sections out of 587. From No. 282 onwards we must content ourselves with the table or have recourse to the Breviculus of St Augustine.

^{^[66]} Aug. Opera, torn, ix, p. 613. St Augustine says that the Donatists who had done everything they could to hinder the conference, and then

^{^[67]} As to this date and the next, see the discussion by O. Seeck in the Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte> vol. xxiv., p. 175 fT.

^{^[68]} An arch of triumph, now destroyed, was erected at Rome near the Bridge of Hadrian (Ponte di S. Angelo), with an inscription commemorating the victory of the Emperors : quod Getarum nationem in omne aevum docuere extingui (Corpus Jnscript. Lat. vi. 1196 ; cf Jordan-Hiilsen, Topogr.

^{^[69]} Although at certain times he had shown himself extremely overbearing, he was granted his life. After two of his fingers had been cut off he was sent to the island of Lipari, where he ended his extraordinary career in peace.

^{^[70]} Council of Toledo, a.d. 400 {Cone. Tolet. I.) c. 6, 9, 16, 18, 19.

^{^[71]} Ferotin (Revue des Questions historiques, vol. lxxiv. [1903], p. 387, note 2). The author of the Itinerary to which the name of Silvia was at first assigned.

^{^[72]} I may be allowed to neglect here such inferior productions as those of Juvencus, who in the days of Constantine turned the Gospels into verse, of the poetess Proba, of Pope Damasus, of the anonymous writer against Marcion, etc.

^{^[73]} Ausonius was consul in 379, Paulinus shortly before him: he was therefore at most twenty-five at the time of his consulship.

^{^[74]} Jaffe, Regesta, 33°> 33The date of the Council of Turin remains uncertain, somewhere about the year 400.

^{^[75]} See his Letters 10, 14, 19, 20, 35, to Delphinus (cf. Carm. xix., 1. 154) ; 10, 12, 15, 21, 36, to Amandus ; 33, to Alethius ; 18, 37, to Victricius. Cf. Fragment 48 preserved in Gregory of Tours, Hist Franc, ii. 13.

^{^[76]} Letter 55 ad Amandum ; as to Exuperius, Epp. 123 (c. 16), 125 (c. 20), and the preface of his Commentary on Zechariah, which he dedicated to him ; on Alethius, Ep. 121.

^{^[77]} Paulinus, Ep. 18, c. 7, tells the story with some admixture of legend.

⁶ Corresponding very nearly to the present Flanders.

^{^[79]} Of Victricius we possess a homily entitled De laade sanctorum, composed on the occasion of the arrival of some relics (Migne, Patr. Lat. torn, xx., p. 443).

^{^[80]} Dial. iii. 2. ³ Ibid. iii. 13. ⁴ Vol. II., p. 425.

^{^[81]} Contra Maximinum haereticum Arianoru?n efiiscopum (Ibid.).

^{^[82]} Hydatius, Chronicle, an. 440.

^{^[83]} We may note the writing by an Arian bishop mentioned in St Augustine's letter to Helpidius {Ep. 242) and the two "Doctors," Bonosus and Jason, to whom Helpidius refers him. This Bonosus is certainly a different person from the one we are about to deal with.

^{^[84]} Published by Cardinal Mai, Scriptorum Veterum nova collection torn, iii.², p. 191 ff. ( = Migne, P. L. torn, xiii., p. 593 ff.). We may rule out altogether Fragments 21 and 22, which belong to the Ascensio Isaiae. The remainder comprises a homiletical commentary on St Luke, and extracts from various polemical discourses. Cf. Mercati, Studi e Testis fasc. 7, p. 47.

^{^[85]} This is the Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum (Migne, Patr. Graec. torn, lvi., p. 611). St Thomas Aquinas held it in high esteem, so much so that between this book and the town of Paris he would, he said, have chosen the book.

^{^[86]} A letter of Pope Innocent (Jaffe, Regesta,, 318) speaks of a Photinian named Mark who, when driven from Rome, had gone to conduct propaganda in the diocese of Sienna.

^{^[87]} Others say of Sardica. They base themselves on a passage of Marius Mercator (Migne, P. L. torn, xlviii., p. 928), but it is only an obiter dictum and one by an author whose accuracy is often at fault. Pope Innocent'(Jaffe, 299), in his letter to Marcian, the Bishop of Naissus (Coustant, Epp. Rom. Pont., p. 820), clearly supposes that Bonosus had been, before Marcian, bishop of this place. Coustant in vain adduces the argument that Bonosus had conducted many irregular ordinations : these irregularities only took place after he had made a schism, whilst the ordinations at Naissus go back to his Catholic period.

^{^[88]} Siricius (Jaffe, 261); Innocent (Ibid. 299, 303), the latter belonging to December 14, 414.

^{^[89]} Vol. II., pp. 383, 443

^{^[90]} This is the view taken by Marius Mercator (supra, p. 123, note 1).

Gennadius, Deviris, 14 (cf. De Eccl. D^gm. 52) mentions a Bishop Audentius who seems to have refuted Photinianism, perhaps already under the name of Bonosianism, which Gennadius himself employs. On the Bonosiaci see the collection entitled "The Second Council of Aries," c. 17; Avitus of Vienne, Contra Arianos 19, Contra Eutych. haer. 2 ; Council of Orleans'of 538, ^c- 34 (3¹) I Council of Clichy of 627, c. 5 ; Justinian, Bishop of Valentia in Spain, according to Isidore De viris, 33 (cf. Isidore himself, Etym. viii. 5 ; De Haeres., 53) ; Deere turn Gelasianum 10 (Thiel, Epp. Rom. Pont., p. 470) ; Vigilius, Jaffe Regesta 931 and 932 ; Gregory the Great, Jaffe op. cit. 1844. On this subject see the article " Bonosus " by Loofs in Hauck's Ejicyclopddie.

^{^[91]} Before Acholius we know, in the 4th century, of the following bishops : Alexander, who was present at the Councils of Nicsea and of Tyre ; at the latter he undertook the defence of Athanasius ; Aetius, his successor, who had to triumph over two rivals, with the sequel that his Church was divided by schism (Council of Sardica, c. 18, 19, in the Greek); his contemporary, Protogenes of Sardica, did not love him and sharply criticized his morals: of this, however, nothing appeared at the Council: it was perhaps only an Arian slander (Hil., Frag. iii. 20); Heremius, who came after Aetius and figured at first among the defenders of Athanasius but in the end abandoned him (Athanasius, Apol. ad Const.).

^{^[92]} Vol. II., p. 346. It is this which justifies the mention of Acholius and of Damasus in the letter of Pope Innocent (Jaffe, Regesta, 300). That it was Siricius who began the practice follows from the letter (Jaffe, op. cit. 404) of Pope Leo (Migne, P. L., torn, liv., p. 616), [Siricius'] qui . . . Anysio certa turn primum ratione commisit.

^{^[93]} Jaffe, op. cit. 257,* 259 (Siricius); 275* (Anastasius) ; 285 (Innocent).

^{^[94]} The affair of Bonosus and the clergy ordained by him (Jaffe, op. cit. 261, 299, 303); of the Bishop Photinus, condemned by Pope Anastasius on false evidence, restored by Innocent {ibid. 303); of the Deacon Eustathius, whom Innocent refused to condemn {ibid.); of the Cretans Bubalius and Taurianus condemned by him {ibid. 304). We have here clearly only samples which have survived the loss of the papal correspondence.

^{^[95]} On the Vicariate, see my memoir "L'lllyricum ecclesiastique " in the Byzantinische Zeitschrift (1892), reprinted in my Egliscs separces, c. vi.

^{^[96]} The portion of Dacia mcditerranea in which are situated Naissus (Nisch) and Remesiana (Ak Palanka) had been torn from the ancient province of Moesia Superior.

^{^[97]} On Nicetas see Paulinus, Carm. 17 and 27 ; Ep. xxix. 14 ; Gennadius De viris, 22. On the remnants of his writings recently recovered or identified, see the works noted by Schanz, Gcsch. der r'omischcn Litteratur, pp. 367 ff. We possess some didactic writings by him for the use of candidates for baptism, a letter to a married virgin (G. Morin, Revue Bcncdictinc, vol. xiv. [1897], p. 198), a treatise on Psalmody and another on Vigils {ibid. p. 390).

^{^[98]} Aug. Conf. viii. 5.

^{^[99]} Corpus Inscript. Lat. torn, v., No. 6722. ³ Ambrose, Ep. 4.

^h F. Savio, Git antichi vcscovi (VItalia, pp. 283 ff.

⁰ This catalogue was drawn up between 386 and 391.

^{^[102]} Ep. 107.

^{^[103]} See his correspondence with St Augustine in regard to certain " Cases of Conscience " raised by the administration of his African properties, at any rate those which involved contact with the pagan barbarians of the Libyan frontier. (Aug. Epp. 46, 47.)

^{^[104]} On St Melania the Younger, and even on the Elder, and also on the whole Roman world of this time, see the important work of Cardinal Rampolla, Santa Melania giuniore (Rome, 1905) ; cf. Goyau, Sainte MUanie (Paris : Lecoffre, 1908). Cardinal Rampolla has published the Latin and Greek texts (on their relation cf. Adhemar d'Al&s in Analecta Bollandiana, vol. xxv., p. 401 ff.) which remain to us of a life of Melania the Younger, written by her close friend the priest Gerontius, and has accompanied them by full and learned dissertations on all the points of interest.

^{^[105]} Supra, pp. 72, 74.

^{^[106]} His house was converted into a church. Remains of it have been found under and in the buildings of the church of St John and St Paul.

^{^[107]} Jerome, Ep. cxxvii. 13, 14.

^{^[108]} In Ezer.h. i. and iii., pref. ; Ep. cxxvii. 11-14.

^{^[109]} During one of the two sieges proposals had been made to re-open the temples and offer sacrifices : so we are told by Sozomen, H. E. ix. 6, and Zosimus, H. E. v. 41. Both of them seem to be based upon Olympiodorus (Photius, Cod. 80). Zosimus stands alone in giving the story of the

^{^[110]} Pope Innocent was absent at the time of the last siege. He happened to be at Ravenna with other prominent men of Rome for the purpose of negotiating an arrangement between the Emperor, Alaric, and the Senate.

^{^[111]} On the invasion in Gaul see Paulinus of Pella, Eucharisticon, w. 226 ff.

^{^[112]} Paulini Epigramma in Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum, vol. xvi., p. 504.

^{^[113]} St Augustine is here emphasizing the famous passage of St Paul (Romans v. 12 ff.) : it is right to note that the words e<f>' y irivres ^/xaprov on which he lays great stress are badly rendered in the Latin Vulgate by in quo omnes peccaverunt, and mean not "in whom all have sinned" but " because all have sinned."

^{^[114]} On this point, the doctrine actually received in the Catholic Church differs from that of St Augustine, still followed by Bossuet. Original sin is now conceived as the privation of an original righteousness, conferred on the first man over and above the requirements of his nature.

^{^[115]} See on the whole subject O. Rottmanner, Der Augustinismus (Munich, 1892). The position is a little like that of St Cyril of Alexandria, but with this difference that wa have ended by going back to Cyril, while we seem rather to have departed from Augustine.

^{^[116]} St Jerome designates him a Scot (Irishman) in order to be able to attach to him the legendary tales then current about the Scots, their barbarism, their cannibalism, etc. (InJeremiam, prefaces to Books I. and III.).

^{^[117]} Marius Mercator, Liber Subnotationum, 2.

⁶ "In urbe Roma, ubi diutissime vitam duxerat" (Aug. De gratia Christi, ii. 24.)

^c Aug. Depeccatorum meritis, iii.: "Pelagii scripta, viri, ut audio, sancti et non parvo provectu christiani" ; ibid. 5, " bonum ac praedicandum virum"; cf. Retractationes, ii. 33, "Vita ejus a multis praedicabatur." It

^{^[120]} Serm. 170, 174, 176, 290, 294 ; De Peccatorum Meritis and the De Spiritu et Littera, addressed to Marcellinus, the mediator in the conference with the Donatists.

^{^[121]} Aug. Ep. 156, a letter of Hilary, with Augustine's reply, Ep. 157.

^{^[122]} The six letters edited by Caspari, Briefe, Abhandlungen und Predigtcn aus den zwci letzten Jahrhunderten der kirchlichcn Alterthums (Christiania, 1890). Cf. supra, p. 147, note 2.

^{^[123]} Ep. 146.

^{^[124]} See also his letter to Livania (Juliana ?), if it is really his—which one may doubt (Jerome, Dial. adv. Pelag. iii. 14 f. ; Marius Mercator, Commem. iv. 3 ; Aug. De Gestis Pelagii, 14, 19).

^{^[125]} In Jeremiam, prefaces. ³ Ep. 133. ⁴ Supra, p. 137.

⁵ On the subject of the origin of the soul and on the inequality of sins

(Jerome, Epp. 131, 132 ; Aug. Epp. 166, 167).

^{^[128]} Jerome, in his commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians, following Origen and other Greek doctors, had offered a curious explanation of the remonstrances made by St Paul to St Peter. According to him, the two Apostles had made use of dissimulation, played a sort of comedy, when they were both fundamentally in agreement. Augustine, who was extremely scrupulous on the subject of lying, had no kind of taste for this exegesis and made no attempt to conceal the fact from Jerome.

^{^[129]} Augustine, of course, believed the legend of the seventy versions made in isolation and identical.

^{^[130]} Jerome, Epp. 67, 101-105, 110-112, 115, 116.

^{^[131]} By his De Natura et Gratia. To this same time belongs the De Perfectione Justifies.

^{^[132]} Already at the Council of Turin (c. 400 a.d.) the Bishops of Vienne and of Aries are in conflict for the metropolitical jurisdiction over the Provincia Viennensis.

^{^[133]} Jaffe, Regesta, 332.

^{^[134]} These two documents are known to us from Quesnel's Collection, c. 14, 15 (P. L. lvi., p. 490, 492).

^{^[135]} Pelagius was only in Rome from the point of view of the Executive : he had not left the East.

^{^[136]} In his Chroniclc (ad ann. 418) Prosper speaks of a Constantius Scrvus Christi, a former vicarius, who had retired to Rome where he had suffered a good deal from attacks by the Pelagians. Cf. Prcedestinatus, i. 88 (Migne, P. L. liii., p. 618).

^{^[137]} " Qui eorumdem inimicorum magni momenti patronus ante iactabatur " (Aug. Ep. 91).

^{^[138]} Aug. Epp. 91, 94.

^{^[139]} Jaffe, op. cit. 346 (November 16, 418), the only document that we possess in regard to this dispute.

^{^[140]} Cod\ Can. 105, of the Council of 407. ⁵ Cod. Can. 12.

^{^[141]} Aug. Ep. 44, 6 ; Contra Cresconium, iv. 52. Gratus of Carthage had been present at the orthodox Council, or at any rate had corresponded with it (Cone. Sard. c. 8); he speaks of it in one of the canons of the Council of Carthage in 348 (c. 5), but from memory without citing a text.

^{^[142]} One cannot see, besides, in what respect the texts alleged could authorize the appeal of Apiarius ; he was not a bishop and the first of the two canons did not concern him ; as for the other, in order to make it applicable, one would have to consider the diocese of Rome as adjacent in its boundary (,finitimus) to that of Sicca Veneria—which was not the case.

^{^[143]} Jaffe, op. cit. 345 (October 3, 418). ⁴ Coll. Avell. 14.

^{^[144]} Not to be identified. No doubt one of the basilicas which we are acquainted with, but under a different name.

^{^[145]} Palladius, Dial. 4 ; Jaffe, Regesta, 309.

^{^[146]} These letters appear in the dossier {Coll. Avcll. 25, 27, 28) under the name of the Emperor Honorius. Dr W. Meyer {Index Scholarum, Gottingen 18S8-S9, P- ^IO) had already recognized that Letters 27 and 28 are those of Placidia and not of Honorius : this is no less clear as to Letter 25.

- As a matter of fact they confined themselves to questioning the Bishops

^{^[147]} However the Eulalian party had not disappeared. It appears that it profited by the death of Honorius and the usurpation of John (4²3)^t0 thrust itself forward again.

^{^[148]} Jaffe, op. cit. 353 ; Coustant, Epistolae Romanorum Pontijicwn, p. 1021, where we find also the Emperor's reply.

^{^[149]} September 10, 422.

^{^[150]} Cod. Can. 138.

^{^[151]} If the Pope had alleged the Council of Sardica in place of the Council of Nicaea this observation of the Africans would have been of no value.

^{^[152]} These are the defensorcs ecclesiac.

III. N

^{^[153]} Quesnel's Collection, c. 16 (P. L. lvi., p. 493), an imperial edict of June 9, 419, which mentions another edict earlier than this one but later than that of April 30, 418 ; letter of the Emperor Constantius to Volusianus, Prefect of Rome, edict of the Prefect in conformity (c. 19, 20, P. L. lvi., pp. 499, 500).

^{^[154]} Marius Mercator, Comm. i. 5.

^{^[155]} Letter of thanks mentioned by Prosper, Contra Collatorem, 5 ; ej. Coustant, Epistolae Romanorum Pontificum, p. 1191.

^{^[156]} Quesnel's Collection, 16, 17 (P. L. lvi., pp. 493, 495); cf. P. L. xlviii., pp. 394, 400.

See, however, Possidius, Vita Augustini, 18. It is not certain that the reference is to Pelagians of Africa.

⁰ He bore the name of Augustine, like the Bishop of Hippo.

^{^[159]} P. L. xlviii., p. 509, under the name of Julian of Eclanum.

181

^{^[160]} Supra, p. 164.

^{^[161]} Two letters (Aug. Op. imperf. i. 18); Marius Mercator has preserved to us (Liber Subnotationum, vi. 10-13) some passages of one of them.

^{^[162]} Augustine, addressing himself to Julian (Contra Jul. i. 13) says explicitly that he had been condemned by Zosimus himself; cf. Marius Mercator, Comm. iii. 1.

¹ It is not quite certain that the eighteen bishops were all of them immediate suffragans of the Pope. There were perhaps among them some of the opposition party of Aquileia.

Augustine in his De Nuptiis, i. 2.

^{^[165]} It is his Opus imperfectum contra Julianum.

'^£ Traducianism is the doctrine according to which souls like bodies propagate themselves by generation. It is opposed to Creationism, which holds that souls are created directly at each generation. Augustine, according to whom Original Sin is represented by the concupiscence which accompanies generation, was inclined by the requirements of his system to the Traducianist doctrine. However, Creationism seemed to him to have a

^{^[166]} Gennadius, De Viris, c. 19.

^{^[167]} Gennadius, De Viris ill., 57 ; Prosper Chron. ad ann. 429. Fastidius, according to Gennadius, is the author of a book, De Vila Christiana, dedicated to a certain Fatalis. This book is usually recognized in a treatise bearing the same title which is attributed to St Augustine (P. L. xl., p. 1031). However, Dom. G. Morin has given reasons for identifying it with the first of the six documents published by Caspari {supra, p. 150, note 3); as all these documents are undoubtedly by the same author, it follows that they must all be attributed to Fastidius. As for the treatise of the pseudo- Augustine, Dom. G. Morin would attribute it to Pelagius himself: it is addressed to a widow who might well be Livania, one of the correspondents of the famous monk (Revue Benedictine, xv. [1898], pp. 481 ff.).

^{^[168]} Prosper is witness only for the mission from the Pope at the instigation of Palladius and does not mention either a companion or a second journey. These details are derived from the Life of St Germanus, by Constantius, a priest of Lyons, written about 480. On this document see Levison in the Neues Archiv. xxix. (1904), pp. 97 ff.

^{^[169]} Letter of the representatives of the Holy See in 640 (Jafie, op. cit. 2040). See also the quotations from Pelagius in the Collectio Hibcrnica and the other documents cited by Zimmer, Pelagius in lrland, pp. 24 ff.

^{^[170]} See my articles " Nennius retractatus " and " L'Historia Britonum"in the Revue celtique, xv., p. 187 ; xvii., p. 1.

^{^[171]} Rutilius Numatianus, De Reditu, i., vv. 440-452.

^{^[172]} Natione Scytha, says Gennadius {De Viris ill. c. 62). Some ill-advised authors reject this testimony on the ground that Cassian wrote in a Latin which is more correct than could be expected of a Scythian. But there is

^{^[173]} It was with these Goths that there landed the Arian bishop Maximin. Vide supra_y p. 121 f.

^{^[174]} In the Province of Baetica, to which their name remained (Andalusia).

^{^[175]} It was in connexion with these negotiations that St Augustine and the Count Darius as representative of Placidia exchanged some letters (Aug. Epp. 229-231).

^{^[176]} Contra Coil. 21.

⁵⁴ This is the opinion of Dom. G. Alorin (Revue Benedictine, 1909, pp. 419 ff.), and I am much inclined to think that he is right. The Dialogue of Arnobius and of Serapion belongs to the last years of Pope Leo, certainly later than 454 : the Praedestinatus is older, anterior to the affair of Eutyches, of the time of Xystus III. or the first years of Leo : the Commentary may go back to a still earlier date.

^{^[178]} Hans von Schubert, Der sogenannte Praedestinatus in Tcxfe tend Untersuchungen, vol. xxiv. 4.

^{^[179]} Prosper, Chron. ad ann. 439.

^{^[180]} Praeteritorum sedis apostolicae efiiscoporum auctoritates de gratia Dei, printed at the end of Celestine's letter, Apostolici verba.

^{^[181]} Profundiores vero difficilioresque partes incurrentium quaestionum, quas latius pertractarunt qui haereticis restiterunt [jr. Augustine], sicut non audemus contemnere, ita non necesse habemus adstruere.

^{^[182]} This does not mean that people refrained from reflexion and writing on these questions. Two anonymous works belonging to this period have been preserved—the De vocatione omnium gentium (Migne, P. L. torn, li., p. 647) and the Hypomncsticon contra Pelagianos et Caelestianos (P. L. torn, xlv., p. 1611), which give us different attempts to resolve the problems of Predestination. In the first, often attributed to the deacon Leo, the starting point—assumed as indisputable—is the fact that God wills the salvation of all men—an idea which has very little that is Augustinian about it—and this is reconciled as best may be with the irresistible efficacy of grace {gratia spccialis) and the doctrine of Predestination. The other treatise explains Predestination by the aid of a distinction of great subtlety : it is not sinners who are predestined to punishment; it is punishment which is predestined for sinners.

^{^[183]} Another, the eldest, whose name was Flaccilla, had died before him.

^{^[184]} Atticus was a native of Sebaste in Armenia. He had lived there for a long time among the monks of the celebrated Eustathius (see Vol. II., p. 304 f.), monks who belonged to the "Macedonian" belief. He subsequently joined the Catholic Church (Sozomen, //. E. viii. 27).

201

^{^[186]} July 4, 4 M-

^{^[187]} The chronology of Synesius and that of his letters is not very easy to fix. However, he was most probably ordained in 411, after more than seven months of hesitation (Epp. 13, 95). According to O. Seeck (Phi!ologus_y vol. Iii., pp. 460 ff.) we should put this back to the year 407 ; but that is irreconcilable with Letter 66.

^{^[188]} Ep. 105.

^{^[189]} He often speaks of them in his letters (59, 69, 88, 123), and especially in his discourse called " Catastasis."

^{^[190]} EPP- 57, 58, 72, 73, 79, 89.

^{^[191]} Ep. 12 is addressed to a Cyril; but it is certainly not the Patriarch.

^{^[192]} Vol. II., p. 407, note 3.

^{^[193]} Ep. i. 309.

^{^[194]} The three Syrians—Acacius, Severian, and Antiochus—and Cyrinus of Chalcedon.

^{^[195]} Ep. i. 152.

^{^[196]} Ceneda in Venetia? He translated into Latin several homilies of St John Chrysostom.

^{^[197]} Socrates, H. E. vii. 7, mentions here not Orestes but the military commandant, Abundantius.

^{^[198]} The evil custom of applauding preachers was tolerated at that time. Naturally enough the applause came to be organized into a system under the direction of interested parties.

^{^[199]} De Paupertate (Migne, Patrol. Graeca, torn, lxxix., p. 997).

^{^[200]} Vol. II., p. 462.

^{^[201]} " Hisroria Religiosa" (Migne, Patrol. Graeca, torn, lxxxii.).

^{^[202]} Theodoret, op. cit. c. 22, an account written in the lifetime of Simeon, who indeed survived his biographer. On the other lives of St Simeon Stylites see the memoir cited in the next note.

^{^[203]} Vogiie, La Syrie centrale, p. 141, plates 139-151. The place was formerly called Telanissos, and this name is preserved in the modern one, Tell Neschin. Evagrius had seen this monument and describes it, Hist Eccles. i. 13. Cf Lebas and Waddington, Voyage archiologique, vol. iii. 2691, 2692.

^{^[204]} Socrates, H. E. vii. 28. ² Vol. II., p. 111, note 1.

3 In the 6th century it was called the monastery of Euprepius (Evagrius,

H. E. i. 7).

^{^[207]} A statement related by Socrates, H. E. vii. 39, no doubt with a little exaggeration ; but at bottom it is nearly enough in the style both of the time and of the man.

^{^[208]} Mta 0u<ris rou GeoO Abyov ce<rapK(t}/j.evr)_} Una natura Dei Verbi incarnata. This celebrated formula, common to the Apollinarians and the Monophysites, was adopted also by the Church, but not without difficulty and with explanations which modified its original meaning.

^{^[209]} Anathematizamus eos qui duos Filios asserunt, unum ante saecula et alterum post assumptionem carnis ex virgine (Coustant, Efip. Rom. Pont.> p. 512). Cf. Vol. II., p. 327, note 2.

^{^[210]} At the time of his enthronement he had exchanged letters with Celestine (Jaffe, Regesta, 374 ; Coustant, Epp. Rom. Po7it._y p. 1115).

^{^[211]} However, we must not forget that Eutyches and other persons of this shade of opinion were already figuring among the opponents of the Patriarch.

^{^[212]} Ex maxima Belgarum urbe (Contra Nestorium, i. 2).

^{^[213]} "AXXoy, not d\Xo. These matters are so subtle that even in French one cannot succeed in stating them with clearness. Greek only is an adequate instrument for the purpose.

^{^[214]} Mansi, Concilia, torn, iv., p. 519: Fragments in Cassian, De Incarna- tione, i. 5.

^{^[215]} Cyril, Ep. 3.

^{^[216]} I think that Philip of Side is meant : the reason adduced to the contrary by Tillemont (Hist. Eccl. vol. xiv., p. 321) is worthless.

^{^[217]} For the first of the two misdoings, for Celestius did not present himself to support his accusation. Cyril, Epp. 5 and 11 (Migne, Patrol. Graeca, torn, lxxvii., pp. 56 and 88).

^{^[218]} Ep. 4, the Epistola dogmatica, Kara(f>\vapov<n nlv •. we see from the

Council of Chalcedon, Session 2, that it belonged to the month of Mechir (January 26 to February 24), 430.

^{^[220]} An allusion to the business of St John Chrysostom.

⁰ Ep. 10.

^{^[221]} Ep. 11.

^{^[222]} Cyril had been a Bishop ten years longer than Celestine.

^{^[223]} This tradition had been quite forgotten at Alexandria at the time of Chrysostom's affair.

^{^[224]} Of the Eastern Empire.

^{^[225]} Holding jurisdiction from the Pope—a fact which in Cyril's form of argument gave them a certain prominence.

^{^[226]} Jaffe, Regesta, 372, August 11, 430. Similar letters to Nestorius (ibid. 374), to the clergy of Constantinople (ibid. 375), to John of Antioch, to Juvenal of Jerusalem, to Rufus of Thessalonica, and to Flavian of Philippi (ibid. 373).

^{^[227]} At Rome it seems most likely that they saw in Nestorius a resurrection of Paul of Samosata with certain mitigations, somewhat like the Adoptionist theory of Leporius. It was thus that he was represented by the fanatics of Constantinople. Cassian adopts almost the same point of view in regard to it, and his report, drawn up for the Holy See and at its request, must have had great weight in Roman estimates. Nestorius (Mansi, Concilia, torn, v., p. 763) complains that Cyril by adroit cuts in the text of his homilies, has endeavoured to produce this impression at Rome. He speaks also of the simplicity of Celestine—simpliciorem quam qui posset vim dogmatum subtilius penetrare. Celestine, as a matter of fact, so far as can be judged from the affair of Antony of Fussala and from his letter to the bishops of Provence, seems to have had some gaps. By a singular irony, this "simplicity" which Nestorius points to in him, he had himself pointed out in Sisinnius, the predecessor of Nestorius (Jaffe, op. cit. 372).

^{^[228]} Mansi, Concilia, torn, iv., p. 1109.

^{^[229]} Coustant, Epp. Rom. Pont., p. 1147 ; cf. Evagrius, H. E. i. 7.

^{^[230]} Cyril, Ep. 17 : similar letters to the clergy and to the monks of Constantinople.

^{^[231]} Epp. 13, 16. ² Theodoret figures among them.

^{^[232]} See his two sermons subsequent to the receipt of the Anathemas of Cyril (Loofs, Nestoriana, pp. 297, 313): the second is identical with that which was communicated to John of Antioch.

⁰ Mansi, Cone, v., p. 756.

^{^[233]} Known from Cyril's replies (Migne, Patrol. Graeca, lxxvii., pp. 316, 385 ; cf. Ep. 44).

^{^[234]} The Greek text is lost : the best edition of the Latin version by Marius Mercator is that of Loofs, Nestoriana, p. 211.

^{^[235]} See their request to the Emperor, Mansi, Cone, iv., p. 1101.

^{^[236]} One of his priests, Hesychius, wrote a History of the Council of Ephesus in four books. He was a friend of Eutyches, who found hospitality with him at the time of the Council of Chalcedon. This we learn from the work (still unedited) of the Roman deacon, Pelagius, against the condemnation of the Three Chapters, Book II. : "Esychii presbiteri Hierosolymitani historia, quam in quatuor libellis de eis quae apud Ephesum sunt acta composuit . . . Constat eumdem Esychium Eutychis haeretici fuisse consortem, in tantum ut fugientem sanctae synodi Chalcedonensis examen apud se eumdem Eutychen in Hierosolymis libenter exceperit et libros contra sanctam synodum Chalcedonensem et contra epistolam beatae memoriae Leonis ad Flavianum Constantinopolitanum antistitem datam scripserit."

^{^[237]} Whether he had a real right to this position is a different matter. He had been charged to summon Nestorius and ^Nto depose him in the name of the Holy See if within ten days satisfaction had not been given. Another method of procedure having been adopted, and Cyril having accepted it, since he had come to the Council, his commission seems clearly to have expired. Besides, the best proof that the Pope had no idea of causing* himself to be represented by him is the fact that he was sending legates.

III. R

^{^[238]} Mansi, Cone, v., pp. 770-772. ² Cyril, Ep. 24.

3 Nestorius to the Emperor (Mansi, Cone, iv., p. 1232 ; Loofs, Ncsioriana_tp. 186) ; Cyril (or his Synod) to the Church of Constantinople (Mansi, iv., p. 1228), to the Emperor {ibid. p. 1236), to the clergy and to the people of

Constantinople {ibid. p. 1241), to the clergy and to the people of Alexandria {ibid.). The report of Candidian has not been preserved : it is mentioned in the imperial reply to the Synod {ibid. p. 1377 ; cf. torn, v., p. 773).

^{^[241]} Mansi, Cone, iv., pp. 1245, 1248, 1252.

^{^[242]} This date is settled for the future, from the text of the Bibliotheca Casinensisy torn, i.², p. 24.

⁰ Cyril attempted at this time and later to explain this delay in a manner which has little likelihood. According to him they had waited sixteen days after the date fixed for the opening of the Council. With these sixteen days

^{^[243]} Supra, p. 170. ² Jaffe, Regesta, 378.

³ They do not seem to have been affronted by it: at any rate the Acts of Cyril have not preserved any trace of protest. Besides, the case had been provided for in their instructions. In a letter addressed to Cyril, (Jaff£, 377) Celestine, in answer to a question of the Bishop of Alexandria on this head, said that Nestorius, if he retracted, ought to be admitted by

the Council, even though the delay of ten days should long have expired.

^{^[245]} Synodicon, 47 (Mansi, Cone, v., p. 783).

^{^[246]} Synodicon, 15 (Mansi, ibid. pp. 777, 779).

^{^[247]} Synodicon, 24-26 (Mansi, ibid. pp. 792-4).

^{^[248]} It was adroit to display the Roman legates. It was certainly not on them that they were relying for the defence of Cyril's theology ; but their mere presence served as a recommendation of the other delegates.

^{^[249]} Ep. 310; cf. Ep. 370.

^{^[250]} It had been absolutely necessary to read Celestine's letter by which Cyril had been commissioned : otherwise he could not have justified either his position as the Pope's representative or his intervention in the direction of the discussion. But when once Celestine's letter had been read, he could not avoid the production also of the formal Act by which he had discharged his commission.

^{^[251]} On the testimony even of Cyril's formal records two letters of his were read at the Council, the first quite at the beginning of the session, after the creed of Nicasa (supra, p. 245), the other, the letter of the Anathemas, after the letter of Celestine to Nestorius. In his report in which he follows the order of the reading, Cyril does not mention any after Celestine's letter. In another place, he uses the ambiguous expression rd ypdn/mara . . . KvpiWov. Lower down, for the letters of Nestorius and of Celestine he makes use of the singular iTnaroXfj. Possibly the plural ypdfifiara (litterae) was used deliberately in order to extend it, in case of need, to the letter which contained the Anathemas. I think it, however, more probable, in view of the mention of the vote which follows that of the ypd/x/xara, that Cyril, or the Council in whose name he writes, wished to throw into the shade the document which was the subject of dispute.

^{^[252]} The unlimited confidence accorded by Celestine to Cyril is only too closely reminiscent of the relations of his predecessor Zosimus with Patroclus, the Bishop of Aries. We no longer possess, unfortunately, the letters that he wrote to the Bishop of Alexandria after the Council.

^{^[253]} Mansi, Cone, v., p. 257.

^s Letter of Theodoret, in the Synodicon, c. 71 (Mansi, Cone, v., p. 848).

^{^[254]} Synodicon, 66, 136, 141, 174 (Mansi, Cone. v., pp. 843, 917, 920, 953)- We have not the names. The Roman legates had no doubt been spared.

^{^[255]} Imperial letter addressed to John (Mansi, Cone, v., pp. 277, 663, 664).

⁸ Hefele, Conciliengeschichte ii., p. 252, is wrong in questioning that this was the requirement of the Court. Cf. Synodicon, 203 (Mansi, Cone. v., p. 988): Aristolaus insistebat ei (Cyrillo) ut divinitus sancita perageret. The letter to John of Antioch (Synodicon 50 ; Mansi, Cone, v., p. S27) which is relied upon is that of a person still badly informed.

^{^[257]} Jaffe, 385 ; Coustant, p. 1202. ⁵ Jaflfe, 389, 390.

⁰ Synodicon, 55 (Mansi, Cone, v., p. 830).

III. S

^{^[260]} The list of these douceurs has been preserved in the Synodicon, as an

^{^[261]} Paul of Emesa was the trusted confidant of Acacius: he had represented him at Ephesus (Mansi, Cone, iv., p. 1400).

^{^[262]} "We profess that our Lord Jesus Christ, the only Son of God, perfect God and perfect man, endowed with a rational soul and a body, is born of the Father before the ages as touching His Divinity and in the end of the days, for us and our salvation, of the Virgin Mary as touching His humanity ; that He is consubstantial with the Father as touching His Divinity and with us as touching His humanity, for two natures have been united (860 <p6<reo>» tvw<m yiyove); moreover, we recognize but one only Christ, one only Son, one only Lord. According to this union without confusion we say that the holy Virgin is Mother of God, for God the Word was incarnate and made man, and from the moment of conception united to Himself the temple which He took from her." The added passage is : " As to the evangelical and apostolical passages relative to the Lord we know that theologians employ some of them without distinction as referring to a single person and distinguish others as referring to two natures ; those which are worthy of God when it is a question of the Divinity of Christ, those of a less lofty kind when it is a question of His humanity."

^{^[263]} Synodicon, 17 (Mansi, Cone, v., p. 783).

^{^[264]} What was meant by the teaching of Nestorius ? This point had been in no way defined. It is not doubtful that the Eastern creed accepted by Cyril did not correspond to the belief of Nestorius.

^{^[265]} Acacius is not mentioned in the documents of the acceptance nor in those which followed. He must have died about this time. One of his Chorepiscopi Balai composed in his honour five Syriac hymns : in the last of these pieces he is represented at his last hour conversing with God on his long life which had come to its end and on the eternity upon which he is entering. The Syriac text is in Overbeck, S. Ephraemi Opera Selecta, p. 251 ff ; a German version by Bickell, Ausgewahlte Gedichte der sy rise hen Kirehenviiter Cyrillonas, Balaus, etc. (Kempten, 1872) in the Bibliothek der Kirchenvdter.

^{^[266]} T&s 4>av\as airoO /cat (3efiri\ovs Kevo<f>uviat. In the letter of John of Antioch to the Emperor the corresponding terms are : Depositum sive damnatum habemus Nestorium . . . anathematismo subicientes quaecumque ab eo aliene ac peregrine dicta sunt contra apostolicam doctrinam (Synodicon, 91). It is very vague. It is not said either in what Nestorius had been heretical nor even that he had been so.

^{^[266]} Ep. i. 324. This leads us to think that Aristolaus had something besides exhortations in his wallet, and that if the Bishop of Alexandria had not yielded he could have made him regret it. Liberatus (Brev. S) says that it had been a question of exile: "(Aristolaus) sacram principis deferens Joanni et Cyrillo, in qua comminatus est utrisque Nicomediam exilium, nisi pacem haberent ad invicem." The mention of Nicomedia gives ground for supposing here a confusion between the recollection of these threats of exile and that of the project of a conference mentioned above (p. 259); but it is natural that at such a time the Emperor should have called to his aid all his resources.

^{^[267]} Coustant, op. cit._t p. 1245.

^{^[268]} Epp. 57, 58. ² Synodicorty 150 (Mansi, Cone, v., p. 929).

³ Count Irenaeus drew up this martyrology later. We still possess

it in the Synodicon, No. 190 (Mansi, Cone, v., p. 965). There were in all fourteen recalcitrants, almost all of whom paid cruelly for their opposition.

^{^[271]} Mansi, Cone, v., p. 255.

^{^[272]} The Great Oasis of the ancients, now called the Oasis of Khargeh.

^{^[273]} Socrates, H. E. vii. 34.

^{^[274]} Cod. Theod. xvi. 5, 66; cf. Mansi, Cone, v., pp. 413, 416.

^{^[275]} This enquiry is lost; there remains only the title of it in the fifth session of the Fifth (Ecumenical Council (Mansi, Cone, ix., p. 240). The text which follows this rubric is derived from another source.

^{^[276]} Mansi, Cone, v., p. 421.

^{^[277]} It is a request of Basil either to'Cyril or to Proclus which appears in the existing text of the Fifth Council, with a rubric which attributes it to the Bishops of Armenia. Cf. p. 269, note 1.

^{^[278]} Some fragments of a document emanating from these monks have been preserved in Book II. of the (unedited) Treatise of Pelagius on behalf of the Three Chapters.

^{^[279]} Imperial letter to John of Antioch, Turbam atque lumultu?n (Synodicon, 219) ; cf. Facundus, Pro defens, viii. 3.

^{^[280]} The "Tragoedia" of Irenaeus is lost in its original form and in its Greek text. We no longer possess it except in extracts, of considerable size, it is true, in a compilation belonging to the next century and formed after the death of Justinian (565) by a Latin clerk, a defender of the Three Chapters. It is entitled Synodicon, and this Synodicon has come down to us in a MS. of Monte Cassino of which Lupus (Christian Wolf), Baluze, and Mansi (torn, v.) have given editions which are incomplete and imperfect. A good description of the MS. with the supplements which are most indispensable will be found in the Bibliotheca Casinensis, torn, ii., pp. 49 ff.; Florilegium, pp. 5-47. Cf. Maassen, Quellen i., p. 733.

^{^[281]} Socrates, H. E. vii. 45 ; Theodoret, H. E. v. 36.

^{^[282]} In 441 or 442. ³ June 27, 444.

⁴ The letter is addressed to John : which is absurd, since John died before Cyril. It was, however, cited as by Theodoret, and against him, in the Fifth (Ecumenical Council (Session 5 : Mansi, Cone, ix., p. 295).

171

^{^[285]} Since 435 : Ibas was installed on August 8 of this year.

^{^[286]} The person to whom this letter is addressed is a certain Mari, a Persian {i.e., a subject of the King of Persia), and to put it more exactly belonging to Beth-Ardaschir (Seleucia), who had lived in Roman Syria and had known personally Theodore of Mopsuestia. He was not the Catholicos who bore the name of Abdiso (Ebed-Jesu), that is unless, following a conjecture of M. Labourt (Le Christianisme dans P Empire Perse, p. 133, note 6), one admits that Mari is not a proper name but the equivalent of the Greek Ktf/uos or of the Latin Domnus. The letter of Ibas is in the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, Act x. (Mansi, Cone, vii., p. 241).

^{^[287]} Theodoret, Ep. 110.

³ Jaffe, Regesta_y 395, 396 : letters belonging to 437. Vide supra, p. 212.

^{^[289]} Theodoret, Ep. 86.

^{^[290]} A daughter of the Athenian rhetor Leontius, beautiful and very well read, Athenais was still a pagan when she had been presented by

III. T

^{^[291]} Supra, pp. 2.33 and 264. These two documents were read officially at Flavian's Council, to the exclusion of the letter with the Anathemas.

^{^[292]} Leontius (?), Contra fraudes Apollinaristarum (Migne, Patrol. Graeca, Ixxxvi., p. 1947).

^{^[293]} Mansi, Cone, vi., p. 817.

^{^[294]} The omission of Antioch is to be noted.

^{^[295]} There are twenty-three signatures of archimandrites following those of the bishops who had sat as judges at the Council (Mansi, Cone, vi.,

p. 7 52).

^{^[296]} Neues Archiv, vol. xi. (18S6), p. 362. To this document was or ought to be joined a more circumstantial relatio of what had passed at the Council.

^{^[297]} That all this took place on the same day is the inference now made from the letter of appeal addressed to Pope Leo by Flavian {Neues Archiv xi., p. 364).

^{^[298]} It was not without difficulty that Hilary escaped from Dioscorus and his people. When he became Pope he caused to be constructed on the sides of the Baptistery of the Lateran two chapels, one of which, under the title of St John the Evangelist, still exists. We read on the lintel of the door the inscription :—

LIBERATORI SVO BEATO IOHANNI EVANGELISTAE HILARIVS EPISCOPVS FAMVLVS CHRISTI

- The earliest letters (Jaffe, Regesta, 438-444, Epp. 43-51) belong to October 13 or 15 : the Pope's anniversary brought to Rome every year, for September 29, a certain number of bishops.

^{^[300]} Leo, Epp. 55-58. The sovereigns took part in the festival of St Peter's Chair (February 22). It has been thought (Analecta Maredsolana i., p. 409) possible to connect with this fact a sermon " in cathedra sancti Petri," transcribed in an ancient collection of Homilies at Toledo. This does not seem to me very certain.

~ Mansi, Cone, vii., p. 495.

^s The letter addressed to the Pope has not come down to us.

^{^[303]} Leo, Epp. 62-64.

^{^[304]} Jaffe, Reges/a, 452-454, July 16 and 17, 450 (Epp. 69-71) to Theodosius, Pulcheria, the monks of Constantinople.

^{^[305]} One of them was Abundius of Como.

⁵ Chronicles of Prosper and of Marcellinus. Apart from the ecclesiastical writers we have little information about this eminent person.

^{^[307]} She was in her fifty-second year : he was fifty-eight.

^{^[308]} Dioscorus seems, upon the accession of Marcian, to have had inclinations towards political opposition. He was accused (see the complaint of Sophronius at the third session of Chalcedon) of having hindered the proclamation of Marcian at Alexandria. This must be compared with the rumour which reached Nestorius and which is dealt with below, p. 311.

^{^[309]} Description in Evagrius, H. E. ii. 3. It included an atrium, a covered basilica and a round sanctuary, with two stages one above the other, in the midst of which was the silver shrine with the relics of the martyr. The latter, at some uncertain date, warned in a dream either the Bishop of Chalcedon or some other pious person to come to gather the "Vintage" at her tomb. Accordingly the Emperor, the Court, the Patriarch, and the clergy of the capital went in state to the basilica. The Patriarch opened a little window pierced in the tomb and passed through it an iron rod fitted with a sponge. It was drawn out soaked with a red liquid which passed for the blood of the martyr. This marvel is not without analogy with those still to be seen at Naples and at Bari.

^{^[310]} The protocols make a constant distinction between the Judices and the Senatores: the first are actual holders of office—Anatolius, Magister militum and Patrician ; Palladius, Pnetorian Prefect of the Orient ; Tatian, Prefect of Constantinople ; Vincomalus, Master of the Offices, with an ex-Master, Martial ; Sporacius, Comes Domestieorumj Genethlius, Count of the Privy Treasury. As for the senators, to the number of twelve, they were all former officials of the highest rank, Consuls, Patricians, Praetorian Prefects, Grand Chamberlains.

^{^[311]} In these proceedings Eusebius always takes the part of accuser. Every time that he appears he has in his wallet a plaint drawn up against someone. It was a role useful, perhaps, but ungrateful. His personal inclination must here have been at the service of his zeal.

^{^[312]} Acta viii. ² Acta ix. and x.

3 Avayvw<t8el<T7}t yap rijs iiriaToXijs aCtov, iireyvwficv avrdv virapxew 6p06oo*ov

(Mansi, Cone, vii., p. 261).

^{^[315]} Mansi, vii., 192, 193.

^{^[316]} With regard to this, see the two letters of Nestorius preserved by Evagrius, HE. i. 7.

^{^[317]} According to Timothy Aelurus (Plerop. 36) he had been sold by the barbarians to the town of Panopolis.

^{^[318]} Vol. II., p. 398 f.

^{^[319]} The expressions, clearly, for it is of that alone that any question can arise.

^{^[320]} For the Bishop of Carthage, Capreolus, he who had sent a deputy to the Council of Ephesus, the Nestorian heresy was identified with the following doctrine: "We must not say that God is born. A simple man was born of the Virgin Mary, and God has later dwelt in him." This follows from the correspondence interchanged between Capreolus and two Spanish monks (servi Dei), Vitalis and Constantius, in reference to the doctrines taught in the circle in which they were living (Migne, Patrol. Latina, liii., pp. 847 ft). It is in the same fashion that Pope Gelasius represents things to himself, Photifii et Pauli Samosateni sccutus errorem {Tract, i. 1 ; iii. passim).

^{^[321]} It is already in this way that Pope Leo speaks (Jaffe, Regesta, 479, 499, 500, 542 ; Epp. cii. 3, cxxiii. 2, cxxiv. 2, clxv. 2).

^{^[322]} Several of them speak of Two Natures, and it was no doubt because of this term, ill understood and ill regarded at Alexandria, that they were deemed worthy of censure.

'^l It is certainly not of his sect that we ought to ask it. He has left none. The Church of Persia, which later honoured his name, is only connected with him in a very indirect manner. The partisans whom he may have had for some time at Constantinople do not attract mention for very long. Those whom people called Nestorians at the Council of Chalcedon and on the morrow of that assembly were Theodoret and other Easterns, persons of established orthodoxy.

^{^[324]} Latrocinium Ephesimun. The mot is Pope Leo's (Jaffe, Regesta, 475 ; Leonis Ep. xcv.).

^{^[325]} Supra, p. 154.

^{^[326]} " Credidit se posse proficere et insolentes ausus per commentitia scripta firmare" (Leo, Ep. cxix. ; Jaffe, Regesta, 495); supplication of the Easterns to the Emperor (431) in Mansi, Cone, iv., p. 1402.

^{^[327]} Is this really in 431, at a time when Cyril had so much need of Juvenal, and not rather after his reconciliation with John of Antioch ? The letter which he wrote to Rome was addressed to Leo (mi/ii . . . indicavit_yloc. cit.) ; if it is to Leo as Pope, this would be in 440 or 441. But it is hardly conceivable that, for such a matter, the Patriarch of Alexandria addressed himself to a person of less dignity.

^{^[328]} Loc. cit. ⁶ Cyril, Ep. 56. Vol. II., p. 348.

^{^[329]} Mansi, Cone, vii., p. 449.

^{^[330]} Towards the middle of the 5th century the Diocese of Thrace only included twenty-five to thirty bishoprics. We can understand this body of bishops appearing somewhat limited and the effort of the Patriarch of the New Rome to extend his jurisdiction in Asia Minor.

^{^[331]} Canons 9 and 17 are drawn in such a way that it might be thought that this concurrent jurisdiction was open even to the bishops of Syria, Egypt, and Illyria. In fact, however, it only extended to the three Dioceses which formed the Patriarchate of Constantinople. By the Exarch was meant the bishop who had his see in the chief town of the civil Diocese.

^{^[332]} Vol. II., p. 119 f.

- Ecclesia Romana semper habuit pritnatum. On the documents of this gloss see Maassen, Quellen i., pp. 19 ff.

^{^[334]} She died December 31, 439: her mother Albina and her husband Pinianus had preceded her to the tomb (431 or 432).

^{^[335]} The life of this personage had been written by Zacharias the Rhetor (supra, p. 316, note 1), with those of Theodore of Antinoe and Isaiah the prophet: we no longer possess the first two ; on the other hand, another life of Peter of Iberia, greatly extended, written about the beginning of the 6th century, has come down to us in a Syriac version, edited with German translation by Richard Raabe (Petrus der Iberer; Leipzig, 1S95) ; cf. Chabot, " Pierre l'lberien " in the Revue de VOrient Latin, iii. (1895), p. 368. Peter was of the family of Bacour, the first Christian King of Iberia (Rufinus, H. E. i. 10): in his own country he bore the name Nabarnougi ; his father, King Bosmari, had sent him to the court of Theodosius II. as a hostage (422): he was then twelve years old. He edified the Court by his piety; then after some years had elapsed he fled to _f Jerusalem (430) with a companion who shared his views, John the Eunuch. Being well received by Melania the younger, who had seen him at Constantinople, he received the monastic habit from the hands of Gerontius, and then organized a monastery at the " Tower of David," where he lived in peace with John the Eunuch and several others. But when the Empress Eudocia had settled at Jerusalem, as he was for her an old acquaintance, she disquieted him by her visits so that he fled to the outskirts of Gaza (438). There, very much against his will, he was ordained priest (447).

^{^[336]} Supra, p. 206.

^{^[337]} Molested by Proterius, he had been obliged to retire to Oxyrhynchus where he lived for some time ; but he had returned to Alexandria and happened to be there at the time of the death of Marcian (Petrus der lberer, p. 64).

^{^[338]} Zacharias iv. 3, 4.

^{^[339]} On June 1, 457, the Pope had still only very vague news (quidam rumores) as to the events at Alexandria (Jaffe, Regesta, 457 ; Ep. cxliv.).

^{^[340]} Petitions presented to the Emperor and to Anatolius by a group of fourteen Egyptian bishops and some priests of Alexandria who had made the voyage to Constantinople (Mansi, Cojic. vii., pp. 525, 531).

^{^[341]} Only the opening of their petition to the Emperor has been preserved to us (Mansi, vii., p. 536).

I"' The Pope made continual complaints of his toleration with regard to the " Eutychians " of Constantinople.

^{^[343]} Theophanes ad ann. 5951.

^{^[344]} This is what is said by Zacharias (iv. 9), an author with a tendency to exaggeration.

^{^[345]} On the literary productions of this individual see J. Lebon, "La Christologie de Timothee Elure," in the Revue cPHistoire eccldsiastique, ix. (1908), p. 677.

^{^[346]} Leo replied to the letters by which the accession of Salofaciol was notified to him (Jaffe, Regesta, 548-550; Epp. clxxi.-clxxiii.). The con- secrators were ten in number.

^{^[347]} Evagrius, H. E. iii. 4.

^{^[348]} Zacharias, v. 3; Evagrius, H. E. iii. 5. Evagrius says that he borrowed it from Zacharias. However he is more full than the existing Syriac text, which must have been abbreviated here by the compiler of the His toria Miscellanea.

iii. z

^{^[349]} I hasten to add that when the Monophysites had power in their grasp or when they found themselves in force at some point they showed themselves the most immoderate of men. No religious party, unless it be, perhaps, the Donatists of Africa, has made so large a use of violence.

^{^[350]} The last document which mentions him is a letter of Pope Leo (Jaffe, 496 ; Ep. cxx.) of June 11, 453, addressed to him. Gennadius of Massilia (Marseilles), c. 89, makes him die sub Leone, that is to say in 457 at earliest. I do not know if great importance need be attached to this testimony. In 458 he had already been replaced.

^x Jaffe, Regesta, 516; Ep. cxli. ; cf. Xpovoy(>a<piKbv auvronov, p. 131, ed. De Boor ; i^efiMjdrj Si a 7rraw>ia.

^{^[352]} The text of it is in Evagrius, H. E. iii. 7.

^{^[353]} Basiliscus had lasted twenty months (Victor Tunnunensis ad ann. 476 : Procopius, Bellum Vand. i. 7, p. 342, ed. Dindorf. The official notification of Zeno's return to which Pope Simplicius replied on October 9, 477 (Jaffe, Regesta, 576) was doubtless only made some months after the re-entry to Constantinople.

^{^[354]} There were, apart from Acacius, some cases of local opposition. At Hierapolis (the see in Euphratesiana I think) the populace massacred the officials (magistriani) who came there to bring the Encyclical (John of yEgeum, Revue AreMologique, xxvi., p. 402).

^{^[355]} A great number of bishops came to Constantinople in 477 to acclaim the restoration. Pope Simplicius (Jaffe, Regesta, 577) was somewhat disturbed at this concourse there.

^{^[356]} According to the tittle-tattle of his opponents he had poisoned himself (Liberatus, Brev. 16). It is more than unlikely.

^{^[357]} Letter of Acacius to Simplicius, Tliiel, Epp. Rom. Pont., p. 194 ; cf. Gesta Acacii, ibid. p. 516, and Jaffe, Regesta, 601. Zacharias, v. 5 and vi. 2, speaks of several bishops.

^{^[358]} Letter quoted above, note 2.

^{^[359]} Zacharias, v. 6 \ cf. Liberatus, Brev. 18.

^{^[360]} Evagrius, H. E. iii. 14 ; Liberatus, Brev. 17. The document is not dated : it must belong to 482.

^{^[361]} An allusion to the second Council of Ephesus, that of 449, and particularly to the condemnation of Ibas and of Theodoret. On the other

^{^[362]} Evagrius, H. E. iii. 17.

^{^[363]} Amelineau, " Monuments pour servir h l'histoire de l'Egypte chretienne," in the Manoires de la Missio?t du Caire, iv., p. 196.

^{^[364]} Theophanes ad ann. 5974.

^{^[365]} The Thcotokos is in itself quite as open to criticism as the Crucijixus pro nobis. We may note the analogy between Calendion's combination and that which Nestorius had proposed with his Christotokos,

^{^[366]} Theophanes (ad ann. 5982) mentions the Bishops of Tarsus, Hierapolis, Cyrrhos, Chalcis, Samosata, Mopsuestia, Constantina, Himeria, Theo- dosiopolis.

^{^[367]} Letter addressed to Peter Mongus by a Council of Antioch, Zacharias, v. 10.

^{^[368]} Zacharias, v. 2, 5. ⁴ Zacharias, v. 6.

⁵ There is a discourse of his in Zacharias, v. 6. In this he belauds the three Councils of Nicaea, Constantinople, and Ephesus, and rejects whatever may have been decided in a contrary sense at Ariminum, Sardica, Chalccdon, or elsewhere. See also (Zacharias, v. 11) his letter to Peter Mongus. The Life of St Euthymius (cc. 113, 114) bears trace of this.

⁰ According to Cyril of Scythopolis, in the life of St Euthymius, 123,

124 {Acta Sanctorum, January, vol. ii., p. 686; Cotelier, Ecclesiae Graccae Monumcnta, ii., p. 305), Marcian seems to have summoned a meeting at Bethlehem of all the dissident monks and, finding them greatly perplexed, to have persuaded them to have recourse to the lot. They accordingly tossed up whether they should unite to the bishops or not: the lot fell for reunion. Zacharias, v. 6, says nothing of this original method of procedure.

^{^[372]} Belonging to the monastery of the Accemeti according to Zacharias, quoted by Evagrius, H. E. iii. 18 (the Syriac says nothing of this), and Liberatus, Brev. 18 ; to the monastery of Dius, according to Basil the Cilician, author of an Ecclesiastical History (Photius, Bibliotheca, 42) which went down to 527, quoted by Nicephorus Callistus, H. E. xvi. 17. Cf,\ Pargfoire, Echos cT Orient, vol. ii., pp. 367 ff.

^{^[372]} Procopius, De Aed, iii. 7.

^{^[373]} Tiflis was only founded about the middle of the 5th century.

^{^[374]} Rufinus, H. E. i. 10. When Rufinus knew him he was Dux Limitis Palaestijii: later he became Comes Domesticorum. He appeared at the Battle of the Cold River (394) among the principal lieutenants of Theodosius and fell in action (Zosimus, H. E. iv. 57, 58 ; Socrates, H. E. v. 25).

^{^[375]} Supra, pp. 325 ff.

^{^[376]} IV. [II.] Kings xix. 37; Isaiah xxxvii. 38; Jeremiah Ii. 27. As for the identification of the famous mountain of Agri-Dagh with the Ararat of Genesis, first made by St Jerome, it seems to have remained unknown to the Armenians down to the 9th or 10th century.

* Mommsen, Rbmische Geschichte, i., p. 744 ; ii., pp. 56, 265 : iii., p. 65 ; ^v> P- 339- ^cf- Th. Reinach, Mithridate E up a tor, pp. 78, 101.

^{^[378]} There is no need to take into account the legends relating to St Bartholomew and St Thaddeus. The first comes from Byzantine catalogues of the late 6th century or the century following: the other is only an Armenian adaptation of the famous legend of Edessa. All this is of foreign importation. The true current of tradition is that which goes back to St Gregory the Illuminator. Despite the fables which encumber it, it is the only one of which history could make use. However, it must be recognized that the connexion with Edessa seems to have been made fairly early. Faustus of Byzantium always describes the see of the Catholicos as " the throne of St Thaddeus."

4 I disregard Moses of Chorene, a writer not of the 5th century, as was

long believed, but of the 8th.

^{^[381]} Agathangelus and Faustus are to be found, in a French translation, in the first volume of the Collection des historiens anciens et modemes de VArmdnie, by V. Langlois (Paris: Didot, 1867). On the origins of Christianity in Armenia, see H. Gelzer, Die Anfange der armenischen Kirche in the "Transactions of the Royal Academy of Saxony," vol. xlvii. ('895), P- 109.

^{^[382]} The Emperor Marcian (i"457) is represented as a colleague of Diocletian ; the war of the Goths as in the time of Diocletian, with the single combat of Tiridates and the King of the Goths ; the reign of Licinius in the East placed before the persecution of Diocletian ; the relics of St John Baptist and of St Athenogenes brought to Armenia from the beginning of the episcopate of St Gregory ; the journey of Tiridates and of Gregory to Rome, where they meet Constantine and Archbishop Eusebius (■variant Sylvester), though Gelzer has endeavoured to save it (op. cit. pp. 167-171), etc. The confusion in regard to Marcian proves that, at least in the Greek and Armenian recensions that we possess, the history of Agathangelus hardly goes back to the end of the 5th century. On the whole, however, it is well to put it earlier, for Lazarus of Pharbe, who wrote

^{^[383]} The exact date is not known. Yet the conflict between Maximin and the Armenians seems to presuppose that the conversion of the latter already goes back to a fairly early date, before the annexation of Sophene in 297. Gelzer, op. cit., p. 166, places the event in the neighbourhood of 280.

^{^[384]} It is possible that, even before Gregory, missionaries of Syriac speech had penetrated into the south of Armenia. The indications of this, and, in general, of Syrian intervention in the early days of the Armenian Church have been collected by Ervand Ter-Minassiantz in the first chapter of his study entitled Die armenische Kirche in ihren Beziehungen zu den syrischen Kirchen ("Texte und Untersuchungen," vol. xxvi. 1904).

[385] This family, from which the Catholicos was readily chosen when the line of Gregory failed, was dominant in the region of the upper Euphrates (Mourad-Sou) at Mamivazakert; that of Gregory at Aschdischad (near Mouch) a little lower down on the same river.

^{^[386]} Ammianus, xxx. 1.

^{^[387]} It is quite possible that the ascendancy of Basil over the Armenian Episcopate counted among the reasons which determined Valens to tolerate him in his see. See Vol. II., p. 322.

Faustus of Byzantium, mentions in his History in connexion with the election and death of St Narses (iv. 3 ; v. 24 ; cf. vi. 5, 6). However, with such historians all confusions are possible.

^{^[389]} This Faustus must be different from the one whom a third Faustus,

^{^[390]} However, Faustus of Byzantium does not speak either of Cyril or of Faustus (at any rate under these names). According to him Narses was replaced by Jousig, of the family of Albian, without the intervention of the Bishop of Caesarea. It was then that the latter is represented as having forbidden to the Catholicos the consecration of his colleagues (v. 29).

^{^[391]} Faustus, vi. 1-4.

² This follows from the signatures of the Council of Chalcedon in 451.

^{^[393]} The Bishop of Theodosiopolis (Erzeroum) is, in the ancient Tavru-d, a direct suffragan of Caesarea. It is a reminiscence of the ancient relations between the metropolitical see of Cappadocia and the young Church of Armenia.

[394] Persia}

About the year 333 the Emperor Constantine, writing to the King of Persia, Sapor II., commended to him the Christians

¹ J. Labourt, Le Christianisme dans rEmpire perse sous la Dynastie sassanide (Paris, 1904); Synodicon Orientale, ed. Chabot (Paris, 1902).

^{^[395]} The most ancient is one which appears at the end of a very ancient Martyrology in the Syriac MS., Brit. Mus. Add. 12150, transcribed at Edessa in 412 (Acta Sanctorum, November, vol. ii., p. [Ixiii.]).

^{^[396]} Sozomen, H. E. ii. 9-14 ; Assemani, Acta Marty rum Orientalium, vol. i. (Rome, 1748), in Syriac and Latin. The collection published by Assemani has been wrongly attributed to Marutas, Bishop of Maipherqat (c. 400). Another Syriac edition has been given by Bedjan, Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, vol. ii. (Leipzig, 1890). On the criticism of these documents see Labourt, op. citpp. 51-55. Cf G. Hoffmann, Ausziige aus syrischen Aktenpersischer Miirtyrer (Leipzig, 1886).

^{^[397]} See especially Homily XIV.

^{^[398]} He bore an excellent reputation at Constantinople. Socrates (H. E. vii. 8) represents him as extremely disposed to turn Christian : Procopius (Bellum Pers. i. 2) relates that Arcadius had entrusted to him, by will, the guardianship of his son Theodosius II. All this is of very small credibility.

^{^[399]} Theodoret, H. E. v. 38; Labourt, op. cit. pp. 105 ff. ; Cf. Analecta Boll, xxviii., pp. 399-415 (Peeters).

iii. 2 c

^{^[400]} A very different person from the one who played a part at the second Council of Ephesus.

- Supra, p. 285.

^{^[402]} This expulsion is usually placed after the death of Ibas in 457. But his successor Nonnus showed himself faithful to the Council of Chalcedon, as is testified by his Synodal Letter of 458 (Mansi, Cone, vii., p. 552). It is more natural to place this event in 449 or 450, after the deposition of Ibas and not after his death. The letter of Simeon of Beth-Arsam (Assemani, Bibliotheca Orien talis, i., pp. 204, 353) on these events is full of confusions.

^{^[403]} See my book Eglises siparhs, pp. 366 ff. Cf the Melanges of the Ecole de Rome, vol. xv:., pp. 79 ff.

^{^[404]} El Hadr, to the S. W. of Mosul. ³ Noldeke, Tabari, p. 33.

⁴ Hira is the Arabic, Hirta the Syriac name. To Hira succeeded

Koufa, in the time of the first Caliphs, then Nedjef or Meched-Ali, now one of the Holy Places of the Shiites.

^{^[407]} Eusebius, H. E. v. 10 ; cf Vol. I., p. 243, note 2.

^{^[408]} St Jerome (Dc Viris, 36 ; Ep. 70) adds definiteness to the indications of Eusebius. He knows that it was to the Brahmins that Pantaenus* preaching was addressed, and that it was the Indians themselves who had asked Demetrius, Bishop of Alexandria, to send them missionaries. All this seems to be conjectural. There is no more reliance to be placed on the reports of Rufinus (//. E. i. 9), who sends St Matthew to Ethiopia and St Bartholomew to Nearer India. He designates Abyssinia by the name of Further India and places it between Nearer India and the land of the Parthians. There could not be greater confusion. See Vol. I., pp. 92, 243.

^{^[409]} iii. 4-6.

^{^[410]} This is very difficult to believe, for it does not seem that the Homerite state extended so far. Philostorgius gets mixed in the geography. He places to the east of the Axoumites, on the shore of the Indian Ocean, a colony of " Syrians," established there by Alexander, and still preserving the Syriac language. Perhaps he means to speak of Ormuz, in this position still.

^{^[411]} Ceylon was called, in the language of the country, Sifihala dvipa (Island of Lions). Dvipa (Aipov) is the word which means Island ; we find this root again in the name of Diu, of the Laquedives, the Maldives, Serendiv—an Arabic name of Ceylon. The designation Ai/3ou has not then any definiteness ; but as it corresponds to an Indian term, there is reason to believe that it refers to a place belonging to the Indian Sea and not to the Red Sea.

^{^[412]} Philostorgius says that he reformed various customs there—in particular, that of remaining seated during the reading of the Gospel. As for the Faith, he would not have found anything to correct: the Indians were Anomceans as determined as himself.

^{^[413]} This was doubtless the case of Cologne, which, about the beginning of the 5th century (it does not appear in the Notitia Dignitatum), ceased to belong to the Empire in order to become the capital of a Frankish kingdom ; and of Tongres, the bishopric of which when it re-appeared, about the end of the 5th or the beginning of the 6th century, was transferred to Maestricht; the Bishoprics of Tournai, Cambrai, Arras, Therouanne, Boulogne (if there was one in this city) were equally disorganized. At Treves, although this town had been four times taken and pillaged before being finally occupied, we do not find any interruption in the succession of bishops.

III. 2 D

^{^[414]} Chroniclc of Hydatius, c. 130, cf. c. 138.

^{^[415]} Vol. II., p. 430.

^{^[416]} Jaffe, Regesta, 412, July 21, 447.

^{^[417]} Mansi, Cone, iii., p. 1002. The title which relates this document to the Council of 400 is faulty in doing so. Dom. G. Morin {Revue Benedictine, x. (1893), P- 386) conjectures, with much probability, that it was drawn up by a Galician bishop named Pastor, who is mentioned by Hydatius in his Chroniclc (c. 102) and by Gennadius in his IJc Viris, c. 77. Pastor had been elected bishop in 433 in the conventus of Lugo, at the same time as a certain Syagrius (Gennadius, op. eit. c. 66 : Morin, toe. eit.), in spite of the Bishop of Lugo, Agrestius. The lattVs opposition arose probably from the fact that he was favourable to the Priscillianists.

^{^[418]} Letter of Turribius to these two bishops, among the letters of St Leo, after Letter xv. (Migne, Patrol. Latina, liv., p. 693).

^{^[419]} "Aiax, natione Galata, effectus apostata et senior Arrianus inter Suevos regis sui auxilio hostis catholicae fidei et divinae Trinitatis emergit. A Gallicana Gothorum habitatione hoc pestiferum inimici hdminis virus advectum" (Hydatius, Chron. 232).

^{^[420]} From the letters relating to this business it appears that bishops were installed at that time at Cascatitum (Cascante), Varela (Logrono), Tritium (Tricio), Libia (Leiva), Virovesca (Briviesca). Jafife, Regesta, 561 ; Thiel, Epp. Pont., p. 165, cf. p. 156. It was perhaps at that time that there was founded the see of Auca, which does not appear in the documents till 589 onwards and which was later replaced by that of Burgos.

^{^[421]} Supra, p. 160.

^{^[422]} Further, the Bishopric of Uzes, a place included in the city of Nimes and in consequence in Narbonensis Prima, was attached to the Province of Aries.

^{^[423]} Chroniclc of Prosper. His death was imputed to the Magistcr Militum, Felix, who already had on his conscience the massacre of a Roman deacon named Titus. Felix (supra, p. 401), despite his attacks against members of the clergy, ranks among the number of benefactors of the Roman Church : an inscription (De Rossi, Inscr. Christ, ii. p. 149) mentions repairs which, in conjunction with his wife Padusia, he caused to be executed to the Lateran Basilica.

^{^[424]} Leonis Magni, Ep. 11 ; Novcllac Valentin., xvii., July 8, 445.

^{^[425]} Already, at the request of a Roman Council, held in 378, the Emperor Gratian had by an edict ordered the same thing. His rescript, however, had not been inserted in the Theodosian code. That of Valentinian III. appears in the collection of Novellae, drawn up under Majorian ; but it did not enter into the Breviarium of Alaric. Cf. Vol II., p. 373; and Revue Historique, vol. lxxxvii. (1905), p. 15.

^{^[426]} St Hilary's biographer (c. 17) has preserved to us a very curious fragment of a letter addressed to the IJishop of Aries by this Prefect Auxiliaris. After high eulogies of Hilary and of his virtues he suggests to him the way to deal with the Romans. "The ears of the Romans are sensible to a certain softness of speech : if your Holiness could condescend to it, you would lose nothing by it and gain much." It is the Parcere subjcctis of ancient Rome.

^{^[427]} Jaffe, Regesta, 450, May 5, 450. ² Supra, p. 292.

the middle of the 5th century.

^{^[429]} Hydatius, Chron. c. 145. ⁵ Jaffe, op. cit. 479, 480.

^{^[430]} Gildas, who wrote about the middle of the 6th century his De Excidio Britanniae (ed. Mommsen, Monumenta Germaniae, Script. Ant. xiii., pp. 25 ff.), does not know of any local document on the history of his country, either because there had never been any or because they had disappeared in the catastrophes of the invasion (c. 4).

^{^[431]} Gildas, De Exc. Brit. 10.

^{^[432]} The Legend of King Lucius would connect these origins with Pope Eleutherus. This legend is only known to us by the Liber Pontificalis (see my edition, vol. i., p. cii.); it is Roman in origin and not indigenous. Harnack (Der Brief des britischen Konigs Lucius an den Papst Eleutherus in the Transactions of the Berlin Academy, 1904, p. 909) has conjectured that it might connect itself with Edessa and be related to the conversion of that country. His arguments have not convinced me.

^{^[433]} Eborius of York, Restitutus of London, Adelfius of Lincoln. In the list of signatures we find after these names, Exinde Sacerdos Presbyter, Arminius diaconus. These represented perhaps a fourth Church. At this Council there was, generally speaking, a bishop for each province. We should have here the representation of the four British provinces.

^{^[434]} " Uncle autem Hiberione qui numquam notitiam Dei habuerunt, nisi idola et immunda usque semper coluerunt, quomodo nuper facta est plebs Domini et filii Dei nuncupantur ?" (ed. Whitley Stokes, p. 369).

- Zimmer (Hauck's Encyclopddie, x., p. 221), for reasons of considerable weight, identifies the "Kingdom" of Coroticus with the land of Strathclyde, situated between the two walls of Antoninus and Hadrian, on the side of the Irish Sea. It is in this same land that—at a later date, I believe—a British bishop Ninian, brought up at Rome, founded a centre for apostolic work among the Southern Picts and built a church under the dedication of St Martin. Such at any rate is the tradition collected by Bede (H. E. iii. 4). The place referred to here is Withorn, in the peninsula of Galloway.

^{^[436]} On the reign of Genseric see F. Martroye, Gens/ric (Paris, 1907). The sources to be consulted for the history of the Vandal persecution are, apart from certain official documents cited later, the chronicles of Prosper and Hydatius, ended the one in 455, the other in 468 { the Historia perse- cutionis Africanae provinciae by Victor of Vita (infra, p. 443), of which we have two good editions—that of Halm in the Monumenta Germaniae Auctores antiquissimi, vol. iii. ; and that of Petschenig in the Vienna Corpus. See also the fragments of the historians Priscus and Malchus in the fourth volume of Miiller's Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum (collection Didot), and Procopius De Bello Vandalico_y i. 1-8.

^{^[437]} Supra, p. 194.

^{^[438]} His wife was an Arian and, it would seem, of the family of the Vandal kings. Augustine, Ep. 220 ; cf. Marcellinus, Chron. ad ann. 432.

^{^[439]} The date is a little uncertain. Prosper seems to indicate 427, but it is possible that this indication applies rather to the beginning of the hostilities against Boniface than to their consequence, the passage of the Vandals into Africa. The year 429, indicated by Hydatius, suits better the general progress of events.

^{^[440]} Migne, Patrol. Latina, 1. p. 567.

^{^[441]} Victor i. 43-50.

^{^[442]} Victor i. 43 ; Cf. Hydatius Chron. ad ann. 440.

^{^[443]} On this negotiation see Victor ii. 1-5 and Malchus, Frag. 13 (Miiller- Didot, p. 120).

^{^[444]} Victor of Vita was present at the assembly at which this matter was debated : he figured in the number of the opposing bishops (ii. 5).

^{^[445]} The name of Reparatus is one of those to which in the Notice is added the sxglumfirbt (peribat): M. Gsell has with justice called attention to the fact (Mdlanges de VEcole de Roi7ie, xiv., p. 318, note 1) that if he had apostatized as has been alleged, he would not have been replaced.

^{^[446]} Victor of Vita, iii. 29, 30 ; ^neas of Gaza in Migne, Patrol. Graeca, lxxxv. p. ioco ; Procopius, Bell. Vandal, i. 8 ; Justinian, Cod. i. 27, § 4; Chronicles of Marcellinus (484) and of Victor of Tunnunum (479); Evagrius, H. E. iv. 14 ; St Gregory the Great, Dial. iii. 2.

^{^[447]} Victor v. 9.

^{^[448]} Putrefactus et ebulliens vermibus, the conclusion added to Victor's Third Book ; seatens vermibus, Table of the Vandal Kings, Mon. Germ. Script. Ant. xiii., p. 458.

^{^[449]} The Table of the Vandal Kings {Mon. Germ. loc. cit., p. 459) here gives exact dates which no doubt relate especially to Carthage : closing of the churches, February 7, 484 : re-opening August 10, 494.

^{^[450]} PRESBYTERI TAMEN HIC LABOR EST ET CVRA PHILIPPI

POSTQVAM EFESI CHRISTVS VICIT VTRIQVE POLO

says Pope Xystus in the dedicatory inscription (De Rossi, Inscr. Christ. ii., p. no).

^{^[451]} Supra, p. 244, note 2.

^{^[452]} Xystus III. also renewed the baptistery of the Lateran : his building is still standing in part and one can read there the famous dedication Gens sacranda polis, etc.

^{^[453]} De Natura Boni, 47.

^{^[454]} Possidius, Vita Augustini, 16; De haeresibus, 46; cf. Praedestinatus, 46.

^{^[455]} It is about this time that the Ambrosiaster (Isaac, a converted Jew, cf. Vol. II., p. 371) was writing: he speaks of them fairly frequently in his various works. See especially his commentary on 2 Tim. iii. 6-7 ; iv. 3-4.

^{^[456]} Coram senatu amplissimo, says the law of Valentinian III. : Christianis viris ac nobilibus congregatis> says Leo himself (Serrn. 16).

^{^[457]} Hydatius, Chron. 448.

^{^[458]} Sermon 16, pronounced for the Fast of December; cf. Serin. 9, 24, 34, 42.

^{^[459]} Jaffe, Regesta, 405 ; Ep. vii.

^{^[460]} Prosper, Chron. ad ann. 443 ; Hydatius, Chron. 445 ; Theodoret, Ep. 113.

^{^[461]} Novellae Valentin, xviii., June 19, 445.

^{^[462]} At Carthage, in the time of Huneric (supra, p. 437); at Rome, Liber Pontificalis, Lives of Gelasius, Symmachus, Hormisdas.

^{^[463]} Migne, Patrol. Latina, xlii., p. 1153 ; Vienna Corpus, vol. xxv., p. 979.

^{^[464]} Despite the enormity of their heresy the baptism of the Manicheans was considered as valid.

^{^[465]} Serm. 96.

^{^[466]} Supra, p. 198. Very zealous against the heresies of the East the author of this dialogue had probably had some difficulty in putting himself, on the questions of grace and original sin, upon the same line as Pope Leo.

iii. 19).

^{^[468]} There was at that time, or there had been later, another church at

^{^[469]} The custom established itself in Upper Italy that the two metropolitans of Milan and Aquileia should consecrate one another. The ceremony took place in the church to be supplied. The metropolitan of Ravenna, always considered as suffragan to Rome, was in this capacity consecrated at Rome by the Pope.

^{^[470]} The Council of Aries in 314 is an imperial council, convoked by Constantine. The Council of Aquileia (381), also convoked by the Emperor, is a partial council: Rome took no part in it. As for the Councils of Sardica (342), of Rome (382), of Capua (391), they were in law or, if we like, in the intention which determined the holding of them oecumenical councils.

^{^[471]} Jaffe, Regesta, 590. In the 6th century these letters were often delivered to the Bishops of Aries, accompanied by sending to them the pallium. They were honorific distinctions, nothing more. The same must be said of the grants of this kind made by Pope Hormisdas to John, Bishop of Elche (Jaffe, Regesta, 786-788, cf. 828), and to Sallustius of Seville (ibid. 855, 856).

^{^[472]} The most ancient " Provincials " of the Roman Church only go back to the 12th century. See the Liber Censuum, Introduction, p. 36, or the Milanges of theEcole de Rome, vol. xxiv., p 75.

^{^[473]} I say here "of the Latin Church." In the Greek provinces of Illyricum it sometimes happened that Roman directions, in the matter of dogma, were sacrificed to suggestions which came from Alexandria or from Constantinople.

^{^[474]} Collectio Avellana 6 ; Letter of Valentinian I. to the Prefect of Rome. The Defenders of the Roman Church demand the Liberian Basilica which had been occupied by the schismatics.

^{^[475]} For Africa see the general councils of 401 and 407 (Codex Canonum, 75» 96) 97)> and Cod. Theod. XVI. ii. 38 ; cf Possidius, Vita Augustini, 12.

^{^[476]} One hardly dares recall that this majestic Pontiff was on occasion capable of turning very elegantly petits vers. A priest Felix, the father of the future Pope Felix III., had been commissioned by him in conjunction with a deacon Adeodatus to put in repair the Basilica of St Paul of which the roof had fallen down. They commemorated these works by an inscription in distichs in which the credit of them is given to Pope Leo. But the latter who had no intention of cheating his subordinates caused to be added to the inscription four iambic trimeters, prettily turned, in which he gives back to them the merit of their works.

Laus isia, Felix, respieit te, presbyter,

Necte, levites Adeodate, praeterit:

Quorum fidelis atque pervigil labor

Decus omne tectis ut rediret institit.

The original marble of this double inscription can still be seen in the monastery of St Paul.