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http://archive.org/details/histcentralameri01bancrich
HISTORY OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
1501-1530.
BY
HUBERT H. BANCROFT.
PREFACE.
During the year 1875 I published under title of The Native
Races of the Pacific States what purports to be an exhaustive research into the
character and customs of the aboriginal inhabitants of the western portion of
North America at the time they were first seen by their subduers. The present
work is a history of the same territory from the coming of the Europeans.
The plan is extensive and can be here but briefly explained. The
territory covered embraces the whole of Central America and Mexico, and all
Anglo-American domains west of the Rocky Mountains. First given is a glance at
European society, particularly Spanish civilization at about the close of the
fifteenth century. This is followed by a summary of maritime exploration from
the fourth century to the year 1540, with some notices of the earliest American
books. Then, beginning with the discoveries of Columbus, the men from Europe
are closely followed as one after another they find and take possession of the
country in its several parts, and the doings of their successors are
chronicled. The result is a History of the Pacific States of North America,
under the following general divisions:—History of Central America; History of
Mexico; History of New Mexico and Arizona; History of California; History of
Utah and Nevada; History of the Northwest Coast; History of Oregon; History of
Washington, Idaho, and Montana; History of British Columbia; History of Alaska.
Each, general division, in an introduction of its own, gives its sources of
information, and presents its peculiarities.
Broadly stated, my plan as to order of publication proceeds
geographically from south to north, as indicated in the list above given, which
for the most part is likewise the chronological order of conquest and
occupation. In respect of detail, to some extent I reverse this order,
proceeding from the more general to the more minute as I advance northward.
The difference, though considerable, is however less in reality than in
appearance. And the reason I hold sufficient. To give to each of the
Spanish-American provinces, and later to each of the federal and independent
states, covering as they do with dead monotony centuries of unchanging action
and ideas, time and space equal to that which may be well employed in narrating
north-western occupation and empire-building would be no less impracticable
than profitless. It is my aim to present complete and accurate histories of
all the countries whose events I attempt to chronicle, but the annals of the
several Central American and Mexican provinces and states, both before and after
the Revolution, run in grooves too nearly parallel long to command the
attention of the general reader.
In all the territorial subdivisions, southern as well as northern, I
treat the beginnings and earliest development more exhaustively than later
events. After the Conquest, the histories of Central America and Mexico are
presented on a scale sufficiently comprehensive, but national rather than
local. The northern
For the History of Central America, to which this must serve as special
as well as general introduction, I would say that, besides the standard
chroniclers and the many documents of late printed in Spain and elsewhere, I
have been able to secure a number of valuable manuscripts nowhere else
existing; some from the Maximilian, Ramirez, and other collections, and all of
Mr E. G. Squier’s manuscripts relating to the subject fell into my hands. Much
of the material used by me in writing of this very interesting part of the
world has been drawn from obscure sources, from local and unknown Spanish
works, and from the somewhat confused archives of Costa Rica, Honduras,
Nicaragua, Salvador, and Guatemala.
Material for the history of western North America has greatly increased
of late. Ancient manuscripts of whose existence historians have never known, or
which were supposed to be forever lost, have been brought to light and printed
by patriotic men and intelligent governments. These fragments supply many
missing links in the chain of early events, and illuminate a multitude of
otherwise obscure parts.
My efforts in gathering material have been continued, and since the
publication of The Native Races fifteen thousand volumes have been added to my
collection. Among these additions are bound volumes of original documents,
copies from public and private archives, and about eight hundred manuscript
dictations by men who played their part in creating the history. Most of those
who thus gave me their testimony in person are now dead; and the narratives of
their observations and experiences, as they stand recorded in these manuscript
volumes, constitute no unimportant element in the foundation upon which the
structure of this western history in its several parts must forever rest.
To the experienced writer, who might otherwise regard the completion of
so vast an undertaking within so apparently limited a period as indicative of
work superficially done, I would say that this History was begun in 1869, six
years before the publication of The Native Races; and although the earlier
volumes of the several divisions I was obliged for the most part not only to
plan and write, but to extract and arrange my own material, later I was able to
utilize the labors of others. Among these as the most faithful and efficient I
take pleasure in mentioning Mr Henry L. Oak, Mr William Nemos, Mr Thomas
Savage, Mrs Frances Fuller Victor, and Mr Ivan Petroff, of whom, and of others,
I speak at length elsewhere.
Of my methods of working I need say but little here, since I describe
them more fully in another place. Their peculiarity, if they have any, consists
in the employment of assistants, as before mentioned, to bring together by
indices, references, and other devices, all existing testimony on each topic
to be treated. I thus obtain important information, which otherwise, with but
one lifetime at my disposal, would have been
I deem it proper to express briefly my idea of what history should be,
and to indicate the general line of thought that has guided me in this task.
From the mere chronicle of happenings, petty and momentous, to the
historico-philosophical essay, illustrated with here and there a fact
supporting the writer’s theories, the range is wide. Neither extreme meets the
requirements of history, however accurate the one or brilliant the other. Not
to a million minute photographs do we look for practical information
respecting a mountain range, nor yet to an artistic painting of some one
striking feature for a correct description. From the two extremes, equally to
avoided, the true historian will, whatever his inclination, be impelled by
prudence, judgment, and duty from theory toward fact, from vivid coloring
toward photographic exactness. Not that there is too much brilliancy in current
history, but too little fact. An accurate record of events must form the
foundation, and largely the superstructure.
Yet events pure and simple are by no means more important than the
institutionary development which they cause or accompany. Men, institutions,
industries, must be studied equally. A man’s character and influence no less
than his actions demand attention. Cause and effect are more essential than
mere occurrence; achievements of peace should take precedence of warlike
conquest; the condition of the people is a more profitable and interesting
subject of investigation than the acts of governors, the valor of generals, or
the doctrines of priests. The historian must classify, and digest, and teach as
well as record; he should not,, however, confound his conclusions with the facts
on which they rest. Symmetry of plan and execution as well as rigid condensation,
always desirable, become an absolute necessity in a work like that which I have
undertaken. In respect to time and territory my field is immense. The matter to
be presented is an intricate complication of annals, national and sectional,
local and personal. That my plan is in every respect the best possible, I do
not say; but it is the best that my judgment suggests after long deliberation.
The extent of this work is chargeable to the magnitude of the subject and the
immense mass of information gathered rather than to any tendency to verbosity.
There is scarcely a page but has been twice or thrice rewritten withfa view to
condensation; and instead of faithfully discharging this irksome duty, it would
have been far easier and cheaper to have sent a hundred volumes through the
press. The plan once formed, I sought to make the treatment exhaustive and
symmetrical. Not all regions nor all periods are portrayed on the same scale:
but though the camera of
investigation is set up before each successive topic at varying distances, the
picture, large or small, is finished with equal care. I may add that I have attached
more than ordinary importance to the matter of mechanical arrangement, by which
through title-pages, chapter-headings, and indices the reader may
expeditiously refer to any desired topic, and find all that the work contains
about any event, period, place, institution, man, or book; and above all I have
aimed at exactness.
We hear much of the philosophy of history, of the science and
signification of history; but there is only one waj to write anything, which is
to tell the truth, plainly and concisely. As for the writer, I will only say
that while he should lay aside for the time his own religion and patriotism, he
should be always ready to recognize the influence and weigh the value of the
religion and patriotism of others. The exact historian will lend himself
neither to idolatry nor to detraction, and will positively decline to act
either as the champion or assailant of any party or power. Friendships and
enmities, loves and hates, he will throw into the crucible of evidence to be
refined and cast into forms of unalloyed truth. He must be just and humble. To
clear judgment he must add strict integrity and catholicity of opinion. Ever in
mind should be the occult forces that move mankind, and the laws by which are
formulated belief, conscience, and character. The actions of men are governed
by proximate states of mind, and tbese are generated both from antecedent
states of mind and antecedent states of body, influenced by social and natural
environment. The right of every generation should be determined, not by the ethics of any society,
sect, or age, but by the broad, inexorable teachings of nature; nor should he
forget that standards of morality are a. freak of fashion, and that from wrongs
begotten of necessity in the womb of progress has been brought forth right, and
likewise right has engendered wrongs. He should remember that in the worst men
there is much that is good, and in the best much that is bad; that constructed
upon the present skeleton of human nature a perfect man would be a monster; nor
should he forget how much the world owes its bad men. But alas! who of us are
wholly free from the effects of early training and later social atmospheres !
Who of us has not in some degree faith, hope, and charity! Who of us does not
not hug some ancestral tradition, or rock some pet theory!
As to the relative importance of early history, here and elsewhere, it is
premature for any now living to judge. Beside the bloody battles of antiquity,
the sieges, crusades, and wild convulsions of unfolding civilization, this
transplanting of ours may seem tame. Yet the great gathering of the enlightened
from all nations upon these shores, the subjugation of the wilderness with its
wild humanity, and the new empire- modelling that followed, may disclose as
deep a significance in the world’s future as any display of army movements, or
dainty morsels of court scandal, or the idiosyncrasies of monarchs and
ministers. It need not be recited to possessors of our latter-day liberties
that the people are the state, and rulers the servants. It is historical
barbarism, of which the Homeric poems and Carlovingian tales not alone are
guilty, to throw the masses into the background, or wholly to ignore them. “Heureux le peuple dont l’histoire
ennuie,” is an oft repeated aphorism; as if deeds diabolical were the only
actions worthy of record. But we of this new western development are not
disposed to exalt brute battling overmuch; as for rulers and generals, we
discover in them the creatures, not the creators, of civilization. We would
rather see how nations originate, organize, and unfold; we would rather examine
the structure and operations of religions, society refinements and tyrannies,
class affinities and antagonisms, wealth economies, the evolutions of arts and
industries, intellectual and moral as well as aesthetic culture, and all domestic
phenomena with their homely joys and cares. For these last named, even down to
dress, or the lack of it, are in part the man, and the man is the nation. With
past history we may become tolerably familiar; but present developments are so
strange, their anomalies are so startling to him who attempts to reduce them to
form, that he is well content to leave for the moment the grosser extravagances
of antiquity, howsoever much superior in interest they may be to the average
mind. Yet in the old and the new we may alike from the abstract to the concrete
note the genesis of history, and from the concrete to the abstract regard the
analysis of history. The historian should be able to analyze and to generalize;
yet his path leads not alone through the enticing fields of speculation, nor is
it his only province to pluck the fruits and flowers of philosophy, or to blow
brain bubbles and weave theorems. He must plod along the rough highways of time
and development, and out of many entanglements bring the vital facts of
history. And therein lies the richest reward. “ Shakspere’s capital discovery
was this,” says Edward Dowden, “that the facts of the world are worthy to
command our highest ardour, our most resolute action, our most solemn awe; and
that the more we penetrate into fact, the more will our nature be quickened,
enriched, and exalted.”
That the success of this work should be proportionate to the labor
bestowed upon it is scarcely to be expected; but I do believe that in due time
it will be generally recognized as a work worth doing, and let me dare to hope
fairly well done. If I read life’s lesson aright, truth alone is omnipotent and
immortal. Therefore, of all I wrongfully offend I crave beforehand pardon;
from those I rightfully offend I ask no mercy; their censure is dearer to me
than would be their praise.
CONTENTS OF
THIS VOLUME.
CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION. SPAIN AND
CIVILIZATION AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.
General View—Transition from the Old to the New Civilization—Historical Sketch of Spain—Spanish Character—Spanish Society— Prominent Features of the Age — Domestic Matters — The New World — Comparative Civilizations and Savagisms — Earliest Voyages of Discovery
CHAPTER II. COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES.
1492-1500.
Early
Experiences—The Compact—Embarkation at Palos—The Voyage—Discovery of
Land—Unfavorable Comparison with the Paradise of Marco Polo—Cruise among the
Islands—One Nature Everywhere— Desertion of Pinzon—Wreck of the Santa Maria—The
Fortress of La Navidad Erected—Return to Spain—Rights of Civilization—The Papal
Bull of Partition—Fonseca Appointed Superintendent of the Indies—Second
Voyage—Navidad in Ruins—Isabela Established— Discontent of the
Colonists—Explorations of the Interior—Coasting Cuba. and Discovery of
Jamaica—Failure of Columbus as Governor— Intercourse with Spain—Destruction of
the Indians—Government of the Indies—Diego and BartolomiS Colon—Charges against
the Admiral—Commission of Inquiry Appointed—Second Return to Spain—Third Voyage
— Trinidad Discovered—Santo Domingo Founded—The Roldan Rebellion—Francisco de
Bobadilla Appointed to Supersede Columbus—Arbitrary and Iniquitous Conduct of
Bobadilla—Columbus Sent in Chains to Spain
CHAPTER III. DISCOVERY Of DARIEN. 1500-1502.
Rodrigo de Bastidas—Extension
of New World Privileges—The Royal Share—Juan de la Cosa—Ships of the Early
Discoverers—Coasting Darien — The Terrible Teredo—Wrecked on EspafLola —
Spanish Money—Treatment of Bastidas by Ovando—Accused, and Sent to Spain for
Trial—He is Immediately Acquitted—Future Career and Character of Bastidas—The
Archives of the Indies—The Several Collections of Public Documents in Spain—The
Labors of Munoz and Navarrete—Bibliographical Notices of the Printed
Collections of Navarrete, Temaux-Compans, Salvd and Barajida, and Pacheco and
Cdrdenas
CHAPTER IV. COLUMBUS ON THE COASTS OF HONDURAS,
NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA. 1502-1506.
The
Sovereigns Decline either to Restore to the Admiral his Government, or to
Capture for him the Holy Sepulchre—So he Sails on a Fourth Voyage of
Discovery—Fernando Colon and his History—Ovando Denies the Expedition Entrance
to Santo Domingo Harbor—Columbus Sails Westward—Strikes the Shore of Honduras
near Guanaja Island—Early American Cartography—Columbus Coasts Southward to the
Darien Isthmus—Then Returns and Attempts Settlement at Veragua—Driven thence,
his Vessels are Wrecked at Jamaica— There midst Starvation and Mutiny he
Remains a Year—Then he Reaches Espanola, and finally Spain, where he shortly
afterward Dies—Character of Columbus—His Biographers
CHAPTER V.ADMINISTRATION OF THE INDIES.1492-1526.
Columbus the Rightful
Ruler—Juan Aguado—Francisco de Bobadilla—Nicolas de Ovando—Santo Domingo the
Capital of the Indies— Extension of Organized Government to Adjacent Islands
and Mainland—Residencias—Gold Mining at Espanola—Race and Caste in
Government—Indian and Negro Slavery—Cruelty to the Natives— Spanish
Sentimentalism—Pacification, not Conquest—The Spanish Monarchs always the
Indian’s Friends—Bad Treatment due to Distance and Evil-minded Agents—Infamous
Doings of Ovando— Repartimientos and Encomiendas—The Sovereigns Intend them as
Protection to the Natives—Settlers Make them the Means of Indian
Enslavement—Las Casas Appears and Protests against Inhumanities—The Defaulting
Treasurer—Diego Colon Supersedes Ovando as Governor—And Makes Matters Worse —
The Jeronimite Fathers Sent Out—Audiencias—A Sovereign Tribunal is Established
at Santo Domingo which Gradually Assumes all the Functions of an Audiencia, and
as such Finally Governs the Indies—Las Casas in Spain—The Consejo de Indias,
and Casa de CoAtratacion—Legislation for the Indies
CHAPTER VI. THE GOVERNMENTS OP NUEVA AMDAL0CIA AND
CASTILLA DEL ORO. 1506-1510.
Tierra
Firme Thrown Open to Colonization—Rival Applications—Alonso de Ojeda Appointed
Governor of Nueva Andalucia, and Diego de Nicuesa of Castilla del Oro—Hostile
Attitudes of the Rivals at Santo Domingo—Ojeda Embarks for Cartagena—Builds the
Fortress of San Sebastian—Failure and Death—Nicuesa Sails from Veragua—Parts
Company with his Fleet—His Vessel is Wrecked—Passes Veragua— Confined with his
Starving Crew on an Island—Succor—Failure at Veragua—Attempts Settlement at
Nombre de Dios—Loss of Ship Sent to Espanola for Relief—Horrible Sufferings—Bibliographical
Notices of Las Casas, Oviedo, Peter Martyr, Gomara, and Herrera— Character of
the Early Chroniclers for Veracity
CHAPTER VII. SETTLEMENT OF SANTA MAK±A DE LA ANTIGUA DEL
DARIEN. 1510-1511.
Francisco Pizarro
Abandons San Sebastian—Meets Enciso at Cartagena—He and his Crew Look like
Pirates—They are Taken back to San Sebastian—Vasco Nunez de Balboa—Boards
Enciso’s Ship in a Cask— Arrives at San Sebastian—The Spaniards Cross to
Darien—The River and the Name—Cernaco, Cacique of Darien, Defeated—Founding of
the Metropolitan City—Presto, Change! The Hombre del Casco Up, the Bachiller
Down—Vasco Nunez, Alcalde—Nature of the Office— Regidor—Colmenares, in Search
of Nicuesa, Arrives at Antigua—He Finds Him in a Pitiable Plight—Antigua Makes
Overtures to Nicuesa—Then Rejects Him—And Finally Drives Him Forth to Die—Sad
End of Nicuesa 321
CHAPTER VIII. FACTIONS AND FORAGINGS IN DARIEN. 1511-1513.
The
Garrison at Nombre de Dios—Subtle Diplomacies—Vasco Nufiez Assumes
Command—Enciso, his Life and Writings—The Town and the Jail—Rights of
Sanctuary—Valdivia’s Voyage—Zamudio’s Mission—Expedition to Coiba—Careta Gives
Vasco Nunez his Daughter—Ponca Punished—Jura, the Savage Statesman—Visit of the
Spaniards to Comagrc—Panciaco Tells Them of a Southern Sea—The Story of
Valdivia, Who is Shipwrecked and Eaten by Cannibals—Vasco Nunez Undertakes an
Impious Pilgrimage to the Golden Temple of Dabaiba—Conspiracy Formed by the
Natives to Destroy Antigua—Fulvia Divulges the Plot—Darien Quieted— Vasco Nunez
Receives a Royal Commission—Serious Charges— Vasco Nunez Resolves to Discover
the Southern Sea before He is Prevented by Arrest
CHAPTER IX.
DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 1513.
Departure
of Vasco Nunez from Antigua—Careta’s "Welcome—Difficulties to be
Encountered—Treacherous Character of the Country—Historical Bloodhounds—Ponca
Reconciled—Capture of Quarequd— First View of the Pacific from the Heights of
Quarequd—The Spaniards Desccnd to Chiapcs—Take Formal Possession of the South
Sea—Form of Taking Possession—The Names South Sea and Pacific Ocean—Further
Discoveries—Perilous Canoe Voyage—Gold and Pearls in Profusion—Tumaco
Pacified—The Pearl Islands—The Return—Tcoca’s Kindness—Ponca Murdered—Pocorosa
Pacified— Tubanamd Vanquished—Gold, Gold, Gold—Panciaco’s Congratulations—Arrival
at Antigua....................................
CHAPTER X.PEDRARIAS DAVILA ASSUMES THE GOVERNMENT OF
DABIEN. 1514-1515.
How the
Discovery of a South Sea was Regarded in Spain—The Enemies of Vasco Nunez at
Court—Pedrarias Davila Appointed Governor—Departure from Spain and Arrival at
Antigua—Arbolancha in Spain—Pedrarias Persecutes Balboa—The King’s Requirement
of the Indians—Juan de Ayora Sent to Plant a Line of Fortresses between the Two
Seas—Which Work He Leaves for Wholesale Robbery—Bartolomi Hurtado Sent to Bring
in the Plunder—Disastrous Attempts to Violate the Sepulchres of
Cenii—Expedition of Tello de Guzman to the South Sea—The Site of Panama Discovered—The
Golden Temple of Dabaiba Once More—Gaspar de Morales and Francisco Pizarro Visit
the South Sea
CHAPTER XI. DARIEN EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS. 1515-1517.
Gonzalo de Badajoz
Visits the South Sea—What He Sees at Nombre de Dios—His Dealings with
Totonagua—And with Tatarachcrubi— Arrives at NatA—The Spaniards Gather much
Gold—They Encounter the Redoubtable Paris—A Desperate Fight—Badajoz Loses his
Gold and Returns to Darien—Pedrarias on the War-path—He Strikes Cenu a Blow of
Revenge—Acla Founded—The Governor Returns 111 to Antigua—Expedition of Gaspar
de Espinosa to the South Sea—The Licentiate’s Ass—Robbery by Law—Espinosa’s
Relation—A Bloody-handed Priest—Espinosa at Nat&—He Courts the Acquaintance
of Paris—Who Kills the Ambassadors—Hurtado Surveys the Southern Seaboard to
Nicoya—Panami Founded—An Aboriginal Tartarus—Return of Espinosa’s Expedition
CHAPTER XII. THE FATE OF VASCO NUÑEZ DE BALBOA. 1516-1517.
Affairs at
Antigua—Different Qualities of Paeification—Complaints of Vasvo Nunez to the
King—A New Expedition Planned—Vasco Nuiiez Made Adelantado and Captain-general
of the South Sea—Pedrarias Keeps Secret the Appointment—Reconciliation of
Balboa and Pe- draxias—Betrothal of Doua Maria—Vasco Nuuez Goes to Acla—
Massacre of Olano—The Municipality of Acla Established—Materials for Ships
Carried across the Mountains—Difficulties, Perils, and Mortality—Balboa at the
Pearl Islands—Prediction of Micer Codro, the Astrologer—Rumored Arrival of a,
New Governor at Antigua—Meditated Evasion of New Authority—The Infamy of
Garabito—Vaseo Nunez Summoned by Pedrarias to Acla—His Journey thither—Trial
and Execution
CHAPTER XIII. DECLINE OF SPANISH SETTLEMENT ON THE NORTH
COAST. 1517-1523.
Dishonesty
the Best Policy—Pedrarias Stigmatized—His Authority Curtailed—Quevedo in
Spain—He Encounters Las Casas—The Battle of the Priests—Oviedo Enters the
Arena—business in Darien—The Interoceanic Road Again—Its Termini—Pedrarias and
Espinosa at Panamd — The Licentiate Makes another Raid—The Friars of St Jerome
have their Eye on Pedrarias—The Cabildo of Antigua Shakes its Finger at Him—Continued
Attempts to Depopulate the North Coast—Albites Builds Nombrc de Dios—Lucky
Licentiate—Arrival and Death of Lope dc Sosa—Oviedo Returns and Does Battle
with the Dragon—And is Beaten from the Field 460
CHAPTER XIV. GIL GONZALEZ IN COSTA
RICA AND NICARAGUA. 1519-1523.
Andres
Nifio and his Spice Islands—Fails to Obtain Authority to Discover—Applies to
Gil Gonzalez Dd,vila—Agreement* with the King— Royal Order for the Ships of
Vasco NuQcz—Pedrarias Refuses to Deliver Them—Gil Gonzalez Transports Ships across
the Mountains—Embarks from the Pearl Islands—Gil Gonzalez Proceeds by Land and
Nino by Sea—Visit to Nicoya—And to Nicaragua—The Captain-general Converts many
Souls—And Gathers much Gold— Fight with Diriangen—Nicaragua Apostatizes—Tlic
Spaniards Terminate the Diseovery and Hasten to their Ships—Niiio’s Voyage to
Fonseca Bay—Return to Panama.....................
478
CHAPTER XV.
SPANISH DEPREDATIONS ROUND PANAMjI RAY. 1521-1526.
European
Settlement on the West Coast of America—Progress of Panama— Laws Respecting Spanish
Settlements in America — Pinal Abandonment of Antigua—Administration of the
South Sea Government—Piracy upon Principle—Pascual de Andagoya Explores Southward—Conquers
Biru—Return to Panama—Colonies of Veragua and Chiriqui—The Chieftain Urracd.
Takes up his Abode in the Mountains and Defies the Spaniards—Pizarro,
Espinosa, Pedrarias, and Companon in vain Attempt his Overthrow—Building of
Natd— Companon as Governor—Hurtado Colonizes Chiriqui—Conspiracy— Capture and
Escape of Urracd—Several Years more of War.......................
CHAPTER XVI.
THE WARS OF THE SPANIARDS-. 1523-1524.
Oviedo in Spain—He
Secures the Appointment of Pedro de los Rios a3 Governor of Castilla del Oro —
Pedrarias Determines to Possess Nicaragua—He Sends thither C6rdoba, who Founds
Brus^las, Granada, and Leon—And Carries a Ship across the Land from the
Pacific to Lako Nicaragua—He Makes a Survey of the Lake— Informed of Spaniards
Lurking thereabout—Development of the Spanish Colonial System—Gil Gonzalez
Escapes with his Treasure to Espanola—Despatches Cereceda to Spain with
Intelligence of his Discovery—Sails from Santo Domingo to the Coast of
Honduras—Arrives at Puerto Caballos—Founds San Gil de Buenavista—Encounters
Hernando de Soto—Battle—Cristobal de Olid Appears— Founds Triunfo de la Cruz
CHAPTER XVII.
COLONIZATION IN HONDURAS. 1524-1525.
Cortes in
Mexico—Extension of his Conquests—Fears of Encroachments on the Part of
Spaniards in Central America—Cristobal de Olid Sent to Honduras—Touching at
Habana, He is Won from Allegiance to Cortes—Triunfo dela Cruz Founded—Olid as
Traitor—Meeting with Gil Gonzalez—The Wratli of Cortes—Casas Sent after
Olid—Naval Engagement in Triunfo Harbor—Casas Falls into the Hands of Olid, Who
is soon Captured ky the Captive—Death of Olid—Return of Casas to Mexico—Trujillo
Founded—Interference of the Audieneia of Santo Domingo
CHAPTER XVIII. MARCH OF CORTES TO HONDURAS. 1524-1525.
Doubts concerning
Casas—Cortes Tired of Inaction—Determines to go in Person to Honduras—Sets out
with a Large Party—Arrives at Goazacoalco—The Gay Army soon Comes to Grief—The
Way Barred by Large Rivers and Deep Morasses—Scarcity of Provisions—Sufferings
of the Soldiers—The Trick of the Merchant-cacique—Killing of the Captive
Kings—Apotheosis of a Charger
CHAPTEE XIX. CORTES IN HONDURAS. 1525-1526.
He is
Master of all the Miseries there—Miasma and Deep Distress— Exertions of Cortds
in Behalf of the Colonists—A Vessel Appears with Provisions—CorMs Sends out
Foragers—He Seeks a Better Locality—Sandoval at Naco—Others Settle at
Caballos—Cortes at Trujillo—Vessels Sent to Mexico, Cuba, and Jamaica—Troubles
in Mexico—Cortes Irresolute—Starts for Mexico—Is Driven back by a
Storm—Pacification of Adjacent Pueblos—Cortes Sends Presents to CcSrdoba—Shall
Cortfe Make himself Master of Nicaragua?—Arrival of Altamirano—Return of Cortes
to Mexico
CHAPTER XX. PEDRARIAS REMOVES TO
NICARAGUA.
1525-1527.
C6rdoba
Meditates Revolt—Soto and Compafion Objcct—Their Flight— Pedrarias Nurses his
Wrath—Secret Motives for his Departure for Nicaragua—OSrdoba Loses his Head—The
Governor Covets Honduras, and Comes to Blows—The Indians Follow the Example—
Bloody Scenes—Pedrarias Interrupted in his Reverie—Pedro de los Rios Succeeds
as Governor at Pa.nam.l — His Instructions and Policy—Residencia of
Pedrarias—Triumphant Result
CHAPTER XXI. RIVAL GOVERNORS IN HONDURAS AND NICARAGUA. 1526-1530.
Colonial
Policy—Salcedo Displaces Saavedra in the Government of Honduras—Saavedra’s Escape—Pedrarias’
Envoys Trapped—Salcedo Invades Nicaragua—His Cruelty and Extortion—Distress
among the Colonists—Rios also Presents Claims, but is Discomfited—Pedrarias
Follows Triumphant—Salcedo’s Ignominious Fate—Estete’s Expedition—Slave-hunting
Profits and Horrors—Gladiatorial Punishment of Revolted Natives—Pedrarias’
Schemes for Aggrandizement—He Grasps at Salvador and Longs for Peru—Both Elude
Him—Further Mortification, and Death—Character of the Conquerors
CHAPTER XXII. MARCH OF ALVARADO TO GUATEMALA. 1522-1524.
Rumors in Mexico
concerning the Country to the South-eastward—Pacification in that Quarter—The
Chiefs of Tehuantepcc and Tututepec—At the Gate of Guatemala—Summary of
Aboriginal History—-Allegiance and Revolt—Preparing of an Expedition—Delayed
by the Troubles at Pdnuco—A Second Army Organized—The March—Subjugation of
Soconusco—The Taking of Zapotitlan
CHAPTER XXIII. CONQUEST OF GUATEMALA BEGUN. February-March,
1524.
Overtures
of Kicab Tanub to the Lords of the Zutugils and Cakchiquels— Death of the
Quiche King—Tecum Umam his Successor—Gathers a Great Army—Intrenches Himself at
Zacaha—Passage of Palahunoh by the Spaniards—A Skirmish—A Bloody
Engagement—Quezal- tenango Established—The Army Advances on Xelahuh—The City
Deserted—Battle of Xelahuh—Tecum Umam Slain—Forcible Proselyting
CHAPTER XXIV. DOWNFALL OF THE QUICHE NATION. April, 1524.
Utatlan,
Capital of the Quiches—Its Magnificence—The Royal Palace and Pyramidal
Fortifications—Private Apartments and Gardens— Plan to Entrap the Spaniards—A
Feast Prepared—The Enemy Invited—The Treachery Discovered—Masterly Retreat of
Alvarado—The Quiche King and Nobles Entrapped—They are Made to Gather Gold—And
are then Destroyed—Utatlan Burned and the Country Devastated—Subjugation of the
Quiches Complete
CHAPTER XXV. THE CAKCHIQUELS AND ZUTUGILS MADE SUBJECTS
OF SPAIN. April-May, 1524.
March to
the Cakchiquel Capital—With a Brilliant Retinue King Sina- cam Comes forth to
Meet the Spaniards—Description of Patinamit— Occupation of the Cakchiquel
Capital—Expedition against Tepepul, King of the Zutugils—The Cliff City of
Atitlan—A Warm Battle— Entry into the Stronghold—Reconciliation and Return to
Patinamit—Love Episode of Alvarado
CHAPTER XXVI. EXPEDITION TO SALVADOR. 1524.
Campaign
against Itzcuintlan—A Rough March—The Town Surprised— Desperate
Defence—Alvarado Determines to Explore still farther South—Crossing the River
Michatoyat—The Spaniards Come to Atiquipac, Tacuylula, Taxisco, Naneintlan, and
Pazaco—The Towns Deserted—Poisoned Stakes and Canine Sacrifice—Enter Salvador—
Moquizalco and Acatapec—Battles of Acajutla and Tacuxcalco— Blood-thirstiness
of this Conqueror—Entry into Cuzeatlan—Flight of the Inhabitants—Return to
Patinamit.............. 663
CHAPTER XXVII. REVOLT OF THE CAKCHIQUELS. 1524-1525.
Return of
the Allies to Mexico—Founding of the City of Santiago—The Cakchiquels Oppressed
beyond Endurance —They Flee from the City—Difficulty in again Reducing Them to
Subjection—Reinforcements from Mexico—Campaign against Mixco—Capture of that
Stronghold—Fight with the Chignautees—Superhuman Valor of a Cavalryman—Conquest
of the Zacatepec Valley—Expedition against the Mames—Defeat of Can Ilocab—Entry
into Huehuetenango— Siege of Zakuleu—Surrender of Caibil Balam 678
OF
INTRODUCTION.
SPAIN AND
CIVILIZATION AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.
How stood this ever changing world four
hundred years ago? Already Asia was prematurely old. Ships skirted Africa; but,
save the northern seaboard, to all but heaven the continent was as dark as its
stolid inhabitants. America was in swaddlings,
knowing not its own existence, and known of none. Europe was an aged youth,
bearing the world-disturbing torch which still shed a dim, fitful light and
malignant odor.
Societies were held together by loyalty
and superstition; kingcraft and priestcraft; not by
that cooperation which springs from the common interests of the people.
Accursed were all things real; divine the unsubstantial and potential. Beyond
the stars were laid out spiritual cities, each religion having its own; under foot the hollow ground was dismal with the groans of
the departed. Regions of the world outlying the known were tenanted by
sea-monsters, dragons, and hobgoblins. European commerce crept; forth from
walled towns and battlemented buildings, and, peradventure escaping the dangers
of the land, hugged the shore in open boats, resting by night and trembling
amidships by day. Learning was but illuminated ignorance. Feudalism as a system
was dead, but its evils remained. Innumerable burdens were heaped upon the
people by the dominant classes, who gave them no protection in return. Upon the
most frivolous pretexts the fruits of their industry were seized, and such as
escaped seigniorial rapacity were appropriated by the clergy. It was a praise
worthy performance for a hundred thousand men to meet and slay each other in
battle fought to vindicate a church dogma, or to gratify a king s concubine.
Self-sacrifice was taught as a paramount duty by thousands whose chief desire
seemed to be the sacrifice of others. Then came a change. And by reason of
their revised Ptolemies, their antipodal soundings and New Geographies, their
magnetic needles, printing-machines, and man-killing implements, their
Reformations and revivals of learning, the people began in some faint degree to
think for themselves. But for all this, divine devilishness was everywhere, in
every activity and accident. God reigned in Europe, more especially at Rome and
Madrid, but all the world else was Satan’s, and destroying it was only
destroying Satan.
Under the shifting sands of progress truth
incubates, and the hatched ideas fashion for themselves a great mind in which
they may find lodgment; fashion for themselves a tongue by which to speak;
fashion for themselves a lever by which to move the world.
The epoch of which I speak rested upon the
confines of two civilizations, the Old and the New. It was a transition period,
from the dark age of fanaticism to the brightness of modern thought; from an
age of stolid credulity to an age of curiosity and skepticism. It was a period
of concretions and crystallizations, following one of many rarefactions;
superstition was then emerging into science, astrology into astronomy, magic
into physics, alchemy into chemistry. Saltpetre was
superseding steel in warfare; feudalism, having fulfilled its purpose, was
being displaced by monarchical power; intercourse was springing up between
nations and international laws were being made. Even the material universe and
the realms of space were enlarging with the enlargement of mind. Two worlds
were about that time unveiled to Spain, an oriental and an occidental; by the
capture of Constantinople ancient Greek and Latin learning was emancipated, and
religion in Europe was revolutionized; while toward the west, the mists of the
ages lifted from the ocean, and, as if emerging from primeval waters, a fair
new continent, ripe for a thousand industries, stood revealed.
This was progress indeed, and the mind,
bursting its mediaeval fetters, stood forth and took a new survey. With the
dawn of the sixteenth century there appeared a universal awakening throughout
Christendom. Slumbering civilization, roused by the heavy tread of marching
events, turned from dreamy incantations, crawled forth from monastic cells and
royal prison-houses of learning, and beheld with wonder and delight the
unfolding of these new mysteries. The dust and cobwebs of the past, sacred to
the memory of patristic theologies and philosophies which had so long dimmed
the imagination, were disturbed by an aggressive spirit of inquiry. The report
of exploding fallacies reverberated throughout Europe; and as the smoke cleared
away, and light broke in through the obscurity, there fell as it were scales
from the eyes of the learned, and man gazed upon his fellow-man with new and
strange emotions.
For centuries reason and religion had been
chained to the traditions of the past; thought had travelled as in a
tread-mill; philosophy had advanced with, the face turned backward; knight-errantry
had been the highest type of manhood, and Christianity had absorbed all the
vices as well as the virtues of mankind. The first efforts of scholastics in
their exposition of these new appearances, was to square the accumulative
information of the day with the subtleties of the schools and the doctrines and
dogmas of the past. The source of all knowledge, and the foundation of all
science, fixed and unalterable as the eternal hills, were in the tenets of the
Church, and in the Holy Scriptures as interpreted by the Fathers. Any
conception, or invention, or pretended discovery that might pass unscathed this
furnace-fire of fanaticism was truth, though right and reason pronounced it
false. Any stray fact which by these tests failed satisfactorily to account for
itself was false, though by all the powers of soul and sense men knew it to be
true. All the infinite unrest of progressional humanity, the deep intuitive longings of the creature in its struggle to touch
the hand of its Creator, went for nothing beside the frigid lessons taught by
the traditional sanctity of an Anastasius or a Chrysostom.
I do not mean to say that all darkness and
ignorance were swept away in a breath, or that knowledge fell suddenly on
mankind like an inspiration; it was enough for some few to learn for the first
time of such a thing as ignorance. Although the change was real and decisive,
and the mind in its attempt to fathom new phenomena was effectually lured from
the mystic pages of antiquity, there yet remained enough and to spare of
bigotry and credulity. Searchers after the truth saw yet as through a glass
darkly; the clearer vision of face to face could only be attained by slow
degrees, and often the very attempt to scale the prison-house walls plunged the
aspirant after higher culture yet deeper into the ditch; but that there were
any searchings at all was no small advance. Shackles
were stricken off, but the untutored intellect as yet knew not the use of
liberty; a new light was flashed in upon the mental vision, but the sudden
glare was for the moment bewildering, and not until centuries after was the
significance of this transitional epoch fully manifest. It may be possible to
exaggerate the importance of this awakening; yet how exaggerate the value to
western Europe of Greek literature and the revival of classic learning, of the
invention of printing, or the influence for good or evil on Spain of her New
World discoveries?
SPANISH HISTORY.
Our history dates from Spain, at the time
when Castile and Aragon were the dominant power of Europe. Before entering upon
the doings, or passing judgment upon the character, of those whose fortunes it
is the purpose of this work to follow into the forests of the New World, let us
glance at the origin of the Spaniards, examine the cradle of their
civilization, and see out of what conditions a people so unlike any on the
globe today were evolved.
Far back as tradition and theory can
reach, the Iberians, possibly of Turanian stock,
followed their rude vocations, hunting, fishing, fighting; guarded on one side
by the Pyrenees, and on the others by the sea. Next, in an epoch to whose date
no approximation is now possible, the Celts came down on Spain, the first wave
of that Aryan sea destined to submerge all Europe. Under the Celtiberians, the fierce and powerful compound race now
formed by the union of Iberian and Celt, broken indeed into various tribes but
with analogous customs and tongues, Spain first became known to the civilized
world. Then came the commercial and colonizing Phoenician and planted a
settlement at Cadiz. After them the Carthaginians landed on the eastern shore
of the Peninsula and founded Carthago Nova, now Cartagena. The power of the
Carthaginians in Spain was broken by the Scipios, in
the second Punic war, toward the close of the third century BC; and yet, says
Ticknor, “they have left in the population and language of Spain, traces which
have never been wholly obliterated”.
The Romans, after driving out the
Carthaginians, attacked the interior Celtiberians,
who fought them hard and long; but the latter being finally subjugated, all
Hispania, save perhaps the rugged north-west, was divided into Roman provinces,
and in them the language and institutions of Rome were established. Forced from
their hereditary feuds by the iron hand of their conquerors, the Celtiberians rapidly increased m wealth and numbers, and of
their prosperity the Empire was not slow to make avail. From the fertile fields
of Spain flowed vast quantities of cerealia into the granary of Rome. The gold and silver of
their metal-veined sierras the enslaved Spaniards were forced to produce, as
they in succeeding ages wrung from the natives of the New World the same unjust
service. The introduction of Christianity, about the middle of the third
century, brought upon the adherents of this religion the most cruel
persecutions; even as the Christians in their turn persecuted others as soon as
they possessed the power. Some say, indeed, that Saint Paul preached at
Saragossa, and planted a church there; however this may be, it was not until
the conversion of Constantine that Christianity became the dominant religion of
the Peninsula.
The fifth century opens with the
dissolution of the empire of the Romans, for the barbarians are upon them. Over
the Pyrenees, in awful deluge, sweep Suevi, Alani,
Vandals, and Silingi. The Suevi, in AD 409, take possession of the
north-west, now Galicia; the Alani seize Lusitania,
today Portugal; and the Vandals and Silingi settle Vandalusia, or Andalusia, the latter tribe occupying Seville.
Blighted by this barbaric whirlwind, civilization droops; the arts and sciences
introduced, by the Romans fall into disgrace; the churlish conquerors will have
none of them; and the culture of ancient Greece and Rome, turning toward its
original seat, flees the inhospitable west and takes refuge in the capital of
the eastern empire, which thereafter becomes the depository of the wrecks of
classic learning. In their dilemma the Romanized indigenes call to their help
the less uncouth Visigoths. In 427 the Vandals pass into Africa. Between 455
and 584 the Visigoths conquer the Romans and subjugate the Suevi; so that now
their kingdom stretches from the bank of the Loire to Gibraltar. Thus to the
Latin is added the Gothic element; the Latin language, corrupted as it had
become, gains upon, or rather for the most part holds its original advantage
over the Gothic tongue, and becomes the basis of the modern Castilian, with
such grammatical simplifications as the northern taste renders necessary.
ADVENT OF THE MOORS.
Still the great Peninsula seethes and
bubbles like a caldron over the furnace-fires of its progressional unrest. Two centuries of contentions between states, and between kings and
nobles, aggravated by the usual convulsions incident to elective monarchies,
suffice to bring upon them a new foe. The crescent of Islam, resting on Mecca
and threatening at once the Bosporus and the Pillars of Hercules, flames
suddenly out at its western horn over fated Spain.
At Algeciras, near Gibraltar, in 711, in
great force, the Mauritanian Arabs, or Moors, effect a landing, invited thither
by Count Julian, commander of Andalusia, in revenge for the violation of his
daughter by Rodrigo, last of the Gothic kings. Routing the Visigoths in the
battle of Jerez de la Frontera, in five swift years
the Saracens are masters of all save the mountainous north-west; and
penetrating Aquitania, the kingdom of the Franks is prevented from falling into
their hands only by the decisive victory won by Charles Martel at Tours in 732.
An emirate under the caliphate of Bagdad is established at Cordova, and
multitudes of Syrian and Egyptian Mahometans flock to
Spain. Thus pressed, to the rugged mountains of Asturias, under Pelayo, one of their national heroes, flee such Christians
as will not submit. There the wreck of the Visigothic kingdom takes refuge;
there stubborn patriots rally and nurse their nationality betimes in the caves
of the Pyrenees, waiting opportunity to deliver their country from the yoke of
the hated Infidel. In 755 Abdurrahman, the last caliph of the dynasty of Ommiades, having escaped the massacre of Damascus, wrests
Spain from the hands of the Abbassides and founds the caliphate of Cordova,
which then formed one of the four great divisions of the Prophet’s dominions.
Moorish kings now take the place of Moorish emirs, and thus is governed Cordova
till 1238, and Granada till 1492.
Meanwhile the Mahometans ruled mildly and well. The native Christians living among them kept their
religion, churches, and clergy, as well as their laws and tribunals except in
cases involving capital punishment, or where a Mahometan was a party in the suit. The usual consequences of race-contact followed; over
wide tracts Arabic became the common language, and so remained even after
Moslem power had fallen. As late as the fourteenth century public acts in many
parts of Spain were written in Arabic. As the result of this intermixture,
there was the linguistic medley called lingua
franca, a composite of Arabic, Gothic, Latin, Hebrew, and Gallic, with the
Romance, or corrupted Latin of Spain, united with the Limousin, the language of
the gay science spoken in Languedoc and Provence, as a base. Out of this came
the Castilian, which after undergoing various modifications settled into the
Spanish language, leaving it substantially in its present form, though refined
and polished by subsequent centuries of civilization. It was not, however,
until near the reign of Alfonso X, 1252-1282, long after the Christians had
emerged, from the mountains and had mingled with the reconquered indigenes,
that the Castilian became perfectly established as a written, settled, and
polite language. Nor were the consequences of Arabic occupation confined to
language; they tinged the whole life of the nation.
The Spaniards who under Pelayo had taken refuge in the mountains of Asturias, in
716 founded a small government called the kingdom of Oviedo. There the seeds of
liberty, trampled by adversity, took root, and from the patriot soil arose a
nation that spread its branches wide over the land. Gradually the Christian
kingdoms enlarged. First Galicia, then, two hundred years later, Leon and
Castile were added to the little empire. The latter part of the tenth century
the kingdoms of Leon, Castile, and Navarre, held the northern extremity of the
Peninsula, while all the rest was under the dominion of the caliphate of
Cordova.
And now, emerged from the mountain fastnesses whither they had fled before this southern swarm
of turbaned Infidels, the sturdy Christians press heavily on their foe. Inch by
inch, each step counting a century, they fight their way from the Pyrenees back
to Granada. Assuming the title of caliph, Abdurrahman III defeats the
Christians at Zamora on the Douro, but is in turn repulsed, in 938, at Simancas. In vain the Mahometans call to their aid the Almoravides of Morocco; their
race upon the Peninsula is run. As portions of the country are wrested from
them, lands are awarded to notable Christian leaders, who at intervals pause in
their holy crusade, and fall to warring on each other; and by these intestine
brawls more Christian blood is spilt than by all the scimitars of the Saracens.
At such times the Infidels might turn and
make the Christians an easy prey; but centuries of opulence, and, except along
their northern border, of inaction, have sapped their strength and left them
nerveless. It is the old story alike of peoples, sects, and individuals;
discipline, begotten by necessity, engenders strength, which fattened by luxury
swells to weakness.
The beginning of the eleventh century
finds the Christians occupying about half the Peninsula, that is to say the
kingdoms of Leon, Castile, Aragon, Navarre, and Portugal. Leon was but another
name for the kingdom of Oviedo, or Asturias, the birth place of Spanish nationality.
Castile - Roman, castella;
Arabic, ardo-l-kolas, land of castles, so called
from the castillos,
or forts, built there though destined eventually to absorb all the kingdoms of
the Peninsula, was at first a republic, consisting of a few small towns or fortified
castles, which had united for mutual protection from both Mahometans and contentious Christian brethren. In 1037 Leon was united by Ferdinand I,
called the Great, to Castile; and from its central position, and the strength
arising from perpetual vigilance, the new kingdom gradually widened and added
to its dominions, until eventually all the kingdoms of the Peninsula were
united under the banner of Castile. Navarre belonged to a French count, whose
successor drove the Saracens from the territory adjacent on the south-west, and
founded the kingdom of Aragon.
In 1085 the Cid, a Castilian chieftain,
born at Burgos, and famous in poetry, romance, and war, seized Toledo, and
overran Valencia; in 1118 Alfonso of Aragon wrested Saragossa from the Moors.
Portugal, hitherto a province of Castile, assumed the title of kingdom in 1139.
Finally the four kingdoms of the north, together with Portugal, formed a league
against the Infidels, and in a great battle fought in the Sierra Morena, near Tolosa, in 1212, Mahometan power in Spain was effectually broken. In this
decisive engagement the Christian confederates were commanded by Alfonso III of
Castile, who never rested till the followers of the Prophet were driven from
the central plateau. To the kingdom of Castile, Ferdinand III, 1217-1252,
annexed Jaen, Cordova, and Seville, which with difficulty were held by his son
Alfonso X, surnamed the Wise, a better scholar than soldier, as we see. Alfonso
XI was succeeded by Pedro el Cruel, who died in 1369.
SPAIN’S GRANDEUR.
A succession of singularly brilliant
events, culminating in the empire of Charles V, brought Spain, at the beginning
of the sixteenth century, to the front rank among European powers. The marriage
of Ferdinand and Isabella, which in 1479 united the crowns of Aragon and
Castile; the conquest of Granada in 1492, terminating eight centuries of almost
continuous warfare; the discovery of America the same year; the annexation of
Naples in 1503, and of Navarre in 1512, after the union of Spain and the Netherlands
in the marriage of Juana, daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, with Philip the
Fair, son of the Emperor Maximilian I, and father of Charles V, all coming in
quick succession, form a train of important incidents unparalleled in the
history of nations. Before the death of Philip II in 1598, the empire of Spain
extended to every part of the globe : Portugal, conquered by the duke of Alva
in 1580; Sicily and Sardinia, Artois and Franche Comté, the Balearic and Canary islands; in Africa Melilla,
Ceuta, Oran, and Tunis; in Asia the Moluccas and the Philippine Islands,
together with several settlements elsewhere; beside a large part of the two
Americas, which alone comprised about one fifth of the world.
But nations like men must die. The full
measure of prosperity had been meted out to Spain, and now she must lay it
down—such is the inexorable law of progress. It was the very irony of
autocracy, that one man should rule half the world! Spam’s pyramid of
greatness, which assumed such lofty proportions during the reign of their
Catholic Majesties, culminated during the reigns of their immediate successors.
A long line of ambitious and able princes had raised the empire to a giddy
height; but with an illiterate populace, and a grasping clergy, no sooner did
the rulers become incompetent than the nation fell in pieces. In the height of
his grandeur Spain’s grandest monarch surfeited of success and abdicated; and
with the death of his son Philip the glory of the empire departed. Then might
her epitaph be written :
Nine centuries of steady growth
a long and lusty youth, more than falls to
the lot of most nations
and in three brief centuries more she
rose, and ripened, and rotted.
It is not with death, however, but life,
we have to do. Intellectual sparks were lighting up the dark corners of the
earth, and a series of brilliant epochs began with the reign of Ferdinand and
Isabella—modern Golden Ages they might be called. The golden age of Spain,
dating from 1474 to 1516, was followed by Germany’s golden age, which was
during the reign of Charles V, 1519-1558. Then came England with the reign of
Elizabeth, 1558—1603; then France under Louis XIV and Louis XV, 1640-1740;
Russia under Peter the Great, 1672-1725; and Prussia under Frederick the Great,
1740-1786. During this time European civilization was bursting its narrow
confines and encircling the hitherto unknown world in every direction.
SPANISH
CHARACTER.
The Spaniards we would know and judge. We
shall judge them, even though we know them not. We love to judge our fellows,
and to think how much better are we than they. Little attention we give it,
though it is a self-evident proposition, that to judge a people by any other
standard than that to which they have been taught to conform is to do them
great injustice. If we may believe psychology, thought, in its higher phases,
develops only with the development of language; the conceptions of the mind
cannot rise much higher than forms of speech will enable it to express. Apply
this postulate to the measure of character, and the corollary is, that to
interpret fairly, we must restrict our imagination to such ideas, our mind to
such beliefs, and our tongue to such formulas as belong to those we judge.
This, however, is no easy matter. In the present age of intellectual progress
and changing activity, when old delusions are being rapidly dispelled by
science, and new discoveries are constantly opening new channels to
distinction, it is almost impossible to place ourselves within the narrow
limits of medieval restrictions, in which thought and opinion were not allowed
to germinate, but were passed unchanged from one generation to another. “It
often happens”, as John Stuart Mill remarks, “that the universal belief of one
age of mankind, a belief from which no one was, nor, without an extra effort of
genius or courage, could at that time be, free, becomes so palpable an
absurdity, that the only difficulty then is to imagine how such a thing can
ever have appeared credible”. Not only were the Church dogmas of the Middle Age
accepted as truth, but at that time to hold opinions antagonistic to
established creeds was seldom so much as deemed possible.
From the foregoing premises it clearly
follows, that rightly to measure the character of those who carried European
civilization into the wilds of America, we must, in so far as we may, divest
ourselves of the present, and enter into the spirit of their times. We must fix
in our minds the precise epoch in the history of human progress to which the
discovery of this New World belongs. We must roll up four brilliant centuries
of the scroll of science, cloud nine tenths of the world in obscurity, throw a
spell upon the ocean; then wall the imagination within the confines of this
narrow horizon and conceive the effect. We must know something, not alone of
national politics and the attitude of kings, but we must enter the society of
individuals, and study the impulses of the people. We must call up the
inscrutable past, surround ourselves with those influences that give the stamp
to character and the color to creed. We must familiarize ourselves with scenes
familiar to the people we discuss; we must walk their streets, look through
their eyes, think their thoughts; we must personate them and practically
construe them. We should fill our breast with the aspirations that impelled
them, our imagination with the fears that restrained them, and feel those
subtle forces which for generations had been developing intellect and molding
opinion. We should dare even to gain access to their domestic and religious penetralia, to
invade the sanctity of the hearth and altar, to sound the hidden chords of
domestic life, to walk softly through vaulted aisles and convent corridors,
bending the ear to catch the whisperings of the confessional; we should enter
with the monk his cloister-cell, with the gallant the presence of his
lady-love, and learn whence the significance and whither the tendency of their
strange conceits. If, at the outset, with the political position, we also thus
firmly grasp their inner social life, much that were otherwise enigmatical or
diabolical appears in a clearer light; and we can then behold their chivalrous
but cruel deeds with the same charity in which we hope posterity may shroud our
own enormities. Thus only may we be led to understand the various processes by
which this phase of civilization was evolved.
The configuration and climate of the
Peninsula assist in giving variety to the character of its inhabitants. The
interior is one vast table-land, higher than any other plateau in Europe, being
from two to three thousand feet above the level of the sea. On either side
precipitous mountain ranges interpose between the table-land and the shores,
and through these numerous streams thread their way. The table-land is for the
most part dry and treeless, hot in summer and cold in winter; Asturias is wet
and wooded; the valleys of the Guadalquivir, Douro, Ebro, Tagus, and other
rivers, are in places quite fertile. In the southern provinces of Andalusia and
Murcia, autumn and winter are mild and pleasant, and spring is surpassingly
lovely; but the solano which during summer blows from the heated plains of Africa is intolerable to
any but the acclimated. From the snow-clad Pyrenees the piercing blasts of
winter sweep over Leon, Castile, and Estremadura, at the north protracting the
long winter and making cold and humid the spring, and arrive at the middle
provinces stripped of their moisture, but not of their raw unwelcome
chilliness.
During the eleven convulsive centuries
preceding our epoch we have seen mix and agglutinate the several ingredients of
Spanish character : Iberian, Celt, Phoenician; Roman, Goth, and Moor, all
contributing their quota. Christian, Infidel, and Jew, with their loves and
hates, season the mass; and thus society becomes an olla podrida, and Spain presents the anomalous race of the world.
In different provinces different
race-elements preponderate, that of Rome tincturing the whole more strongly
than any other. Under analysis these several social ingredients may be easily
detected. By comparison with Strabo, Arnold traces many of the social
characteristics of the Spaniards back to the Iberians. “The grave dress, the
temperance and sobriety, the unyielding spirit, the extreme indolence, the
perverseness in guerilla warfare, and the remarkable absence of the highest
military qualities ascribed by the Greek and Roman writers”, he affirms, “are
all more or less characteristic of the Spaniards of modern times. The courtesy
and gallantry of the Spaniard to women has also come down to him from his
Iberian ancestors”.
So in the volatile, dark-haired Celt,
where reckless courage and indifference to human life reached their height,
where quick perception and ready wit supplied the
place of sober thought and logical deductions, where man was courageous and
changeable, and woman was at once fickle, chaste, and passionate, in these
fierce barbarians we see a multitude of traits handed by them to their
descendants. Of Phoenician and Iberian influence, traces are seen in their
skill in scientific mining; of Gothic, in their comparatively liberal forms of
government, their attachment to military display, and in their good faith,
integrity, and morality would these latter had been a trifle more Gothic; of
Roman, in their love of ecclesiastical forms, church and state loyalty, in
their stately dignity and sobriety of deportment; of Arab, in their hatred of
work, their love of freedom, their religious enthusiasm, their tactics in war,
and in their language, poetry, art, and architecture. Some of these terms
appear paradoxical, but human nature, in its ingredients, is ever paradoxical.
In the Spanish language Brace discovers that the principal “terms for
agriculture and science are Latin; for the Church, Latin or Greek; for arms,
riding, and war, Teutonic; and for arts and plants in southern Spain, Arabic”.
From the north and east and south the boldest of the nations had congregated on
this frontier peninsula, waiting the outburst which, after a thousand years of
fermentation, broke over its western slope.
Buckle, in support of a theory referring
the origin of character to physical causes, ascribes the superstition of Spain
to famine and disease, to earthquakes and the awe-producing phenomena of wild
scenery; their fickleness he attributes to climate, the heat and dryness in
Spain interrupting labor and leading to desultory habits; their love of romance
and adventure he traces to pastoral life, which prevailed to the neglect of
agriculture during the Moorish invasion.
EVOLUTION
OF THE SPANISH NATION.
The fall of Granada left the Peninsula
occupied essentially as follows : In the north and west were the descendants of
Goths and Celts who, unmolested by Roman or Moor, retained in a measure their
ancestral characteristics. Low of stature, thick-set and awkward, as strong and
as hairy almost as bears, the men of Asturias and Galicia, of Leon and Biscay,
century after century come and go, living as their fathers lived, neither
better nor worse, caring nothing for Arab or Dutchman, and little even for the
Spanish kings; proud as ever of Pelayo, of the
mountains that cradled Spanish liberty, of their great antiquity, which they
boast as greater than that of any living nation; superstitious, irritable, and
impetuous, but honest, frank, and sincere; implacable as enemies, but faithful
as friends. Their boast is that never have they been subdued by Moor. Their
chiefs were of the ancient Gothic blood, blue blood they called it, not being
tainted with Arabic like that of their darker southern neighbors; of such
material were early founded the kingdoms of Leon and Castile.
On their eastern side was the kingdom of
Navarre, founded by the counts of the French marches. Though at one time these
two sections had been united, the usual partition of heritage had soon dismembered
them. Portugal, an offshoot of Castile, was permanently separated; Aragon,
founded by Navarre, became also independent.
Upon the eastern seaboard the people of
Catalonia and Valencia, though diluted with the Limousin element, yet retain
traces of their foreign relationships. “Of the modern evidences of race in the
different provinces”, says Brace, “travelers tell us that in Valencia the
people resemble both their Celtiberian and
Carthaginian ancestors, being cunning, perfidious, vindictive, and sullen. The
burning sun has tanned their skin dark and aided to form in them an excitable
and nervous temperament; they have, too, the superstitious tendencies that
characterize the people of a hot climate. The Valencian women are fairer than the men, and are conspicuous for their beauty of form.
They wear the hair and the ornaments of the head after the old Romish style. The Catalan is rude, active and industrious,
a good soldier, and fond of his independence, resembling both Celts and
Iberians in his covetous, bold, cruel, and warlike character. The Aragonese are true children of the Goths in their force of
will, their attachment to constitutional liberties, and their opposition to
arbitrary power”.
The tall, tough, agile eastern mountaineer
presents as marked a contrast to the stubby Asturian as does the sparkling Andalusian to the grave
Castilian. For a long time the people of Andalusia were semi-Moorish in their
character. There, where the soft air of Africa comes fresh from the
Mediterranean, had dwelt the dusky, graceful Arab; glorifying Mahomet as the
Castilian glorified Christ; tolerating Christian and Jew, as Christians
tolerated Mahometan and Jew, the dominant power
always exacting tribute from the others. Scattered along the banks of the
Guadalquivir, and in separate quarters of many towns of southern Spain, were
bands of that anomalous race, the gypsies. Short, dark, ugly, with long,
coarse, wavy hair, mixing with other men as light and darkness mix, they plied
their trade of buying, stealing, and selling. During the latter part of the war
they occupied themselves in bringing horses from Africa and selling them to
Moors or Christians.
In the mountain fastnesses of Toledo there yet lived a remnant of Silingi stock,
known as almogávares who had never bent knee to Infidel; who, throughout the long contest which
waged on every side of them, had kept green their liberty and their faith a
Christian oasis in the broad pagan desert. There, too, a broken band of the
chosen Israel, now fairly launched upon their eternal wanderings, found a
momentary resting-place. Before the arrival of the Visigoths, it is said, a
colony of Hebrews planted themselves near Toledo, and by their industry and
superior financial ability, became at length the royal bankers, and notwithstanding
bitter prejudices, they rose high in influence, even to the honor of having
daughters enrolled among the king’s mistresses.
RESULTS
OF INTERMIXTURES.
Thus for a time the several parts of the
Peninsula differ widely in language, manners, and institutions; but at length,
by wars and political combinations, race-barriers are broken down, and opposing
clanships welded by an intenser hatred for some
common enemy. The south through its Mediterranean trade soonest attains
eminence, but warlike Castile subsequently acquires predominance. Meanwhile the
masses retain their old ways better than their leaders. The nobility, and
frequenters of courts, mingling more with the world, adopt the fashions of
courts, and change with their changes. The inhabitants of the border provinces
feel the influences of the war comparatively little; upon the great central
plateau, however, there meet and mix almost all the stocks and creeds of the
then known world. Aryan and Semite; Roman, Goth, and Mauritanian; Mahometan, Christian, and Jew; planting and plucking,
building up and tearing down, fattening and starving, fighting and worshipping
and burning the whole table-land of Spain turned into a battle-arena of the
nations, into a world’s gladiatorial show; its occupants alternately marrying
and battling, Moslem with Christian, Moslem with Moslem, Christian with
Christian, Christian and Moslem uniting now against Christian and now against
Moslem, while the slaughter of Jew, heretic, and gypsy fills the interlude. So
pass centuries; and from this alembic of nations is distilled the tall,
symmetrical, black-haired, bright-eyed, sharp featured Castilian and Estremaduran.
Out of this heterogeneous medley of
opposing qualities we have now to draw general characteristics.
In demeanor the Spaniard is grave,
punctilious, reserved with strangers, jealous of familiarity or encroachment on
his dignity; but among his acquaintances, or with those who are ready to
recognize what he conceives to be his due, he throws off restraint, and becomes
an agreeable companion and a firm friend. While impatient and resentful of
fancied slights, he is easily won by kindness, and is always dazzled by skill
in arms and personal valor.
In disposition he is serious almost to
melancholy, firm to stubbornness, imperturbable, lethargic, inert, moody; yet
when roused there breaks forth the deepest enthusiasm and the most ungovernable
passion. So punctilious is his sense of honor, so zealous and truthful is he in
his friendships, so affectionate and humane in all his private relations, that
at one time the term Spanish gentleman was synonymous with everything, just,
generous, and high-minded throughout Europe. In intellect he is contemplative
rather than profound, apt in emergencies, but lacking breadth and depth. In
habits he is temperate and frugal, easily satisfied, indolent. To live without
work is his ideal of enjoyment. Dissoluteness and intemperance cannot be ranked
among his vices, nor do travelers place hospitality in his list of virtues.
There is no such word as rowdy in his vocabulary. Turbulent from imposition he
may be, and after injury vengeful; but brawler, disturber of peace and social
order, he is not. Though taciturn, he is deep in feeling; in his love of
country he is provincial rather than national. Though hard to be driven he is
easily led; acting collectively, officially, he is given to venality, when
personally thrown upon his honor he is scrupulous and trusty.
In manners the Spaniard is proverbial for
high breeding, courtesy, and decorum. Whether beggar or courtier, his
politeness seldom deserts him. “Dios guarde a usted”, May
God protect you; “Vaya usted con Dios, caballero”, God be with you,
sir; are the usual valedictions. In reply to the importunities of a beggar the
cavalier exclaims, “Perdone usted, por Dios, hermano”,
For the love of God excuse me, my brother. To the highest noble and to the
meanest peasant the greeting is the same. Sedate, soberminded,
reserved, the Spaniard is but the modified result of his several exemplars.
“All Spaniards”, remarks Ford, “are prodigal to each other in cheap names and
titles of honor; thus even beggars address each other as señor y caballero, lord and knight. The most coveted style is excelencia, your
excellency”. Nicknames are common. No one rises to distinction without carrying
with him one or more appellations significant of the skill or occupation of his
early days.
CASTILIAN
PRIDE AND POLITENESS.
The Castilian has less ingenuity in
mechanics, less skill in trade, less taste, less delicacy of perception, than
the Italian, but far more pride, firmness, and courage; a more solemn demeanor,
and a stronger sense of honor.
Every Spaniard of whatever class considers
himself a caballero, a well-born and
Christian gentleman, the superior of most, the equal of any, the inferior of
none. Profuse in proffers of kindness, he is no less slow to fulfill them than
to accept favors from others. He is very vain; vain of personal appearance,
vain of his ancestry, his breeding; vain of his ignorance and superstition; proud
of many things he should be ashamed of, and ashamed of nothing. Thieving was
never prominent as a national vice. As a rule Spaniards are too proud to steal;
the impulse of wounded affection or injured pride nerves the arm that strikes,
oftener than the desire for plunder.
The old German cosmographer Sebastian
Munster quaintly writes, Basel, 1553: “The Spaniards have good heads, but with
all their studying they learn but little, for after having half learned a thing
they think themselves very wise, and in their talk try to show much learning
which they do not possess”. Comparing them with the French, the same chronicler
says: “The Frenchmen are taller, but the Spaniards more hardy. In war, the
Spaniards are deliberate, and the French, impetuous. The French are great
babblers, but the Spaniards can well keep a secret. The French are joyous and
light of thought; they like to live well; but the Spaniards are melancholy,
serious, and not given to carousing. The French receive their guests friendlily
and treat them well, but the Spaniards are cross to strangers, so that one must
go from house to house in search of entertainment. The cause of this is that
Spaniards have travelled little, and do not like to spend their money for
food”.
In Castile, more than elsewhere, was seen
the perfect central type, which in its earlier stages was so remarkable for
practical sagacity, for an insight into causes and motives, and skill in the
adaptation of means to ends. In the wars of the New World, affirms Macaulay,
“where something different from ordinary strategy was required in the general,
and something different from ordinary discipline of the soldier, where it was
every day necessary to meet by some new expedient the varying tactics of a
barbarous enemy, the Spanish adventurers, sprung from the common people,
displayed a fertility of resource, and a talent for negotiation and command, to
which history scarcely affords a parallel”. It must be borne in mind, however,
that the New World adventurer was not always a national type.
Graham declares that “the history of the
expeditions which terminated in the conquest of Mexico and Peru displays,
perhaps, more strikingly than any other portion of the records of the human
race, what amazing exertions the spirit of man can prompt him to attempt, and
sustain him to endure”. And again “The masses”, says Ford, who has studied them
well, “the least spoilt and the most national, stand like pillars amid ruins,
and on them the edifice of Spain’s greatness must be reconstructed”. “All the
force of Europe”, exclaims Peterborough, “would not be sufficient to subdue the Castiles with the people against it”.
REVERENCE
FOR ANTIQUITY.
So great is their reverence for antiquity,
that they appear to live almost as much in the past as in the present. Age is
synonymous with wisdom; the older the habit or opinion, the more worthy of
belief it is. Innovation they abhor as dangerous; the universe of knowledge
stands already revealed; there is nothing more to learn. Their premises they
know to be sound, their conclusions correct, their beliefs true; what necessity
then for further troubling themselves? Children in everything but teachableness, with themselves and their traditions they
are content. Their education is finished. This is the most hopeless form of ignorance.
Their legends they carefully preserve, old-time customs they love to practice,
and they dwell with devoted enthusiasm on the exploits of their ancestors. To
this day, twelve centuries after the occurrence, the peasantry of Asturias are
divided between the descendants of those who aided the patriot Pelayo against the Moors, and those who did not - the
latter being stigmatized as vaqueros;
while the Andalusian Morisco keeps alive the story of Granada’s grandeur, and dreams of Moslem warriors, of Abencerrage knights, and the restoration of former greatness. So strong is the influence of
tradition and dead ancestry.
Speaking of the quality of firmness, and
tenacity of purpose, says Bell, “So obstinate is the Spaniard, and in some
provinces so remarkably self-willed, that the inhabitants of one part of Spain
make a jest of the others on that account. Thus the obstinate Biscayan is
represented as driving a nail into the wall with his head, whilst the still
more obstinate Aragonian is figured in the same act
and attitude, but with the point of the nail turned outward!” With the poniard
at his throat, many a prostrate foe will die rather than yield, and as surely
will the victor plunge in the fatal weapon if the cry for quarter be not
quickly uttered. In Andalusia there was a fashion prevalent among duellists, when determined to fight their quarrel to the
end, of firmly binding together, below the elbows, the left arms of the
combatants; then, with knives in their right hands, they fought until one or
both were dead.
Notwithstanding their slavish
superstition, their excessive loyalty, their love of antiquity, and their
hatred of change; and notwithstanding the oppression of princes and priests,
the condition of the lower classes in Spain at the close of the fifteenth
century was far above that of the same class in any other European country.
This was owing, not to any special consideration on the part of their political
or ecclesiastical rulers, but to that greatest of scourges, war. While the
rulers were absorbed in conquering, and in keeping themselves from being
conquered, except within the immediate battle-arena the people were left much
alone. Besides, armies must have supplies, and producers were held in esteem by
the military consumers.
CASTE
AND SOCIAL STRATA.
Inequalities of power and wealth, unless
arrested by extrinsic causes, ever tend to wider extremes. In Spain, the
increase of wealth in the hands of priests and princes was checked by
long-continued war. The products of the country must be used to feed the
soldiery, and the power of the nobility must be employed against the common
enemy. There was neither the time nor the opportunity to grind the people to
the uttermost. Though the war bore heavily upon the working classes, it proved
to them the greatest blessing; while the masses elsewhere throughout Europe
were kept in a state of feudalistic serfdom, the necessity of Spain being for
men rather than for beasts, elevation followed. Further than this,
race-contact, and the friction attending the intermingling of courts and camps,
tended in some degree towards polishing and refining society. “Since nothing
makes us forget the arbitrary distinctions of rank”, says Hallam,
“so much as participation in any common calamity, every man who had escaped the
great shipwreck of liberty and religion in the mountains of Asturias was
invested with a personal dignity, which gave him value in his own eyes and
those of his country. It is probably this sentiment transmitted to posterity,
and gradually fixing the national character, that had produced the elevation of
manner remarked by travelers in the Castilian peasant”.
And yet there was caste and social
stratification enough. The stubborn manliness of the lower orders did not make
them noble. Except the mercenary and political priesthood, only royalty was
divine. The nobles loved money, yet for them to traffic was disgraceful.
Priests engaged in manufacturing, yet with them it was only one way more by
which to make avail of another’s labor. Work was well enough for Moor, and Jew,
and Indian; but he whose line of fighting ancestors had not beginning within
the memory of man, must starve rather than stain his lineage by doing something
useful.
The several social strata, moreover, were
jealously kept distinct. The first distinction was that which separated them
from foreigners. In the days of Caesar and Cicero, Rome was master of the
world; Rome was the world; were any not of Rome they were barbarians. So it was
with Spaniards. To be of Castile was to be the most highly favored of mortals;
to be a Spaniard, though not a Castilian, was something to be proud of; to be
anything else was most unfortunate.
The next distinction was between the
Spaniard of pure blood and the Christianized native of foreign origin. No
amount of ecclesiastical white washing could wholly cleanse a Moor or Jew. Moriscos the Church might make; heretics the Inquisition
might reconstruct; but all Spain could not make from foreign material a
Christian Spaniard of the pure ancient blood. About foreign fashions, foreign
inventions, foreign progress, foreign criticism, they cared nothing. And
probably nowhere in modern times was this irrational idea of caste carried to
such an absurd extent as in the New World. Children of Spanish parentage, born
in America, were regarded socially as inferior to children of the same parents
who happened to be born in Spain. To be born a Spanish peasant was better than hidalgo, or cavalier, with American
nativity; for at one time the former, on migrating to America, was entitled by
virtue of that fact to the prefix ‘Don’. Under the viceroys native Mexicans,
though of pure Castilian ancestry, were too often excluded from the higher
offices of Church and State; and this notwithstanding that both canonical and
civil law, if we may believe Betancur y Figueroa,
provided that natives should be preferred in all ecclesiastical appointments
from the lightest benefice to the highest prelacy. “But notwithstanding such
repeated recommendations”, says Robertson, “preferment in almost every different
line is conferred on native Spaniards”. Mr. Ward, English consul at Mexico in
1825-7, affirms that “the son, who had the misfortune to be born of a Creole
mother, was considered as an inferior, in the house of his own father, to the
European book-keeper or clerk, for whom the daughter, if there were one, and a
large share of the fortune were reserved. Eres criollo y basta; You are a Creole and that is
enough, was a common phrase amongst the Spaniards when angry with their
children”. Truly it was a good thing in those days to be at once of Christ and
of Spain. It was positively believed by some that blood flowed in accordance
with the majesty of law, and that the quality of one was inferior to the
quality of another. The blood of the Indian was held as scarcely more human
than the blood of beasts, and was often shed as freely.
Then, too, there was a distinction between
the profession of arms and all other professions. Following republican Rome
again, the education of no man aspiring to a public career was complete until
he had served as a soldier. No one can truthfully charge the Spaniards of the
sixteenth century with lack of courage. Military skill was the highest type of
manhood. Of danger they made a plaything, not only in their wars but in their sports.
Life was dull unless brightened by blood.
In Aragon the barons were limited to a few
great families who traced their descent from twelve peers, called ricos homes de natura.
Although obliged to attend the king in his wars, in every other respect they were
independent. They were themselves exempt from taxation and punishment, and held
absolute authority over the lives and property of their vassals. The next lower
order of nobility in Aragon was called infanzones, corresponding to the hidalgos of Castile. The caballeros, or knights, were the immediate
followers of the ricos homes, and were possessed of important
privileges.
In La Mancha the peasantry were of a
quality different from those sent by Castile and Estremadura to the New World.
Quintana writes of them, “He who travels through La Mancha will see the
scaffold before he sees the town. They are lazy, dirty, quarrelsome, and never
suffer from hunger, for when they wish to become the owners of anything they
take it”; and remarks another, “They live on parched garbanzos, and pass the
winter lying on their bellies like reptiles in the sun”. See Murillo’s
matchless pictures.
JEWS
AND MOORS.
Another class and race, broken fragments
of which we have before encountered, secured more rest in Spain than elsewhere,
yet from a different cause. Homeless Israel in the Arab found a friend. Not
that the Mahometans loved the Jews, but because the
Christians hated them, was their condition made so tolerable in Spain under
Saracen rule. Then, and until their expulsion, they occupied an important
position, being the chief money-handlers, merchants, and bankers. Overcome in
their dislike for each other by a more bitter hatred against their common
enemy, the Jews and Moors lived upon terms somewhat approaching equality. The
Jews surpassed their Moorish masters in wealth, and were but little inferior to
them in arts and letters. They were not only usurers, but husbandmen, artisans,
and doctors. As Christian domination extended southward, this comparatively
happy state of the Spanish Jews disappeared. Under pretext of justice, their
moneys were wrested from them by the nobles; under pretext of religion, they
were killed by the clergy; and with the capitulation of Granada and the loss of
their Moorish allies, the condition of the Jews became pitiable in the extreme.
Two incidents of the crowning of Pope John XXIII, in 1410, as related by Monstrelet, will show what the vicegerent of the Jews
creator thought fit treatment for Jews. In his progress through Rome, these
people presented him with a manuscript copy of the Old Testament. He, “having
examined it a little, threw it behind him, saying, Your religion is good, but
this of ours is better”. And again, “There were before and behind him two
hundred men-at-arms, each having in his hand a leathern mallet, with which they
struck the Jews in such wise as it was a pleasure to see”.
With such an example, to what good
Christian were not the Jews fair game? As for the Spaniards, they bettered the
instruction, as was sufficiently proved by their expulsion-edict of March, 1492
an edict forbidding unbaptized Jews to be found within the limits of Spain at
the end of four months; an edict allowing them in that time to sell their
property, but forbidding them at the end of that time “to carry away with them
any gold, silver, or money, whatsoever”; “an edict”, says the Catholic
historian, Lafuente, “that condemned to expatriation,
to misery, to despair, and to death, many thousands of families born and bred
in Spain”.
In almost every medieval town there was a
Jewish district, in which, says M. Depping, their
historian, “Jews like troops of lepers were thrust away and huddled together
into the most uncomfortable and most unhealthy quarters of the city, as
miserable as it was disgusting”; or, as Paul Lacroix describes it, “a large enclosure of wretched houses, irregularly built, divided
by small streets with no attempt at uniformity. The principal thoroughfare is
lined with stalls, in which are sold not only old clothes, furniture, and
utensils, but also new and glittering articles”. Within their prescribed
limits, all their necessities were supplied, and a dirt-begrimed prison-like
synagogue usually occupied the center. Upon the slightest provocation the most
horrible atrocities were committed upon them by the Christians. If converted,
the strictest watch was kept on them by the Inquisition, and if suspected of
heresy, they were slain. In Abrantes, a town of
Portugal, in 1506, the baptized Jews were all massacred. To be at once
murderers of Christ, and accumulators of money, was too much for the zeal and
cupidity of the Christians.
THE
CHARGE OF CRUELTY.
The Spaniards of the sixteenth century
have been called a cruel people; and so they were. Yet they were no more cruel
than other nations of their day, and no more cruel relatively, according to the
progress of humanity, than are we today. Time evolves in many respects a more
refined civilization, but the nature of man changes not. Individuals may be
less beastly; society may be regulated more by law and less by passion; between
nations in their wars and diplomacy there may be less systematic torture, less
unblushing chicanery; but the world has yet to find a weightier right than
might. I fail to discover in America, by Catholic Spaniards or heathen savages,
deeds more atrocious than some committed in India and China within the century
by Protestant England, the world’s model of piety and propriety; and yet the
treatment of Indians in North America by the people of Great Britain has been
far more just and humane than their treatment by the people of the United
States.
Before such a charge as that of excessive
cruelty can be made good against a people, there are several things to be
considered. And first the motive. The surgeon who amputates a limb to save a life
is not called cruel. Now the Spaniards were the spiritual surgeons of their
day. Nine tenths of all their brutalities were committed conscientiously and
religiously. They scourged to save souls; and the more of the inconvertible
they killed, the greater the service to God. Secondly, the quality of cruelty
is not pronounced, but relative. There are cruelties of the heart, of the
sensibilities, no less cruel than bodily tortures. The age of savagism is
always cruel; and so is the age of Christian civilization.
Cruelty springs from ignorance rather than
from instinct. Childlike and thoughtless things, things tender by instinct, are
cruel from disingenuous perversity. A clouded, unreasonable mind, even when
hiding beneath it a tender heart, begets cruelty; while a sterner disposition,
if accompanied by a clear, truth-loving intellect, delights in no injustice and
cruelty is always unjust. This is why, if it be true as has been charged, that
notwithstanding boys are more cruel than girls, women are more cruel than men.
Children, women, and savages are cruel from thoughtlessness; though the cruel
boy may be very tender of his puppy, the cruel woman of her child, the cruel
savage of his horse. The Christianity, the enforced precepts of peace and good
-will, the faith and sweet charity of that day were intensely cruel. I will
cite a few instances of European cruelty, not confined to Spaniards, which will
show not only that Spain was not more cruel than other nations, except as she
possessed more piety and power, but that the savages of America were not more
cruel than the Europeans of their day. Both tortured to the uttermost where
they hated, even as men do now; the chief difference was, the Europeans, being
the stronger, could torture the harder. Civilization changes, not the quantity
of cruelty, but the quality only.
“Caesar Borgia”, writes Sebastiano de Branca in his
diary, about the year 1500, “Caesar Borgia was the cruelest man of any age”. To
serve his pious purposes he did not hesitate to use poison and perjury. He was
treacherous, incestuous, murderous, even keeping a private executioner, Michelotto, to do his bidding. Louis XI of France, and
other princes, kept a court assassin. The times of Pope Alexander VI were lurid
with atrocities. Rodrigo Lenzuoli, the father, Lucretia, the daughter, and Caesar, the son, comprised the
Borgia trio, distinguished no less for their intellect, beauty, wealth, and
bravery, than for their craft, lust, treachery, and cruelty. And yet, in some
respects, this same Alexander was one of the best men that ever sat in a
pontifical chair. Do we not boast our modern death implements, which, by making
slaughter easy, are to lessen cruelty? And so, may not Alexander have found
that the kindest way to cure a social ulcer was to cut it out? Says Lecky:
“Philip II and Isabella the Catholic inflicted more suffering in obedience to
their consciences than Nero or Domitian in obedience to their lusts”.
THE
BARBARISMS OF CHRISTIANITY.
In 1415 John Huss was burned for his
religion, and in 1431 Joan of Arc for her patriotism. In like manner perished
thousands of others. Mahomet II, disputing with the Venetian artist Gentile
Bellini as to the length of John the Baptist’s neck after de collation, called
a slave, and striking off his head with one blow of his scimitar, exclaimed:
“There! Did not I say yours is too long?”
Princes made bloodshed a pastime. Edward
IV put to death a tradesman for perpetrating a pun; caused a gentleman to be
executed for speaking against a favorite; and condemned his own brother to
death in a fit of petulance. In an interview between this same Edward of
England and the king of France, the monarchs were brought together in huge iron
cages, each distrustful of the other. Louis XII confined Ludovico Sforza, duke of Milan, in an iron cage for ten years, and until his death. This
was a punishment common at that time in Italy and Spain. Pedro el Cruel is
charged by Hallam with having murdered his wife and
mother, most of his brothers and sisters, many of the Castilian nobility, and
multitudes of the commonalty. The Church smiled on any atrocity done for its
glory. Nor could the half-skinned monk imagine why the bodies of heretics
should not be lacerated for the good of their souls as well as his own. Yet
that all things might be done decently and in order, the Council of Constance
anathematized all assassins, except those who had first obtained an
ecclesiastical mandate for the commission of the crime.
Yet the Spaniards, I say, were bad enough.
The cruelties following the capitulation of Malaga, in 1487, were more
befitting fiends than a man and woman who prided themselves in the title of
Catholic king and queen. Since the establishment of the Inquisition,
heretic-burning had become an amusement most gratifying to the national taste.
On this occasion at Malaga, the apostate Moors were first caught and burned.
Twelve renegade Christians were then fastened to stakes in an open place and
made the barbarous sport of Spanish cavaliers, who, mounted on fleet horses,
hurled at their naked bodies pointed reeds while rushing past at full speed.
This Christ-like pastime was continued until the torn and bleeding flesh was
filled with darts, and the wretched victims expired under the most excruciating
torments. Then, of the rest of the Moorish prisoners, three divisions were
made; one for the redemption of Christian captives, one to be distributed among
the victors as slaves, and one to be publicly sold into slavery. One hundred
were sent to Rome as a present to Pope Innocent VIII.
Christian knights returned from their
incursions against the Moors with strings of turbaned heads hanging from their
saddle-bows, which, as they passed along, they threw to the boys in the
streets, in order to inspire their youthful minds with hatred to the foes of their
religion.
CIVILIZED
TORTURES.
From making slaves of prisoners of war, a
traffic in human flesh springs up. A slave-trade association was formed in
Portugal in 1443. Gonzalez brought slaves to Seville; Columbus sent to Spain a
cargo of Indian slaves in 1495; in 1503 the enslavement of American Indians was
authorized by Ferdinand and Isabella; and in 1508 the African slave-trade
unfolded in all its hideous barbarity. The slave-trade, however, was tolerated
by these sovereigns from mistaken kindness, rather than from cruelty. It was to
shield the Indian, who died under the infliction of labor, that Isabella
permitted the importation of Africans into the colonies.
Cruelty was a prominent wheel in the
machinery of government, as well as in religious discipline. Torture was deemed
inseparable from justice, either as preparatory to trial to elicit a confession
of guilt, or as part of an execution to increase the punishment. Hippolite de Marsilli, a learned jurisconsult of Bologna, mentioned fourteen ways of inflicting
torture, which are given by Lacroix. Among them were
compressing the limbs with instruments or cords; the injection of water,
vinegar, or oil; application of hot pitch; starvation; placing hot eggs under
the arm pits; introducing dice under the skin; tying lighted candles to the
fingers which were consumed with the wax, and dropping water from a great
height upon the stomach. Josse Damhoudere mentioned thirteen modes of execution or punishment fire, the sword, mechanical
force, quartering, the wheel, the fork, the gibbet, dragging, spiking, cutting
off the ears, dismembering, flogging, and the pillory. Every country had its
peculiar system of torture.
In 1547 English vagrants were branded with
a V and enslaved for two years. Should the unfortunate attempt escape, a hot S
was burned into the flesh and he was a slave for life. A second attempted
escape was death. In those days wife-whipping was a common and respectable
domestic discipline; culprits in the pillory and stocks were stationed in the
market place where all the people might strike them; prisoners were stripped of
their clothes, confined in filthy dungeons half filled with stagnant water, and
there not unfrequently left to starve, while slimy
reptiles crawled over the naked body, or drove their poisonous fangs into the
quivering flesh.
The sports of the Spaniards we now regard
as cruel, as ours will be regarded four hundred years hence. Although
delighting in games, in pantomimic dance, in fencing, wrestling, running,
leaping, hunting, hawking, with the gentler pastime of song and guitar, the
more popular amusements were cock-fights, dog and bull fights, bull and bear
fights, bear and dog fights, enjoyed alike by high and low, by women, boys, and
men, by laity and clergy. Sometimes fighters would enter the arena blindfolded
and engage in deadly encounter. Yet how much more cruel were these sports than
modern horse-racing, cockfighting, dog-fighting, prize-fighting, rope-walking,
lion-taming, steeple-chases, to say nothing of the more gentlemanly cruelty of
raising foxes to be hunted, and worried, and finally torn in pieces by dogs,
let posterity judge. I do not say that the sixteenth-century sports of Spain
were not more cruel than the English sports of today. I think they were. But
that Spaniards were inherently more cruel, that is to say, that their hearts
were more wickedly wanton, their sympathies more inhumane, or that they enjoyed
a more ardent pleasure in inflicting pain upon others than men do now, I do not
believe. The Spaniards were a nation of soldiers, and soldiers are necessarily
cruel. Men go to war to hurt the enemy, not to be kind to him. Unquestionably
the effect of bull-fights, like the gladiatorial shows of imperial Rome, were
debasing, tending to excite a love of the bloody and terrible, and to render
insipid tamer and more refined amusements. This to them was a misfortune,
although the repulsive sport did foster a spirit of courage and endurance.
The corrida de toros, bull-run, or bull-fight, the
national sport of Spain, is a relic of Moorish chivalry, yet no less Spanish
than Arabic; for the institution as it exists in Spain is found neither in
Africa nor in Arabia. Originally, as in the ancient tournament, in the sport
engaged only cavaliers, or gentlemen, in whom were combined such skill and
strength that the head of a bull was sometimes stricken off by a single blow of
the montante.
Since which time the tournament has degenerated into a prize-ring, and the
chivalrous bull-fight which in principle was a display of courage combined with
skill in horsemanship, and in the use of the lance, has become a sort of
dramatic shambles, where the actors are low-born and mercenary professionals.
SPANISH DOMESTIC LIFE.
The home life of the Spaniard, which
pictures his softer shades of character, and shows the more delicate tracings
of his mental and moral sensibilities, must not be disregarded. There alone we
shall see him as he is, stripped of the paraphernalia attending his appearance
before men, with the intents and purposes of heart and mind laid open before
us. We have noticed how the genius of the Mahometan clung to the soil long after he was driven away; to this day southern Spain is
more Arabic than Gothic. The towns of Andalusia of which Cadiz, with its
whitewashed antiquity and its streets and walls clean as a taza de plata, is the key; and Seville,
radiant with sunny gardens and glittering towers, is the pride consist of
narrow, tortuous streets walled by Moorish mansions enclosing cool courts. Shutterless windows, through which half-muffled lovers
whisper soft nothings to bar-imprisoned senoritas,
open without; fresh young love and musty antiquity thus mingling in harmonious
contrast. Then, favored by the voluptuous air of spring, or broiling beneath
the enervating heat of summer, are Granada, Cordova, and Malaga, where glory
and shame, heroic virtue and unblushing vice, erudition and ignorance,
Christianity and paganism were so blended that the past and present seem almost
one. As if proud of their Moorish origin, these cities of southern Spain battle
with time, and hold in fast embrace the shadows of de parted grandeur. The
better class of Moorish houses are yet preserved; and the otherwise unendurable
heat of this so-called oven of Spain is rendered supportable by the narrow, crooked
streets so narrow, indeed, that in some of them vehicles cannot pass each other
and by the irregular, projecting stories of the terrace-roofed houses.
Though widely separate, much there is
alike in these grave and haughty sheiks, and in the Spaniards, of the Semitic
race in their genius and in their fate. To both Arab and Spaniard were given
conquest, wealth, and opportunity. Both struggled blindly but bravely, rising
to a bright, dizzy pinnacle of glory; sinking into that superstition and
bigotry which closed in round them slowly, blackly, like a rotting pestilence.
Allah akbar! God is great, and Mahomet is his
prophet; Pater noster! Virgen santisima! Death to infidels and
heretics! Little to choose between them; and both having fulfilled their destiny
sink into their own mire of blind ignorance and fanatic cruelty. Where now is
the might of Mauritania? Where the power and pride that caused Egypt to dream
again of the days of the Pharaohs and the Ptolemies? Syria and Palestine are
desolate, Bedouinized. To Bagdad remains but the
memory of ancient splendor; her palaces are heaps. No more the good Haroun al Raschid walks her
streets; no more the universities of Kufa and Bassora, Samarcand and Balkh enlighten the world. The sons of
Hagar have had their day; their work is done. What Spain and her colonies now
are, need not here be told.
DWELLINGS AND FURNITURE.
Every Spanish town has its plaza, great square, or public
market-place, which every day presents a busy scene. Thither in early morning
resort the improvident though not specially lazy common people for their daily
supply of food. Then there is the paseo, or public promenade, or, as it is more frequently
called, the alameda, from alamo, poplar, a beautiful walk, shaded on either side by
trees. There may be seen every pleasant day after the siesta, or midday sleep,
groups of either sex, and all classes, high and low, rich and poor, walking to
and fro, chatting, smoking, flirting, drinking in health and content and
merriment with the cool, delicious evening air; while ladies in carriages and
cavaliers on curveting steeds occupy and enliven the roadway.
Numberless kinds of dwellings obtain in
various parts, conspicuous among which are the Asturian caverns, the subterranean abodes of La Mancha, the forts of Castile, and the
Moorish palaces of Andalusia. Stone, hewn and unhewn,
is the material employed in mountainous districts; adobe, or sun-dried brick,
with thatched roof, upon the plains. A common class of architecture is a
windowless parallelogram divided into two rooms, one for the family, and the
other for the cattle, the attic being used as a barn. Houses of this kind are
built in one and two stories. An out-house for stores, which is also used as a
sleeping-place for the women, perched on pillars eight feet high, sometimes
stands adjacent. Across one end of the family room, which, of necessity, is
used for all domestic purposes, extends a fire-place, ten or fifteen feet in
length and six feet in depth, over which is a large bell-shaped chimney extending
out into the middle of the room. This style of building might be elaborated,
wings added, or the form changed. Tiled roofs are common, and overhanging
eaves. Some houses are of three or four stories; others run out long and low
upon the ground. More pretentious dwellings are often in the form of a hollow
square, with a patio and garden within. Of such are convents with cloisters,
and over them ranges of corridors and rooms.
Among the upper classes the apartments of
the lady consist of an antechamber, or drawing-room, a boudoir, a bed-room, a
dressing-room, and an oratory. The drawing-room is furnished with tapestry
hangings on which are represented battles and biblical scenes war and religion
even here; polished oak or mahogany high-backed chairs, clumsy, and elaborately
carved; in the corners of the room triangular tables on which stand heavy
silver or gold candlesticks with sperm candles, the light from which is
reflected by small oval Venetian mirrors, in fantastically wrought gold or
silver frames; cupboards with glass doors for plate, etc. In the boudoir is a
toilet-table before Venetian mirrors profusely draped in handsome lace; a
book-case, work-table, arm-chairs, sacred paintings and family portraits; in
the sleeping-room, a tall heavy bedstead with damask or velvet curtains, a
crucifix the image of silver or gold, and the cross of ivory with a little
basin of holy water near it, a prie-dieu and prayer-book; in the dressing-room a wardrobe,
and all necessary toilet appliances; in the oratory an altar, a crucifix, two
or more prie-dieux,
and, if mass is said, as is often the case in the houses of the great or
wealthy, images of saints by the masters, with all the accompanying ornaments
of devotion.
The dwellings of southern Spain, large and
small, lean toward the Arabic in architecture—Arabic decorations, with
second-story balconies; the rooms rich in carved ceilings, wainscoting, and
arabesque; the entrance from the street in city houses being through a
vestibule and an ornamented iron-grated gate. During the summer, when the sun’s
rays strike like poisoned darts, the family live for the most part in the
patio. There upon the marble pavement, beside the cooling fountain, and amidst
fragrant orange, palm, and citron trees, visitors are received, chocolate
drank, and cigarettes smoked. There too they dance to the music of the guitar,
play cards, and take their siesta.
WOMEN AND DRESS. THE MANTILLA AND CAPA.
To oriental customs may be attributed the
jealous privacy by which the women of Spain were guarded by husbands and
fathers. Besides her natural weakness, woman was yet inferior, inept,
characterless, not to be trusted. The fortress-like houses of the better sort,
which are scattered all over the table-land of the Peninsula, with their
spacious inner court and iron barred windows, were so arranged that the part
occupied by the female members of the household was separate from the more
public rooms of the men. This precinct was unapproachable by any but the most
intimate friend or invited guest. Their domestic policy, like every other, was
suspicious and guarded. This is further illustrated by the mode of entering a
house, which also shows the effect of centuries of warfare upon manners. In
outer doors, and in those of distinct floors, and apartments, was inserted a
small grate and slide. On knocking, the slide moved back, and at the grating
appeared the lustrous, searching eyes of the inmate. “Quien es?” Who is it? was the
salutation from within. “Gente de paz”.
Peaceful people, was the reply.
Extreme sensitiveness with regard to dress
characterizes Spaniards of the bettor sort, and rather than appear in public
unbecomingly attired, they remain hidden at home, only stealing out for
necessities at night fall, or perhaps in the early morn, and then back to their
home for the day. In this we see a strong mixture of pride and bienséance, in
which there is more sensitiveness than sense. But man cannot live by reason
alone. He who in this factitious world is guided only by the instincts of a
sound mind, regardless of the frivolities of fashion, of convenance, indifferent to his
neighbor’s ideas of propriety, and to any taste except his own, commits a
mistake. Though he alone is wise, and all the world fools, yet of necessity he
must become foolish, else he is not wise.
Males, in their costume, were the birds of
gay plumage at the beginning of the sixteenth century. So fantastically clad
was the English nobleman in his laced doublet and open gown, that he was
scarcely to be distinguished from a woman. In the time of Charles V courtiers
dressed in bright colors, but with his somber son Philip, all was black velvet
trimmed with jet; and stiff collars, and stiff black truncated cone hats, with
brim scarcely an inch wide, in place of the soft slouchy sombrero.
The national and characteristic garment of
both sexes in Spain for about three centuries was, for the outer covering, the capa, or cloak,
of the cavalier, and the mantilla of
the lady. In the reign of Charles V the former was a short cape, and the latter
simply a head-dress; but with time both enlarged until one reached below the
knee, and the other below the waist. Some writers give to these garments a
remote antiquity. They point to ancient coins where Iberia is represented as a
veiled woman, and ignoring sex claim that to the Iberians the Romans gave the toga, and that for fifteen centuries the
fashion continued. Others deny such connection. It is undoubtedly true that the capa of the
sixteenth century was much shorter than the cloak of today, being a cape rather
than a cloak, and not at all resembling the Roman toga. Sebastian Franc in his Weltbuch,
Tubingen, 1534, writes : “Their women wear a curious dress around the neck;
they have an iron band to which are fastened bent prongs reaching over the
head, over which, when they desire it, they draw a cloth for the protection of
the head, and this they hold to be a great ornament”. To the men and women of
Spain this garment is as the shell to the turtle; within it, though on a
crowded thoroughfare, they may at any moment retire from the world, and
ensconce themselves within themselves. The cavalier with a peculiar fling,
utterly unattainable by a foreigner, throws the skirt over the breast and
shoulder so as to partially or completely hide the face according to his pleasure.
On the way to and from church the lady’s face is covered; and the gallant
sighing for a glimpse of features divinely fair, is obliged to enter the
sanctuary, hide behind a column near the altar; then as one female after
another approaches, kneels, and unveils, he may feast his eyes on the faces
before him. The mantilla serves as a
bonnet, veil, and shawl; formerly it was but an oblong piece of cloth, with
velvet or lace border; later a lace veil was added as part of it; and now the
Spanish female face is becoming more and more visible in public.
The capa is indispensable to the
Spaniard; it fits his nature like a glove, and is almost a part of him. It may
be worn over a rich dress, or it may conceal rags or nakedness; it may cover a
noble, generous heart, or a multitude of sins. Hidden beneath it, in secret the
wearer may work out his purpose, though in the market-place. It keeps out the
cold; it may hide the assassin s dagger; it serves as a disguise in love
intrigues, and is a grateful protection from importunate creditors. Twisted
round the left arm, it is a shield; at night, it is a bed; and with a sword, capa y espada, it
not unfrequently constitutes the entire earthly
possessions of the haughty, poverty-stricken cavalier. Whatever be the character
or condition of the wearer, dignity is lent him by its ample folds, and
comeliness by its graceful drapery. It is an unpardonable breach of decorum for
a muffled cavalier to address a person, or for any one to speak to him while so
muffled. Politeness teaches him to throw open to his friend both his garment
and his heart, that it may be plain that no concealed weapon is in the one, or
malice in the other. A son dare not speak to his own father when his face is
covered by his cloak.
The peasantry flaunted the gayest and most
picturesque attire on holiday occasions; the majo, a rustic beau, wore a figured velvet waistcoat
with square velvet buttons, and brilliant with colored ribbons; embroidered
stockings, silver-buckled shoes, and a colored capa thrown gracefully over the
left shoulder. The dress of Figaro in the play, is that of an Andalusian dandy. The costume of Valencia is more Asiatic,
or Asiatic-antique it might be called, partaking somewhat, as it does, of the
ancient Greek costume wide linen drawers, linen shirt, hempen sandals, footless
stockings, wide red woolen belt, gay velvet jacket with silken sash, with a
colored capa over all. The long hair is bound by a silken band in the form of a turban. The
female peasant dress is no less showy; a red velvet bodice, with scarlet or
purple petticoat, all profusely embroidered, a gay colored square-cut mantilla
fastened by a silver brooch, with chains and jewels and colored stones
according to the purse of the wearer.
The ordinary peasant dress of Estremadura
consists of wide cloth knee-breeches, closely resembling those of the Moors, a
gabardine of cloth or leather, and cloth leggings. The men wear the hair long.
The women have a fashion of putting on a great number of petticoats; the rustic
belles of Zamarramala,
a village of Estremadura, manage to carry have short jackets ornamented with
jet or steel beads, knee-breeches, and highly ornamented leathern leggings; the
women wear short embroidered and flounced petticoats, and a Moorish sleeveless
jacket embroidered with gold or silver and laced in front.
Asturian peasants have wooden shoes with three large nails in
the soles, which keep them from the ground; leather shoes they frequently carry
in their travels, and to and from church, under their arms, or on their heads,
putting them on just before entering the village or church. The women wear
ear-rings and necklaces of glass imitation of coral; a handkerchief, folded
triangularly, covers the head; at funerals, a large black mantle is worn.
The Castilians wear sandals, called abarcas, tied to
the ankle by narrow strips of rawhide. The Estremadurans wear a hat, very broad-brimmed; the Catalonians, a red Phrygian cap; the Valencians, a kind of Greek cap; the Asturians,
a three-cornered black or dark blue cap with velvet facings; the Biscayans, a
flat red woolen cap; the Andalusians, a turban-like
hat, or a silk handkerchief. In Aragon, as well as in some of the southern
provinces, the broad-brimmed slouching sombrero obtains. Hats were invented by a Swiss, Pansian, in
1404, and a Spaniard first manufactured them in London in 1510. Jews in Spain
were obliged to wear yellow hats; in Germany bankrupts, in like manner, were
required to wear hats of green and yellow.
VARIOUS COSTUMES. EXCESSIVE
RELIGIOUS TRAINING.
The general costume of a Spanish nobleman
consisted of a silk gabardine, with sleeves close-fitting at the wrist but
puffed and slashed between the elbow and shoulder so as to show the fine linen
shirt beneath; chamois-skin doublet, thick but flexible; silk hose, and silk
trousers slashed; long bell-shaped boots with golden spur-supporters; broad,
polished leather belt, from which hung a long sword on the left side, and a
long dagger in a leathern or velvet scabbard on the right; a round, soft,
broad-brimmed beaver hat, with an ostrich-feather fastened by a diamond brooch
on the side or in front; a cape or cloak embroidered or laced with gold or
silver thread, fastened with cord and tassel, and worn hanging from the left
shoulder, or thrown around the body so as to cover part of the face. Within
doors, the cloak was laid aside; a velvet doublet was substituted for the
leathern one; and instead of boots, shoes of leather or velvet, slashed over
the toes, were worn. The dress of the lady was a heavy, flowing brocade or
velvet skirt, open in front, displaying an underdress of light silk or satin; a
chemisette with slashed sleeves; a stomacher with long ends hanging in front,
and a velvet sleeveless jacket laced with gold or silver cord. The breast was
covered with lace, and the neck and shoulders were bare, except when covered by
the toca, a
kind of head-dress, out of which by elongation grew the characteristic mantilla. Her shoes were of velvet, her
stockings of silk or wool; from the waist on the right side hung a reticule, a
silver or gold whistle for calling servants, and a poniard. Her dueña, wore a black skirt, and a large
black mantle completely covering the head, face, and shoulders down to the
waist. Swords formed no part of domestic dress prior to the fifteenth century.
Black was the color of the church, certain
clerical orders excepted. Those of the learned professions wore black. The
ladies usually attended church in black, and indeed were sometimes seen in
somber hues upon the alameda. Black robes and a canoe shaped hat covered the
Basque priest; and the friar, sackcloth and gray, bound round the waist with a
twisted cord. Alguaciles,
or constables, followed the ancient cavalier costume broad-brimmed hat, black
cloak, short knee-breeches, black stockings, silverbuckled shoes, Vandyke ruffles, and white lace collar. This in the Basque provinces
only. Friars appeared in a hooded robe, extending to the ankles, over woolen
breeches and jacket. A cord was tied round the waist from which hung a rosary.
Hempen or leather shoes were worn, and by some orders broad hats. The robe of
the friar was of coarse wool; that of the clergyman serge, with a cloak, low
leather shoes with buckle, black stockings, knee-breeches, a white collar, and
a black hat with broad brim turned up at the sides. The robes of vicars, parish
curates, and other church dignitaries were of silk. The Franciscan’s robe was
of a yellowish gray color, the Dominican’s white, the Carmelite’s reddish gray,
the Capuchin’s silver gray, the Jesuit’s black. The bishop’s color was violet,
the cardinal’s red or purple.
Domestic routine in Spain, with allowances
for class, season, and locality, was substantially as follows. The noble or
wealthy master of a household was served before rising with chocolate, which
service was called 'el desayuno'. He then
rose and dressed; after which, kneeling before the crucifix, he said a prayer;
then he proceeded to the avocations of the day, taking 'las once', or the eleven o'clock luncheon of cake and wine, either at home or at
the house of a friend, or wherever he happened to be. After a twelve or one
o'clock dinner came 'la siesta'. At five o’clock there was to be eaten 'la merienda', consisting of chocolate,
preserved fruit, and ices; and between nine and eleven, supper. In the private
chapel of the grandees mass was said. The middle class usually attended church
about sunrise; after which breakfast, and at noon dinner.
The religious training of children was
excessive. At daybreak the angelus was recited, then to chapel or church to mass, after which the child might
breakfast; at noon angelus and
dinner; after the siesta vespers at
church, and rosary at home; at six o’clock angelus and chocolate; prayers at eight; supper at nine; after which more prayers and
to bed. The child was expected to attend all these devotions, the night prayer
perhaps excepted, the youngest children being sent to bed after the rosary. Aid
this not alone Sunday, but every day,
FOOD AND FILTHINESS.
A national dish, centuries old, common to
Spain and all Spanish countries, called the olla
podrida, constitutes a staple food with almost all classes. It is made of
meat and vegetables boiled together, but usually served in two dishes, and its
constituents depend upon the resources of the cook, for everything eatable is
put into it that can be obtained. Beef, mutton, pork, and fowl; beans, peas,
potatoes, onions, cabbage, and garlic; the water in which the mess is boiled is
served as soup with rice or bread, and the two courses constitute the whole of
every meal of the lower classes. On the tables of the wealthy, after the olla
podrida, fish, roast meats, and a profuse dessert of sweetmeats, jellies,
preserves, and bonbons are served. The Andalusians make a salad of cucumbers, tomatoes, lettuce, green-peppers, chiccory, with oil, vinegar, salt, pepper, and stale bread,
which with them is a staple dish, called gazpacho.
It was a gluttonous, sensual age, that of
the century preceding our epoch; but from these vices Spain was probably more
free than any other civilized nation of Europe. There the discipline of war
absorbed the attention which elsewhere was given to luxurious living. We find
nothing in Spain such as we are told about in England, where the households of
the great were composed of brawling retainers, ill-mannered clowns, and riotous
serving men and women who terminated many a feast with bloodshed; where guests
snatched and scrambled for food, gorging themselves with whatever they could
lay hands on; where drunken broils were of daily occurrence, and the master of
the household was not unfrequently obliged to sheath
his sword in the body of some contumacious servant grown dangerous by the
unbridled license in which he had been indulged.
What shall we say of the monks and
cardinals now grown fat from the well filled coffers of the Church? With their
wealth in some instances they had grown sensuous and extravagant. Their
cup-boards were loaded with rich viands, in which they freely indulged; but
every feast-day was a feast in good earnest, and every important event was
celebrated by gluttony and drunkenness. A cardinal’s table in the time of
Adrian VI, 1522, beside being loaded with every
delicacy the world could contribute, was surrounded by musicians of every kind
that could be found in Rome. There were men singers and women singers,
accompanied with flute, harpsichord, lute, and violin, sounding harmonious
music. There were court jesters, half wit, half fool,
in the opulent households of Spain; but that coarse buffoonery which obtained
in England and licensed the fool to utter the most in decent jests and the more
indecent the louder the applause was not tolerated in Spain.
Two persons often ate from one plate,
using their fingers for forks. A sheath-knife, or dagger, which they carried
upon the person, served to cut the food. Among the first books printed in
Venice was a folio volume on cookery, issued in 1475. In the English metrical Stans Puer ad Mensam, following Wright,
the guest is told to “bring no knyves unskoured to the table”; in other words, his
sheath knife should be clean, and he is also informed that polite persons will
not pick their teeth with it while at table. It was considered a breach of good
manners to blow the nose with the same fingers used in conveying food to the
mouth. Hats were worn by the men, and head-dresses by the women, on all
domestic occasions. In France, the metrical Contenances de Table, or manual of
table manners, shows but little more refinement there than elsewhere. Among
other directions the reader is told first to examine his seat whether it be
clean:
“Enfant, prens de regarder peine
Sur le siege où tu te fierras,
Se aucune chose y verras
Qui soit deshonneste ou vilaine”.
He is forbidden to spit upon the table
while at dinner :
“Ne craiche par
dessus la table
Car c’est chose desconvenable”.
Or to spurt water from his mouth into the
basin used in common by the company :
“Quant tu bouche tu laveras
Ou bacin point ne cracheras”.
Or leave sops in his wine glass:
“Se tu fais souppes en ton verre
Boy le vin ou le gette à terre”.
But
by implication he may spurt and throw remnants on the floor, as much as he
pleases. Even in their use of tobacco, of which they are excessively fond, the
Spaniards are temperate. Though they smoke it almost constantly, it is in such
small quantities, and in so mild a form, that tobacco does them less injury
than it inflicts on many other nations. It was the custom to carry a daily
supply wrapped in a lettuce or cabbage leaf to preserve it moist. The cigarette
was prepared for smoking by taking a small quantity of tobacco, finely cut,
rolling it in a piece of corn-husk or paper, and lighting with flint, steel,
and punk. Though the tobacco may be strong, prepared in this way the effect is
less injurious than when rolled in larger quantities into a cigar, or cut from
a plug and smoked from a pipe or chewed.
Noble
youths of both sexes were accustomed to serve a sort of apprenticeship for a
number of years in the king’s household. In like manner the sons and daughters
of gentlemen served in the houses of the nobility, and common people in the
houses of gentlemen, that each might be benefited by the knowledge and
refinement of his superior.
Spaniards,
as I have said, are called inhospitable; but this charge must be taken with
allowance. Every phase of human nature has its generous quality; locked in
every heart is a wealth of kindliness which opens to him who holds the key. By
nature these people are reserved, suspicious. They carry no window in their
breast. In their domestic affairs they are specially reticent before strangers.
Their wives and daughters they hide away; their troubles they cover within the
ashes that preserve them; their sensibilities shrink from cold contact with the
world. If some find certain Spaniards at given periods inhospitable, others at
other times and places find them very generous. In early times inns were not
common in Spain, and we are told that in certain places every private house had
its guest’s quarters consisting of one or more rooms according to the opulence
of the owner. To this apartment every stranger of whatsoever degree was
welcome. There he lived as long as he pleased, fed and cared for by the host;
and you may call it pride if through poverty provisions grew scarce, the family
would undergo the greatest privation rather than the guest should suffer want,
or be forced to hasten his departure. Furthermore all was free; to offer pay
for entertainment was deemed an insult, though a present
AMUSEMENTS.
While
called a melancholy people, amusement appeared at times to be the life of the
nation. Royalty and religion at rest, peace here and hereafter secured, there
was nothing more of life than to enjoy it. To labor when one might repose; to
sigh when one might sing; to undergo the pains of culture when sweet pleasure
temptingly proposed a holiday — ah no! Fools attempt to better their condition
and make it worse. Let those who need improving scour themselves; we know
enough.
So
lazily lapped in stupidity, beside their feast-days and bull-fights, their
passions and passion-plays, they lolled upon the greensward and danced to
tambourine and castanets, and wrestled, and ran races; they fenced, fought,
played cards, shook dice, and enlivened home monotony by all sorts of games and
gymnastic exercises. Dancing was carried to such excess as to lead to
dissoluteness and occasional death, even as it does today. The dances of the
peasantry in many instances bear a striking resemblance to those of the native
races of America. In Asturias, men, and sometimes men and women, form a circle
joining hands by the little finger. A leader sings in plaintive monotone a
description of some Spanish feat of arms prior to the eleventh century, or of a
tournament of later days, or of some unhappy love adventure, or of a thrilling
incident in the conquest of America. At the end of every strophe, all sing in
chorus the refrain which sometimes terminates in an invocation, as for example: May Saint Peter be with me! May the Magdalen protect us! The dance is a long step forward,
and two short steps backward and laterally to the right, so that the circle
keeps constantly moving in that direction, meanwhile keeping time to the music
with arms as well as feet. These dances take place on Sunday afternoons, and on
feast-days, and when the priest is present men and women are separated in the
dance. The fandango, danced by two
persons with castanets to the music of the guitar, is peculiar to the south of
Spain.
Between
the eras proper of tournaments and bull-fights, a species of tilting called correr la sortija was greatly in vogue. A gold finger-ring was suspended by a thread from the top
of a pole, and at it charged the cavalier with lance in rest and horse at full
speed. The smallness of the object, its constant motion, and its proximity to
the pole rendered it an exceedingly difficult feat to accomplish.
Cards
and dice were at this time in the height of their fascination. Every class,
age, profession, and sex were filled with a passion for gambling— a most
leveling vice, at this juncture, bringing in contact noble and commoner, knight
and squire, women, servants, and trade -people. An English poet about the year
1500 thus laments the degeneracy of the nobles:
"Before thys tyme they lovyd for to juste,
And
in shotynge chefely they sett ther mynde ;
And ther landys and possessyons now sett they moste,
And
at cardes and dyce ye may
them ffynde."
FEMALE CHASTITY
From
her low estate of mediaeval drudge or plaything, woman was lifted by the
exaltation of the Virgin,— lifted too high by chivalry; then fell too low with
the sensual reaction. Finally, after many waverings,
she rises again, and in the more favored spheres takes her rightful place
beside her lord, his confidant and equal. At the time of which I write,
however, she was less respected than now, and hence less respectable; less
trusted, and consequently less trustworthy. Her virtue, fortified by bolts and
bars at home, was watched by servants abroad. Falling into the customs of the
invaders during Moslem domination, Castilian ladies became more and more
retired, until the dwelling was little better than a nunnery. The days of
tournaments, and jousts, and troubadours were over, and indifference succeeded
chivalric sentimentality.
Seldom
has Spanish society been conspicuous for its high moral tone. Female chastity
was an abstract quality, the property of the father or husband, rather than an
inherent virtue for the safe-keeping of which the female possessor was
responsible. The master of a household exercised sovereign authority therein,
claiming even the power of life and death over the members of his family. He
was addressed in the third person as ‘your worship’; sons dare not cover their
head, cross their legs, or oven sit in his presence unless so directed;
daughters were betrothed without their knowledge, and to men whom they had
never seen; the selection of a husband rested entirely with the father, and the
daughter had only to acquiesce. Female decorum and purity were placed under
espionage. A dueña kept guard over
the wife and daughter at home, and closely followed at their heels whenever
they stepped into the street. Ladies, closely veiled, marched solemnly to
church, preceded by a rodrigon or squire, with cushion and prayer-book, and followed by a dueña. At service, her place was in front, and men took up their
station behind her. Teach woman first that she is inferior, next that she is
impotent; add to this intellectual inanity and implied moral unaccountability,
and you have a creature ripe for wickedness.
This
excess of caution defeated its own purpose. Women, left much alone within their
cloister-like homes, waited not in vain for opportunity. The gay mistress could
often too easily win over her attendant, and make of her dueña a go-between; yet if we may believe the record, infidelity
was rare, and for two reasons. First, woman in her seclusion escaped many
temptations; and secondly, a wholesome fear, the certainty that vengeance,
swift and sure, would follow the offence, resulting in the death of one or both
offenders, placed a curb on passion. Females of the lower classes, left alone
to take care of their virtue as best they might, with faces open and actions
free, were less given to transgression than their wealthier sisters.
Lewd
women could not testify in criminal cases. Respectable women were permitted to
testify, but the judge was obliged to wait on them at their homes, as they were
not allowed to attend court. Learning to write was discouraged in females, as
they could then have it in their power to scribble love-letters to their
gallants. Queen Isabella did much to elevate and purify both religion and
morals. The court of Enrique IV, her predecessor, has been described as but
little better than a brothel, where “the queen, a daughter of Portugal, lived
openly with her parasites and gallants, as the king did with his minions and
mistresses”. Maids of honor were trained courtesans, and the noblemen of the
court occupied their time in illicit amours and love intrigues. From the king
on his throne to his lowest subject, all who could afford it kept a mistress.
Ware
states that within a century the widows of Madrid were “compelled to pass the
whole first year of their mourning in a chamber entirely hung with black, where
not a single ray of the sun could penetrate, seated on a little mattress with
their legs always crossed. When this year was over, they retired to pass the
second year in a chamber hung with grey”. This savagism is paralleled by the Thlinkeets of Alaska, who at certain times confine women in
a little kennel for six months, giving them one a size larger for the second
six months; likewise by the Tacullies of New
Caledonia, who make the widow carry the deceased husband’s ashes upon her back
in a bag for one or two years.
EUROPEAN SOCIETY IN GENERAL
A
glance at English and French society shows us, however, that the character of
the Spanish women of this epoch compared favorably with that of their northern
sisters. Though perhaps no chaster than the French,
they were not street-brawlers like the English women. These latter, we are
told, from whom the men would separate themselves in their debauches, would
likewise assemble at the public house, drink their ale, talk loudly and lewdly,
and gossip, swear, and fight. In a religious play of the period, representing
the deluge, Noah, when ready to enter the ark, seeks his wife, and finds her
carousing with her gossips at the public drink-house.
“Young
ladies, even of great families”, says Wright, “were brought up not only
strictly but even tyrannically by their mothers, who kept them constantly at
work, exacted from them almost slavish deference and respect, and even counted
upon their earnings”. A mother in those days was accounted a little severe who
beat her daughter “once in the week, or twice, and sometimes twice a day”, and
“broke her head in two or three places”, or still worse, permitted her to
“speak with no man, whosoever come”.
Witness
the wooing of Matilda of Flanders by William the Conqueror. Having had the
audacity to refuse him, the noble suitor entered her home, seized her long
tresses, dragged her about the floor, struck her; then flinging her from him,
he spurned her with his foot. Matilda at once accepted him, saying: “He must be
a man of courage who dare beat me in my father’s palace”.
In
M. de Montaiglon’s Doctrinal des Filles, a metrical
hand-book of etiquette published in the latter part of the fifteenth century,
young women are cautioned against holding any intercourse with the clergy
except at confessional, and especially never to allow themselves to be in a
room alone with a priest. “This affirmation”, says Wright, “written and
published in a bigoted Roman Catholic country, by a man who was evidently a
staunch Romanist, and addressed to young women as their rule of behavior,
presents perhaps one of the strongest evidences we could have of the evil
influences exercised by the Romish clergy on social
morals; a fact, however, of which there are innumerable other proofs”. In the
National Library of Paris is a manuscript bible of the fifteenth century,
containing a picture of a monastic feast, in which ecclesiastics and women are
brought together in such intimate abandon as speaks ill for the continency of the monks. Among Les souhaits des hommes in M. de Montaiglon’s Recueil de poesies Francoises des XV et XVI Siècles, after kings, dukes,
counts, knights, judges, and advocates are represented, each as having
expressed a wish for something characteristic of their office, the clergy are
made to express a longing for “good cheer and handsome women”. Spain was “probably
the only country in Christendom”, says Prescott, “where concubinage was ever
sanctioned by law”. This institution was in fact fully recognized by the old fueros of
Castile; and the bastard issue of the clergy inherited regularly, if no other
disposition of property had been made. Again, following Lafuente,
Pedro el Cruel, by a law of 1351, fixed the dress in which the priests
mistresses were to appear in public.
SUMPTUARY LAWS.
This
Pedro, by the grace of God king of Castile, of Toledo, of Leon, of Galicia, of
Seville, of Cordova, of Murcia, of Jaen, of Algarve, of Algeciras, and lord of
Molina, set himself diligently at work to make his people better; to do good in
the only way then known, not by precept and example, but by edict. He held
good, and commanded, under heavy penalties, that no one of the laboring
classes, man or woman, who was able to work, should be found begging. He fixed
the day’s wage of every class with the most punctilious exactitude. Shoemakers,
tailors, armorers, and others who worked by the job, had a definite price
attached to the making of every article. A shoe of such and such leather, made
after such a fashion, with a double or single sole; a cloak, lined or unlined;
a weapon of an ordinary, or of a superior temper and finish—each article in its
fabrication was to cost just so much and no more. It was an age of interference
in the affairs of men, the strong against the weak. It was in these trade
regulations, and in sumptuary laws, the superstition of political economy and social
statics, that the science of ignorance culminated. It was then that learned men
threw dust into the air, cast a cloud about their own intellect, and labored
hard to inculcate the principles of nescience into the minds of men. In England
the number of servants a nobleman might have was fixed by law, as was also
costume, and the number of courses at dinner. Soup and two dishes legally
constituted a Frenchman’s dinner in 1340.
Ferdinand
and Isabella were, perhaps, the most parentally inclined of all. No affair,
religious, moral, political, judicial, economical, literary, industrial,
mechanical, or mercantile could escape their attention. From the regulation and
organization of the high councils, and of the civil and ecclesiastical
tribunals, to the ordinances for the leather-dressers and cloth-shearers; from
the decrees concerning the universities and the literary and scientific bodies,
to the orders that prescribed the weight of horse-shoes; from the general laws
on commerce and navigation, to those which fixed the expenditure at weddings
and baptisms, and the amount of wax to be burned at funerals; from the highest
interest and rights of religion and of the throne, down to the most humble and
mechanical industries, all were considered, legislated upon, and seen to by
their Catholic Majesties, with infinite pains and vigilance. In 1510, thinking
the colonists of Espanola too fond of ostentation and extravagance, Ferdinand
issued a proclamation, forbidding them to wear rich silks, brocades, or gold or
silver lace. Owners of vessels, in times of peace, were forced to engage at
fixed prices in perilous voyages of discovery or commerce.
In
England it appears that the dress of the men commanded the social attention of
heir rulers. Spaniards made men and women alike to feel the iron heel of
sumptuary legislation; while the English, in laws of nearly coincident date,
for the most part omitted the sex. By distinctive qualities, Edward IV,
1461-1483, regulated the dress of his people—from the royal cloth-of-gold down
to the two-shillings-a-yard, and under, cloth of the laboring classes; but, if
we may believe Sanford, he took care to exempt his women subjects from the
provisions of this act, save only the wives of the two-shillings-a-yard boor,
who might be expected to have other things to attend to.
The
continental ladies, it appears, could flaunt it bravely upon occasion, at least
in France and Flanders. For through these countries crusaded, in 1428, Thomas Conecte, a Carmelite friar, preaching against the evils of the
age, or what he considered as such. Among these, dress held a place, and many
other things not generally condemned at present. His manner of going to work
was peculiar, and is pretty well described by Monstrelet.
In
his audiences he always separated the men from the women by a cord, “for he had
observed some sly doings between them while he was preaching”. Having taken
these wise precautions, he was accustomed earnestly to admonish his hearers “on
the damnation of their souls and on pain of excommunication, to bring to him
whatever backgammon-boards, chess-boards, nine-pins, or other instruments for
games of amusement they might possess”. Right bitterly would he then attack the
luxurious apparel of ladies of rank; especially the monstrous head-gear which
was in fashion at that time. He promised to the delighted urchins of his
congregations certain days of pardon should they tear away the obnoxious
ornaments from such ladies as they met; all of which bred trouble, as may be
imagined.
We
see the same style of preaching indulged in by the Wesleys in England and Whitefield and others in America at different times, and ever
with the same lack of practical results. The most costly jewelry, the finest
apparel, grand houses and free living are as conspicuous among the followers of
these self-sacrificing and conscientious men as among the members of any other
church, or among those who are not members of any church. And if the pious
Carmelite friar failed in his crusade against fine clothes, free living, and
monstrous head-gear among the Spanish of the fifteenth century, so have more
modern crusaders failed in similar attempts in later times.
But
there were much graver faults than these abroad in this fifteenth century; and
poor Conecte, and such men, were for the most part
only intensifying and establishing them. The black superstition cloud, with its
smallest of silver linings, was actually becoming unbearable to great parts of
Europe. The common people were more ignorant, more brutish, and more bigoted
than the so-called pagan Greeks and Romans of a former day. They trotted before
their priests like driven swine, with only isolated gruntings of rebellion. They hated Jews as they hated Moslem, and they hated heretics
more than both together. The people were indeed little worse than their
leaders.
This
then was Spain and Spanish character, as nearly as I have been able to picture
them in the short space allotted, at or prior to the dawn of the sixteenth
century. We have found Spaniards the noblest race on earth at that time; their
men brave, their women modest. Before them opened a career more brilliant than
the world has ever seen before or since. To follow them in some parts of that
career is the purpose of these volumes.
EUROPE AND AMERICA.
We
have found these people after all not so very different from ourselves—more
loyal than we, but more ignorant; more religious, but more superstitious; more
daring, but more reckless; more enthusiastic, but more chimerical. They were
endowed with the virtues and vices of their age, as we are with the virtues and
vices of ours. They were sincere in their opinions, and honest in their
efforts; but we have the advantage of them by four centuries of recorded
experiences. Our knowledge, our advantages, are superior to theirs; do we make
superior use of them? Spain lighted a hemisphere of dark waters, brought forth
hidden islands and continents, and presented half a world to the other half.
With all our boasted improvement, have we done more?
It
is the custom of historical commentators to praise and to blame ad libitum. This is right if it be done
judiciously. We should praise discreetly, and blame with steadiness. But there
is really little to praise or to blame in history, and most of it that is done
is simply praising or blaming the providence of progress. Would you blame the
Spanish people for being ignorant, submissive, and cruel? They were as God and
circumstances made them. Would you blame their king and princes for domineering
them? They were as the people and circumstances made them. The people were
indignant if their rulers did not impose upon them. Says Grenville, writing in
his memoirs so late as 1818: “The Regent drives in the park every day in a tilbury, with his groom sitting by his side; grave men are
shocked at this undignified practice”.
Meanwhile,
amidst the many so-called spirits which in this epoch hovered over man, the
spirit of discovery was not the least potent. Curiosity, the mother of science,
became the mother of new worlds; gave birth to continents, islands, and seas;
gave form and boundary to earth. Over the sea, the mists of the Dark Age had
rested with greater density even than on land. The aurora of progress now
illumined the western horizon as of old it did the eastern. Hitherto the great
ocean, beyond a few leagues from shore, was a mystery. As may be seen depicted
on ancient charts, it was filled, in the imaginations of navigators, with
formidable water-beasts and monsters, scarcely less terrible than those that
Aeneas saw as he entered the mouth of Hades. Ancient geographers affirmed that
the heat of the torrid zone was intolerable, that men and ships entering it
would shrivel. This belt of consuming heat presented an impenetrable barrier
between the known and the unknown.
What
wonder that intellect was stunted, civilization dwarfed, restricted as was
human knowledge to the narrow grave-like walls of western Europe. No sooner
were these ancient boundaries burst, and the black and dreadful fog-banks which
lay upon primeval ocean pierced, than fancy, like a freed bird, bounded forth,
swept the circumference of the earth, soared aloft amid the stars, and dared
even to ask of religion a reason.
One
glance westward. On either side of an unswept sea, a
Sea of Darkness it was called by those that feared it, there rested at the
opening of this history two fair continents, each unknown to the other. One was
cultivated; its nations were well advanced in those arts and courtesies that
spring from accumulated experiences; the other, for the most part, unmarred by man,
lay reveling in primeval beauty, fresh as from the Creator’s hand. The leaven
of progress working in one, brought to its knowledge the existence of the
other; the Sea of Darkness with its uncouth monsters was turned into a highway,
and civilized Europe stood face to face with sylvan America. This world newly
found was called the New World; though which is the new and which the old;
which, if either, peopled the other, is yet undetermined. One in organism and
in the nature human, the people of the two worlds were in color, customs, and
sentiment several. The barbarous New World boasted its civilizations, while the
civilized Old World disclosed its barbarisms; on Mexican and Peruvian highlands
were nations of city-builders as far superior in culture to the islanders and
coast-dwellers seen by Columbus, as were the European discoverers superior to
the American highlanders. Of probable indigenous origin, this lesser
civilization shows traces of high antiquity; even the ruder nations of the
north leave far behind them absolute primevalism.
I do
not say with some that in America were seen in certain directions marks of as
high culture as any in Europe. There were no such marks. But this
unquestionably is true; that, as in Europe, we here find that most inexplicable
of phenomena, the evolution of civility; man’s mental and spiritual
necessities, like his physical wants, appear everywhere the same. The mind,
like the body, craves nutriment, and the dimmed imprisoned soul a higher
sympathy; hence we see men of every clime and color making for themselves gods,
and contriving creeds which shall presently deliver; them from their dilemma.
The civilizations of America, unlike well-rooted saplings of Egypt, Greece, and
Rome, were sensitive-plants which collapsed upon the first foreign touch,
leaving only the blackness of darkness; hence it was the wild tribes, far more
than the cultivated nations, that influenced the character of subsequent
American societies.
In
her civil and religious polities America was every whit as consistent as
Europe. Neither was altogether perfect or wise; and we wonder at the blindness
and stupidity of one as of the other. Although we could catch but a glimpse of
the Americans before they vanished, yet we might sec that intellect was not
stationary, but growing, and that society was instinct with intelligent and progressional activity. In their religions the Americans
paralleled the rest of mankind. Every religion derives its form and color from
the mind of the worshippers, so that by their gods we may know them. From
elevated natures emanate chaste and refined conceptions of the deity; from
brutish natures coarse conceptions. Christianity is the highest and purest of
all religions; but if we study the moral precepts of the foremost American nations,
we shall see that in many respects they were not far behind, and were indeed in
some instances in advance of Christianity. True, the Aztecs practiced human
sacrifice, with all its attendant horrors; but what were the religious wars,
the expulsion of Jews, the slaughter of Infidels, the burning of heretics, but
human sacrifice? Moreover, while we turn in horror from the sacrificial stone
of the Aztecs, where the human victims were treated as gods and whence their
souls were sent direct to Paradise, yet we find among them little of that most
infamous of crimes —persecution for opinion’s sake. Moreover, while Christians,
with their Inquisitions and autos de fe, taxed to the utmost their ingenuity for the
contrivance of the most excruciating engines of torture, and with the body
killed likewise the soul, or doomed it, as they devoutly believed, to eternal
agonies, the Mexicans treated their victims as gods, and sent them happily
home, though in truth somewhat before their natural time.
AMERICAN ABORIGINALS
There
was little in the social or political systems of Europe of which the
counterpart could not be found in America; indeed, the economical,
social, and political condition of every civilization finds its counterpart in
every other civilization; and there were institutions then existing in America
at whose feet Europe might have sat with benefit. Among the wilder tribes we
find prevalent the patriarchal state, with its hundreds of languages and
theologies; a slight advance from which are those associations of families
banded for safety, thus presenting a state of society not unlike that of
European feudalism. From this point, every quality and grade of government
presents itself until full-blown monarchy is attained, where a sole sovereign
becomes an emperor of nations with a state and severity equal to that of the
most enlightened. The government of the Nahua nations, which was monarchical and nearly absolute, denotes no small progress
from primordial patriarchy.
Like
their cousins of Spain and England, the sovereigns of Mexico had their
elaborate palaces, with magnificent surroundings, their country residence and
the hunting-grounds, their botanical and zoological gardens, and their harems
filled with the daughters of nobles, who deemed it an honor to see them thus
royally defiled. There were aristocratic and knightly orders; nobles,
plebeians, and slaves; pontiffs and priesthoods; land tenures and taxation;
seminaries of learning, and systems of education, in which virtue was extolled
and vice denounced; laws and law courts of various grades, and councils and
tribunals of various kinds; military orders with drill, engineer corps, arms,
and fortifications; commerce, caravans, markets, merchants, pedlers,
and commercial fairs, with a credit system, and express and postal facilities.
They
were not lacking in pleasures and amusements similar to those of the Europeans,
such as feasts with professional jester, music, dancing; and after dinner the
drama, national games, gymnastics, and gladiatorial combats. They were not
without their intoxicating drink, delighting in drunkenness while denouncing
it. Their medical faculty and systems of surgery they had, and their
burial-men; also their literati, scholars, orators, and poets, with an
arithmetical system, a calendar, a knowledge of astronomy, hieroglyphic books,
chronological records, public libraries, and national archives.
The
horoscope of infants was cast; the cross was lifted up; incense was burned;
baptism and circumcision were practiced. Whence arose these customs so like
those of their fellow-men across the Atlantic, whom they had never seen or
heard of?
The
conquerors found all this when they entered the country. They examined with
admiration the manufactures of gold, silver, copper, tin, and lead, wrought to
exquisite patterns with surprising skill. They gazed with astonishment on huge
architectural piles, on monumental remains speaking louder than words; on
temples, causeways, fountains, aqueducts, and light-houses, surrounded as they
were with statues and intricate and costly stone carvings. They found that the
Americans made cloth, paper, pottery, and dyes, and were proficient in
painting. Their mosaic feather-work was a marvel.
COMPARATIVE CHARACTERISTICS
There
are many points of interest, well worth examination, which I have not space
here properly to mention. The interested reader, however, will find all
material necessary to careful comparison in my Native Races of the Pacific
States. He will there find described conditions of society analogous to feudalism
and chivalry; he will find municipal governments, walled towns, and standing
armies. There were legislative assemblies similar to that of the Cortes, and
associations not unlike that of the Holy Brotherhood. To say that trial by
combat sometimes occurred is affirming of them nothing complimentary; but upon
the absence of some European institutions they were to be congratulated.
Although living lives of easy poverty, the wild tribes of America everywhere
possessed dormant wealth enough to tempt the cupidity alike of the fierce
Spaniard, the blithe Frenchman, and the somber Englishman. Under a burning
tropical sun, where neither meat nor clothing was essential to comfort, the
land yielded gold, while in hyperborean forests where no precious metals were discovered
the richest peltries abounded; so that no savage in all this northern continent
was found so poor that grasping civilization could find nothing of which to rob
him.
When
Europe undertook the mastery of America, she found the people, as a rule, ready
to be friendly. Some at first were startled into the seizure of their arms, the
first impulse of the wild man on meeting anything strange being to defend
himself. But their fears were easily allayed, their confidence easily gained,
and their pledges of good faith were usually to be depended upon.
The
variations between them and their brethren across the Atlantic were less of
kind than of quality. They were more children than wild beasts. Physically they
were complete, but mentally they were not fully developed. Their minds were not
so broad, nor so strong or subtle as those of white men. Their cunning partook
more of brute instinct than of civilized artifice. There was mind-power enough,
but it lacked shape and consistency. They were naturally no more blood-thirsty,
or cruel, or superstitious than their conquerors, but their crudity and
superstitions were of coarser, cruder forms. The American aboriginal character
has been greatly misconstrued, and is today but imperfectly understood.
The
chief difference, or cause of difference, between the people of Europe and the
more advanced nations of America, it seems to me, lay in the ignorance of some
few things, apparently insignificant in themselves, yet mighty enough to
revolutionize Christendom; such as the use of iron, gunpowder, and movable
types. The absence of horses, and other of the more useful domestic animals,
was also a disadvantage.
After
reading of the Europeans of that day it is irony to call the Americans
revengeful or cruel. Where is it possible to find more strongly developed those
qualities which civilization most condemns than among civilized nations—the
same, only refined? Where was it possible to find men more superstitious or
revengeful than the very ministers of Christ who crossed the ocean to give the
heathen eternal life; where shall we find greater treachery or cruelty than in
these refined and enlightened exterminators of the Indians? So blind are we to
our own faults, so quick to see and condemn the faults of our weak an defenseless
neighbor.
Catalogue
crime and place the white beside the red. Seldom was the Indian treacherous
until he had been deceived. The Indians tortured their prisoners; so did the
white men, hunting them with bloodhounds, enslaving them, branding them with
hot irons, beating and roasting them, making them work in the mines until death
relieved them by thousands, butchering wives and children because the husband
and father dared strike a blow in their defence. It is well to call them brutal
in warfare when the white man so quickly adopts their most brutal customs; it
is well to call them beasts of prey, when the white man crosses the ocean to
prey upon those very beasts which he pretends to slur.
In
speaking of the Indians, it has become the custom willfully to misapply terms.
If a tribe resist an injury, it is called an outbreak; if successful in war, it
is a massacre; if successful in single combat, it is a murder. Thus soldiers
speak to cover the disgrace of defeat, and thus reports are made by men who
regard not decency in speaking of a savage, to say nothing of fairness. It is
enough that we have exterminated this people, without attempting to malign them
and exalt our own baseness. What should we do were a foreign power to come in
ships to our shore and begin to slaughter our animals, to stake off our land
and divide it among themselves? We should drive them away if we were able; but
if we found them the stronger, we should employ every art to destroy them, and
in so doing regard ourselves as patriots performing a sacred obligation. This
is the Indian’s crime; and in so doing we call him cunning, revengeful,
hateful, diabolical. But the white man brings him blankets, it may be said,
brings him medicine, tells him of contrivances, teaches him civilization. These
things are exactly what the savage does not want, and what he is much better
off without. The white man’s comforts kill him almost as quickly as do his
cruelties; and the teachings of Christ’s ministers are abhorrent if they are
coupled with the examples of lecherous and murderous professors of
Christianity.
SIGNIFICATIONS OF PROGRESS.
These,
however, were by no means all that white men gave the Indian. We might
enumerate alcohol, small-pox, measles, syphilis, and a dozen other disgusting
adjuncts of civilization of which the savage before knew nothing. Can savagism
boast greater achievements? White men have killed fifty Indians where Indians
have killed one white man, and this, notwithstanding that nine tenths of all
injuries inflicted have been perpetrated by white invaders. A thousand Indian
women have been outraged by men whose mothers had taught them the Lord’s
prayer, where one white woman has been injured by these benighted heathen. At
any time in the history of America I would rather take my chances as a white
woman among savages, than as an Indian woman among white people.
Brethren
by procreation, but by destiny foes, as we behold them there the so-called New
and Old thus so strangely brought together, naturally enough we ask ourselves.
Whence came the one, and whither tends the other? Whence came these dusky
denizens of the forest, and for how many thousands of ages has the feeble light
of their intelligence struggled with the darkness, dimly flickering, now
gathering strength, now falling back into dense obscurity; how long and in what
manner has the divine spark thus wrestled with its environment? And whither
tends this fierce flame of human advancement which just now bursts its ancient
boundaries, sweeps across the Sea of Darkness, absorbs all lesser lights, and
dazzles and consumes a hemisphere of souls? More especially, when we look back
toward what we are accustomed to call the beginning, and mark the steady
advance of knowledge, the ever-increasing power of mind; when we consider the
progress of even the last half century, and listen to the present din and
clatter of improvement, do we raise our eyes to the future and ask, Whither
tends all this? Whither tends with so rapidly accelerating swiftness this
self-begetting of enlightenment, this massing of human acquirements; whither
tends this perpetually increasing domination of the intellectual over the
material? Within the past few thousand years, which are but as a breath in the
whole life of man, we have seen our race emerge from the wilderness, separate
from the companionship of wild beasts, and coalesce into societies. Within the
past few thousand years we have seen our race emerge from barbarism, and
notwithstanding the inherent tendency to evil ever present in our natures, we
have seen mankind put on civilization and accept for their faith Christianity,
the purest and highest type of religion. We have seen nations cease somewhat
their hereditary growlings, and brutal blood-sheddings, and mingle as brethren; we have seen wavy grain
supplant the tangled wildwood, gardens materialize from the mirage, and
magnificent cities rise out of the rocky ground. Thus we have seen the whole
earth placed under tribute, and this mysterious reasoning intelligence of ours
elevating itself yet more and more above the instincts of the brute, and
asserting its dominion over nature; belting the earth with an impatient energy,
which now presses outward from every meridian, widening its domain as best it
may toward the north and toward the south, building equatorial fires under
polar icebergs. All this and more from the records of our race we have seen
accomplished, and yet do see it; civilization working itself out in accordance
with the eternal purposes of Omnipotence, unfolding under man’s agency, yet
independent of man’s will; a subtile, extraneous,
unifying energy, stimulated by agencies good not more than by agencies evil,
yet always tending in its results to good rather than to evil; an influence
beyond the reach or cognizance of man, working in and round persons and
societies, turning and overturning, now clouding the sky with blackness and
dropping disorder on floundering humanity, but only to be followed by a yet
more fertilizing sunshine; laying waste and building up, building up by laying
waste, civilizing as well by war and avarice as by good-will and sweet charity,
civilizing as surely, if not as rapidly, with the world of humanity struggling
against it, as with the same human world laboring for it.
Slowly
rattles along the dim present, well-nigh buried in its own dust; it is only the
past that is well-defined and clear to history.
CHAPTER
II.
COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERY.
1492-1500.
IN the developments of progress the agent,
however subordinate to the event, cannot fail to command our intelligent curiosity.
The fact is less one with us than the factor. The instrument is nearer us in
pulsating humanity than the event, which is the result of inexorable causations
wholly beyond our knowledge. That America could not have remained much longer
hidden from the civilized world does not lessen the vivid interest which
attaches to the man Columbus, as he plods along the dusty highway toward
Huelva, leading by the hand his boy, and bearing upon his shoulders the more
immediate destinies of nations.
Nor are we indifferent to the agencies
that evolved the agent. Every signal success springs from a fortuitous
conjunction of talent and opportunity; from a coalition of taste or training
with the approaching fancy or dominant idea of the times. While assisting his
father wool-combing, the youthful Genoese was toughening his sinews and
acquiring habits of industry; while studying geometry and Latin at Pavia, while
serving as sailor in the Mediterranean, or cruising the high seas as corsair,
he was knitting more firmly the tissues of his mind, and strengthening his
courage for the life-conflict which was to follow. Without such discipline, in
vain from the north and south and west might Progress come whispering him
secrets; for inspiration without action is but impalpable breath, leaving no
impression, and genius unseasoned by application decomposes to corruption all
the more rank by reason of its richness.
His marriage with the daughter of
Bartolommeo Perestrello, a distinguished navigator
under Prince Henry; his map-making as means of support; his residence on the
isle of Porto Santo, and his interest while there in maritime discovery; his
conversations and correspondence with navigators and cosmographers in various
quarters; his zealous study of the writings of Marco Polo, Benjamin of Tudela, and Carpini, and his
eager absorption of the fantastic tale of Antonio Leone, of Madeira; his
ponderings on ocean mysteries, and his struggles with poverty; his audience of
John of Portugal, and the treachery of that monarch in attempting to anticipate
his plans by secretly sending out a vessel, and the deserved defeat which
followed; his sending his brother Bartolome with
proposals to England; his stealing from Lisbon with his son Diego, lest he
should be arrested for debt; his supposed application to Genoa; his interviews
with the dukes of Medina Sidonia and Medina Celi, and the letter of the latter to Queen Isabella of
Castile; his visit to the court at Cordova, and the dark days attending it; the
conference of learned men at Salamanca, and their unfavorable verdict; the
weary waitings on the preoccupied sovereigns at
Malaga and Seville; the succor given at La Rábida,
and the worthy prior's intercession with the queen; the humble dignity of the
mariner at Granada amidst scenes of oriental splendor and general rejoicings,
which only intensified his discontent; the lofty constancy in his demands when
once a royal hearing was obtained; the fresh disappointment after such long
delay, and the proud bitterness of spirit with which he turned his back on
Spain to seek in France a patron for his schemes; the final appeal of Santangel, who afterward assisted in obtaining the money,
and the conversion of Isabella, who now offered, if necessary, to pledge her
jewels to meet the charges of the voyage; the despatching of a royal courier after the determined fugitive, who returned in joy to
receive the tardy aid these incidents in the career of Columbus are a household
story.
TERMS OF AGREEMENT.
And therein, thus far, we see displayed
great persistency of purpose by one possessed of a conception so stupendous as
to overwhelm well-nigh the strongest; by one not over-scrupulous in
money-matters, or morality; proud and sensitive whenever the pet project is
touched, but affable enough otherwise, and not above begging upon necessity. It
was a long time to wait, eighteen years, when every day was one of alternate
hope and despair; and they were not altogether worthless, those noiseless
voices from another world, which kept alive in him the inspiration that oft-times
now appeared as the broken tracery of a half-remembered dream.
An agreement was made by the sovereigns
and the mariner, that to Columbus, his heirs and successors forever, should be
secured the office of admiral, and the titles of viceroy and governor-general
of all the lands and seas he should discover, with power to nominate candidates
from whom the sovereigns might choose rulers for the realms discovered; that
one tenth of the net returns of gold, pearls, or other commodities brought
therefrom should be his; that in disputes arising from the new traffic he, or
his lieutenant, should be sole arbitrator within his domain, the high admiral
of Castile being judge within his district; and that by contributing one eighth
of the cost of any enterprise to the regions found by him he should receive one
eighth the profits. To these dignities and prerogatives was added the right of
the discoverer, and of his heirs, to prefix to their names the title Don, which
should elevate them into respectability beside the grandees of Spain. This
agreement was signed by Ferdinand as well as by Isabella, although the crown of
Castile alone assumed the risk, and alone was to receive the benefit.
It was not a common spectacle in those
days along the southern seaboard of Spain, that of science whipping
superstition into its service. Nevertheless, by royal order, reiterated by Peñalosa in person with pronounced effect, the
devil-fearers of Palos were forced to provide ships and seamen for what they
regarded as anything but an orthodox adventure.
FIRST VOYAGE.
This they did with the greatest
reluctance. Even under pressure of that civil and ecclesiastical tyranny which
bowed mankind to the dust, even though commanded by the king, and with all
things sanctified to their service by the priest, these mechanical sea-farers,
who halted not before tangible danger in anyform,
shrank from the awful uncertainty of a plunge into the mysteries of the dim,
lowering, unintelligible west. Then came bravely forward the brothers Pinzon,
and not only assisted in providing two ships, so that Queen Isabella, after
all, might wear her jewels while her deputy was scouring the high seas for new
dominions, but furnished Columbus with money to equip another vessel and to pay
his eighth of the charge which should secure him one eighth of the profits a
service never sufficiently remembered or rewarded by either Columbus, his
masters, or successors.
The expedition comprised one hundred and
twenty men, in three small vessels, the Santa Maria, decked, and
carrying the flag of the admiral, and the Pinta and Niña, open caravels, commanded by Martin Alonso Pinzon and Vicente
Yañez Pinzon respectively. Among others were the inspector general of the
armament, Rodrigo Sanchez; the chief alguacil, Diego de Arana; the royal
notary, Rodrigo de Escobar; and four pilots, Francisco Martin Pinzon, Sancho
Ruiz, Pedro Alonso Niño, and Bartolome Roldan. The commander-in-chief with his tall, enduring form
bowed by an idea; his long, thin face, with its large, round eyes, high forehead,
straight, pointed nose; features, in which tenacity and gloom struggled for the
predominance, surrounded by thin locks and gray beard was scarcely a personage
either to inspire confidence or win affection. The squadron sailed from the
port of Palos August 3, 1492.
But for the fact that it was the first,
the voyage was quite commonplace; the most serious occurrences being the
breaking of a rudder, which obliged the expedition to put in at the Canaries
for repairs, and the variation of the needle, which caused a little fright
among the pilots. The sea was tranquil, toward the last extremely so, and the
wind generally favorable; yet no small trepidation attended this gradual
loosening of hold upon the substantial world, and the drifting daily farther
and farther into the fathomless unknown. Hence it was with the wildest joy that
early in the morning of the 12th of October the cry of Land! was heard, and
that soon afterward the venturesome navigators felt beneath their feet the
indubitable isle to which they gave the name San Salvador, taking possession
for Castile.
Now the sovereigns had promised that he
who first saw land should be recompensed by a pension of ten thousand maravedis, equivalent to thirty-six dollars. It was at two
o'clock in the morning that Rodrigo de Triana, a
mariner on board the Pinta, gave the signal, the
first that proved true after several had been mistakenly made; whereupon he
claimed the reward. But previously, during the night, Columbus had fancied he
descried a fitful light that should be on some shore. On the strength of this
surmise he secured to himself the insignificant sum, which, to say nothing of
its justness, was not a very magnanimous proceeding in so great a discoverer.
We are told of Triana, that, burning under a sense of
wrong, after returning to Spain, he passed into Africa and turned Mahometan. However this may have been, dawn had shown them
the island, which seemed itself but dawn, to be dispelled by the full sun's
rays when the night's dream had passed. Over the track less waste of sea,
suspended between earth and sky, the good ships had felt their way, until now,
like goddesses, they sa at anchor on the other side
of Ocean.
THE TWO INDIAS COMPARED.
Though this land was unlike the Zipangu of his dreams, Columbus was not disposed to
complain; but rather, midst tears and praises, to kiss the earth, be it of
whatsoever quality, and smile benignantly upon the naked natives that crept
timidly forward, wondering whether the ships were monsters of the deep, or
bright beings dropped from heaven.
Of a truth, it was a wonderful place, this
India of Marco Polo that the Genoese now sought. Intersected by rivers and
canals, spanned by bridges under which the largest ships might sail, were
fertile provinces fragrant with fruit and spices. Mangi alone boasted twelve thousand cities with gorgeous palaces, whose pillars and
roofs were emblazoned in gold, and so situated as to be compassed within a few
days travel. The cities and fortresses of Cathay were counted by tens of
thousands, and their busy population by millions. On every side were gardens
and luxurious groves; pleasure-boats and banqueting barges floated on the
lakes, and myriads of white sails swept over the bays. The mountains were
veined with silver, the river-beds paved with gold, and pearls were as common
as pebbles. Sheep were as large as oxen, and oxen were as large as elephants.
Birds of brilliant plumage filled the enchanting air, and strange beasts of
beauty and utility roamed the forests. The inhabitants were arrayed in silks
and furs, and fed on luscious viands; there were living springs that cured all
diseases. The army of the great Khan, the happy ruler of all these glories, was
in number as the grains of the sand which the sea surrounds; and as for vessels
of war, and horses, and elephants, there were a thousand times ten thousand.
What a contrast to such a creation was this low-lying strip of jungle-covered
sand, peopled by copper-hued creatures dwelling in huts, and sustaining life by
the natural products of the unkempt earth! This, however, was but an outlying
island of Cathay; the mainland of Asia could not be far distant; in any event,
here was India, and these people were Indians.
There was little enough, now appearing, in
the India thus far found to enrich Spain. In their noses the natives displayed
gold, always a royal monopoly when discovered; and they brought cotton for
barter, on which the admiral immediately laid the same restriction. Being
informed, by signs, that the metal came from the south, after examining the
shore thereabout in boats, the Spaniards set sail on the 14th, took possession
of Santa Maria de la Concepcion on the 10th, of Fernandina, now Exuma, the day following, and afterward of Isabela, now Isla Larga, or Long
Island; also of a group to which they gave the name Islas de Arena. Soils and
other substances, atmospheres and sunshines, were all
familiar; plants and animals, though differing in degree and kind, were similar
to those they had always been accustomed to see. One creation was everywhere
apparent; one nature; one rule. It was wonderful, stupendous! And if these
human kind have souls, what a jubilee is here in dressing them for eternity!
Crossing the Bahama Bank, they came on the 28th to Cuba, which Columbus called Juana, and which,
with its dense uprolling green spangled with parrots,
gay woodpeckers, and humming-birds, scarlet flamingoes and glittering insects;
its trees of royal palm, cocoanut, cedar, mahogany, and shrubs of spicy
fragrance; its unknown fruits and foods; its transparent waters whose finny
denizens flashed back the sunlight from their variegated scales, all under the
brightest of skies, all breathed upon by softest airs, and lapped in serenest
seas, was more like his own Zipangu, if, indeed, it
was not Mangi itself.
SAILING AMONG THE ISLANDS
Coasting eastward, the Pinta sailed away and left the other vessels, and it was with deep chagrin that
Columbus saw no attention paid his signals to return. Pinzon had heard of
gold-fields in advance of him, and he was going to reap them. The wreck of the Santa Maria a month afterward, leaving the admiral only the little Niña,
made his situation all the more critical, and set his anger blazing afresh over
the desertion. Nor was this the first indication of mutiny and disruption among
his people during the voyage. If the truth must be told, the character of the
man, though inured to the cruel hardihood of the age, seems here to be
undergoing change; else it was not originally as either he or his friends have
estimated. The new and varied experiences amidst the new and varied phenomena
attending the idea and its consummation make it a matter of no wonder that his
head began to be a little turned. He had pondered painfully on what Aristotle
taught regarding the sphericity of the earth, on what
Seneca said about sailing to the Indies westwardly,
and on the terrestrial paradise placed by Dante at the antipodes of the holy
city; and now he was here among those happy regions of which so long ago
philosophers had spoken and poets sung. Under the inspiration of rare
intelligence, and by wonderful courage and force of will, this Genoese sailor
had brought to his own terms the world's proudest sovereigns. Success, in his
mind the most perfect, the most complete, was by this time proved beyond peradventure.
At the outset he had suspected himself the special agent of the supernatural;
now he was sure of it. It was meet, therefore, that all men should fear and
obey him. Impelled to activity, he was impelled, if necessary, to severity.
During the passage he had deemed it expedient several times to deceive the
sailors, who were consequently backward about reposing in him the respect and
confidence due a commander. Suspicious of the Spanish sovereigns from the
first, his fears constantly increased as the magnitude of his discovery slowly
unfolded before him, that he should eventually be robbed of it. He was jealous
lest any of those who had shared with him the perils of the adventure should
secure to themselves some part of the honor or profit attending it. He had quarrelled with the Pinzons, who,
having staked their money and lives on what was generally regarded a mad risk, thought some consideration from the commander their due.
The admiral's temper was tamed somewhat by the very boldness of Pinzon's act;
for when the Pinta returned from her cruisings, little was then said about it; but if ever the
opportunity should come, her commander must pay dearly for his disobedience.
Cuba failed to display any opulent
oriental city, but furnished tobacco and maize, gifts from savagism to
civilization as comforting, perhaps, as any received in return. The mariners
next discovered and coasted Hayti, or Española, thus
occupying the greater part of December. On the northern side of the island, out
of the wrecked Santa Maria and her belongings, Columbus built and
equipped a fortress, which he called La Navidad; and
leaving there thirty-nine men under command of Diego de Arana, with Pedro
Gutierrez and Rodrigo de Escobedo, lieutenants, on the 4th of January, 1493, he
embarked for Spain. Those left behind were ex pected by the ardent-minded admiral, during his absence, to obtain, in trade, a ton of
gold, beside discovering mines and spices.
Violent storms attended the homeward
voyage; but on the 15th of March the expedition reached Palos in safety, after
touching at the Azores and the coast of Portugal. Then followed rejoicings.
Over Spain, over Europe, the tidings flew: A New World to the westward! Bells
rang and choirs pealed hosannas. A New World for Spain; now were their Catholic
Majesties well paid by their heavenly master for brave doings on Mahometans and Jews!
With six natives, and divers birds and
plants and other specimens from the Islands, Columbus set out for Barcelona,
then the residence of the Spanish sovereigns. Throughout the journey, the
highway and houses were thronged with spectators eager for a glimpse of the
strange spectacle. Arrived at court, the great mariner was most graciously
received, being permitted even to be seated in the presence of royalty. He told
his tale. It is said that all present wept. Columbus was as much excited as
any. In a delirium of joy he vowed within seven years to appoint an army of
four thousand horse and fifty thousand foot for the rescue of Jerusalem, and to
pay the cost out of his own pocket; but, unfortunately, he never found himself
in funds sufficient to fulfil his pious promise. The
original compact between the sovereigns and the discoverer was confirmed, and
to the latter was granted a family coat of arms. While Columbus was feted by
the nobles, and all the world resounded with his praises, Martin Alonso Pinzon
lay a-dying; the reward for his invaluable services, exceeding a hundred-fold
all that Isabella and Ferdinand together had done, being loss of property, loss
of health, the insults of the admiral, the scorn of the queen, all now happily
crowned by speedy death.
A HAPPY PEOPLE.
Never had nature made, within historic
times, a paradise more perfect than this Cuba and this Hayti that the Genoese had found. Never was a sylvan race more gentle, more
hospitable than that which peopled this primeval garden. Naked, because they
needed not clothing; dwelling under palm-leaves, such being sufficient
protection; their sustenance the spontaneous gifts of the ever generous land
and sea; undisturbed by artificial curbings and
corrections, and tormented by no ambitions, their life was a summer day, as
blissful as mortals can know. It was as Eden; without work they might enjoy all
that earth could give. Disease and pain they scarcely knew; only death was
terrible. In their social intercourse they were sympathizing, loving, and
decorous, practising the sublimest religious precepts without knowing it, and serving Christ far more perfectly
than the Christians themselves. With strangers the men were frank, cordial,
honest; the women artless and compliant. Knowing no guile, they suspected none.
Possessing all things, they gave freely of that which cost them nothing. Having
no laws, they broke none; circumscribed by no conventional moralities, they
were not immoral. If charity be the highest virtue, and purity and peace the
greatest good, then were these savages far better and happier beings than any
civilization could boast. That they possessed any rights, any natural or
inherent privileges in regard to their lands or their lives; that these
innocent and inoffensive people were not fit subjects for coercion, conversion,
robbery, enslavement, and slaughter, was a matter which seems never to have
been questioned at that time by any priest or potentate of Christendom. However
invalid in any of the Spanish courts might have been the argument of a
house-breaker, that in the room he entered he discovered a purse of gold, and
took it, Spaniards never thought of applying such logic to themselves in regard
to the possessions of the unbaptized in the new lands their Genoese had found.
What Spain required now was a title such
as the neighboring nations of Europe should recognize as valid. So far as the
doctrine was concerned, of appropriating to themselves the possessions of
others, they were all equally sound in it. Europe with her steel and saltpetre and magnetic needle was stronger than naked
barbarians, whose possessions were there upon seized as fast as found. The
right to such robbery has been held sacred since the earliest records of the
human race; and it was by this time legalized by the civilized nations.
Savagism had no rights; the world belonged to civilization, to Christianity if
Christ were stronger than Mahomet, to whatever idea, principle, or power that
could take it. In none of their pretended principles, in none of their codes of
honor or ethics, was there any other ultimate appeal than brute force; their
deity they made to fit the occasion, whatever that might be. This they did not
know, however. They thought themselves patterns of justice and fair morality;
and all that troubled them was in what attitude they would stand toward each
other with regard to their several discoveries and conquests. The recognized
theory of Christendom was that the earth belonged to the Lord who made it, and
the children of the Lord were alone entitled to inherit it. The unconverted
were the sons of Belial, the enemies of God, and as such should be
exterminated. The Almighty ruled not this world in person, but through the pope
at Rome, whose captain and vicegerent he was, and whom all princes even must
obey. The first right, as they chose to call their claim, was that of
discovery. To the finder belonged the spoils, but always in the name of God,
the creator, the owner. God and Mahomet, or God and Christ, Mahomet or Christ, whichsoever was the stronger, in his name should the
thievery be done.
Thus it was that the Spanish sovereigns,
being Christian, applied for a confirmation of title to Alexander VI, then
sovereign pontiff of Christendom, at the same time insinuating, in a somewhat
worldly fashion, that learned men regarded the rights of their Catholic
Majesties secure enough even without such confirmation. No valid objections
before the holy tribunal could be raised against Christian princes powerful
enough to sustain their pretensions to ownership while propagating the true
faith in heathen lands; but Pope Eugene IV and his successors had already
granted Portugal all lands discovered by Portuguese from Cape Bojador to the Indies. In order, therefore, to avoid
conflict, the bull issued the 2d of May, 1493, ceding Spain the same rights
respecting discoveries already granted Portugal, was on the day following
defined to this effect. An imaginary line of demarcation should be drawn from
pole to pole, one hundred leagues west of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands;
all lands discovered east of that line should be Portugal's, while west of that
line all should belong to Spain. Thus by a very mortal breath and the flourish
of a pen, the unknown world, with all its multitudes of interests and
inhabitants, was divided between these two sovereignties, occupying the
peninsula of south-western Europe; though in their wisdom they forgot that if
the world was round, Portugal in going east and Spain in going west must
somewhere meet, and might yet quarrel on the other side. Subsequently, that is
to say on the 7th of June, 1494, by treaty between Spain and Portugal the papal
line of partition was removed, making it three hundred and seventy leagues west
of the Cape Verde Islands, Portugal having complained of want of sea-room for
southern enterprise. This removal ultimately gave the Portuguese Brazil. And
ecclesiastics claim that care was ever exercised by the Spanish crown to comply
with the obligations thus laid upon it by this holy sanction.
Appointed to take charge of the affairs of
the New World was Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, archdeacon of Seville, and
afterward patriarch of the Indies. Although high in ecclesiastical preferment,
he was a bustling man of business, and ably filled the office during a period
of some thirty years. Of unflinching devotion to his sovereign, sedate, stern
in the accomplishment of his duty, and obliged as he was, in the interests of
the crown, to exercise occasional restraint on the rashness or presumption of
the conquerors, he incurred their enmity and was reviled by their biographers.
That he was retained so long in office by such able monarchs as Ferdinand and
Charles goes far to prove invalid the charges of misrule and villainy so
liberally made against him. Associated with Fonseca was Francisco Pinelo, as treasurer, and Juan de Soria as contador, or auditor. Their chief office
was at Seville, with a custom-house at Cadiz belonging to the same department.
This was the germ of the famous Casa de Contratacion de las Indias, or India
House of Trade, so long dominant in the government of the New World.
THE SECOND VOYAGE.
Thus all went swimmingly. Columbus found
no difficulty in fitting out a fleet for a second venture, a royal order being
issued that all captains, with their ships and crews, in all the Andalusian ports, should hold themselves in readiness for
that purpose. Seventeen vessels sailed from Cadiz the 25th of September, 1493,
having on board twelve hundred persons, miners, mechanics, agriculturists, and
gentlemen, with horses, cattle, sheep, goats, hogs, and fowls; the seeds of
vegetables, of orchard fruits, of oranges, lemons, melons, and grain for
planting; together with provisions, medicines, implements, goods for trade,
arms, ammunition, and all the requirements for founding a colony. Among the
passengers were Diego Colon, the admiral's brother, Bernal Diaz de Pisa, contador, Fermin Cedo, assayer, and Alonso de Ojeda and Juan de la Cosa,
subsequently famous in New World discoveries; also twelve priests, chief among
whom was Bernardo Buil, a Benedictine monk, sent by
the pope as his apostolic vicar, with all the ornaments and vestments for full
service; also bloodhounds to aid in Christianizing and civilizing the natives.
The work of conversion had already been begun by bap tizing in solemn state the six savages brought over by Columbus, Ferdinand and
Isabella with Prince Juan standing sponsors. The 3d of November the expedition
reached Dominica, so named from the day of arrival, Sunday. Next was discovered
an island to which Columbus gave the name of his ship, Marigalante;
then Guadalupe, where were tamed geese, and pine-apples, also human bones,
significant of the presence of the horror-breeding Caribs,
or cannibals. Thus cruising among these Caribbee Islands, and naming them one after another, Columbus continued his way and
finally came to Navidad, only to find the fortress in
ruins, its former occupants having fallen victims to their own licentiousness.
Choosing a site a little to the east of Navidad, still on the north side of Hayti,
the Spaniards landed their effects, and laid out a city, which they called Isabela, surrounding it with ramparts. As soon as the
vessels could be laden with gold, they were to be sent back to Spain; but the
death of the Spaniards left at Navidad had somewhat
marred original plans.
While Columbus lay ill, directing affairs
as best he might, early in January, 1494, two parties under Ojeda and Grorvalan reconnoitred the island,
each in a different direction, and returning, reported gold. As it was
inconvenient to their anchorage, and as many of the colonists were prostrate
with disease, it was deemed best to let the ships go back empty rather than
detain them longer; hence, on the 2d of February, twelve of the largest craft
put to sea under command of Antonio de Torres, having on board further
specimens of the people and products of the country. By this departure was sent
a request for immediate supplies.
Murmurs now arose against Columbus, the
sick and disappointed claiming, and not wholly without cause, that he had
deceived them, had lured them thither with false hopes to die. And they begged
Diaz de Pisa, already at the head of a faction, and Cedo,
who said there was not gold in those isles in paying quantities, to seize the
remaining ships and sail with them for Spain. But the admiral, hearing of it,
arrested Diaz, and held him in irons on board one of the vessels to await trial
in Spain.
Recovered from illness, Columbus left his
brother Diego in command at Isabela, and set out, at
the head of four hundred men, for the golden mountains of Cibao,
in the interior of the island, intending there to build a fortress, and to work
the mines on an extensive scale. Arrived at a favorable locality, where gold
seemed plentiful in the brooks, the Spaniards threw up a strong wooden fort,
which they called Santo Tomds, a piece of pleasantry
aimed at the doubting assayer, Cedo. Leaving in
command Pedro Margarite, Columbus returned to Isabela. Afterward a smaller post was built, called
Magdalena, and the command was given to Luis de Arriaga.
COLONIZATION A FAILURE.
The natives could not welcome so large an
invasion, which they now clearly saw would bring upon them serious results.
Thereupon they withdrew from the vicinity of Santo Tomas, refusing all
intercourse with its inmates; and as a Spanish hidalgo could by no means work,
even at gold-gathering, success in that direction was not marked. Provisions
and medicine then began to fail, and fresh discontent arose, even Father Buil arraying himself in opposition to the admiral.
As much to keep his people occupied as
through any expectation of profit, Columbus sent another expedition into the
interior of Hayti, and himself crossed to the south
side of Cuba in three caravels, intending thence to reach Cathay. Soon he
discovered to the southward a lofty isle, which he called at first Santa
Gloria, then Santiago, but which finally retained its native name, Jamaica,
that is to say, Island of Springs. After reaching nearly the western end of
Cuba, thinking it still the continent of Asia, and that possibly he might by
that way reach Spain, in which event he could then see what was beyond, he
coasted the south sides of Jamaica and Hayti, and
returned to Isabela, where he arrived insensible from
excitement and fatigue. When he awoke to bodily suffering, which for a time had
been drowned in delirious energy, there, to his great joy, he found his brother Bartolome, who had come from Spain with three
well-laden ships to his assistance.
Great events generally choose great men
for their accomplishment, though not unfrequently we
see no small dust raised by an insignificant agent. As a mariner and
discoverer, Columbus had no superior; as colonist and governor, he had by this
time proved himself a failure. There are some things great men cannot do as
well as their inferiors. It was one thing to rule at sea, and quite another to
rule on shore. In bringing to his India these unruly Spaniards, he had sown for
himself the whirlwind. Had he been less pretentious, less ambitious, less
grasping, his later days would have been more successful as well as more
peaceful. Discovery was his infatuation; he was never for a moment unattended
by a consuming curiosity to find a western way to civilized India. Had he been
possessed of sound practical judgment in the matter, of the same knowledge of
himself and of political affairs that he had of navigation, he would have seen
that he could not, at the same time, gratify his passion for discovery and
successfully govern colonies. In his fatal desire to assume rulership,
and upon the ill-understood reports of simple savages, with no knowledge of the
resources or capabilities of the country, without definite purpose or mature
plans, he had brought upon himself an avalanche of woes.
Beside his incapacity for such a task, his
position was rendered all the more trying by the fact that he was a foreigner,
whose arbitrary acts galled his impatient subordinates, and finally wrought
them to the pitch of open rebellion. The Spaniards were quick enough to
perceive that this Genoese sailor was in no wise fitted to lay the foundation
of a prosperous Spanish colony; and when during his absence he left in command
his brother, to whom attached no prestige of high achievement to make up for
his misfortune in not being born in Spain, complications grew daily worse. Even
the ecclesiastics were against the admiral; for although themselves the
high-priests of a bloody fanaticism, they saw that, between the fires of nature
and the supernatural, this man was becoming mad. They saw the religious
hypochondria, which had already inflamed his intellect, now aggravated by the
anxieties incident to the government of a turbulent element under circumstances
unprecedented, undermining his health, and bringing rapidly upon him those
mental and physical distempers which rendered the remainder of his life
prolonged misery. Thus we may plainly see how Columbus brought upon himself the
series of calamities which are commonly found charged to unscrupulous
sovereigns and villainous rivals.
TREATMENT OF THE NATIVES.
And thickly enough misfortunes were laid
upon him on his return to Isabela. Margarite, who had been ordered to explore the island,
leaving Ojeda in command at Santo Tomas, had abandoned himself to licentious
idleness, followed by outrages upon the natives, which notwithstanding their
pacific disposition had driven them to retaliation. And here was the beginning
of these four centuries of such rank injustice, such horrible atrocities
inflicted by the hand of our much-boasted Christian civilization upon the
natives of the New World, as well might make the Almighty blush for ever having
created in his own image such monsters as their betrayers and butchers. It is
the self-same story, old and new, from Española to Darien and Mexico, from
Brazil to Labrador, and from Patagonia to Alaska, by sailor and cavalier, by
priest and puritan, by gold-hunter and fur-hunter the unenlightened red man
welcoming with wonder his destroyer, upon whom he is soon forced to turn to
save himself, his wife, his children, but only at last to fall by the merciless
arm of development beneath the pitiable destiny of man primeval.
Throwing off all pretence of allegiance to Columbus, when satiated with his excesses, Margarite,
with a mutinous crew at his heels and accompanied by Father Buil,
had taken such ships as best suited them and had departed for Spain. Two caciques,
or native chieftains, Guatiguana, and Caonabo the Carib, with their
followers had arisen in arms, had killed some of the Spaniards, had besieged
Magdalena and Santo Tomas, and had even cast an ominous eye on Isabela. Such were the chief occurrences at the settlement
during the absence of the admiral.
First of all, Columbus made his brother Bartolome adelantado, that
is to say, leader of an enterprise, or governor of a frontier province. Then he
sent relief to the fortress of Magdalena, and established another military post
near where was subsequently Santiago, which he called Concepcion. Later the
chain was continued by building other posts; one near the Rio Yaquí, called Santa Catalina, and one on the river Yaquí, called Esperanza. Meamyhile Ojeda offered to take the redoubtable Carib, Caonabo, by stratagem; which was accomplished, while he was
surrounded by a multitude of warriors, by first winning the admiration and
confidence of the cacique, and then on the plea of personal
ornamentation and display obtaining his consent to wear some beautiful bright
manacles, and sit bound behind Ojeda on his steed; in which plight he was
safely brought by the dashing cavalier at the head of his horsemen into Isabela.
About this time Antonio de Torres arrived
with four ships from Spain, and was sent back with the gold which had been
collected, and five hundred Indians to be sold as slaves. By this departure
went Diego Colon to refute the charges of incompetency and maladministration
now being preferred against his brother at court.
Though suffering from a fresh attack of
fever, on the 27th of March, 1495, accompanied by the adelantado and all his available forces, Columbus set out from Isabela to subjugate the caciques of the island, who had combined to extirpate
the Spaniards. Charging the naked red men amidst the noise of drum, trumpet,
and halloo, with horse and bloodhound, lance, sabre, and firelock, a peace was
soon conquered. Multitudes of the inhabitants were butchered, and upon the rest
was imposed such cruel tribute that they gradually sank beneath the servitude.
But when the white men thus had the domain to themselves, they did not know
what to do with it. It was not for them to till the soil, or labor in the
mines; hence famine threatened, and they were finally reduced to the last
extremity.
There is little wonder, under the
circumstances, that orders were issued in Spain to depose Columbus, first by
the appointment of a commission of inquiry, and finally by removal.
GOVERNMENT OF THE INDIES.
Thus far the government of the Indies, as
the New World began to be called, had been administered solely by the admiral,
according to agreement, with Fonseca as superintendent in Spain. None but them
were permitted to freight or despatch any vessel to
the New World. Columbus was authorized to appoint two subordinate officers
subject to royal sanction; and yet the sovereigns took offense when he named Bartolome adelantado,
which office was not that of lieutenant-governor, as many writers aver, but
nearer that of territorial governor, with political as well as military powers,
usually appointed by and subject only to the king. Assuming a certain degree of
state, the admiral appeared at Isabela richly
dressed, with ten escuderos de a pie,
or squires of foot, and twenty familiares,
composing his civil and military family. He had been directed before leaving
Spain to appoint in each of the several settlements or colonies which should be
planted an alcalde, or justice, exercising the
combined duties of mayor and judge, with jurisdiction in civil and criminal
cases, appeal being to the admiral; also an alguacil mayor, or high
sheriff; and, if necessary, an ayuntamiento,
or town council. All edicts, orders, and commissions must be issued in the name
of the sovereigns, countersigned by the notary, with the royal seal affixed.
The admiral had been further directed to build a warehouse where the royal
stores should be kept, and all traffic should be subject to his direction. When
he sailed upon his Cuban expedition he left for the direction of the colony a junta, of which his brother Diego was president, and Alonso Sanchez Carvajal, Juan de Luxan, Pedro
Fernandez Coronel, and Father Buil, councillors.
Diego Colon was a well-meaning man, gentle
and discreet, approaching in visage and dress nearer the priest than the
cavalier; he was neither shrewd nor energetic. Bartolome was quite the opposite, and in many respects was the ablest of the brothers.
Powerful in mind and body, authoritative and determinate in demeanor, generous
in disposition, fearless in spirit, a thorough seaman, a man of no narrow
worldly experience, fairly educated, and talented with the pen, he was neither
the amiable, inefficient Diego, nor the dreamy, enthusiastic admiral.
Quick to notice in their deputy any
indication of misrule, or undue assumption of authority, their Majesties did
not fail to lend an attentive ear to the charges preferred against him. Yet the
record does not show from first to last that either Isabella or Ferdinand ever
really desired or intended to do Columbus injustice or injury. When Torres
returned from Spain, after the first accusation had been made, the sovereigns,
besides a letter expressing the warmest confidence in the discoverer, and high
consideration for the affairs of the colony, sent a special real provision ordering all to obey the admiral as themselves, under penalty of ten thousand maravedis for every offence. When further accusations came,
instead of divesting him of his authority, they sent as commissioner of inquiry
Juan Aguado, a warm friend of the admiral. Often they
checked Fonseca's too harsh measures with regard to Columbus and his brothers,
and interposed their royal protection from such officers as acted too severely
under the exasperating folly of the admiral. To satisfy the discoverer would
have been impossible for any patron, so wild were his desires, so chimerical his
plans, so injudicious his acts.
THIRD VOYAGE.
Aguado arrived at Isabela in
October. He brought four caravels laden with supplies, and Diego Colon,
passenger. Soon it was noised abroad that the conduct of the admiral was to be
questioned, whereat both white men and red rejoiced. Aguado could but see the pitiable state of things upon the island, idleness, poverty,
excesses, and disobedience among the colonists, folly and mismanagement among
the rulers, and seeing, could but report accordingly; for which, and for no
other reasons that I am able to discover, the biographers of Columbus heap upon
the commissioner opprobrious epithets.
When Aguado returned to Spain, Columbus accompanied him to make such excuses before the
sovereigns as best he might. They embarked from Isabela March 10, 1496, leaving the adelantado in
command, and carrying with them two hundred and twenty-five disaffected
colonists, and a number of Indian captives, among whom was the proud and once
powerful chieftain, Caonabo, so treacherously taken
by Ojeda. Contrary winds and starvation attended them, Caonabo dying during the voyage. Arrived at Cadiz in June, the admiral found Pedro
Alonso Niño about to sail with three caravels for Hayti.
Niño carried out more priests, and brought back more slaves.
Columbus appeared in Spain in a Franciscan
garb and with dejected demeanor. To all the world, except to himself, it was by
this time evident that his gorgeous India was a myth, and settlement on the
supposition of its existence a mistake. He seemed now dazed by reverses, as
formerly he had been dazed by successes. Nevertheless, he continued to make as
much as possible of his discoveries, parading a brother of Caonabo in a broad gold collar with a massive gold chain attached.
Still the sovereigns were gracious. They
scarcely alluded to the complaints and ever-increasing charges against the
admiral, but confirmed anew his dignities, enlarged his perquisites, and showed
him every kindness. The title of adelantado was formally vested by them in Bartolome. When asked
for more ships and money, they readily granted both; moreover, they offered the
admiral a tract of land in Hayti, twenty-five by
fifty leagues, which, however, he declined; they offered him sixty sailors, a
hundred and forty soldiers, one hundred miners, mechanics, and farmers, and
thirty women, the services of all to be paid by the crown. But because there
was some delay, occasioned by the operations in Italy and the armada for
Flanders, the biographers of the admiral again break out in abuse of the
sovereigns and their servants. The truth is, Ferdinand and Isabella stood by
the Genoese much longer than did their subjects. For example, when certain
millions of maravedis, had been appropriated, and
eight vessels equipped, so unpopular had the admiral and his enterprises
become, that it was found necessary to press sailors into the service, and
empty the prisons for colonists. And it was only when their admiral, viceroy,
and governor of the Indies so far forgot himself, when on the point of sailing,
as publicly, and with his own hand and foot, to strike down and kick Jimeno de Berviesca, an official
under Fonseca, that the sovereigns began to realize the unfitness of Columbus
for the management of colonies. It was a serious offense to attack a public
servant; and when this was done under the very eyes of royalty, and by the man
they had so delighted to honor, the truth came home to them, and they never
afterward regarded the Genoese with the same degree of favor. Yet for his great
merits, his genius, enthusiasm, and perseverance, and for the glory
unparalleled conferred by him on Spain, they would ever be to him just and
generous. He could never become again the pauper pilot, as he had been called
at Granada while begging help for his first voyage.
Two vessels were despatched to the colony under Pedro Fernandez Coronel early in 1498. On the 30th of May
Columbus embarked from San Lucar with six vessels,
arrived at the northern seaboard of South America, and discovered there the
isle of Trinidad the 31st of July, sailed through the gulf of Paria, where gold and pearls were seen in profusion,
discovered the Margarita Islands, and came to Hayti,
arriving off the river Ozema, on the southern side of
the island, the 30th of August.
AFFAIRS AT SANTO DOMINGO.
Prior to the last departure of the admiral
for Spain, gold had been discovered in this vicinity, and during his absence a
military post, called San Cristóbal, had been planted there, and at the
adjacent harbor a fort built, which was named Santo Domingo, and which was from
this time the capital of the Indies. At intervals during the past two years,
the adelantado at the head of his marauders
had scoured the island, collecting the quarterly tribute, the priests preaching
creeds to the men, while the cavaliers outraged the women. Insurrections had
been occasionally organized by the caciques, but were usually stifled by
the prompt and politic action of the adelantado.
Many of the colonists had gradually relaxed in their loyalty to Columbus, until
finally, at the instigation of Francisco Roldan, they
declared their independence of the adelantado,
though still acknowledging fealty to Spain. After creating no small disturbance
about Concepcion and Isabela, Roldan had retired with his band to the province of Jaraguá.
On landing at Santo Domingo, the admiral
first proclaimed his approval of the adelantado's measures, and then set about to pacify the colonists. With the common people,
many officers of trust had joined the revolt of Roldan.
Columbus offered amnesty to all, which was at first refused, and letters from
both sides were sent to Spain. But at length there was reconciliation; Roldan became a partisan of Columbus, and assisted in
subduing other hostile factions, which resulted in flinging Adrian de Moxica off the battlements of Fort Concepcion.
The distracted state of the colony, the
continued charges against Columbus, and the inadequate returns from large
outlays, impelled the sovereigns to send out another commission with power to
punish offenders, civil and criminal, and, if necessary, to supersede the
admiral in the government. The commissioner chosen for this purpose was
Francisco de Bobadilla, an arrogant, shallow-minded man, who delighted rather
in degrading merit than in exercising justice. He was authorized by letters
patent to acquaint himself concerning the truth of the rebellion against the
admiral; what robberies, cruelties, or other overt acts had been committed; he
was directed to seize the person and sequestrate the property of any offender,
or punish in any way he might deem best. A provisional letter was addressed by
the sovereigns to the admiral of the ocean sea, ordering him to surrender to
the commissioner all forts, arms, ships, houses, cattle, or other public
property, which letter was to be used only if necessary. Bobadilla, accompanied
by a body-guard of twenty five men, sailed with two caravels in July, 1500, and
arrived at Santo Domingo on the 23d of August. By this opportunity some of the
Indians sent over by Columbus were returned in charge of six friars. This was
done partly through motives of humanity, and partly because the enslavement of
the lords aboriginal of the New World proved no more profitable than pious.
Unaccustomed to labor, and to the atmosphere of civilization, they died under
the infliction. Yet the diabolical traffic had been passed upon and permitted
by the jurists and divines of the day; notwithstanding his Holiness had, after
profound consideration of the subject, declared the savages endowed with souls.
In fact, a decision to the contrary would have deprived the Church of much
business and influence in America.
UNWARRANTED CONDUCT OF BOBADILLA.
Among the first objects to meet the eye of
Bobadilla, on landing, were the bodies of two Spaniards swinging from gibbets,
which argued not very favorably for the quietude of the island. Columbus was
absent at Fort Concepcion; the adelantado and Roldan were pursuing rebels in Jaraguá;
Diego Colon, who was in charge at Santo Domingo, was peremptorily commanded to
surrender certain prisoners, which he refused to do until the admiral, whose
commission was higher than that of Bobadilla, and under whom he served, should
order it. Thereupon Bobadilla broke open the jail, and the prisoners were
finally set at liberty. He not only assumed the custody of the crown property,
but he entered the house of Columbus, took possession of his effects, and made
his residence there. He sided with the late insurgents, giving ear only to
them. Next he ordered to appear before him the admiral, who came with all
quietness, and was immediately ironed and cast into prison. The brothers of
Columbus met the same fate. It was a most villainous proceeding on the part of
Bobadilla, wholly unauthorized, wholly unnecessary. Columbus was condemned
before he was tried. While in the act of coming forward of his own accord, not
with hostile front, but unattended, he was seized, manacled, and incarcerated.
It was not until afterward that he was charged with inflicting on the
colonists, even on hidalgos, oppressive labor, abuse, and cruel punishments;
with failing to provide them sufficient food; with opposing royal authority;
with secreting gold and pearls; and with unjust treatment of the natives,
making unnecessary war upon them, levying iniquitous tribute, preventing their
conversion, and sending them as slaves to Spain. Some went so far as to hint at
an intended transfer of allegiance to some other power. But were all the
calumnies true, twice told, which vile, revengeful men had heaped upon him, he
would not have merited the treatment that he now received at the hand of their
Majesties agent. Ever loyal, high-minded, and sincere, ever performing his
duties to the best of his ability, the worst that can be truthfully said of him
is that he was unfitted by temperament and training, unfitted by his genius, by
those very qualities which made him so superior to other men in other
directions, for organizing in a tropical wilderness that social thrift upon
which might be built a staid community out of the ignorant, presumptuous, and
desperate element fresh from preying on Jews and Moors.
After having been subjected to much insult
and indignity, the three brothers were placed on shipboard and sent to Spain.
Andres Martin, master of the caravel, offered to remove the manacles, but the
admiral said no. It was by the king's agent the irons were put on; it must be
by the king's order if ever they are taken off. "And I will always keep
these chains", he added with proud bitterness, "as memorials of
reward for faithful services".
Both Ferdinand and Isabella and all the
people were shocked to see the illustrious discoverer in such a plight.
Immediately the sovereigns heard of it the chains were stricken off, and the
prisoners released. From the odious abasement into which he had been unjustly
thrust by an infamous agent, Columbus was once more lifted high into favor by
the sovereigns, whose moist eyes testified their hearts sincerity.
CHAPTER III.
DISCOVERY OF DARIEN.
THE first Spaniard to touch the territory
which for the purposes of my work I have taken the liberty to denominate the
Pacific States of North America was Rodrigo de Bastidas,
a notary of Triana, the gypsy suburb of Seville.
Although the discoveries of Columbus had
been made for Castile, and Castilians regarded their rights to the new lands
superior to those of any others, even other inhabitants of Spain; and although
at first none might visit the New World save those authorized by Columbus or
Fonseca; yet, owing to inadequate returns from heavy expenditures, and the inability
of the admiral properly to control colonization in the several parts of the
ever-widening area, at the solicitation of several persons desirous of entering
the new field of commerce and adventure at their own charge, on the 10th of
April, 1495, the sovereigns issued a proclamation granting native born subjects
of Spain permission to settle in Hayti, or Espanola,
as I shall continue to call the island, and to make to other parts private
voyages of discovery and trade, under royal license. The regulations were that
the vessels so sailing should be equipped under royal inspection, that they
should depart only from the port of Cadiz, and that they should carry one or
two crown officers. The sovereigns retained, without payment, one tenth of the
tonnage, and were to receive one tenth of the gross returns. Settlers on
Española were to receive grants of land, and one year's provision; of the gold
they gathered they were to pay two thirds to the crown; on all other products
one tenth. Although this step was taken without consulting Columbus, it was the
aim of the sovereigns fully to respect his rights in the matter; therefore, and
in lieu of his property in one eighth of all the tonnage, for every seven
vessels thus privately adventured he was privileged to despatch one on his own account. The admiral still complaining, such parts of the
proclamation as in any wise interfered with his rights were revoked, and his
former privileges confirmed, the 2d of June, 1497.
Among those to take advantage of this
permission, beside Bastidas, was Alonso de Ojeda, who
embarked with four vessels from Spain in May, 1499, in company with Juan de la
Cosa and Amerigo Vespucci, sailed along the seaboard
of South America from Paria and the Pearl Coast,
discovered by Columbus, to the gulf of Venezuela, so called because like Venice
the native villages were built over the water. At Cape de la Vela, Ojeda left
the coast and crossed to Espanola, whence he was driven off by Roldan at the command of Columbus. He reached Spain in
June, 1500; and though his ships were crowded with slaves, after paying
expenses there were left but five hundred ducats to divide among fifty-five
persons. Sailing in a caravel of only fifty tons, a few days later than Ojeda,
were Pedro Alonso Niño and Cristóbal Guerra, who, following the track of
Columbus and Ojeda to the Pearl Coast, thence crossed to Margarita, returned to
the mainland and coasted Cumand, and finally returned
to Spain, arriving about two months before Ojeda, well laden with gold and
pearls. This was the first really profitable voyage, pecuniarily,
to the New World. Then there was Vicente Yañez Pinzon, who sailed in four
caravels in December, 1499, and shortly after Diego de Lepe,
in two vessels, both going to Brazil.
Quite exceptional to the ordinary adventurer
was Bastidas. He was a man of standing in the
community, possessed of some means himself and having wealthy friends; he was
intelligent and influential, and withal humane, even Las Casas admitting that
no one ever accused him of ill-treating the Indians.
The friends of the honest notary, among
them Juan de Ledesma, were ready enough to join him, pecuniarily, in a venture to the famous Pearl Coast, as the
South American shore of the admiral s third voyage was now called. Obtaining
from Fonseca's office a royal license, and enlisting the cooperation of Juan de
la Cosa, already veteran in western pilotage, Bastidas equipped two caravels, embarked at Cádiz in October, 1500, took on board wood,
water, meat, and cheese at Gomera, and steering a
little north of the admiral's last track, came to a green isle, which he called
Isla Verde, and reached the mainland near Venezuela. Coasting westward, he
passed Santa Marta, and arrived at the Magdalena River in March, 1501, so
naming it on arrival from the day, which was that of the woman's conversion.
There he narrowly escaped shipwreck. Continuing, and trading on the way, he
found the ports of Zamba and Coronados --the latter so called because the natives wore large crowns-- the islands of
San Bernardo, Baru, and the Arenas, off Cartagena
Bay. Next he saw Fuerte and tenantless Tortuga,
touched at the port of Cenú, passed Point Caribana, entered the gulf of Uraba,
and saw the farallones, or craggy islet peaks, rising abruptly
from the water near the Darien shore. Thus far from Cape de la Vela he had
discovered one hundred and fifty leagues of new seaboard. And because when the
tide was low the water was fresh, he called the place Golfo Dulce. Thus came the Spaniards upon the isthmus that
unites the two Americas; and along it they sailed to Point Manzanilla,
in which vicinity were El Retrete and Nombre de Dios.
GLORIES OF THE ISTHMUS.
It is a balmy beginning, this of these men
from Spain, of that intercontinental commerce which is shortly to bring
destruction on one side and retrogression on the other; a commerce which shall
end only with the next general cataclysm. Threading their way among islands
smothered in foliage, which seemed upon the glossy water-surface as floating
fragments of the thickly matted verdure of the mainland, listening to notes
unfamiliar to their ears, and seeing these strange men and women so like and
yet so unlike Spaniards, they find themselves wondering whether they are in the
world or out of it. We who so well know our little planet and its ways can
scarcely imagine what it was in the darkness to be taken up at Seville, and put
down amidst the magic play of light and shade at Darien. Probably now the world
was round; yet still it might be fungiform, or crescent-shaped, or amorphous,
having a smooth or ragged edge, from which a fearful slipping-off might any
moment ensue. All they can know is what they see, and that they cannot half
know, for they can scarcely more than half see or feel or smell. Some part of
the perpendicular rays of the incandescent sun falling on their toughened skins
they can feel; some part of the water that from the surcharged reservoirs of
low-lying clouds so frequently and freely pours upon the spot whence it is
pumped by this same vertical sun. They can turn their bewildered eyes toward the south and see beyond its
clean white border the mainland stretching off in billows of burnished green to
the far-away hazy horizon, where like a voluptuous beauty it imprints a kiss
upon the blushing sky; they may lie in the gray mist of evening and dream, and
dream, their minds how many removes from the intelligence of the impatient sea
and the self-tuned life upon the shore? Or they may drift about in the amber
light of a soft vaporous morning without much dreaming; one thing at least to
them is real, and that is gold. Without the aid of divine revelation they
fathom the difference between the precious solid substance and hollow brass. So
do the savages, thinking the latter much the prettier; and thus both sides,
each believing the others fools and well cheated, are happy in their traffic.
The Spaniards are enchanted less by the lovely garb in which nature everywhere
greets them than by the ease with which the golden harvest is gathered. Thus
all betokens the most flattering success when a luckless event casts a shadow
over their bright fortunes.
The two ships were found to be leaking
badly. An examination was made, when the bottoms were found pierced by teredos (called by the Venetians bissas, and by the Spaniards broma; a terrible pest to tropical navigators before the
days of copper-bottoming. This, and another tropical marine worm, the Simnoría terebrans, brought hither by ships, play havoc with the
wharf-piling of San Francisco and other west-coast arbors); and thus before
they knew it their vessels were unfit for service. Hoping still to reach Cádiz, Bastidas immediately set sail, touched at Jamaica for
wood and water, and continued his voyage as far as Contramaestre,
an islet one league distant from Española, where he was obliged to anchor and
repair his ships. Again embarking for Spain, he was met by a gale which threw
him back upon the island. Buffeted in a second attempt, he ran the ships for
safety into the little port of Jaraguá, where they
filled and sank, the loss in vessels, slaves, Brazil-wood, cloth, and gold,
being not less than five millions of maravedis. For
notwithstanding the estimable reputation for piety, justice, and humanity which
he has always borne, the good Bastidas did not
scruple gently to entrap on board his ships, along the shore of Darien, several
scores of unsuspecting natives, to be sold as slaves; nor, having thus
exercised his virtues in the holy klopemania of the
day, did he scruple to abandon with
his sinking ships the greater portion of these innocent wretches in order to
save the more of his gold, which per pound was deemed of greater proximate and
certain value than even heathen souls that buy immortal metal.
Thus observing everywhere, as perforce we
must as we proceed, the magnanimity and high morality with which our so prized
and petted civilization greeted weak, defenceless,
and inoffensive savagism, we are prepared when shipwrecked mariners are thrown
upon a distant isle inhabited by their own countrymen, holding fast the same
saving faith we are prepared by their reception, which we shall presently see,
to exclaim with uplifted hands, Behold, how these Christians love one another!
After burning superfluous ammunition, the
Spaniards gathered up their valuables, and placing them on the backs of such
captives as for that purpose they had kindly permitted to live, set out in
three divisions over separate routes, so as to secure a more liberal supply of
provisions on the way, for Santo Domingo, distant seventy leagues. In his
license, as we have seen, Bastidas was authorized to
trade only in lands discovered by himself. But on the way his followers with
their trinkets had purchased food from the natives; for which offence, on his
arrival at Santo Domingo, Bastidas was seized by
Bobadilla and cast into prison. In vain did all the shipwrecked company protest
that they had bought only such articles as were necessary for their nourishment
during the march. To their affirmations the governor turned a deaf ear; and as
Bobadilla was about to depart for Spain, the notary was ordered thither for
trial, sailing in July, 1502.
Before the sovereigns Bastidas found no difficulty in justifying his conduct; and so rich were the returns
from his traffic with the natives of Darien, that notwithstanding the
unfortunate termination of the adventure he was enabled to pay a large sum into
the royal treasury. For their important successes, to Rodrigo de Bastidas was awarded an annual pension of fifty thousand maravedis, and to Juan de la Cosa a similar sum with the
title of alguacil mayor of Urabá, all to be paid them out of returns from the
new lands which they had found. "Such", remarks Irving, "was the
economical generosity of King Ferdinand, who rewarded the past toils of his
adventurous discoverers out of the expected produce of their future
labors".
Las Casas, who was at Santo Domingo when
the shipwrecked mariners arrived, saw Bastidas, and
part of his gold, and the natives of Darien whom he had brought, and who in
place of the Adamic fig-leaf wore a funnelshaped covering of gold. There were great riches, it
was said; three chests full of gold and pearls, which on reaching Spain were
ordered to be publicly displayed in all the towns through which the notary
passed on his way to court. This, as an advertisement of the Indies, was done
to kindle the fires of avarice and discontent in sluggish breasts, that
therefrom others might be induced to go and gather gold and pay the king his
fifth. Afterward Bastidas returned with his wife and
children to Santo Domingo, and became rich in horned cattle, having at one time
8000 head; and that when a cow in Española was worth 50 pesos de oro. In 1504 he again visited
Urabá, in two ships, and brought thence 600 natives, whom he enslaved in
Española. In 1520 the emperor gave him the pacification of Trinidad with the
title of adelantado; which grant being opposed by
Diego Colon, on the ground that the island was of his father's discovering, Bastidas waived his claim, and accepted the governorship of
Santa Marta, where he went with 450 men, and was assassinated by his
lieutenant, Villafuerte, who thought to succeed him,
and to silence the governor's interposed objections to the maltreatment of the
natives. Thus if the humane Bastidas, in accordance
with the custom of the day, did inhumanly enslave his fellow-creatures, he gave
his life at last to save them from other cruelties; which act, standing as it
does luminous and alone in a century of continuous outrage, entitles him to the
honorable distinction of Spain's best and noblest conquistador. As the eloquent Quintana says: Bastidas no se
hizo celebre ni como descubridor ni como conquistador; pero su memoria debe ser
grata a todos los amantes de la justicia y de la humanidad, por haber sido uno
de los pocos que trataron a los indios con equidad y mansedumbre, considerando
aquel pais mas bien como un objeto de especulaciones mercantiles con iguales,
que como campo de gloria y de conquistas.
CHAPTER IV.
COLUMBUS
ON THE COASTS OF HONDURAS, NICARAGUA, AND
COSTA
RICA.
1502-1506.
SINCE his last return to Spain, Columbus
had rested at Granada under the smiles of the sovereigns, who readily promised
him all that he might wish, while resolved to grant nothing which could
interfere with their absolute domination of the new lands that he had found for
them. When tired of begging the restoration of his rights he urged their
Majesties assistance in seizing the holy sepulchre,
that his vow might be fulfilled, and his mind at rest. After profound study and
elaborate preparation he presented the case to them in a manuscript volume of
prophecies and portents interlarded with poetry. Failing in winning them to
this scheme, he promised, if ships were provided him, to undertake new
discoveries. Partly because they would know more of their New World possessions, and partly to
rid themselves of uncomfortable importunities, the sovereigns assented to this
proposal, meanwhile intimating that after two years had been allowed in which
to quiet Española, the admiral should have his own again, but as clearly
indicating to others that he should not.
Four vessels, ranging in burden from fifty
to seventy tons, were then made ready, the Capitana, the Santiago de Palos, the Gallego, and the Vizcaino, commanded respectively by Diego Tristan,
Francisco de Porras, Pedro de Terreros,
and Bartolomé de Fresco, and embarked at Cádiz the
9th of May, 1502. With the expedition sailed Diego de Porras as chief clerk and notary, and Juan Sanchez as chief pilot; one hundred and
forty men and boys constituted the company. The admiral was accompanied by his
brother Bartolomé, the adelantado, and by his son
Fernando, then thirteen years of age. The sail across the ocean was prosperous,
with favorable winds and nothing to augur the approaching misfortunes until the
ships arrived off Santo Domingo on the 29th of June.
During the past two years matters had not
improved at Española. It seems that others could govern badly, as well as the
admiral. Indeed, the kings of Spain, most of them meaning well by their New
World subjects, were too often unfortunate in their choice of agents. Until
recently Bobadilla had held sway, the sovereigns being apparently in no haste
to displace him; from which course it was evident either that they had not been
properly informed of his conduct, or they approved of it. Perhaps it was true
that a knave was better for the place than an honest man. A successor, however,
had at length arrived in the person of Nicolas de Ovando,
and the superb fleet which had brought him, and was to carry back the displaced
governor to Spain, now rode at anchor in the harbor.
In following that contriving policy which
others beside princes sometimes regard as necessary when straightforwardness
were better, it had been deemed
expedient
that Columbus should not on this expedition touch at Española, lest his
presence engender fresh broils on the island. And the admiral appeared to
entertain no intention of breaking the royal commands, until he found, on
reaching the Indies, that one of his vessels was unfit for service; or else he
pretended that it was so in order to look in on his late government. But
whether in actual or feigned distress, when the admiral sent the 29th of June
to ask of Ovando permission to exchange a leaky
caravel, or at least to shelter the vessels from an impending storm, his
messenger Terreros returned with a refusal.
It was certainly an anomalous position in
which the great discoverer found himself, vainly knocking at the door of a
possession which he had so lately given to Spain, and he not convicted, nay,
scarcely accused of any crime. Columbus sent again and warned the governor of
approaching bad weather. Ovando would not heed him.
The gubernatorial fleet sailed; but only to face a hurricane which soon strewed
the shores of Española with its fragments. Current biographies here read like a
moral story. On the wrecked vessels were Bobadilla, Roldán,
and other inveterate enemies of the admiral, who with a huge mass of ill-gotten
treasure were buried beneath the waves. On a little caravel which survived the
tempest was the good Bastidas with his property; and
on another, which likewise reached Spain in safety, were four thousand pesos
de oro belonging to Columbus. Furthermore the
admiral sheltered his vessels, and so received no injury from the storm. From
all which, grave deductions were severally made by Columbus, that the Almighty
had preserved him; by his enemies, that he had employed witchcraft to save
himself and property; by others, of a luckless order which providence refuses
to recognize, that the admiral and adelantado were good seamen. After certain ship repairs,
made without difficulty in a little port near Santo Domingo, on the 14th of
July Columbus sailed westward on his explorations.
It must be remembered that at this time,
and for several years afterward, the Spaniards did not know where they were.
They supposed the earth smaller than it is, and that they were on the barbarous
outposts of India, whose interior was civilized and wealthy; and it was the
present object of the admiral to find some strait or passage between this border-land
and the detached southern regions about Paria, on
which he might sail to these rich inner realms, still coasting Asia
south-westward.
GUANAJA ISLAND.
A storm greeted him, followed by a calm,
during which he was carried first southward by Jamaica, then northward past the
western end of Cuba; after which, the wind freshening, he continued his course,
and on the 30th of July came to a small elevated island, called by the natives Guanaja, to which, from the trees that covered it, he gave
the name Isla de Pinos. On going ashore, the adelantado found the island inhabited by people like those of Española and Cuba, except
that they seemed more intelligent and knew more of the useful arts. Presently a
large canoe appeared coming from the direction of Yucatan. It measured eight
feet in its greatest width, and was rowed by twenty-five men. In the middle,
under a palm-leaf awning, sat a cacique, or chief, who manifested neither
surprise nor fear on being brought into the presence of the admiral. He
signified to the Spaniards as best he was able the extent and power of Mexico,
and displayed utensils of copper, stone, and wood, earthen-ware, and cotton
cloth brought thence. Gold was plentiful there, he also said; but the
imagination of the admiral had mapped his strait somewhere southward; so Mexico
was kept for Cortés.
DISCOVERY OF HONDURAS.
There was on the island an ancient
aboriginal of scientific attainments sufficient to enable him to draw for the
Spaniards a chart of the mainland coast, and tell them much of the country. Him
they took on board, and after dismissing the cacique with presents, crossed to the continent,
and anchored near a point which Columbus called Punta de Caxinas,
from the native name of a certain fruit abounding thereabout. Here the Spaniards
landed on the 14th of August, and celebrated mass; then proceeding eastward
some fifteen leagues to the mouth of a river, they again landed on the 17th,
and took formal possession for Spain. About a hundred painted savages displayed
themselves, finer specimens than any on the islands, some naked, and others
partially covered with white or colored cotton. They were friendly, and
presented fruit and vegetables, fish, fowl, and maize. So conspicuously
distended were the ears of the natives at one place that the name Costa de la Oreja was given to that vicinity.
COLUMBUS AT VERAGUA.
Proceeding, the discoverers encountered a
succession of gales which continued more than forty days, and having weathered
them safely they were so delighted that in sailing round the point of their
deliverance they thanked God, and called it Cape Gracias a Dios. All this time
Columbus suffered severely. Indeed, he was now but little better than a wreck
in body and mind. On the after part of the deck his bed was placed, and there
he lay over whelmed with pain and melancholy, lost in endless mazes of
speculation. Now and then he would rouse himself to translate his visions, or
to direct the management of the ship, for though half his senses should leave
him, he was still a sailor from instinct; but had it not been for the faithful
energy of the adelantado, the voyage might as well
never have been under taken.
The mariners had now entered a smooth sea;
with a favorable wind they passed rapidly down the Mosquito Coast, giving the
name Limonares to a cluster of islands on which grew
something like lemons or limes, and on the 16th of September anchored at the
mouth of a large river. Boats were sent ashore for water, and in returning one
was upset and the whole crew were drowned; from which melancholy occurrence the
stream was named Rio del Desastre. Continuing, the
25th found the Spaniards off the Rio San Juan de Nicaragua, where, to escape a
storm, they ran in behind an island, the native name of which was Quiriviri, but which from its verdant beauty Columbus
called La Huerta, The Garden. There they rested several days, and found sweet
speculation, easily inducing the savages to tell them such things as they
should most delight to hear. Indeed, all along the coast had vague information
been given, by signs ill interpreted, of a remarkable country called Ciguare, nine days' journey westward beyond the mountains.
The people there were like the Spaniards, clothed, and armed with steel
weapons, with horses and great ships. The women wore bands of coral and strings
of pearls, and the commonest utensils were of gold. Ten days journey from Ciguare must lie the river Ganges; and best of all, there
was a passage thither by sea; all the Spaniards had to do was to keep right on;
they could not miss the way. The Europeans gave full credit to these
assertions. Thus from the beginning mankind have been directed to their
terrestrial and celestial havens by mingled accident arid brutish ignorance,
and wise men like Columbus have believed these supremely silly stories because
it pleased them to do so. These savages may have had rumors of Mexico or Peru
on which to build their brilliant fictions; their statements were fictions none
the less.
And indeed as they came together there for
the first time, the white men and the red, it is often difficult to tell on
which side was the greater credulity and superstition. The folly of the
Spaniard was moulded into firmer consistence, was
less inept and vapory than the folly of the Americans, and that was about all.
For instance, at the village of Cariay, just opposite
on the main-land, Columbus thought to raise the Spaniards in the estimation of
the savages by declining to take the guanin, an inferior kind of gold which they
presented; whereupon for the same reason, and in retaliation, the natives
refused European trinkets. When the adelantado,
seated on a knoll with the notary by his side, sought to transfix some of the
wild knowledge of those parts, the natives fled terrorstruck,
supposing some magic spell was being cast upon them by the pens, ink, and paper
so solemnly drawn forth by the scribe. Presently with great caution they
returned, and with exorcising gesticulations burned and scattered in the air an
odorous powder. On the other hand, with equally enlightened common sense, the
Christians, unable to fathom the incantations of savagism, fancied these
heathen sorcerers bringing from the shades of their wilderness wrathful demons
to hurl upon their adversaries; and ever after on the voyage all the ills that
befell the Spaniards were attributed to the enchantments of the people of Cariay. At another port called Huiva,
Columbus found the huts of the natives built in trees, which he attributed to
fear of griffins. After a short excursion into the interior the adelantado returned to the ships. Near Cape Gracias a Dios
the old man of Guanaja had been liberated with
presents, as no longer of use; now, seven natives were seized and made to
divulge what they knew of the country, two of them being retained as guides.
Sailing from Cariay the 5th of October, the second day they came to the Laguna de Chiriqui, the country thereabout being called by the
natives Cerebaro. If some distance back Columbus had
found The Garden, here was a pluralized paradise. The wonder was how nature contrived
such glories. Round the entrance clustered islands whose outspread foliage
brushed the venturesome sails that threaded the deep narrow channels. Celestial
beauty irradiated the land, and a celestial brightness over spread the sea. But
a small additional rent was necessary in the ragged imagination of the admiral
to fancy himself already translated. The part of the laguna explored by this expedition was the north western, known today as the Bahia del
Almirante; the southern part was called by the natives Aburema.
Hanging from the necks of the natives was
pure gold in plates, now first found since touching these shores, but the
owners were content to keep it. Further on, anywhere but here, they said, was
plenty of gold, notably at a place called Veragua,
twenty-five leagues distant, where these much-admired plates of gold were
fabricated. Hastening forward, the Spaniards arrived, on the 18th, at a river
twelve leagues to the eastward of Cerebaro, called by
Fernando Colon, Guaiga, and by Porras, Guyga, where the savages attempted at first to drive
them away by splashing water, brandishing wooden swords, beating drums, and
sounding conchs; which demonstration being over they quietly traded sixteen of
their goldplates, valued at one hundred and fifty
ducats, for three hawk-bells. The following day the Spaniards were met in like
manner by other savages whom a shot sent scampering; after which they returned
and traded dutifully.
After this the discoverers touched at the
provinces of Catiba and Cobrabá,
where they saw the ruins of a wall built of stone and lime, which excited in
them anticipations of a near approach to civilization; but as they neared the
rich river the wind freshened and carried them past, without however preventing
a glimpse of five towns, one of which the guides assured them was Veragua. In the next province, Cubigá,
terminated the gold region, so they were told. Some were eager to go back to Veragua and gather gold, but anxious to find his strait
Columbus put them off, saying he would return anon.
Fancy the old admiral groping in the
darkness, the world, the universe clear enough to him as mapped in his own
mind, but unhappily not fitting the substantial facts. Instinctively he seems
to hover about this the narrowest part of the continent, his ship's prow now
pointed directly toward Spain, with India so far away, and the vast water
intervening, and the small but mighty strip of land that makes his mental map
of no avail. Thus since the world began millions have mapped eternity, and
still do map it, the gods meanwhile laughing loudly at the miserable work men
make of it.
Thus vainly searching, on the 2d of
November Columbus finds his ships at anchor in a beautiful and commodious
harbor entered between two islands. On every side are fields of maize, and
orchards of fruit, and groves of palm; for the people dwell in houses and
cultivate the ground. There he remains seven days, waiting the cessation of a
storm; and he calls the place Puerto Bello, also written Portobello, which name
it has ever since retained. Venturing forth on the 9th, he makes eastward eight
leagues, but is driven back, and takes refuge behind some islands in a small
harbor, which he calls Puerto de Bastimentos, from
the abundance of provisions brought them there. After repairing the ships, now
badly worm-eaten, he again on the 23d attempts an advance eastward, but is
speedily driven into a cove, which he names El Retrete,
some calling it Puerto de Escribanos, and which is so
small as barely to admit the ships, and so deep that bottom cannot be touched.
END OF THE ADMIRAL'S DISCOVERIES.
And now the mariners show signs of
discontent; with gold so near they are not Spaniards else. And the great
discoverer, the admiral of the ocean sea, must he bury in this little crevice
of a barbarous shore his mighty hopes? Bastidas was
here, although it is not certain how well informed the admiral is of the fact,
whether he had notice from Bastidas at Santo Domingo
as to the termination of his voyage, or whether the natives here had told him;
in any event, there cannot be now in the admiral's mind much doubt that the
coast is practically discovered from Trinidad to Guanaja,
and that between these two islands is a shore-line of continent unbroken by any
strait. Yes, as well unbrace here as elsewhere; and
gold-hunting is quite a fit occupation for an old man after his life's work is
done.
Turning then toward Veragua for solace, the Spaniards sailed from El Retrete the
5th of December. But with this change the fickle wind had likewise changed its
course; wherever they went were storms and buffetings, until Columbus
pronounced upon that shore the name La Costa de los Contrastes.
Where now was the balmy breath of perfumed isles, the sparkling sun dancing
beneath the wanton waters? Demonized. Gale followed gale in quick succession;
winds contending, veering; now the mariners were hurried on toward their
destination, only to be driven back to their starting-point. The stubborn waves
struck the crazy barks with such menacing force as to send the terror-stricken
sailors to their knees, and they confessed to each other. For nine days the sea
was white with angry foam; the sky blazed with electric fires; the men fell
sick; provisions spoiled. Long, lank, muscular sharks, weatherwise monsters, followed the ships expectantly, until the hunger-smitten crews eyed
them ominously in return, until these creatures that had come to eat were
caught and eaten by these other creatures. All this time down poured the rain
in torrents and nearly submerged the ships. In the midst of these cataclysmal
horrors a water-spout was seen approaching, "which", Fernando Colon
is sure, "if they had not dissolved by reciting the gospel of St John,
would certainly have sunk whatever it had fallen upon". Twenty-nine days
were occupied in making as many leagues to the westward. Once the ships parted
company for three days; twice they ran into Portobello, and twice they took
refuge at other places on the coast.
THE QUIBIAN.
At length, with thanksgiving, January 6,
1503, they came to anchor at the mouth of a river, the native name of which was Yebra; but Columbus, in honor of the day, Epiphany,
called it Santa Maria de Belén. One league to the
westward was the river Veragua. The admiral ordered
both streams to be sounded. The Veragua was found too
shallow for the ships. At the mouth of the Belén was
a bar, which however could be crossed at high water; above the bar the depth
was four fathoms. On the bank of the Belén stood a
village, whose inhabitants at first opposed the landing of the Spaniards; but
being persuaded by the interpreter, they at length yielded. They were a
well-developed, muscular people, rather above medium stature, intelligent, and
exceptionally shrewd; in fact, in point of native ability they were in no wise
inferior to the Spaniards. When questioned concerning their country, they
answered guardedly; when asked about their gold mines, they replied evasively.
First, it was from some far-off mysterious mountain the metal came; then the
river Veragua was made to yield it all; there was none
at all about Belén, nor within their territory, in
fact. Finally they took a few trinkets, and gave the intruders twenty plates of
gold, thinking to be rid of them. Within a day or two the vessels were taken
over the bar, and on the 9th two of them ascended the river a short distance.
The natives made the best of it, and brought fish and gold.
With an armed force the adelantado sets out in boats to explore the Veragua. He has not proceeded far when he is met by a fleet
of canoes, in one of
which
sits the quibian, the king of
all that country, having under him many subordinate chiefs. He is tall, well-modelled, and compactly built, with restless, searching
eyes, but otherwise expressionless features, taciturn and dignified, and, for a
savage, of exception ally bland demeanor. We shall find him as politic as he is
powerful; and as for his wealth, unfortunately for him, his domain includes the
richest gold mines of that rich coast. On the whole, the quibian is as fine a specimen of his race as the adelantado is of his. And thus they are fairly met, the men
of Europe and the men of North America; and as in the gladiatorial combat,
which opens with a smiling salutation, this four-century life-struggle begins
with friendly greetings. Pity it is, they are outwardly not more evenly
matched; pity it is, that the European with his civilization, saltpetre, Christianity, and blood hounds, his steel
weapons, and strange diseases, should be allowed to do his robbery so easily!
But ravenous beasts and bloody bipeds are so made that they do not hesitate to
take advantage of the helpless; it is only civilized man, however, that calls
his butcherings by pleasant names, such as progress,
piety, and makes his religion and his law conform to his heart's unjust
desires.
As the champions approach each other, we
see about them both an air of determination and command; and while extremely
cordial, we see on either side that courtesy common to those who fear while
they suspect. With princely grace the red man takes from his naked body some
massive golden ornaments and presents them to the white man; the adelantado, not to be outdone in generosity by a savage,
with equal dignity and solemnity presents the red man a handful of valueless
baubles. The ceremony over, with mutual assurances of friendship the chieftains
retire. Next day the quibian visits the admiral in his ship. Neither
has much to say; presents are exchanged, and the savage returns to his people.
While the ships of the Spaniards lay by
the bank in fancied security, on the 24th of January the storm-demon, as if
enraged at the escape of its victims from the fury of the sea, rushed to the
mountains, and opening the windows of heaven, let down a deluge on the land.
The rushing torrents swept everything before them. The vessels were torn from
their moorings and carried down the river, only to be met at the mouth by the
incoming breakers from the sea. And thus to their imminent peril they were
tossed for several days by the contending waters.
The storm abating, and the ships made secure,
the adelantado again started in search of the
gold-fields. With sixty-eight men he ascended the Veragua to the village of the quibian, whose house was situated on a hill round
which were scattered the dwellings of his people. The chieftain with a large
retinue, unarmed in token of peace, welcomed the visitors at the landing.
Guides were readily furnished at the adelantado’s request; so leaving part of his company to guard the boats, with the remainder
he set out on foot for the base of the mountain, distant six leagues, which he
reached the following day. For many miles he found the soil richly impregnated
with gold, and returned elated, as visions of populous cities and unbounded
wealth floated through his brain. Which seeing, the quibian grimly smiled that they should deem their work
already done, himself subdued, the land their own; and he smiled to think how
he had sent them round and away from his own rich mines to the poorer and more
distant fields of Urirá, his ancient enemy. Then the adelantado explored westward, and came to the town and
river of this Urirá, and to the towns of Dururi, Cobrabá, and Catibá, where he obtained gold and provisions.
BARTOLOMÉ PENETRATES THE INTERIOR.
There were here fifty leagues of coast,
from Cerebaro to Veragua, called
by the Spaniards the tierra de rescate, or land of trade, meaning trade in gold, that being
the only thing worth trading for in an expedition of this kind. This seaboard
was heavily wooded, and uninhabited except along the rivers, for three leagues
inland. And all things seeming so favorable, Columbus thought he would plant a
colony here, leave eighty men and one of the vessels in charge of the adelantado, and with the remainder return to Spain, report
the results of his discovery, and obtain reinforcements. In a word, if not
restrained by some Ferdinand, or Fonseca, or other infernal friend, he would
repeat with fresh enthusiasm his former errors which had so nearly wrought his
ruin. But his usual ill-luck came to the rescue. The quibian did not view with favor the preparations
which he saw the Spaniards making for a permanent residence on his lands, and
he determined it should not be. But how could he prevent it? For he was well
aware of the advantages these strangers possessed in open warfare. Yet there
were several ways open to him; if he did not wish to attack them with an
overwhelming force he could devastate the country around, withdraw his people,
and leave the Spaniards to die, meanwhile cutting off such stragglers and
foraging parties as he could easily handle. And this he did, beginning
operations by summoning the neighboring tribes, ostensibly for the purpose of
organizing an expedition against Urirá and Cobrabá.
The suspicions of the Spaniards were
aroused. Diego Mendez, escudero, esquire, or shield-bearer of the ship Santiago, a sharp, bold, and somewhat boastful
man, but courageous beyond the comprehension of fear, asked and obtained
permission to investigate the matter. Entering the Veragua in an armed boat he found encamped below the quibian’s village about a thousand painted warriors. Assuming an air of unconcern Mendez
landed and strolled leisurely among the savages. Remarking on their proposed
expedition he offered to join them; but his services were rejected, and his
presence was manifestly distasteful to them. He returned and reported that the
savages were preparing to attack the Spaniards. Yet to satisfy some who
doubted, Mendez went again, this time taking with him one companion, Rodrigo de
Escobar, intending plainly to demand of the quibian his purpose. A host of frowning savages
greeted the visitors, who asked to see the quibian. They were informed that he was lying ill
from the effects of a wound received in battle. "For that very
purpose", replied the ready Mendez, "I a surgeon am come to heal
him"; But the Spaniards could not gain audience of the chief, and they
returned more than ever convinced of his bloody intention toward them.
What was to be done? The admiral could not
depart while hostilities were pending, nor could the Spaniards delay their
operations until it should please the savages to attack them. The adelantado determined to force an issue. With seventy-five
men, on the morning of the 30th of March, he ascended the Veragua,
and landed unobserved near the quibian's village.
Hiding his men, he advanced, first with four attendants, then alone, until
after some difficulty he gained admission to the quibian’s presence. What Bartolome was now attempting was the
regular game, afterward played for higher stakes, but now being pretty
generally practised in the New World; namely, to
capture the chief and hold him hostage for the good behavior of his people. It
was at the door in front of the quibian’s dwelling
that this interview took place. The savage suspected nothing. The very boldness
of the scheme, so foreign to aboriginal warfare, tended to allay apprehension.
Within were fifty of his household, and at easy call five hundred warriors;
what had the quibian to fear? The two chiefs sat and
talked, first on general subjects; then the adelantado enquired concernedly about his host's illness, examined the wound tenderly,
passed his hands over the disabled limb while proposing remedies. Suddenly the
savage felt the grasp of the Spaniard tighten upon him, and before his
suspicions were fairly aroused his arms were pinioned behind him. Mendez, who
had been watching, fired his arquebuse, and the
concealed Spaniards rushed forward and surrounded the house. The quibian struggled, but weakened by sickness he was easily
held in the iron grasp of the adelantado, until by
the aid of the other Spaniards he was made powerless. So adroitly was the feat
performed, that before the presence of the Spaniards was generally known among
the natives, their chief and all his family were captive, and on the way to the
boats. The savages lifted up the usual lamentations, and offered enormous
ransom; but it had been determined beforehand that the chief personages of the
nation should be sent to Spain; for in such procedure, the admiral thought, lay
the greater security of his plans.
At this juncture in the narrative
historians, even modern writers of fair intelligence, gravely discuss the
probabilities of guilt in the quibian’s supposed
treachery, some holding with Diego de Porras that the
natives did not meditate attack; as if they had not the right to defend their
country, their wives and little ones, from the ravages of the invader by any
means within their power.
Passing conventional twaddle --for if the quibian was not guilty he ought in honor to have been-- it
is very certain that this action on the part of the Spaniards was the cause of
many woes, and of their final overthrow in these parts. In any event it was now
of the highest importance to secure the quibian. The
whole adventure on this coast depended upon it; therefore the adelantado hastened to send his captives on board the
ships. Desirous of instituting other proceedings for the pacification of that
section before returning, the adelantado looked about
him for a reliable person to whom he might entrust his weighty charge. Present
was Juan Sanchez, chief pilot, an honest sailor, not wholly indifferent to
military honors, who earnestly offered service and was accepted. The quibian, tied hand and foot, was firmly bound to his seat
in the boat; and superfluous as might appear any admonition, the adelantado charged Juan Sanchez to look well to his
prisoner. "Pluck out my beard hair by hair if he escape me", was the
vaunting reply of the pilot as he shoved his boat from the bank and started
down the river.
But alas for the overweening confidence of
a Peter or a Juan Sanchez! Fighting the elements at sea is a different thing
from fighting Indians on land. Quite a different order of tactics is required;
and the sailor's life is not the school in which to study the wiles of Indian
strategy. In the one place the sailor is not more superior than is the savage
in the other. The quibian, outwardly calm, inwardly
is fiercely excited; and like the wild beast when hotly pursued, his instincts
quicken with the occasion. He and his loved ones are prisoners, treacherously
entrapped by a strange species of the human kind in return for fair words and
generous hospitality. Their probable fate possesses all the horrors of
uncertainty. Swiftly with the swift boat runs the time away; something must be
done or all is lost. Narrowly, but cautiously, the chief surveys his keeper. It
is pleasant to look upon the homely face of honest Juan Sanchez; not a
lineament there but shines with God's best message to man, and in language
which even dumb intelligence may read. Stern duty is largely diluted with
humanity, integrity with charming simplicity; from which the wily quibian takes his cue, and thenceforth is master of the
situation. With quiet dignity and cheerful resignation he sits among his
people, hushing their lamentations and chiding their complaints. By words and
little acts of consideration he lightens the labors of the boatmen, and studies
for himself and people to give no unnecessary trouble. These conciliatory
measures are not lost on the warm-hearted sailor, whose regard for his royal
captive rises every moment. He is pronounced by all a well-mannered savage, a
most courteous savage. And now the quibian modestly
complains of the cords so tightly drawn by the too zealous Mendez. They do
indeed cut into the flesh, and constrain him to a most uncomfortable position.
And he such a gentleman-savage! Juan Sanchez is not the man to sit there and
see a fellow creature unnecessarily suffer; he cannot do it. The thongs which
lacerate the prisoner's wrists are loosened, the cord which binds him to the
seat is untied; but for security for above all this great chief must be kept
secure one end of it the ever-watchful pilot twists round his hand. Night comes
on. It is very dark, but the captives are quiet, and the boat glides
noiselessly down the stream. Suddenly the light craft sways; a plunge is heard;
the pilot feels his hand violently wrenched; he must loosen his hold or be
drawn into the water. It is all as the flash of a pistol in point of time; the quibian’s seat is empty; and honest Juan Sanchez is obliged
to present his hanging front before his comrades, a Spaniard outwitted by a
savage !
After scouring the country in several
directions, the adelantado returned to the ships,
bringing gold plates, wristlets, and anklets to the value of three hundred
ducats, which were divided, after deducting the king's fifth. Among the spoils
taken from the quibian were two golden coronets, one
of which was presented to Bartolomé by the admiral. Notwithstanding
the escape of the chief, who, after all, was probably drowned, Columbus
proceeded to execute his plans. There were the king's household and his chief
men safely on board, and these should be sufficient to guarantee the tranquillity of the nations. So the arrangements for the
comfort and security of the colony during the contemplated absence of the
admiral were hastened to completion. The three vessels, after discharging part
of their cargoes, were carried by the newly swollen stream over the bar, and reloaded.
There they lay at anchor waiting a favor able wind.
All this time, however, the Spaniards were
reckoning without their host. The quibian was not
dead. In spite of his bonds, he had made good his escape. After his bold
plunge, finding himself free from the boat, he had extricated his wrists from
the loosened cords, swam beneath the water to the bank, and had set out for his
village, revolving vengeance. And now, hastily arming a thousand warriors, he
attacked the Spaniards under cover of the dense vegetation, killing one and
wounding eight, but was soon repulsed with heavy loss. Shortly afterward Diego
Tristan, coming ashore from one of the vessels with eleven men, recklessly
ascended the river a league for wood and water. All but one were killed.
The aspect of affairs was serious. It was
now evident that no fear of what might befall his imprisoned household would
deter the quibian from his bloody purpose. Alive or
dead might be his brothers, wives, and children, he would rid his country of
these perfidious strangers. To this end he secured the cooperation of the
neighboring chieftains and filled the forest with his warriors. Stealthily they
lurked in the vicinity of the settlement, and watched every pathway, ready to
cut off any who should venture abroad. Nowhere on the Islands had the Spaniards
met such stubborn opposition, and serious misgivings filled their minds. Their
own probable doom they saw foreshadowed in the mutilated bodies of Tristan and
his men, which came floating past them down the stream, attended by ravenous
fishes; and the requiems sung by quarrelling vultures over the remains when
afterward they were thrown back by the waves upon the beach, tended in no wise
to lessen their dismal forebodings. To heighten their misfortunes, a furious
storm arose, which cut off all communication between the settlement and the
ships. The adelantado endeavored in vain to quiet the
fears of his people, who emboldened by despair would have seized the remaining
caravel and put to sea had the weather permitted. Yet closer pressed upon them
the enraged quibian, until dislodged they retreated
to the river bank, before their caravel, and threw up earthworks, which they
capped with the ship's boat, and behind which they planted their guns, and so
kept the savages at bay.
On shipboard matters were no better. The
continued absence of Tristan and his crew caused the admiral great anxiety. In
such a heavy sea it was unsafe to remain near the shore; the parting of a cable
would doom the clumsy craft to swift destruction. And as if this were not
enough, the spirit of the quibian broke out among his
encaged family. Preferring death to captivity they plotted escape. During the
night the prisoners were confined in the forecastle, and on the covering slept
a guard of soldiers. Collecting one night such articles as were within reach,
stones used as ballast, boxes, and provision casks, they piled them up under
the hatchway cover. Toward morning, when the guards were sleeping soundly, as
many of the captives as were able mounted the heap, and placing their shoulders
to the covering, by quick concerted action burst it open, throwing the sleeping
sentinels in every direction, and springing out leaped into the sea. Those
whose escape was prevented were found next morning dead, some hanging to the
roof and sides of their prison, some strangled by means of strings round the
neck drawn tight with the foot.
It was now of the utmost importance to
communicate with the shore, as the admiral was convinced that the situation of
the colonists was becoming perilous in the extreme. At least, all hope of
settlement in that quarter must for the present be abandoned. The fate of the
captives, when once it was known, would move the very rocks to revenge. But no
boat could live in the surf intervening. Then stepped forward Pedro Ledesma, a Sevillian pilot, and
offered if rowed to the breakers to attempt to gain the shore by swimming. The
thing was done. Scarcely had Ledesma picked himself
up from the spot where the waves threw him when he was surrounded by his
forlorn countrymen, who informed him of the fate of Tristan, and of their
determination to quit that accursed coast at any hazard. Ledesma returned and told the admiral, upon whose mind thereupon gloom settled in yet
denser shades. Unrighteously deprived of his command
at Santo Domingo, he had nourished the hope that this last and most important
of his discoveries might prove the base of better fortune than was possible on
the Spanish Isle. For had it not been revealed to him that this Veragua was the source whence Solomon drew the gold to
build the temple? These lamentations continued during the remainder of the
storm, which lasted nine days longer; after which preparations were made for
the embarkation of the colonists, the admiral consoling himself with the
promise of return under more favorable auspices.
Finally the caravel stationed in the river
was dismantled, and out of the spars and some Indian canoes was made a raft, by
means of which the colonists and their effects were in two days taken on board.
The admiral then bore away eastward for Española. And it may have been the
lingering hope of blind infatuation --so his followers thought it-- that made
him cling to the shore until the Darien country was passed, before striking out
across the Caribbean Sea; others say it was to avoid contrary winds, while he
affirms it was to deceive his pilots that they might not be able to find Veragua again without his charts. One worm-eaten caravel he
was obliged to drop at Portobello. The other two held together until they
reached Jamaica, where they were beached.
DEATH OF THE ADMIRAL.
A new series of misfortunes here awaited
the Great Unlucky One. From June 1503 to June 1504 he was doomed to remain on
his wrecks, which now lay side by side, partially filled with water. Food
became scarce, and the foraging expeditions met with constantly increasing
difficulties in seeking the necessary supply. By desperate efforts Diego Mendez
succeeded in reaching Española in a canoe; but when he had notified Ovando of the perilous situation of Columbus, the governor
was in no haste to relieve his rival. Sickness next followed, and then mutiny.
Francisco de Porras with forty-eight men threw off
allegiance to the admiral, and taking ten canoes set out for Española. Twice
thrown back upon Jamaica by adverse winds they abandoned the attempt, and gave
themselves up to licentious roving about the island. A second mutiny was near
its culmination when a small vessel appeared in the distance. Presently Diego
de Escobar approached in a boat, and without leaving it, thrust in upon the
admiral a letter, a side of bacon, and a barrel of wine, all from Ovando; then he disappeared as mysteriously as he had come.
Following an attempted reconciliation with Porras was
a fight between his gang and the Spaniards under Bartolomé,
in which six were killed, among them our honest friend Juan Sanchez, who had
cast his lot with Porras. The doughty Ledesma, also a rebel, though badly wounded, lived to be
assassinated in Spain. Porras and several others were
taken prisoners and confined on board the wreck. The remainder of the deserters
then returned, penitent. Finally the admiral's agent at Santo Domingo, Diego de Salcedo, came to his relief with two ships.
It was infamous in Ovando to leave Columbus so long in such a strait. The excuses he pleaded were absence
at Jaraguá, and lack of suitable ships; but had he
been in earnest to deliver the admiral, means could have been found before the
lapse of a year. Although on arriving at Santo Domingo Columbus received
lodgings in Ovando's house, and the gover nor was outwardly exceedingly attentive to his guest,
in reality there was little in common between the two men but jealousy and
distrust. Porras was allowed to roam at large, though
finally sent to Spain for trial. Columbus sailed for Spain September 12, 1504.
For a time he kept his bed at Seville, writing heart-rending letters to the
sovereigns, who paid little attention to them. By the help of the adelantado, ever his most faithful friend and brother,
Columbus managed the following year to creep up to court and beg redress from
the king, for the queen was now dead. But Ferdinand was deeply disgusted; not
so much however as to prevent his granting the illustrious discoverer a
magnificent burial shortly after. It was the 20th of May, 1506, that Columbus
died at Valladolid, at the age of about seventy years.
Thus terminated the first attempt of
Spaniards to plant a colony on the mainland of North America. Columbus himself,
the leader, advanced with proffers of friendship in one hand and a sword in the
other, retaliated upon a fancied savage treachery by a more insidious civilized
treachery, and was driven from the country by a brave ruler, whose deeds
deserve to be enrolled beside those of patriots everywhere. One kind act of a
tender-hearted Spanish sailor --would I had more of them to record in this
history-- brings the direst misfortune on his countrymen, delays for a dozen
years the occupation of Veragua, and turns the tide
of conquest in other directions.
Most remarkable in the character of
Columbus was the combination of the theoretical and the practical; and most
remarkable in his theories was the anomaly that though nearly all of them were
false, they led to as grand results as if they had been true. The aperture
through which failure creeps into carefully laid schemes is usually some
glaring defect of character; and such defect often appears where little
suspected, in natures warped by genius, or where one quality is unduly
developed at the expense of another quality. We often see men of rare ability
wrecked by what would be regarded an act of folly unaccountable in the
stupidest person; but we do not often see success resulting from these same
defects. The greatest defect in the faculties of Columbus, extravagance of
belief, was the primary cause of his success. Simple to us as is the reality of
the earth's rotundity, and of the practicability of a western route to Asia, no
one could then have entertained those doctrines without extraordinary
credulity; even though Pythagoras and others had so long ago expressed such
ideas, no one could then have acted on them short of infatuation bordering on
insanity. To say the world is round was not enough; Thales of Miletus proved it
not a plane two thousand years before. If it were round, the water would run
off; if it were flat, why then one safely might sail on it; if it be flat, and
the water runs not off, then at the other end there must be land that keeps the
water on, and one might sail over the flat sea to that land --all such logic
was less puerile than the feelings by which the Genoese ordinarily reached
conclusions. His efforts were the embodiment of the ideas of many thoughtful
men, timorous persons, perhaps, or merely meditative and passive, but in none
of whom united his ability, courage, and enthusiasm; above all, none so
scientific were at the same time so blindly fanatic. Often the knowledge of a
prophecy is the cause of its fulfilment. Some say
Alonso Sanchez told him of Española, and he himself affirms that once he
visited Iceland. It may have been that on this voyage he learned from the
Norsemen of their Vinland and Helluland. What then?
Were this true, such stories would have had with him scarcely greater weight
than the sayings of the ancients, or than current interpretations of holy writ.
Nothing more plainly proves the power that sent him forth than the fact that in
scarcely one of his original conceptions was he correct. He thought to reach
Asia over an unobstructed ocean sea by sailing west; he did not. To the day of
his death he thought America was Asia, and that Cuba was mainland; that the
earth was much smaller than it is, and that six sevenths of it was land. He
dwelt much on a society of Amazons who never had existence, and at every step
among the Islands he ingenuously allowed his inflamed imagination to deceive
him. He claimed to have been divinely appointed for this mission; he affirmed
his voyage a miracle, and himself inspired with the conception of it by the
most holy Trinity; he vowed to rescue the holy sepulchre,
which he never did; he proclaimed visions which he never saw, such as St Elmo
at the top-mast with seven lighted tapers, and told of voices which he never
heard; he pictured himself a Christ-bearer to benighted heathen, when in truth
he was scattering among them legions of fiery devils. But what he knew and did,
assuredly, was enough, opening the ocean to highways, and finding new
continents; enough to fully entitle him to all the glory man can give to man;
and as for his errors of judgment, had he been able to map America as
accurately as can we today, had he been divine instead of, as he claimed, only
divinely appointed, with myriads of attendant ministers, his achievement would
have been none the greater. From the infirmities of his nature sprang the
nobility of Brutus ; from the weak nesses of Columbus was compounded his
strength.
Assuredly it was no part of the experience
and ingenuity which springs from life-long application that made Columbus so
essentially a visionary; nor was it his scientific attainments, nor the
splendid successes which despite the so frequent frowns of fortune we must
accredit him. In his avocation of mariner he was a plain, thoughtful man of
sound judgment and wise discretion; but fired by fanaticism he became more than
an ordinary navigator; he became more as he fancied himself, superhuman, the
very arm of omnipotence. Once born in him the infatuation that he was the
divinely appointed instrument for the accomplishment of this work, and frowning
monarchs or perilous seas were as straws in his way. We see clearly enough what
moved him, these four hundred years after the event, though he who was moved in
reality knew little about it. By the pressure of rapidly accumulating ideas we
see brought to the front in discovery Christopher Columbus, just as in the
reformation of the church Martin Luther is crowded to the front. The German
monk was not the Reformation; like the Genoese sailor, he was but an instrument
in the hands of a power palpable to all, but called by different persons
different names.
While yet mingling in the excitements of
progressive manhood, he became lost in a maze of mysticism, and to the end of
his life he never recovered possession of himself. Not that self-mastery, the
first necessity of correct conduct, was wholly gone; there was method in his
madness; and he could deny the demons within him, but it was only to leave open
the door and give himself up to yet other demons.
In the centuries of battle now lately
renewed between science and superstition, Columbus fought on both sides. Never
was a man more filled at once with the material and the spiritual, with the
emotional and the intellectual. Mingling with beatified spirits in the garden
of his moral paradise were naked wild men equally as glorious in their
immoralities. His creed, though illogical enough, was obviously not in his eyes
a bundle of supernatural abstractions, but concrete reality as much as were any
of his temporal affairs. Himself an honest devotee of science, and believing science
the offspring of superstition, science and himself must finally be forever laid
upon the altar of superstition. He had no thought of work apart from religion,
or of religion apart from work. He had ready a doctrine for every heavenly
display, a theory for every earthly phenomenon. When pictures of other lands
rose in his imagination, he knew them to be real, just as Juan Diego of Mexico
knew to be real the apparition of our Lady of Guadalupe at Tepeyacac.
By the gnawing hunger of temporal and spiritual ambition he was enabled to see
the new lands suggested by science, just as the miserable monk, starved and
scourged into the beholdings of insanity, sees angels
of every incarnation.
While thus obliged to view all his
achievements through the atmosphere of creative mysticism, in weighing his
manifold qualities, it is well always to remember that there were achievements,
and those of the very highest order. His mysticism was the mysticism of
practical life rather than of inactive ideality. His bigotry was of value to
him in giving definiteness to energy otherwise vague and fitful. His
all-potential fanaticism subordinated to one idea every erratic and incoherent
aspiration. It gave his life a fixedness of purpose which lust, avarice, and
every appetite combined could not have given without it; so that while he
brooded with misanthropic wistfulness he did not shirk any fancied duty, even
when attended by pain and misfortune. His was not a cloistered inspiration, but
an overwhelmingly active enthusiasm. There was in him no longing after a
perfect life; in his own eyes his life was perfect. No restless questionings
over the unknowable; there was no unknowable. His oblique imagination
encompassed all worlds and penetrated all space. His positivism bound the metaphysical
no less firmly than the material. Abstract conceptions were more tangible than
concrete facts. Realities were but accidents; ideas were the only true
realities. The highway of the heavens which to profoundest investigation is
dusty with the debris of an evolving universe, to this self-sufficient sailor
was as plain as the king's road from Seville to Cádiz.
And as genius grows with experience, so
grew his fanaticism with the errors he constantly fell into. He was not a happy
man, nor was he a pleasant or profitable companion. In his delusions he was
self-satisfied; in the loss of himself self-possessed. He endeavored to be
prudent and thought himself worldly wise; but like many self-flatterers wrapped
in their own fancies he was easily imposed upon, even by the sovereigns, with
whom he aimed to be exceedingly shrewd. His contact with man did not deepen his
humanity, but seemed rather to harden his heart, and drive his affections all
the more from earth to heaven. His mind was of that gloomy cast which made even
his successes sorrowful. We have seen among his practical virtues integrity of
a high conventional order, single-mindedness, courage, and indomitable
perseverance; and in other characteristics which were not so pleasing pride,
displaying itself not least in a chronic religious humility; a melancholy
temper; a selfish ambition, which with one grasp would secure to himself and
his family the uttermost that man and God could give; with all his devout piety
and heavenly zeal a painful and often ludicrous tenacity in clutching at
high-sounding titles and hollow honors --there were even in the most unlovable
parts of him something to respect, and in his selfishness a self-sacrificing
nobleness, a lofty abandonment of self to the idea, which we can but admire. It
was not for himself, although it was always most zealously and jealously for
himself; the ships, the new lands, the new peoples, his fortunes and his life,
all were consecrate; should the adventure prove successful, the gain would be
heaven's; if a failure, the loss would fall on him. Surely the Almighty must
smile on terms so favorable to himself. And that he did not finally make good
his promises with regard to rescuing the holy sepulchre,
and building temples, and converting nations, was for the same reason that he
did not finally satisfy his worldly pretensions, and secure himself in his rulership. He had not the time. With all his worldly and
heavenly ambitions, the glory of God and the glory of himself were secondary to
the happy consummation of his grand idea.
And never did morbid broodings over the
unsubstantial and shadowless produce grander results
than these incubations of alternate exaltation and despondency that hatched a
continent. Yet there is cutting irony under it, when we see how fate ordained
that the ships, the charts, and all the other mechanisms of his high purposes
were in his hands to be implements for the breaking-down of those very
spiritual bulwarks which he sought to establish forever.
While, therefore, in the study of this
remarkable character, whose description is but a succession of paradoxes, we
see everywhere falsehood leading up to truth and truth to falsehood; while we
see spring out of the ideal the real, results the most substantial and success
the most signal come from conceptions the most fantastical, we can but observe,
not only that penetrative vision which in the mind of genius sees through the
symbol the divine significance, but that they have not been always or
altogether fruitless of good, those spectral fancies which riot in absurdities,
building celestial cities, and peopling pandemoniums,
even in the absence of genius, symbol, or significance.
ADMINISTRATION OF THE
INDIES.
1492-1526.
Columbus
the Rightful Ruler—Juan Aguado—Francisco de Bobadilla —NicolAs de Ovando—Santo
Domingo the Capital of the Indies— Extension of Organized Government to
Adjacent Islands and Main-land — Residencias— Gold Mining at EspaSola — Race
and Caste in Government — Indian and Negro Slavery — Cruelty to the Natives —
Spanish Sentimentalism — Pacification, not Conquest—The Spanish Monarchs
always the Indian’s Friends—Bad Treatment due to Distance and Evil-minded
Agents — Infamous Doings of Ovando — Repartimientos and Encomiendas—The Sovereigns
Intend them as Protection to the Natives—Settlers Make theh the Means of Indian
Enslavement—Las Casas Appears and Protests against Inhumanities—The Defaulting
Treasurer—Diego Colon Supersedes Ovando as Governor—And Makes Matters Worse —
The Jeronimite Fathers Sent Out— Audiencias — A Sovereign Tribunal is
Established at Santo Domingo which Gradually Assumes all the Functions of an
Audi- ENCIA, AND AS SUCH FINALLY GOVERNS THE INDIES—LAS CASAS IN Spain—The
Consejo de Indias, and Casa de Contratacion—Legislation for the Indies.
We have seen how it
had been first of all agreed that Columbus should be sole ruler, under the
crown, of such lands and seas as he might discover for Spain. We have seen how,
under that rule, disruption and rebellion followed at the heels of
mismanagement, until the restless colonists made Espanola an angusti- arum
insula to the worthy admiral, and until their majesties thought they saw in it
decent excuse for taking the reins from the Genoese, and supplanting him by
agents of their own choosing. The first of these agents was Juan Aguado, who
was merely a
(247)
commissioner of inquiry. With him, it will be remembered, Columbus
returned to Spain after his second voyage, leaving his brother Bartolome in command.
The admiral was permitted to try again; but on reaching the seat of his
government he was unable to quiet the disturbances which had increased during
liis absence. Rebellion had almost reached the dignity of revolution, and
stronger than the government were factions whose leaders openly defied the governor-general,
viceroy, and admiral of the ocean sea. That their Majesties were greatly
grieved at this, I do not say; or that they were displeased that the rebels, or
revolutionists, of Espanola should refer their troubles to them. But this is
certain, that after another fair trial Columbus was obliged to give it up, and
to see himself displaced by a person far worse than himself. Perhaps it is true
that a knave was better for the office than an honest man.,
Not that Francisco de Bobadilla may be lawfully accused of dishonesty;
the sovereigns seemed competent to take care of themselves where their revenue
was concerned. And yet he was certainly influenced in his conduct by no sense
of right or of humanity. He was a man of narrow mind, of ignoble instincts and
mean prejudices. He was popular for a time with the colonists because he was
like them, and because he reduced the royal share of the product of the mines
from a third to an eleventh, and permitted the dissolute to idle their time and
illtreat the natives; and because he released those whom the admiral had
imprisoned, and compelled Columbus to pay his debts —for which last-mentioned
measure I have no fault to find with him.
It was the 21st of March, 1499, that Bobadilla was authorized to proceed
against offenders at Espanola, but he did not leave Spain until July, 1500,
reaching Santo Domingo the 23d of August. The enchaining of the illustrious
discoverer by an infamous agent, and for no crime, excited universal disgust
throughout
Christendom; and jet their Majesties seemed in no haste to depose him;
for it was not until the 3d of September, 1501, in answer to the persistent
remonstrances of Columbus, that a change was made, and the government given to
Nicolas de Ovando, who sailed from Spain the 13th of February following, and
arrived at Santo Domingo the 15th of April, 1502; so that Bobadilla was in
office on the island over a year and a half, long enough to sow the seeds of
much iniquity.
Ovando was a knight of the order of Alcantara, of neither massive mind
nor commanding mien. But his firm and fluent speech lent strength to his slight
figure and fair complexion, and a courteous manner made amends for a vanity
which in him assumed the form of deep humility. He was well known to their
Majesties, havingbeen one of the companions of Prince Juan, and it was thought
would make a model governor. Ample instructions, both written and verbal, were
given him before sailing. The natives should be converted, but their bodies
should not be enslaved or inhumanly treated. They must pay tribute, and gather
gold, but for the latter they should be paid wages. There was to be a complete
change of soldiers and officials at Espanola, that the new government might
begin untainted by the late disorders. Neither Jews nor Moors might go to the
Indies, but negro slaves, born into the possession of Christians, were to be
permitted passage. For any loss resulting from Bobadilla’s acts, full
restitution must be made the admiral, and henceforth his rights of property
must be respected. Columbus might always keep there an agent to collect his
dues, and he was to' be treated with consideration. The idle and profligate
were to be returned to Spain. Except the provinces given to Ojeda and Pinzon,
Ovando’s jurisdiction was made to extend over all the Indies, that is to say,
over all the New World dominions of Spain, islands and firm land, with the
capital at Santo Domingo, and subor
dinate or municipal governments in the more impoi- tant localities. All
mining licenses issued by Bobadilla were to be revoked; of the gold thus far
collected one third should be taken for the crown, and of all thereafter
gathered one half. Supplementing these instructions with much paternal advice
consisting of minor moralities and Machiavelisms, their Majesties bade their
viceroy God speed and sent him forth in a truly royal fashion.
There were no less than thirty ships and twenty- five hundred persons
comprising the expedition. Of the company were Alonso Maldonado, newly appointed
alcalde mayorand twelve Franciscans, with a prelate, Antonio de Espinal. Las
Casas was present; and Hernan Cortes would have been there but for an illness
which prevented him. There were seventy-three respectable married women, who
had come with their husbands and children, and who were to salt society at
their several points of distribution. It was evident as the new governor
entered his capital, elegantly attired, with a body-guard of sixty-two
foot-soldiers and ten horsemen, and a large and brilliant retinue, that the
colonization of the New World had now been assumed in earnest by the sovereigns
of Spain. Nor was Ovando disposed to be dilatory in his duty. He at once
announced the residencia2 of Bobadilla, and put Roldan, ci-devant
1 Chief judge, or highest judicial officer
in the colony, to take the place of Roldan, who was to be returned to Spain.
Irving, Columbus, ii. 331, writes erroneously alguazil mayor, evidently
confounding the two offices. For Las Casas, HUt.
Ind., iii. 18, says plainly enough:—‘Trujo consigo por Alcalde mayor un
caballero de Salamanca y licenciado, llamado Alonso Maldonado.’ An
alguacil mayor was a chief constable, or high sheriff, u, very different person
from a chief judge. These terms, and the offices represented by them, will be
fully explained in another place.
2 As this word will often occur in these
pages, and as neither the term nor the institution it symbolizes has any
equivalent in English, I will enter here a full explanation. Resklencia was the
examination or account taken of the official acts of an executive or judicial
officer during tlie term of his residence witliin the province of his
jurisdiction, and while in the exercise of the functions of his office. This
was done at the expiration of the term of office, or at stated periods, or in
case of malefeasance at any time. The person making the examination was
appointed by the king, or in New World affairs by the Conxcjo cle- India*, or
by a viceroy, and was called a juez de residencia. Before this judge, within a
given time, any one might appear
aad make complaint,
and offer evidence against the retiring or suspended official, who might refute
and rebnt as in an ordinary tribunal. The resi- dencia of any officer appointed
by tbe crown must be taken by a judge appointed by the crown; the residencia of
officers appointed in the Indies by viceroys, andiencias, or
president-govemors, was taken by a judge appointed by the same authority.
Following are some of the changes rung upon the subject by royal decrees, the
better to make it fit the government of the Indies. The 10th of June, 15*23, and
again the 17th of November, 1526, Charles V. decreed that appeal might be made
from the judge of residencia to tbe Council of tbe Indies, except in private
demands not exceeding 600 pesos de oro, when appeal was to the audiencia. In
1530 viceroys and president-govemors were directed to take the residencia of
visitadoren de hulio-i that wrong-doing to the natives might not escape
punishment; and by a later law proclamations of residencias must be made in
such manner that tbe Indiansmigbt know thereof. The Ordenanzas dcAudienciasof
Philip II. of 1563 and 1567, state that in some cities of the Indies it was
customary to appoint at certain seasons two regidores, who, witb an alcalde,
acted as fieles ejecutorei. At the beginning of every year the viceroy, or the
president, in a city which was the residence of an audiencia, had to appoint an
oidor to take the residencia of the fieles ejecu tores of the previous year.
The same was to be done if tbose offices bad been sold to the city, villa, or
lugar; bnt in sucb cases it was left to the discretion of the viceroy or
president to cause them to be taken when necessary, not allowing them to become
too commonplace. Philip n. in 1573, and his successors as late as 1680,
directed that in residencias of governors and their subordinates, when the fine
did not cxceed 20,000 maravedis, execution should issue immediately; in damages
granted from private demands to the amount of 200 ducats, the condemned was to
give bonds to respond. While an official was undergoing his residencia it was
equivalent to liis being under arrest, as he could neither exercise office nor,
except in certain cases specified, leave the place. Thus the law of 1530,
reiterated in 1581, stated that from the time of the proclamation of a residencia
till its conclusion aUjuaciles Tnayores and their tenientes shonld be suspended
from carrying the varas, or from exercising any of the functions of office. In
1583, in 1620, and in 1680, it was ordered that such judges of residencia. as
were appointed in the Indies should be selected by a viceroy and andiencia, or
by a president and audiencia, acting in accord. Salaries of jneces de
residencia were ordered by Felipe III. in 1618 to be paid by the official tried
if found guilty, if not by the audiencia appointing. Before this, in 1610, the
same sovereign had ordered notaries employed in residencias taken by
covrpfjldores to be paid in like manner. The next monarch directed that ships’
officers should be subject to residencia in the form of a vistia; and in visit.i
^ to galeoiics and Jlotas none but common sailors, artillerymen, and soldiers
should be exempt. Carlos II. in 1667 decreed that the residencia of a viceroy
must ho terminated within six months from the puhlicatiou of the notice of the
judge taking it. Felipe III. in 1G19, and Carlos II. in 16S0, ordered that
viceroys and presidents should send annually to the crown lists of persons
suitahle for conducting residencias, so that no one might be chosen to act upon
the official under whose jurisdiction he resided. See Recop. dc Indian, ii.
176-89. Of tbe report of the residencia tbe original was sent to the Council of
the Indies, and » copy deposited in tbe archives of the audiencia. So
burdensome were these trials, so corrupt hecamc the judges, that later, in Amcrica,
the residencia seemed ratber to defeat than to promote justice, and in 1799 it
was abolished so far as the subordinate officers were concerned.
Santo Domingo to a more healthful site on the other side of the river,
and established a colony at Puerto de Plata, on the north side of Espanola,
near Isabela.
Distant eight leagues from Santo Domingo were the mines where the
twenty-five hundred thought immediately to enrich themselves. Por several days
after landing the road was alive with eager gold hunters drawn from all classes
of the community; cavalier, hidalgo,s and laborer, priest and
artisan, honest men and villains, whose cupidity had been fired by the display
of precious metal lately gathered, and who were now hurrying forward with hard
breath and anxious eyes under their bundle of necessities. But there was no
happy fortune in store for these new-comers. The story then new has been oft repeated
since: expecting to fill their sacks quickly and with ease, and finding that a
very little gold was to be obtained only by very great labor, they were soon on
their way back to the city, where many of them fell into poverty, half of them
dying of fever.
Poor fools ! they did not know; their countrymen, 1/ those that were left
from former attempts, did not tell them, though Roldan’s men, BobadiUa’s men
knew well enough, and in truth the remnant of Ovando’s men were not slow to
learn, that the wise man, the wise and villainous man from Spain, did not work
or die for gold, or for anything else, when there were unbelievers that might
be pricked to it by the sword.
3 Originally written Jijodalgo, son of
something. Later applied to gentlemen, country gentlemen perhaps more
particularly. Oviedo, ii. 466, calls Diego de Nicuesa ‘ hombre de
limpia sangre de hijosdalgo,5 a man of pure gentle blood. Concerning
the origin of the word hidalgo, Juan dc la Puente states that during the
Moorish wars, whenever a large town was captured the king kept it; the villages
he gave to captains who had distinguished themselves, and who were called at
first ricos homes, and afterward grandes. To minor meritorious persons
something less was given, a portion of the spoils or a grant of land, but
always something; hence their descendants were callcd fijosdalgos, hijosdalgos,
or hidalgos, sons of something. In the Die. Univ. authorities are quoted
showing that the word hidalgo originated with the Roman colonists of Spain,
called Itdlicos, who were exempt from imposts. Hence those enjoying similar
benefits were called Itdlicos, which word in lapse of time became hidalgo.
During this earliest period of Spanish domination in America, under
successive viceroys and subordinate rulers, by far the most important matter
which arose for consideration or action was the treatment of the aborigines.
Most momentous to them it was, certainly, and of no small consequence to
Spain. Unfortunately, much damage was done before the subject was fairly
understood; and afterward, evils continued because bad men were always at hand
ready to risk future punishment for present benefits. Spain was so far away,
and justice moved so slowly, if it moved at all, that this risk was seldom of
the greatest.
The sovereigns of Spain now found themselves called upon to rule two
races in the New World, the white and the red. And it was not always easy to
determine what should be done, what should be the relative attitude of one
toward the other. As to the superiority of the white race there was no
question. And among white men, Spaniards were the natural masters; and among
Spaniards, Castilians possessed the first rights in the new lands the Genoese
had found for them.
All was plain enough so far. It was natural and right that Spaniards
should be masters in America. Their claim was twofold; as discoverers, and as
propagandists. But in just what category to place the red man was a question
almost as puzzling as to tell who he was, and whence he came. Several times the
doctors sat to determine whether he had a soul, or a semi-soul, and whether the
liquid so freely let by the conquerors was brute blood, or of as high proof as
that which Christ shed on Calvary. The savages were to be governed, of course;
but how, as subjects or as slaves? Columbus was strongly in favor of Indian
slavery. He had participated in the Portuguese slave-trade, and had found it
profitable. Spaniards enslaved infidels, and why not heathens? Mahometans
enslaved Christians, and Christians Mahometans. Likewise Christians enslaved
Chris
tians, white as well as black, though it began to be questioned in Spain
whether it was quite proper to enslave white Christians.
The negro slave-trade was at this time comparatively a new thing. It was
one of the proximate results of fifteenth-century maritime discovery. The
Portuguese were foremost in it, organizing for the purpose a company at Lagos,
and a factory at Arguin, about the middle of the century, Prince Henry receiving
his fifth. Europe, however, offered no profitable field for African slave
labor, and but for the discovery of America the traffic probably never would
have assumed large proportions. Public sentiment was not in those days averse
to slavery, particularly to the enslavement of the children of Ham. And yet
neither Isabella nor Ferdinand was at all disposed, in regard to their New
World possessions, to follow the example of Portugal on the coast of Africa.
Though they had scarcely made personal the application that the practice was
one of the chief causes of Rome’s ruin, yet they seemed instinctively opposed
to it in this instance. They did not want these creatures in Spain, they had no
use for them. In regard to the ancient custom of enslaving prisoners of war,
particularly the detested and chronically hostile Moors, it was different. This
New World had been given them for a higher purpose. Its natives were not the
enemies of Spain; they were innocent of any offence against Spain. It was
better, it was more glorious, there was higher and surer reward in it, to
Christianize than to enslave. This the clergy constantly urged; so that in
Spain the passion for propagandism was greater than the passion for enslaving.
Columbus must have been aware of this when in 1495 he sent by Torres,
with the four ship-loads of Indian slaves, the apology to their Majesties that
these were man-eating Caribs, monsters, the legitimate prey of slave-makers
wherever found. Peradventure
some of them might be made Christians, who when they had learned
Castilian could be sent back to serve as missionaries and interpreters to aid
in delivering their countrymen from the powers of darkness. This was
plausible, and their Majesties seemed content ; but when Columbus pressed the
matter further, and requested that arrangements should be made for entering
extensively into the traffic, they hesitated. Meanwhile the Genoese launched
boldly forth in the old way, not only making slaves of cannibals but of
prisoners of war; and whenever slaves were needed, a pretence for war was not
long wanting. Thereupon, with another shipment, the admiral grows jubilant,
and swears by the holy Trinity that he can send to Spain as many slaves as can
be sold, four thousand if necessary, and enters upon the details of capture,
carriage, sale, and return cargoes of goods, with all the enthusiasm of a
sometime profitable experience in the business. Further than this he permits
enforced labor where there had been failure to pay tribute, and finally gives
to every one who comes an Indian for a slave.
Then the monarchs were angry. “What authority from me has the admiral to
give to any one my vassals!” exclaimed the queen. All who had thus been stolen
from home and country, among whom were pregnant women and babes newly born,
were ordered returned. And from that moment the sovereigns of Spain were the
friends of the Indians. Not Isabella alone but Ferdinand, Charles, and Philip,
and their successors for two hundred years with scarcely an exceptional
instance, stood manfully for the rights of the savages— always subordinate
however to their own fancied rights—constantly and determinately interposing
their royal authority between the persistent wrong-doing of their Spanish
subjects, and their defenceless subjects of the New World. Likewise the
Catholic Church is entitled to the highest praise for her influence in the
direction of humanity, and
for the unwearied efforts of her ministers in guarding from cruelty and
injustice these poor creatures. Here and there in the course of this narrative
we shall find a priest so fired by his fanaticism as to outdo a Pizarro in
bloody-mindedness, and we shall find church men and church measures standing in
the way of truth, liberty, intelligence, which measures I shall not be backward
to condemn; but though Spanish priests, like the Spanish adventurers, carried
away by passion or a spirit of proselytism, committed much folly and
unrighteousness, they also did great good, and it is with no small pleasure
that I record thus early in this sacrificing men.
After the first invasions, in various quarters, aggressive warfare on
the natives, even on obdurate heathen nations, was prohibited. In the extension
of dominion that followed, the very word ‘ conquest ’ was forbidden to be
employed, even though it were a conquest gaiiied by fighting, and the milder
term ‘pacification’ was substituted.4 Likewise, after the first
great land robberies had been committed, side by side with the minor seizures
was in practice the regulation that enough of the ancient territory should be
left each native community to support it comfortably in a fixed residence. The
most that was required of the Indians was to abolish their ancient inhuman
practices, put on the outward apparel of civ- j ilization, and as fast as
possible adapt themselves to Christian customs, paying a light tax, in kind,
nominally for protection and instruction. This doing, they were to be left
free and happy. Such were the wishes of crown and clergy; for which both strove
steadily
4 ‘ Por justas
causas, y consideraciones conviene, que en todas las capitu- laciones que se
hicieren para nuevos descubrimientos, se excuse esta palabra conquista, y en su
lugar se use de las de pacification y poblacion, pues habi- endose de hacer con
toda paz y caridad, es nuestra voluntad, que aun este nombre interpretado
contra nuestra intention, no ocasione, ni d4 color & lo capitulado, para
que se puedo hacer fuerza ni agravio A los Indios.’ Recop. de Indias, ii.
2.
history so noble an attribute of these self-
though unsuccessfully until the
object of their solicitude crumbled into earth.6
3 The best proof of the policy of Spain in
regard to the natives of the New World is found in her laws upon the subject.
Writers may possibly eolor their assertions, but hy following the royal decrees
through successive reigns we have what cannot be controverted. The subject of
the treatment of the Indians occupies no inconsiderable space in the
Recopilacion deLeyesde las Indias. At the beginning of tit. x. lib. vi. is
placed a clause of Isabella’s will, solemnly enjoining her successors to see
that the Indians were always equitably and kindly treated; and this was the
text for future legislation. And now let us glance at the laws; I cannot give
them all; hut I can assure the reader they are of one tenor. First of all the
natives were to be protected by the ecclesiastical and civil authorities. They
might marry freely, but always in accordance with Christian usage; must not be
taken to Spain; must be civilized, Christianized, taught to speak Spanish, and
to love labor, if possible; they might sow seed, breed stock, keep their
ancient market-days, huy and sell at pleasure, and even dispose of their lands,
only the Spaniards were not allowed to sell them arms or alcoholic liquors. The
Inquisition could not touch them, for in religious matters they were suhject to
the hishop’s jurisdiction, and in cases of witchcraft to the eivil power. They
might have their municipal organizations in imitation of the Spanish town
government, with their alcaldes, fiscales, and regidores, elected from among
themselves to serve for one year, elections to be held in the presence of the
priest. It was made the duty of priests, prelates, all officers of the
government, and in fact every Spanish subject, to watch over and protect the
Indians. Governors and judges were charged under the severest penalties to see
justice done them. Two officers were created at an early day for this purpose,
those of protector and defensor, the former having general oversight of the
natives and their interests, and tlie latter appearing in their hehalf in
court. After a time, when it was thought the aborigines could stand alone, the
offices were abolished. But the action was premature, and in 1589 Philip II.
ordered them revived. These officers were appointed by the viceroys and
president-govemors. Indians might appear in courts of law and have counsel assigned
them free of any cost; and even in suits between the natives themselves there
was to be no expense, the fiscal appearing on one side, and the protector on
the other. Philip also gave notice in 1593 that Spaniards who maltreated
Indians were to he punished with greater rigor than for badly treating a
Spaniard. This was a remarkable law; it is a pity the Puritans and their
descendants lacked such a one. Indians might be hired, hut they must be paid
promptly. They might work in the mines, or carry hurdens if they chose, but it
must he dono voluntarily. Enforced personal service, or any approach to it, was
jealously and repeatedly prohibited. Indians under eighteen must not be
employed to carry burdens. Let those who sneer at Philip and Spain remember that
two centuries after this England could calmly look on and see her own little
children, six years of age, working with their mothers in coal-pits. There were
many ways the \ Spaniards had of evading the just and humane laws of their
monarchs— 1 instance the trick of employers of getting miners or other lahorers
in debt to ' them, and keeping them so, and if they attempted to run away
interpose the law for their restraint. It was equivalent to slavery. A nativo
might even sell his labor for an indefinite time, until Felipe III. in 1618
decreed that no Indian eould bind himself to work for more than one year. The
law endeavored to throw all severe labor upon the negro, who was supposed to
be better able to endure it. The hlack man was likewise placed far below the
red in the social scale. It was criminal for a negro or mixed-breed to have an
Indian work for him, although voluntarily and for pay; nor might an African
even go to the house of an American. The law endeavored to guard the Indian in
his privacy, as well as in his rights. It studied to make the Yol. I. 17
For the soldier, the sailpr, the cavalier, the vagabond, the governor,
and all their subordinates and associates, all the New World rabble from
viceroy to menial willed it otherwise, the New World clergy too
lot of the aboriginal
as peaceful and eomfortablo under Christian civilization as under heathen
barbarism. More it could not do; it could-not do this much,* after the
pacifying raid through the primeval garden, all Europe could not restore it.
But Spain’s monarchs did their best to mitigate the sufferings caused by
Spain’s unruly sons. The cacique might hold his place among his people, and
follow ancient usage in regard to his succession, but he must not enslave them,
or infliet upon them the ancient cruel customs, such .as giving Indian girls in
lieu of tribute, or burying servants with their dead masters. And these petty
rulers must stay at home and attend to their affairs; Indians could not leave
one pueblo to take up their residence in another, and caciques could not go to
Spain without special license from the king. The natives were ordered to live
in communities, and have a fixed residence, and their lands .were not in
consequence to be taken from them. They must not I ride on horseback, for that
would make them too nearly equal to the cavalier | in battle; they must not
hold dances without permission, for then they might plot conspiracies, or give
themselves up to serve heathen gods as of old; they must not work in gold or
silver, an illiberal restriction which lost to the world the finest of
America’s arts. Spaniards could not place a cattle rancho within 1£ leagues of
a native pueblo; or swine, sheep, or goats within half a league; the Indians
might lawfully kill cattle trespassing on their lands. In a pueblo of Indians
neither Spaniard, nor mulatto, nor negro should live. No traveller might spend
the night at the house of a native if an inn was at hand. No Spanish or mestizo
merchant might remain in an Indian pueblo more than three days, nor another
white man more than two days. Beside the property of individuals each Indian
pueblo had some common property, and a strong-box in which the community money
and title- deeds were kept. Caciques must not call themselves lords of pueblos,
as that detracted from royal preeminence; they must be called caciques simply.
The cacique must not attempt feudal fashions; he must not oppress his people,
or take more than the stipulated tribute; and he who worked for the cacique
must be paid by the cacique. In criminal matters the jurisdiction of caciques
over their people could not extend to death or mutilation. On the other hand a
cacique could not be tried by the ordinary Spanish justice of the peace, but
only by the judge of a district. The last four laws were made by Charles V in
1538. And beside these were many other edicts promulgated by the Spanish
monarchs during two and a half centuries, notable for their wisdom, energy, and
humanity. By the continued outrages and excesses of their subjects in the New
World the temper of the crown was often severely tried. Thus was found written
by Felipe IV with his own hand, on a decree of the council ordering the
immediate suppression of all those infamous evils practised in spite of laws
against them, a sentiment which was fully reiterated by his son Carlos II. in
1680; —‘ I will that you give satisfaction to me and to the world concerning
the manner of treating those my vassals, ’ so reads the writing; ‘ and if this
be not done, so that as in response to this letter
often winking assent. However omnipotent in Spain, there were some things
in America that the sovereigns and their confessors could not do. They could
not control the bad passions of their subjects when beyond the reach of rope
and dungeon. That these evil proclivities were of home engendering, having for
their sanction innumerable examples from church and state, statesmen and
prelates would hardly admit, but it is in truth a plausible excuse for the
excesses committed. The fact is that for every outrage by a subject in the far away Indies, there were ten, each i of magnitude
tenfold for evil, committed by the soereigns in Spain; so that it is by no
means wonderful that the Spaniards determined here to practise a little
fiendishness for their own gratification, even though their preceptors did
oppose wickedness which by reason of their absence they themselves could not
enjoy.
Though the monarchs protested earnestly, honestly, and at the length of
centuries, their subjects went their way and executed their will with the
natives. Were I to tell a tenth of the atrocities perpetrated by j Christian
civilization on the natives of America, I could tell nothing else. The
catalogue of European crime, Spanish, English, French, is as long as it is
revolting. Therefore, whenever I am forced to touch upon this most distasteful
subject, I shall be as brief as possible.
Passing the crimes of Columbus and Bobadilla, the sins of the two being,
for biographical effect, usually placed upon the latter, let us look at the
conduct of Ovando, who, as Spanish provincial rulers went in those days, was an
average man. He ruled with vigor; and as if to offset his strict dealings with offending Spaniards, unoffending Indians were treated with treachery and
merciless brutality.
Rumor reaching him that Anacaona, queen of Ja- ragud, meditated revolt,
he marched thither at the head of two hundred foot-soldiers and seventy horsemen.
The queen came out to meet him, and escorted
The natives of Saona and Higuey, in revenge for the death of a chief torn
in pieces by a Spanish bloodhound, rose to arms, and slew a boat’s crew of
eight Spaniards. Juan de Esquivel with four hundred men was sent against them,
and the usual indiscriminate hanging and burning followed. It is stated that
over six hundred were slaughtered at one time in one house. A peace was
conquered, a fort built; fresh outrages provoked a fresh outbreak; and the
horrors of the extermination that followed Las Casas confessed himself unable
to describe. A passion arose for mutilation, and for prolonging agony by new
inventions for refining cruelty. And the irony of Christianity was reached when
thirteen men were hanged side by side in honor of Christ and his apostles.
Cotubano, the last of the five native kings of Espahola, was taken to Santo
Domingo, and hanged by order of Ovando. In Higuey were then formed two
settlements, Sal- valeon and Santa Cruz. To take the places in the Spanish
service of the Indians thus slain in Espanola, forty thousand natives of the
Lucayas Islands were
enticed thither upon the pretext of the captors that they were the
Indians’ dead ancestors come from heaven to take their loved ones back with
them. Espanola was indeed their. shortest way to heaven, though not the way
they had been led to suppose. When tidings of Ovando’s doings reached Spain,
notably of his treatment of Anacaona, Queen Isabella was on her death-bed; but
raising herself as best she was able, she exclaimed to the president of the
council, “ I will have you take of him such a residencia as was never taken.”
Both the Spaniards and the Indians, as we have seen, were averse to
labor. To both it was degrading; to the latter, killing. And yet it was
necessary that mines should be worked, lands cultivated, and cattle raised.
Else of what avail was the New World?
The colonists clamored, and the crown was at a loss what to do. In her
dilemma there is no wonder the queen appeared to equivocate; but when in December,
1503, she permitted Ovando to use force in bringing the natives to a sense of
their duty, though they must be paid fair wages and made to work “ as free
persons, for so they are,” she committed a fatal error. The least latitude was sure
to be abused. Under royal permission of 1501 a few negro slaves from time to
time were taken to the Indies. Las Casas urged the extension of this traffic in
order to save the Indians. Ovando complained that the negroes fled and hid
themselves among the natives, over whom they exercised an unwholesome
influence; nevertheless in September, 1505, we find the king sending over more
African slaves to work in the mines, this time about one hundred. From 15l7;
when importations from the Portuguese establishments on the Guinea coast were
authorized by Charles V., the traffic increased, and under the English,
particularly, assumed enormous proportions. This unhappy confusion of races led
to a negro insurrection at Espanola in 1522.
We come now to some of the results of the temporizing policy of
Spain—always a bad one when the subject is beyond the reach of the ruling
arm—in regard to the Indians. For out of a desire to avoid the odium of Indian
slavery, and yet secure the benefits thereof, grew a system of servitude
embodying all the worst features of absolute bondage, with none of its
mitigations.
It will be remembered that during his second voyage Columbus made war on
the natives of Espanola, and after sending some as slaves to Spain, imposed a
tribute on the rest; on some a bell-measure of gold, and on others an arroba6
of cotton, every three months. So severe was this tax that many could not meet
it, and in 1496 service was accepted in place of tribute. This was the
beginning in the New World of the repart imiento,1 or as it
shortly afterward became the
6
Twenty-five pounds. The Spanish pound is a little more than tlxe English
pound. There are four arrobas in a quintal.
7Repartimiento,
a distribution; repartir, to divide; encomienda, a, charge, a commaudery;
encomendar, to give in charge; encomendero, he who holds an encomienda. In
Spain an encomienda, as here understood, was a dignity in the four military
orders, endowed with a rental, and beld by certain members of the order. It was
acquired through the liberality of the crown as a reward for services in die
wars against the Moors. The lands taken from the Infidels were divided among
Christian commanders; the inhabitants of those lands were crown tenants, and
life- rights to their services were given tbese commanders. In the legislation
of the Indies, encomienda was the patronage conferred by royal favor over a
portion of the natives, coupled with the obligation to teach them the doctrines
of the Church, and to defend tbeir persons and property. It was originally
intended tbat the recipients of these favors were to be the discoverers,
conquerors, meritorious settlers, and their descendants; but in this as in many
other respccts the wishes of tbe monarchs and their advisers did not always
reach the mark. The system begun in the New World by Columbus, Bobadilla, and
Ovando was continued by Vasco Nunez, Pedrarias, Cortes, and I’izarro, and
finally became general. Royal decrces upon the subject, which seemed to grow
more and more intricate as new possessions were pacified, began with a law by
Ferdinaud the Catholic in 1509, reiterated by Philip II. in 1580, to the effect
that immediately upon the pacification of a province the governor should divide
the natives among the settlers. The natives thus distributed were held for a
term of years, or during the life of the holder, or for two or mbre lives—that
is, during the life of the first holder, and that of his heir, and perhaps that
of his heir’s heir, or until the king should otherwise decree. Solorzano, De Indiarum Jure, ii. lib. ii. cap. i.; Acosta, De Proeur. Ind., iii.
cap. x. When by this course three fourths of certain populations had been
‘recommended’ to their death, at the representation of Las Casas, the king in
1523 decreed that ‘as God our lord had made the Indians free,’ they must not be
enslaved on this or any otber pretext; ‘and therefore we command tbat it be
done no more, and that those
encomiencla,
system, under which the natives of a conquered country were divided among the
conquerors, recommended to their care, and made tributary to them.
already distributed
be set at liberty.* Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 10. But by this abolition the
destruction of the colonies was threatened. Petition followed petition for the
restoration of the system, until the king finally yielded. Solorzano, Politica
Indiana, i. 225. In 1542 encomiendas were again abolished, and again the king
was obliged to restore them. Meanwhile every effort possible was made by the
crown to prevent abuses. The enco- mendero must fulfil in person the intention
of the law. He must not leave without permission from the governor, and then
his duties must be delegated to a responsible agent. If away for four months
without permission, his encomienda was to be declared vacant. The encomendero
must not hire out any natives, or pledge them to creditors, under penalty of
loss of Indians and a fine of 50,000 maravedis. No one could appropriate any
natives except those legally assigned. When it was seen how those in office
misused their power, in 1530, in 1532, in 1542, in 1551, and in 1563 all civil
and ecclesiastical functionaries were forbidden to hold encomiendas; but in
1544 Philip II. excepted from this prohibition tenientes de gobernadores,
con'egidores, and alcalde* mayores de pueblos. Indians should not be given in’
cncomienda to the daughters of royal officials, or to sons unless married. It
was just and reason- f able that the savages should pay the
Spaniards tribute, for so God had appointed, so the pope had ordained, and the
king had commanded; bnt it was the collection of this tribute only, and not the
deprivation of liberty, or of any personal rights, that the encomienda was
intended to cover. And for this tax, which whosoever enjoys the boon, of
civilization must surely pay, the vassal was to receive protection, and the
still more blessed boon of Christianity. Nor must this impost under any
consideration be made burdensome.
The manner of making
assessments was minutely defined by edicts of Charles V. at divers dates from
1528 to 1555, and of Philip II. from the beginning to the end of his reign. In
substance they were as follows. The king made responsible to him the viceroys,
and the presidents and audieneias, who, by the aid of a commissioner and
assessors, fixed the rates in their respective districts. The assessors having
first heard a solemn mass of the Holy Ghost, in order to enlighten their
understanding that they might justly regard the value of the rental and
equitably determine the rate, they were to swear with all solemnity before the
priest this to do without bias. They were personally to inspect all the
pueblos of the province, noting the number of settlers and natives in each
pueblo, and the quality of the land. They were to ascertain what the natives
had originally paid to their caciques as tribute, and .. never make the new
rate higher, but always lower, than the old one. For surely they should not be
worse off in serving Spain than in serving their heathen lords. After thus
carefully examining the resources and capabilities of the tributaries, and
never infringing on the comfort of the women and children, the assessors should
fix the rate according to God and their conscience. The natives might pay in
money if they preferred, but payment shonld be required only in kind, in
whatever produce grew on their lands. They must not be required to raise
anything specially for this purpose; and from not over two or three kinds of
produce should tribute be taken; a few chickens, or a pig or two, need not be
counted at all. It was the intention of the monarchs that from a tenth to a
fifth might in this way be taken, though the encomendero too often managed to
get twice or thrice as much, or all the natives had. The Indians must be made
to understand how the appraisement was made, and that it was not done in the
interests of the Spaniards alone. Then the assessor must put in writing what
each had to pay, and leave the original with the cacique, giving one copy to
the encomendero,
The theory was that the Indians were the vassals of Spain, no more to be
imposed upon than other Spanish subjects. The sovereigns wishing to stimulate
discovery, pacification, and settlement, were willing to waive their right to
the tribute due the crown in favor of enterprising and meritorious persons, who
had taken upon themselves the hardships incident to life in
and sending one to
the Council of the Indies, or to the viceroy, or to the audiencia. For the
encomendero to practise extortion, or demand more than the schedule called for,
there were pronounced the severest penalties, even to the loss of the
encomienda and half his goods. Natives voluntarily coming forward and entering
in encomienda were excused from paying trihute for ten years; and, in any
event, for the first two years after congregating in puehlos but one half the
usual trihute could be legally exacted. Males were taxed after the eighteenth
year; caciques, elder sons, women, and alcaldes in office were exempt. After
the gift, the encomienda was the property of the^ encomendero, not to be taken
from him hefore the expiration of his term without cause. In every encomienda
there must be a church, and where there was none, the natives must he
stimulated to build one, the priest to he paid out of the rental. In every
pueblo of 100 or more natives, two or three must he taught to sing, so that
they might act as choristers; also a native sacristan— these to he exempt from
trihute. In 1568 Philip II. ordered that no encomendero should receive a
rental of over 2000 pesos; any excess was to he returned to the crown and
employed as pensions. The same monarch directed in 1573 that when an encomienda
fell vacant, a viceroy or governor might, if he deemed hest, appropriate the
rental to henevolent ohjects, and defer granting it again till the king’s pleasure
should he known. And again, in 1583, that the encomendero must have a house of
his own, built of stone for purposes of defence, in the city of his residence;
and he must keep his family there. He should maintain no house in the town of
the Indians, nor should he have any building there except a granary. In 1592 it
was decreed that Indians in encomienda could he given to none but residents in
the Indies. When an enco- micnda became vacant, so it was decreed in 1594 and
subsequently, the fact was advertised for from twenty to thirty days, during
which time applicants might prefer their respective claims, and recite services
rendered the crown by themselves or their ancestors. Preference was always to
he given to the descendants of discoverers and settlers. Two or three small
encomiendas might sometimes be joined in one. And never might religious
training be forgotten; when the rental was not sufficient for the support of
the encomendero and the instructor, the latter must have the revenue. Felipe
III. in 1602, 1611, 1616, 1618, and 1620, decreed that as a rule hut one
encomienda could be held by one person; still more seldom could one be given up
and another taken. There was to be no such thing as commerce in them. They were
a trust. Much evil had arisen from dividing encomiendas, and it should he done
no more. Felipe IV. in 1655 ordered that governors under royal commission and
those named by the viceroy wl interim might give Indians in encomienda, but
alcaldes ord'narios holding temporarily the office of governor were not allowed
this privilege. Re.cop.de Indias, ii. 249-284 and passim. Finally, toward the
close of the seventeenth century, the monarchs, hecoming more and more
straitened in their need of money, ordered that encomenderos should pay a portion
of their revenue to the crown; then a larger portion was demanded; and then the
whole of it. In 1721 the system came to an end. But after endeavoring for two
hundred years to get hack what they had given away, the monarchs found there
was nothing left of it, the natives having hy this time merged with .sometimes
slightly whitened skins into the civilized puehlos.
a new country. At first in certain instances, but later to an extent
which became general, they settled this tribute upon worthy individuals among
the conquerors and colonists and their descendants, on condition that those who
thus directly received a portion of the royal revenue should act the part of
royalty to the people placed temporarily in their care. They were to be as a
sovereign lord and father, and not as a merciless or unjust taskmaster. They
were to teach their wards the arts of civilization, instruct them in the
Christian doctrine, watch over and guide and guard them, and never to restrict
them in the use of their liberties, nor impose burdens on them, nor in any way
to injure or permit injury to befall them. And for this protection they were
neither to demand nor receive more than the legal tribute fixed by the royal
officers, and always such as the natives could without distress or discomfort
pay. What the system was in practice we shall have ample opportunity of judging
as we proceed in this history. Suffice it to say here that to the
fatherly-protection part of their compact the colonists paid little heed, but
evaded the law in many ways, and ground the poor savages under their iron heel,
while the crown by ordering, and threatening, earnestly but vainly sought to
carry out in good faith and humanity what they deemed a sacred trust.
First, repartimientos of lands were authorized by the sovereigns. This
was in 1497, and nothing was then said about the natives. But after dividing
the land it was but a step to the dividing of the inhabitants. With the
shipment of six hundred slaves in 1498, and an offer to their Majesties of as
many more as they could find sale for, Columbus wrote asking permission to
enforce the services of the natives until settlement should be fairly begun,
say for a year or two; but without waiting for a reply he at once began the
practice, which introduced a new feature into repartimientos. Then to all who
chose to take
them, to Roldan and his followers, to the worst characters on the
island, among whom were the late occupants of Spanish prisons, the vilest of
humankind, was given absolute dominion over these helpless and innocent
creatures. Having paid nothing for them, having no pecuniary interest in them,
they had no object in caring whether they were fed or starved, whether they
lived or died, for if they died there were more at hand upon the original
terms.
Under Bobadilla the infamy assumed bolder proportions. Columbus had
apportioned to certain lands certain natives to labor for the benefit of
Spaniards, but they worked under their cacique. Natives were forced by
Spaniards to work mines, but only under special monthly license. Bobadilla not
only permitted the exaction from the natives of mining and farming labor, but
all restrictions were laid aside, and from working their own soil they became
mere labor- gangs to be driven anywhere. Before sailing for the New World
Ovando had been charged by the sovereigns with the exercise of extreme
moderation in levying tributes and making repartimientos. Those who came with
him not only failed in mining, but neglected to plant, as did likewise the
natives, think- ' ing thereby the quicker to rid themselves of the invaders.
Hence famine, engendering new diseases, was at hand for both white men and red.
Then the Indians were systematically parcelled among the Spaniards, to one
fifty, to another one hundred, and the repartimiento unfolded into the
encomienda. Oh! holy, beloved, and glorious religion! that can make the most
loathsome depravity acceptable to a kind Creator, consigning nations to
perpetual bondage with the benignant words, “To you is given an encomienda of
Indians with their chief; and you are to teach them the things of our holy
Catholic faith.” And thus was legalized what Columbus and Bobadilla illegally
had done.
In 1508 was sent to Santo Domingo as treasurer-
general Miguel de Pasamonte to supersede Bernardino de Santa Clara, who
had received the office of treasurer from Ovando. Santa Clara loved display and
lacked honesty. Using freely the king’s money he bought estates, and gave
feasts, in one of which the salt-cellars were filled with gold-dust. This folly
reaching the king’s ears, Gil Gonzalez Davila, of whom we shall know more
presently, was sent to investigate the matter, and found Santa Clara a
defaulter to the extent of eighty thousand pesos de oro. His property was
seized and offered at auction. Ovando, with whom Santa Clara was a favorite,
stood by at the sale, and holding up a pineapple offered it to the most liberal
bidder, which pleasantry was so stimulating that the estate brought ninety-six
thousand pesos de oro, more than twice its value. Afterward the plan was
adopted of having three locks upon the government’s strong-box, the keys to
which were carried by the three chief treasury officials.8 Pasamonte
was an Aragonese, in the immediate service of Ferdinand, with whom he
corresponded in cipher during his residence in the Indies. A very good
repartimiento of Indians was ordered by the king to be given the faithful
Pasamonte. In 1511 Gil Gonzalez D&vila was made contador of Espanola, and
Juan de Am- pues factor; to each were given two hundred Indians, and they were
ordered to examine the accounts of the treasurer, Pasamonte. For the faithful
must be kept faithful by the strictest watching; such was Spanish
8 It was
decreed by the emperor in 1555 that the Casa de ConCratncion should have an
area de tres llaves, a chest of three keys; after which the government
strong-box became common in Spanish America. It was usually in the form of a
sailor’s chest, of heavy wood bound with brass or iron, and having three locks
fastening the lid by hasps. The strong-box of the India House, the law goes on
to say, must remain in the custody of the treasurer, who was responsible for
its safe keeping. One of the keys was held by the tesorero, one by the
contador, and one by the factor. Out of the hand of any one of these three
royal officers his key could not lawfully go; and no one but they might put
into the chest or take out of it any thing, under penalty, on the official
permitting it, of four times the value of the things so handled. In this box
were kept, temporarily, all gold, silver, pearls, and precious stones that came
from the Indies on the king’s account, or were recovered for him by suits at
law brought before the India House in Spain. Recop. de Indias, iii. 17.
discretion, whether in the management of men or women.
The removal of Ovando was delayed by the death of Isabella in 1504, and
of Columbus in 1506. After persistent importunities Diego Colon, son of the admiral,
was permitted in 1508 to plead in the courts of Spain his claim, as his
father’s successor, to the viceroyalty of the Indies. His marriage, meanwhile,
with Maria de Toledo, a lady of high birth and connection, assisted in opening
the eyes of the law to the justness of his demands, fully as much as did any
argument of counsel. Ovando was recalled and Diego authorized to take his
place.
The new governor, accompanied by his wife, his brother Fernando, his
uncles Bartolom^ and Diego, and a retinue brilliant with rank and beauty,
landed at Santo Domingo in July, 1509. Although Ferdinand had withheld the
title of viceroy, Diego evidently regarded his appointment nothing less than a
viceroyalty, although the two mainland governors, Alonso de Ojeda and Diego de
Nicuesa, for the provinces east and west of Ur aba, remained independent of
him.
Diego’s administration was but little if any improvement on those of his
predecessors. He possessed neither the ability nor the prudence of Ovando. He
had intended equity and honesty in his rulings, and exceptional kindness to the
natives; notwithstanding which he began by granting repartimientos to himself,
his wife, and kindred, and giving the best of the remainder to his favorites.
So that the now standard evils of favoritism and cruelty were in no wise mitigated.
Not only were the Indians no better used than formerly, but falling into the
errors of his father in the management of men Diego’s weak government soon
found opposed to it a faction at whose head was the powerful Pasamonte. Charges
of a serious nature against the son of the Genoese so frequently reached
Spain that in 1511 the king found it necessary to establish at Santo
Domingo a sovereign tribunal to which appeals might be made from the decisions
of the governor. This tribunal which at first was only a royal court of law,
superior to any other colonial power, was the germ of the Real Audiencia of
Santo Domingo by which the greater part of the Indies, islands and firm land,
were governed for a period subsequent to 1521. It was at first composed of
three jueces de apelacion, or judges of appeal, Marcelo de Villalobos, Juan
Ortiz de Matienzo, and Lucas Vazquez de Ai- llon. These licenciados, having
brought with them instructions from Spain, and also orders on Diego Colon for
partitions of land and two hundred Indians each, in 1511 were ready to rule.
They were empowered to hear and determine appeals from the governor, his
tenientes and alcaldes mayores, and from any other judges that had been or
should be appointed either by the colonial governor or by the crown, appeal
from their decision being only to the Council of the Indies in Spain. Although
from its creation clothed with many of the powers of an audiencia, it did not
all at once possess that title, but gradually assumed it.9 By decree
of September 14, 1526, we find the emperor ordering that in the city of Santo
Domingo there should reside the Audiencia y Chan- cilleria Real, “ como esta
fundada,” as at present constituted. It was to consist of a president; four
oidores, who were also alcaldes del crimen, or criminal
•Oviedo, i. 103, says
that when the Jeronimite friars arrived a few days before Christmas, 1516, the
jueces de apelacion ‘ya se Ilamaban oydores, 6 su auditorio ya se de^ia
audiencia Real. Herrera, ii. ii. iv., treating of the instructions given the
Jeronimites remarks, that it was ordered also that the jueces de apelacion
should be submitted to residencia. After that he writes jueces de apelacion,
and audiencia indifferently. Las Casas, Ilist. Ind., v. 45, treating of events
in 1518-20, says ‘jueces de apelacion;’ relating the occurrences of 1521,165,
177, he writes ‘audiencia,’ and ‘cuatro oidores.’ Writing the king August 30,
1520, Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 332-48, the court styles itself
Peal Auuliencia, the members signing the communication. In Pacheco and Cdrdenas,
Col. Doc., xiv. 568, the presidents of this audiencia are given as Luis de
Figueroa, 1523; Sebastian Ramirez in 1527; Fuente Mayor in 1533; Maldonado in
1552; Alonso Arias de Herrera in 1560; and in 1566 Diego de Vera, who was sent
to Panami as president when he was succeeded by Doctor Mejia.
judges; a fiscal, a prosecuting officer in this case; an alguacil mayor,
or high sheriff; a teniente de gran can- ciller, or deputy grand chancellor,
and other necessary officers. Indeed, beside some of the other officers, a
president had already been provided in 1521, in the person of Luis de Figueroa,
bishop of Concepcion. Francisco de Prado was appointed fiscal in 1523, at which
time the salaries of the oidores were raised, as they had been deprived of the
right of holding Indians. All appeals from the jueces de residencia, where the
amount involved was less than six hundred pesos de oro, were thereafter
referred to this tribunal. Alonso de Zuazo took his seat among the oidores in
1526. To the audiencia of Santo Domingo was given for its district the West
India Islands; and on the mainland the governments of Venezuela, ISTueva
Andalucla, Rio de Hacha, and Guayana, or el Dorado, this district being bounded
by those of the audiencias of the Nuevo Reino de Granada, Tierra Firme, Guatemala,
ISTueva Espana, and the provinces of Florida. The president was empowered to
make such ordinances as he should deem essential to the good government and
defence of the island, just as was done, within their jurisdiction, by other governors
of Indian provinces. He might fill vacancies in the various subordinate offices
until the pleasure of the king should be known, and he might do' generally all
things pertaining to the executive power. In these matters the oidores were
forbidden to interfere; nor could the president exercise judicial functions,
but must nevertheless sign with the judges all sentences. In other respects
this tribunal was on an equal footing with others of its class.10
10 The word audiencia, from attdire, to
hear, has a variety of significations in Spanish; meaning, namely, the act of
hearing, the tribunal, the courtroom and building, and finally, jurisdiction.
Oidor, he who hears, comes from the same root, but is now applied only to the
magistrate of an audi- cucia. The more important general laws governing
audiencias in the New World were the following. In 1528 the emperor ordered,
and the decree was reiterated in 1548, 1569, 1575, and 1589, that each
audiencia should make a tariff of fees of notaries and other officers, which
must not exceed five times those in Spain. In 1530 the mandates of this
tribunal were made of equal
force with those of
the king himself. Should any one demand it, decisions in civil suits were to be
rendered in one case before another was begun; suits of poor persons always to
have preference in time of hearing. Even dissenting judges must sign the
decision, making it unanimous. On the first business day of each year, all the
members and officers being present, the laws governing audiencias should be
read. In 1541 the emperor ordered that in ‘first instance’ alcaldes, regidores,
alguaciles mayores, and escribanos should not be brought before the audiencia
•, in each pueblo one alcalde should have cognizance of what affected the
other, and both of matters concerning its other officers. In 1540, and many
times thereafter, the audiencia was eharged to look to the welfare of the
natives, to watch narrowly the conduct of governors and other officials, and
to punish excesses. While in October, 1545* the emperor was at Malines, hence
known as the law of Malinas, directions were given for procedure in cases of
elaims of Indians. Menor cuantiu in suits was fixed at 300,000 maravedis; not
exceeding this amount two oidores might decide; also in suits of mayor cuantiay
cxcept at Lima and Mexico where three votes were necessary as in Spanish law.
It was ordered in 1548 that andiencias must not meddle with questions of rank
and precedence. In 1551, Saturdays and two other days in the week were set
aside, there being no suits of poor persons, for hearing disputes between
Indians, and between Indians and Spaniards. More casos de corte, that is
important suits taken from lower courts, were not to be admitted by an
audiencia of the Indies than was eustomary in Spain. This was in 1552, and
repeated in 1572. In 1553 it was ordered that any person having a grievance
against a president or viceroy might appeal to the audiencia, the accused
officer being forbidden to preside at such times. If the president was a bishop
he was not permitted to adjudicate in matters ecclesiastic. Six years later all
petitions presented were to be admitted. Philip II. in 15G1 ordered that suits
of the royal treasury should have precedence over all others. The year 15G3 was
prolific in regulations for the audiencia. Where the president of an audiencia
was governor and captain-general, the tribunal should not meddle in matters of
war, nnless the president was absent, or unless specially directed by the
crown. In the city where the audiencia is held there must be an Audiencia
House, and the president must live there, and keep there the royal seal, the
registry, the jail, and the mint; in this house must be a striking clock; and
if there be no such building provided, the residence of the president shall in
the mean time be so used. On every day not a feast-day the audiencia must sit
at least three hours, beginning at 7 A. M. in summer, and 8 A. m. in winter, and at least three
oidores must be present. Audiencias must not annul sentences of exile; or,
unless bonds for payment are given, grant letters of delay to condemned
treasury debtors. The majority dccide. The governor, alcalde mayor, or other
person refusing obedience to any mandate of the tribunal must be visited by a
judge and punished. In exceptional cases only the audiencia might touch the
royal treasury. Each audiencia must keep a book in which was to be
recorded—where the amount in question was over 100,000 maravedis, or, in other
important cases—the verdict of each oidor; and the president must swear to keep
secret the contents of this book unless ordered by the king to divulge the same.
A book should also be kept in which was to be entered anything affecting the
treasury; and another the fines imposed. Audiencias could appoint only to
certain offices. Philip II. further ordered during the subsequent years of his
reign, that audiencias must keep secret the instructions from the crown; that
they must not interfere with the lower courts, or with the courts of
ecclesiastics, except in cases provided by law, but rather aid them; that they
should register the
names of persons
coming from Spain, with tbeir New World address; that with such matters as
residencias, compelling married men to live with their wives, and the estates
of deceased persons, presidents and viceroys should not intermeddle, but leave
them to the other members; tbat tbey should use no funds resulting from tbeir
judgments, but draw on the treasury for expenses; tbat when an audiencia was to
be closed, a governor should be appointed with power to continue and determine
pending suits, but he should institute no new suits, and appeals lie to the
nearest audiencia; that tbey should not make public the frailties of ecclesiastics,
but examine charges against them in secret; that royal despatches for tbe
audiencia must not be opened by the president alone, but at an acuerdo, and in
presence of the oidores aud fiscal, and if thought necessary the escribano de
cdmara must be present; and that they must uot remit to the Council of the
Indies trivial matters for decision. In subsequent reigns during the
seventeenth century it was at various times decreed that a president might
impeach an oidor before the Council of the Indies, though he could not send him
to Spain, but no oidor might impeach his president except by royal command;
that audi- encias should exercise their functions in love and temperance,
especially during a vacancy in the office of president or viceroy; that in
their visits to the jail the oidores should not entertain petitions of those
condemned to death by the ordinary justices in consultation with the criminal
section of the audiencia, nor should they on such visits take cognizance of
anything not specially confided to them; that they should not legitimize
natural children, but refer such cases to the Council of the Indies; tbat each
year tbe president should designate an oidor to oversee tbe officers and
attaches and punish their faults; that no favoritism should be sbown appointees
of viceroys or presidents; one oidor might transact business, if the audiencia
were reduced to that extremity; in arriving at a decision the junior member
should vote first, then the next youngest, and so on up to the senior member.
This from the Recopilacion de las Indias, i. 323-70. In tbe Politica Indiana of
Solorzano, ii. 271-82, may be found how the audieneias of America differed
from those of Spain. Larger powers were given the former by reason of their
distance from the throne. They were given jurisdiction in the residencias of
the inferior judiciary; they could commission pesquisidores, or special judges,
and order execution to issue where an inferior judge had neglected to do so.
They had cognizance in matters of tithes, of royal patronage, patrimony,
treasury matters, and jurisdiction; they could even fix the fee-bill of the
ecclesiastical tribunals, settle the estates of bishops, retain apostolic bulls
which they deemed prejudicial to the royal patronage, and they could watch and
regulate the conduct of all ecclesiastical officials. Iu making appointments
the viceroy was obliged to take the opinion of the audiencia. Persons aggrieved
might appeal from the viceroy to the audiencia. On the death, absence, or
inability of the viceroy the senior oidor stood in his place. None of these
powers were given audieneias in Spain. This and kiudred subjects are treated at
great length by Sol6rzano y Pereira, who was a noted Spanish jurist, born at
Madrid in 1575. He studied at Salamanca, and in 1609 was appointed by Felipe
III. oidor of the audi- eucia of Lima. Later he became fiscal and councillor in
the Cansejo de Hacienda, the Consejo de Indias, aud the Cansejo de Castilla.
He published several works on jurisprudence, the most conspicuous being
Disquisitiones de Indiarum jure, 2 vols. folio, Madrid, 1629-39. It was
reprinted in 1777, an edition meanwhile appearing iu Lyons in 1672. A Spanish
translation by Valenzuela was published at Madrid in 1648, aud reprinted in
1776. I have used both the Latin edition and the Spanish, but the latter is
preferable.
enlightened consciences in Spain, in such a way as to prevent the utter
ruin either of colonial enterprise or of the natives themselves, was indeed a
difficult task.
In 1509 possession had been taken of Jamaica by Juan de Esquivel, and
toward the end of 151111 the governor of Espahola had sent Diego
Velazquez to occupy Cuba, which was done without the loss of a Spaniard. Ojeda
and Nicuesa having failed in colonizing Darien, the mainland in that vicinity
was offered by the king in 1514 to the adelantado, Barto- lomd Colon, but he
was then too ill to accept the charge, and died not long after. In April, 1515,
Diego Colon embarked for Spain; and we find him attempting his vindication at
court, when Ferdinand died, the 23d of January, 1516. Cardinal Jimenez, who
held the reins of Spanish government for a time, refused to decide between the
governor and treasurer; but in 1520 the emperor directed Pasamonte to molest
Diego no more. Then affairs at Espanola became more intolerable than ever, and
in 1523 Diego was divested of authority by the Council of the Indies, the
sovereign tribunal at Santo Domingo furnishing
The work is a
commentary on the laws of the Indies, wonderfully coneise for a Spanish lawyer
of that period, and was of great utility at a time when those laws were in
ehaotie condition.
To conclude my
remarks on audieneias in America I will only say that ultimately their number
was eleven; and one at Manila, which, like that of Santo Domingo, had a
president, oidores, and a fiscal, and exercised executive as well as judicial
fnnctions. The eleven, including that of Santo Domingo, were those of Mexieo
and Lima, each being presided over by a viceroy, and having 8 oidores, 4
alcaldes del crimen, and 2 fiscales; and those of Guatemala, Guadalajara,
Panamd, Chile, La Plata, Quito, Santa F<5, and Buenos Ayres. These several
audieneias were formed at different times soon after the establishing of
government in the respective plaees. See further, Monte-
mayor, Svmarioa, 110-11; Tti-vueAmtricalne, i. 3-32; Zamora y Coronado, li'tb-
lioteca de Legislation Ultramarina, passim.
11 Irving says 1510. I eannot undertake to
eorrect all the minor errors of popular writers, having neither the space nor
the inclination. It would seem that in the present, and like instanees, of
whieh there are many, the mistake springs from an easy carelessness which
regards the difference of a year or two in the date of the settlement of an
island as of no eonsequenee; for Las Casas, and other authorities who agree
better than usual in this ease, were before Mr Irving at the time he entered in
his manuscript the wrong date. Important and sometimes even unimportant
discrepancies of original or standard authorities will always be carefully
noted in these pages. What I shall endeavor to avoid is captious eritieism, and
the pointing out of insignificant errors merely for the satisfaction of
proving others in the wrong.
Hist. Oen. Am., Vol. I. 18
ample information of a condemnatory character. Diego succeeded, however,
in having a commission appointed to examine the matter more carefully, but this
tended only to further complications; and the last days of the son, which ended
in 1526, were not more happy than those of the father had been.12
A steadily growing character, impressing itself more and more upon the
affairs of the Indies as time went by, was that of Bartolomd de las Casas. Born
at Seville in 1474, he conned his humanities at Salamanca, making little stir
among the Gamaliels there, but taking the bachelor’s degree in his eighteenth
year. After a residence of about eight years in the Indies, having come with
Ovando in 1502, he was admitted to priestly orders, from which time he takes
his place in history. He was a man of very pronounced temperament and
faculties, as much man of business as ecclesiastic, but more philanthropist
than either; possessed of a burning enthusiasm, when once the fire of his
conviction was fairly kindled, he gave rest neither to himself nor to his
enemies. For every evil-minded man who came hither was his enemy, between whom
and himself was a death-struggle. The Apostle of the Indies he was sometimes
called, and the mission he took upon himself was to stand between the naked
natives and their steel-clad tormentors. In this work
12 Maria, widow of Diego, demanded of the
audiencia of Santo Domingo for her son Luis, then six years of age, the
viceroyalty of Veragua, which was refused. She then carried her claim to Spain,
where the title of admiral was conferred on Luis, and many other benefits were
extended by the emperor to the family, but the title of viceroy was withheld.
Subsequently Luis, having instituted court proceedings which were referred to
an arbitration, succeeded in having himself declared captain-general of
Espanola. Shortly before his death he relinquished the claim to the viceroyalty
of the New World for the titles of duke of Veraguas and marquis of Jamaica, and
gave his right to a tenth of the produce of the Indies for a pension of a
thousand doubloons. Luis was succeeded by a nephew, Diego, by whose death the
legitimate male line was extinguished. Then followed more litigation, female
claimants now being conspicuous, until in the beginning of the seventeenth
century we find in the Portuguese house of Braganza the titles the discoverer
once so coveted, they being then conferred on Nuuo Gelves, grandson of the
third daughter of Diego, son of Christopher Columbus, and who then might write
Ms name De Portugallo Colon, duque de Veraguaa, marquds de la Jamaica, y
almirante de las Indias.
he was ardent, ofttimes imprudent, always eloquent and truthful, and as
impudently bold and brazen as any cavalier among them all. Nor was he by any
means a discontented man. He sought nothing for himself; he had nothing that
man could take from him except life, upon which he set no value, or except some
of its comforts, which were too poor at best to trouble himself about. His
cause, which was the right, gave breadth and volume to his boldness, beside
which the courage of the hare-brained babbler was sounding brass.
When the attention of the church was first seriously drawn toward the
amelioration of the condition of the Indians, which was in 1511, there were at
Espanola some thirteen Dominicans, living with their vicar, Pedro de Cordoba,
according to the strictest rules of the order, and likewise several
Franciscans, among whom was Antonio de Espinal. The Dominicans began their
protest by a sermon denouncing the course of the colonists, and when ordered to
retract, they repeated their charges with still greater emphasis. The
colonists sent agents to Spain to have the contumacious monks displaced, and
among them Espinal; for the Franciscans, as much in a spirit of opposition to
the Dominicans as to find favor with the laity, showed a leaning toward the
repartimiento system, though they could not decently defend it. The Dominicans
sent Antonio Montesino, he who had preached the distasteful sermon, all the
Dominicans present having signed approval of it. To consider the matter, a
junta was summoned in Spain, which pronounced the Indians a free people, a
people to be Christianized, and not enslaved; they were innocent heathen, not
infidel enemies like the Moors, or natural-born slaves like the negroes.
Ferdinand and Fonseca were both earnest in obtaining this verdict, for so had
said the king’s preachers. Meanwhile Montesino encountering Espinal in Spain,
won him over to the side of humanity. But all the same the
repartimientos were continued, for they were fatherly protection only in
theory, and the colonists went on scourging the poor red men.
In the occupation of Cuba, P&nfilo de Narvaez was named by Velazquez
his lieutenant, and sent forth to subjugate other parts of the island. With
Narvaez went Las Casas, who put forth almost superhuman exertions in vain to
stay the merciless slaughter of the helpless and innocent. A warm friend of Las
Casas was Velazquez’ alcalde, Pedro de Renteria, who in the division of the
spoils joined Las Casas in accepting a large tract of land, and a proportionate
repartimiento of Indians. This was before Las Casas had seriously considered
the matter, and he was at first quite delighted with his acquisition. But the
enormity of the wrong coming upon him, his conversion was as decisive as that
of St Paul. Like the Dominicans of Espanola, Las Casas began by preaching
against repartimientos. In 1515 he sailed for Spain in company with Montesino,
leaving his charge with certain monks sent Over from Espanola by the prelate
C6rdoba. Those Dominican brothers did what they could, but to such straits were
the savages driven after the departure of Las Casas that to escape the
bloodhounds and other evils set upon them by the Spaniards thousands of them
took refuge in suicide. When Diego Colon arrived in 1509 there were left in
Espanola forty thousand natives. A re- partidor was appointed in the person of
Rodrigo de Alburquerque to repartition the Indians, but when he arrived in 1514
there were but thirteen thousand left to divide. After proclaiming himself with
great pomp, Alburquerque plainly intimated that bribery was in order, that he
who paid the most money should have the best’ repartimiento. Afterward the
Licentiate Ibarra, sent to Espanola to take the residencia of the alcalde
Aguilar, was authorized to make a new partition. Large numbers of natives were
given to the king’s favorites in Spain, and the evil grew apace.
Nor were affairs at Espanola mended by sending out so frequently new
officials witli new and conflicting powers.
Whatever hopes the monks may have derived from Ferdinand’s benign
reception, death cut short the proposed relief. Fonseca, now bishop of Biirgos,
with coarse ribaldry dismissed the subject; but when Las Casas applied to the
regent, Cardinal Jimenez, an earnest and active interest was manifest. Las
Casas, Montesino, and Palacios Rubios were directed to present a plan for the
government of the Indies, which resulted in sending thither three Jero- nimite
Fathers, Luis de Figueroa, Alonso de Santo Domingo, and Bernardino Manzanedo,
monks of the order of St Jerome, being selected because they were free from the
complications in which those of St Francis and St Dominic already found
themselves involved in the New World. The Jeronimites were ordered to visit the
several islands and inform themselves regarding the condition of the Indians,
and adopt measures for the formation of native settlements. These settlements
or communities were to be governed each by a cacique, together with an
ecclesiastic; and for every two or three settlements a civil officer, called an
administrator, having supreme power in the settlements, was to be appointed.
The cacique, after obtaining the consent of the ecclesiastic, should inflict no
higher punishment on his subjects than stripes; none should be capitally
punished except under regular process of law. The matters of education, labor,
tribute, mining, and farming were then treated, in all which the welfare of the
natives was carefully considered, although the repartimiento system remained.
Las Casas was named Protector of the Indians with a salary of one hundred pesos
de oro. Zuazo, a lawyer of repute, was sent with the most ample powers to take
a residencia of all the judges in the New World, and against his decisions
there was to be no appeal.
The Jeronimites set out wrapped in mighty determinations. They would not
even sail in the same ship with Las Casas, wishing to be wholly free. In this
they were right; but unfortunately, on arriving among the wrangling colonists,
and having the actual issues thrust upon them, they found themselves by no
means infallible. Their measures were tame, and they soon found the Protector
arrayed against them. The result was their open defence of the repartimiento
system, as the only one by which Spain could colonize the Indies. The burden
should be laid as lightly as possible on the shoulders of the natives, but they
must be made to work. Las Casas set out in 1517 to enter his complaints at
court, closely followed by an emissary of the Jeronimites to represent their
side of the question; but they arrived in Spain only to find the regent dying.
Had Charles V. remained in Flanders, and had the life of Cardinal Jimenez been
spared to Spain and the New World a few years longer, it is certain that the
cruelties to the Indians would many of them have been prevented, and it is
doubtful if negro slavery would ever have been introduced into America.
Though the change of rulers which now occurred seriously clogged the
wheels of government in Spain, the affairs of the Indies seemed directly to
suffer little inconvenience therefrom. It was indeed a great change, Isabella
and Ferdinand gone, Columbus and Jimenez also; and the presence of this young
Charles, undemonstrative, thoughtful, cautious, even when a boy, and enveloped
in a Flemish atmosphere that shut out all that was most beautiful in Spain,
even Castile’s liquid language, made it seem strange there even to Spaniards,
made it seem a long, long time since the Moors were beaten and America
discovered. The Indies, however, were far away, and so little understood by the
Flemings that they did not trouble themselves much about them.
Las Casas was fortunate in winning the favor of the Flemish chancellor,
Selvagius, but as in the two previous cases, scarcely was the friendly footing
established when the great man died, and the bishop of Biirgos, whose
influence in the government of the Indies had fallen low of late, was again
elevated. All the measures that Las Casas had proposed to Selvagius fell to the
ground—all save one, the only bad one, and one concerning which Las Casas afterward
asserted that he would give all he possessed on earth to recall it; it was the
introduction of negro slaves to relieve the Indians.
If the Jeronimite Fathers accomplished no great things in the Indies,
they at least did little harm. Small-pox attended the herding of the natives in
settlements, but it never prevailed to the extent represented. The fact that
Fonseca held an enco- mienda of eight hundred Indians, the Comendador
Conchillos one of eleven hundred, Vega one of two hundred, and other
influential men at court other numbers, may have had something to do with the
hostility manifested in that quarter toward Las Casas, who was unflinching to
the end in denouncing the system as unjust, unchristian, and inhuman.
The office of Indian distributor was most important, and one in which
the vital interests of the colonists were involved. It should have been filled
by one of high integrity who would hold aloof from contaminating influences.
Such was not Ibarra, who became offensively meddlesome in the affairs of the
common council, and died under suspicious circumstances not longf after,
Lebron beinff sent out to take
O' O
his place. When the Jeronimites countenanced negro slavery to relieve the
Indians, the colonists were benignant; when they undertook civil service
reform, some of them became furious, especially Pasamonte, who had been
enriching himself as fast as possible while his patron lived, but who had now
sunk into
insignificance. The favorites of the Flemish ministers, such as Rodrigo
de Figueroa, to whom was given charge of the Indian settlements, were now: the
recipients of the fat offices; and the fact of their being Flemish favorites
was sufficient to array the colonists against them. It was not long before they
succeeded in having the residencia of Figueroa ordered, and Lebron installed
as overseer of Indians in his place. In 1518, Jimenez who sent the Jeroni-
mites being dead and Fonseca once more manager, the monks were recalled to
Spain, and the affairs of Espanola and of the Indies were left with the audiencia
of Santo Domingo, acting in conjunction with the Consejo de Indicts13
in Spain, the Casa de Con-
13 The Consejo Supremo de Indias, Supreme
Council of the Indies, sometimes termed the Consejo de Indian, or India
Council, was a body possessing executive as well as judicial powers, in
permanent session at Madrid, and having the same jurisdiction over Spanish
colonies in America that was held in Spain by the other supreme councils,
especially the Consejo de Castilla. Immediately after its discovery the
American portion of the Spanish realm was superintended by the Council of
Castile, or by councillors selected therefrom. But with the constantly increasing
burden of business the creation of a separate supreme tribunal became
necessary. Thus the machinery set in motion by Ferdinand was augmented by
Charles, and further improved by Philip, until these vast western interests
were watched over with undeviating care. Thence all measures for the government
and commerce of Spanish America issued; it was the tribunal likewise of
ultimate resort where all questions relating thereto were adjudicated. For many
years, however, the India Council had no formal existence. Fonseca; Hernando de
Vega, comen- dador mayor of Leon; Mercurino Gatinara, afterward superintendent
of all the councils; a gentleman of the emperor’s bedchamber called De Lassao;
Francisco de Vargas, treasurer-general of Castile, and others, acted specially
at the request of their sovereign. This fact gave rise to errors of date into
which several historians fell. Thus Prescott, Ferd. and Isabella, iii. 452,
says, copying Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 358, that the Council of the Indies was
first established by Ferdinand in 1511. Helps, Span. Conq., ii. 28—drawing a
false inference from a false inference drawn by Herrera, ii. ii. xx., who makes
the date 1517—goes on to describe a council for Indian affairs, dating its
organization 1518, and of which Fonseca was president, and Vega, Zapata, Peter
Martyr, and Padilla were members.
It was the first of
August, 15*24, that the office proper of the- Council of the Indies was
created. See Solorzano, Politica Indiana, ii. 394. The decree of final
organization may be found in the Recop. de India#, i. 22S. It sets forth that
in view of the great benefits, under divine favor, the crown daily receives by
the enlargement of the realm, the monarch by the grace of God feeling his
obligation to govern these kingdoms well, for tho better service of God and the
well-being of those lands, it was ordered that there should always reside at
court this tribunal. It should have a, president; the grand chancellor of the
Indies should also be a councillor; its members, whose number must be eight,
should be letrados, men learned in the law. There were to be a fiscal, two
secretaries, and a deputy grand chancellor, all of noble birth, upright in
morals, prudent, and God-
tratacion having more especial charge of commercial
matters.
fearing men. There
mast be, also, three relaiores, or readers, and a notary, all of experience,
diligenee, and fidelity; four expert contadores de cuenlas, accountants and
auditors; a treasurer-general; two solicitadores Jiscales, crown attorneys; a
chief chronicler and cosinographer; » professor of mathematics; a tasador to
tax costs of suits; a lawyer and a procurador for poor suitors; a chaplain to
say mass on council days; four door-keepers, and a bailiff, all taking oath on
assuming duty to keep secret the acts of the council. The first president
appointed was Fray Garcia de Loaysa, at the time general of the Dominicans,
confessor of the emperor, and bishop of Osma, and later cardinal and archbishop
of Seville. The first councillors were Luis Vaca, bishop of the Canary Islands;
Gonzalo Maldonado, later bishop of Ciudad Rodrigo; Diego Beltran; the
prothonotary, Pedro Martyr dc An- gleria, abbot of Jamaica, and Lorenzo
Galindez de Carbajal. Prado was the first fiscal. A list of the earlier
presidents, councillors, and officials may be found at the end of Description
de las Indias Occidentals, in vol. i. Barcia’s edition of Herrera.
The jurisdiction of
the council extended to every department, civil, military, ecelesiastical, and
commercial, and no other council in Spain might have cognizance of any affairs
appertaining to the New World. Two thirds of tho members must approve of any
law or ordinance before it was presented to the king for his signature, tithe
Itecopilacion de las Indias, i. 22S-323, is given the legislation on the
council to 1680. Philip II. ordered the council to be obeyed equally in Spain
and in the Indies. Three members were to constitute a quorum, and sit from
three to five hours every day except holidays. For purposes of temporal government
the New World was to be divided into viceroyalties, provinces of audiencias,
and cltanciUerias reales, or sovereign tribunals of lesser weight than
audiencias, and provinces of the officials of the royal exchequer,
adelantnmientos, or the government of an adelantado, gobernaciones, or
govemmentships, alcaldias mayors, coi'rei/imientoi, alcaldias ordinarias, and
of the Jiermandad, concejos de Enpatiole* y de Indios; and for spiritual
government into archbishoprics and suffragan bishoprics, abbeys, parishes, and
diezmerlax, or tithing distriets, and provinces of the religious orders. The
division for temporal matters was to conform as nearly as passible to that for
spiritual afiairs. The council was commanded to have for its chief care the
conversion and good treatment of the Indians. The laws made by the Council for
the Indies should conform as nearly as possible to the existing laws of Spain.
In selecting ecclesiastics and civil officers for the Indies, the greatest care
should be exercised that none but good men were sent, and their final
nomination must rest with the king. Nepotism was strictly prohibited, and
officcs were not to be sold. In 1600 Felipe III. ordered that twice a week
should be held a council of war, composed of eight members, fonr of whom were
councillors of the Indies, and four specially selected by the king. It was
decrecd in 15S4 that the offices of governors, corregidores, and alcaldes
mayores of the Indies, when bestowed on persons residing in Spain, should be
for five years; when residents in the Indies were appointed, it should be for
three years. Felipe IV. in 1636 ordered that in the archives of the council,
beside records, should be kept manuscripts and printed books treating on
matters moral, religious, historical, political, and scientific, touching the
Indies, all that had been or should be issued; and publishers of books of this
class were required by law to deposit one copy each in these archives. Two keys
were ordered kept, one by the councillor appointed by the president, and the
other by the senior secretary. And wlien the archives of the council became too
full, a portion might be sent to Simancas. It wa3 early ordered that the
chronicler of the council should write a history, natural and political, of
the Indies, every facility being afforded him; and before drawing his last
quarter’s salary cacli year, lie must present what lie had written. So it was
with the cosinographer, who was to calculate eclipses, com-
Many schemes for the benefit of
the Indians filled the mind of Las Casas, who continued to labor for
pile guide-books,
prepare tables and descriptions, and give an annual lecture. The regulations
governing this august body were most wise, and it was the constant aim of the
Spanish monarchs to increase its power and sustain its authority. Its
jurisdiction extended over half the world, being absolute on sea and land. By
it viceroys were made and unmade, also presidents and governors; and, in
ecclesiastical rule, patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, and lesser spiritual
dignitaries. His Holiness himself was second here. All bulls or briefs of indulgences
issued by the pope must be laid before the Consejo de Cruzada, and pass through
the Council of the Indies. The Consejo de Indias continued in Spain till by a
law of the Cortes, March 24, 1834, it was abolished, as indeed was the Consejo
de Castilla. The judicial functions of the two were vested in the Tribunal
Supremo de Espana 6 Indias; their executive powers in the Con- sejo Beal de
Espana 6 Indias, both being created by the same law.
The next most
important agency in the management of New World affairs was the Casa de
Contratacion, house or board of trade, supreme in commercial matters, save only
in its subordination to the Consejo de Indias, in common with every other power
below absolute royalty. As before stated, on the return of Columbus from his
first voyage, Fonseca, with two or three assistants, was appointed to take
charge of the business appertaining to the discovery, the nature or importance
of which was then but faintly conceived. This Indian office or agency was
established at Seville, with a branch office in the form of a custom-house at
Cddiz. But before the expiration of the first dccade the New World business had
so increased, and the New World dimensions were so rapidly expanding, that it
was found neccssary to enlarge the capabilities and powers of the India Office;
hcnce by decrees of January 20, and June 5, 1503, was ordered established at
Seville the Casa de Gontratacion de las Indias, or India house of trade, that
commercc between the mother country and the Indian colonies might be promoted.
The first c6dula ordered the office placcd in the arsenal, the second in a
building known as the al- cdzar viejo, and in that part of it called the cuarto
de los almirantes, or admirals’ quarters. The board consisted of president,
three royal officers, or judges, to wit, treasurer, auditor, and factory also
three judges bred to the law; one fiscal, and other lesser officers and
attendants. Among the first to serve, beside Fonseca, were Sancho de Matienzo,
a canon of Seville, treasurer; Francisco Pinelo, factor, or general agent; and
Jimeno de Bervicsca, contador, or auditor. By law those three officers were to
reside in the building; and were to despatch all ships going to the Indies, and
receive all merchandise coming thence. In all which they were scrupulously to
respect the agreement made with Columbus by the sovereigns. They were,
moreover, to proclaim that licenses for discovery and trade would be given, under
just conditions, to all seeking them and filing commensurate bonds. See Nueva
Espaila, Brev. Res. MS.; Veitia Linage, Norte de la Contratacion; Recop. de
Indias; Solorzmo, Pol. Ind.; Zamora y Coronado, Bib. Leg. Ult.; Young's Hist.
Mex., 40—6; Democratic Review, i. 264-9; Walton's Expost, 24; Niles’ S. Am. and
HI ex., 65-8; Revolution in Sp. Am., 5-6; Purchas, His Pil- ffrimes, iv.
916-17. An officcr appointed by the king resided at Cddiz to despatch vessels
under the supervision of the Casa de Contratacion. The India House was a court
of judicature no less than a board of trade; it had cognizance in all civil,
criminal, and commcrcial questions arising from the traffic of Spain with the
Indies, appeal being to the Council of the Indies.
I will mention a few only of the more
important of the many minor orders regulating this board. The volume and
variety of its business rapidly increased from year to year. In 1510 Diego
Colon was instructed to inform its officers concerning all that he should write
to the king. The board was obliged to possess itself of the minutest knowledge
concerning New World affairs, and of persons asking permission to go thither,
and in the execution of
them indefatigably. One, originating with Pedro de C6rdoba, was to set
apart on the mainland one hundred leagues as a place of refuge for the
savages, into which no Spaniards but priests might enter. This
its duties it was not
to be interfered with even by royal officers of high rank. The actual powers
conferred on the three officials first named by Queen Juana are not given by
any of the chronieles, or collections of laws, which I have examined. Indeed,
the powers and jurisdiction of the board were never clearly defined until the
issuing of the ordinances of the 23d of August, 1543, known as the ordenanzas
de la casa, and which should not be confounded with the ordmanzim of other
years. Every day but feast-days the board should meet for business, and remain
in session for three hours in the forenoou, and on the afternoons of Mondays,
Wednesdays, and Fridays for the despatch of ships. Absence involved primarily
loss of pay, and finally loss of office. If this be not time sufficient for the
business, they must take more time. The president and judges together should
transact the business; a judge might not act singly except upon a matter
referred to him by all. The notary should keep in liis book an account of the
hours of absence among the officers. Before the platform on which sat the
judges, benches were ordered placed for the convenience of the vixitadores, or
inspectors of ships, and such other honorable persons having business there as
should be invited by the tribunal to sit. The authorities of Seville shonld not
interfere in the trial and punishment of erimes committed on board ships
sailing to and from the Indies. If the penalty was death or mutilation, the
offender was to be tried by the three judges, members of the board, learned in
the law. In the civil suits of private persons, appertaining to the Indies,
litigants were given the option of bringing their disputes before the judges of
the India House, or before the ordinary justice of Seville. Disputes arising
from shipwreck, loss of cargo, and frauds connected therewith, were all brought
before the India House. Traders to the Indies residing in Seville were
authorized to meet and elcct a prior and consul, or eonsuls, which consulate
should be called the Universidail de los L'cirrjadores d las Indias, and hold
their meetings in the Casa de Contratacion. No foreigner, his son or grandson
could so hold office. This consulate had cognizance in disputes between these
merchants and factors in matters relative to purchases, sales, freights,
insurance, and bankruptcy, all being subordinate to the regular tribunal of the
India House. Appeals were from the consulate to one of the regular judges
selected annually to that duty. The consulate could address the king only
through the Casa de Contratacion, and government despatches from the Indies
must be forwarded by the board. As justice alone was the object of these
merchants, and not chicanery, or the distortion of evidence, parties to suits
before the consulate were not allowed lawyers. That harmony might be
maintained, the Casa de Contratacion should carry out the orders of the
audiencia de grados of Seville, if deemed conformable to law, and to existing
regulations of the board. Communications from tlie board to the king must be
signed by the president and judges conjointly, and no letter must treat of more
than a single subject. Ail gold, silver, pearls, and precious stones coming
from the Indies were first to be deposited in the India House, and thence
distributed to the owners. The king’s share was to be placed in a safe with
three keys, or if this was too small, then in a room having three keys. Other
safes were to be kept, one for each kind of property. Accounts of receipts at
the India House were to be rendered the king every year. The board must render
an annual statement of its expenditures on relitjiosos sent to the Indies.
Felipe IV. ordered that the board should collect from all ships and
merchandise, including a pro rain on the king’s share, the cost for convoying
them forth and back. Such was the famons India House at Seville, modest in its
beginning, mighty in its accomplishments, through which passed into Spain the
almost fabulous wealth of Spanish America.
measure was opposed by Fonseca, who said: “The king would do well,
indeed, to give away a hundred leagues without any profit to himself.” After
this Las Casas spent some time travelling through Spain and inducing Spaniards
to emigrate to the Indies, but little that was beneficial came of it.
Succeeding finally in enlisting the sympathies of the king’s preach^ crs in
behalf of■ the
Indians, a plan for founding a colony on the Pearl Coast was carried, and
notwithstanding Oviedo appeared in opposition to his brother chronicler by
offering a larger royalty, a grant of two hundred and sixty leagues was signed
in May, 1520. Failing as a colonist, Las Casas retired for a time to the
Dominican convent at Santo Domingo. After many years spent as missionary and
preachcr in Nicaragua, Guatemala, Mexico, and Peru, he was appointed bishop of
Chiapas, where in theprogress of this history wc shall again meet him.
Certain attention which the Indies were now receiving may be mentioned
here. Some little attention was paid by the ever-watchful government to the
welfare of society in these distant parts. The wearing of rich apparel in
Espanola was forbidden by the king in 1523. The appellations of certain of the
islands were undergoing changc, so that in due time their aboriginal names were
restored to Cuba and Jamaica, the authorities thereby evincing a good taste
which rulers and explorers of other nations might well have profited by at a later
period. In 1515 six loaves of sugar and twenty cassia fistula were taken by
Oviedo to Spain. In 1517 the pope made bishops in the Indies inquisitors; and
when in 1521-2 the bulls of Leo X. and Adrian VI. ordered the Franciscans to
prepare for mission work in the New World, liberal concessions were made to
friars going thence. After the death of Pedro de Cdrdoba, who had been appointed
inquisitor of the Indies, authority became vested in the audicncia of Santo
Domingo. Desirous of stimulating emigration, the emperor in 1522 granted
further privileges to settlers in the Indies. Colonists were ordered to
take their families to the New World under severe penalties for neglect.
Licenses were revised, and regulations conccrning the going to the New World
of the religious orders as well as of all others were made to the utmost extent
favorable, but friars found in the New World without a license must be sent
forthwith to Spain. Then laws were made attempting to regulate the method of
making war on Indians; and in 1523 it was decreed that idols should be
destroyed and cannibalism prevented. Provision was made for the annual payment
of thirty thousand maravedis for the support of a preceptor of grammar. And
because of the heavy expenses of living, the emperor permitted the salaries of
New World officials to be increased. The tribunals were likewise reorganized
to fit the emergency and facilitate business. Directions were issued how gold
chains should be made and dye-woods cut. It seemed to the emperor necessary in
1526 to issue orders facilitating the arrest of dishonest mercantile agents in
the Indies, and to send Padre dc Bobadilla, a provincial of the order of La
Merced, to look after the baptism of the Indians. And as to the question of
negroes, vexatious from the beginning, the emperor in 1523 revoked for a time
the permission given in 1511 to send negroes as slaves to the Indies; and it
was again ordered in 1526 that Indian slaves then in Spain should be returned
to their country and treated as vassals.14
11 Secopilacion de Leyes de los Seynos
de las Indias, of which I make general use in referring to the laws passed in
Spain for the regulation of the afiairs of the New World, is the result of
several previous efforts in the direction of compilation. It was published at
Madrid, the first edition in four volumes, by order of Carlos II. in 1681, and
the fourth edition in three volumes, under the direction of the Royal and
Supreme Council of the Indies, in 1791. The work aimed to embody all laws in
force at the date of the respective editions relative to the Spanish American
colonies. The three volumes arc divided into nine books, and each book into
from eight to forty-six titles. The first title of the first book is De la
Santa Fe Ccitdlica, a subject then second to none in grave importance. In fact
the whole of the first book is devoted to ecclesiastical and kindred matters.
The second book refers in the main to tribunals and officials; the third in a
great measure to the army; the fourth to discoveries and settlements; tho fifth
to cxecutivc and judicial offices; the sixth to Indians, including treatment,
repartimientos and cnco-
miendas; the seventh
to crimes and punishments; the eighth to the management of the royal treasury;
and the ninth to the India House and the commerce of the Indies. By a decree
of the emperor in 1350, which was embodied in the ordinances of audiencias in
1563, by Philip II., it was ordered that all cedulas and provisiones should be
copied in extenso in a book set apart for that service, and of which great care
should be taken, and that the said documents were to be filed chronologically
in the archives of each audiencia. In 1571, by Philip II., it was decreed, and
the decree embodied in the lieco- pilaeion of 1680, that cedulas and provisiones
concerning the royal treasury should be kept in a separate book.
The earliest printed
collection of laws relating solely to the Indies is that of the ordenanzas for
the government of the audiencia of Mexico. This was issued in 1548. In 1552 a
similar collection was made by order of the viceroy of Peru, Antonio de
Mendoza,, for the government of the audiencia of Lima, but was not printed at
that time. Later the fiscal of Mexico, Antonio Maldonado, began a compilation
to which he gave the name Repertorio de las Cedulas, Provisiones, i Ordenanms
Beales, but it does not appear that he ever completed his task, although a
royal ciSdula in 1556 authorized him to do so. Upon the representation in 1552
by Francisco Hernandez de Liebana, fiscal of the Council of the Indies, of the
urgent necessity of such a work, a royal C'.'dula. was issued in 1560,
directing the viceroy of New Spain, Luis de Vclasco, to have prepared and
printed such regulations as were in force within the jurisdiction of the
audiencia of Mexico, which was done in 15G3 under the direction of Vasco de
Puga, oidor of the audiencia. Francisco de Toledo, sent from Spain in 1569 as
viceroy of Peru, was ordered to make a similar compilation covering the limits
of his viccroyalty, but it was afterward thought better the work should be
done in Spain. Hence in 1570 Philip II. ordered made a general compilation of
laws and provisions for the government of the Indies, which was intended as a
codc, obsolete laws being omitted, new ones provided where necessary, and those
in conflict reconciled. Of this work, from some cause not satisfactorily
explained, probably from the death of the author, only the title relating to
the Consejo de Indias and its ordenanzas was printed, although the whole of the
first book had been prepared.
In 1581 some
ordinances relative to the Casa de Contratacion and its judges were printed at
Madrid; and more of a similar nature in 1585, beside the Leyes y Ordenanzas for
the government of the Indies, and the ordinances of 1582 concerning the
despatch of fleets for New Spam aud Tierra Firme, printed at Madrid; and in
Guatemala the ordenanzas of July 14, 1556, relating to the Univerddad de los
Mercaderes de Sevilla. In 1594 the marquds de Canete, viceroy of Peru,
published at Lima a small volume of ordinances relative to the good treatment
of the Indians. But the want of a general compilation becoming more and more
apparent, Diego de Enciuas, a clerk in the office of the king’s secretary, was
ordered to prepare a copy of all provisiones, cululas, cartas, ordenanzas, and
histrucciones despatched prior to 1596, which work was printed at Madrid, in
four folio volumes, the same year. Harrisse is mistaken when he says these
volumes were suppressed, not having been authorized; for not only is their
authorization distinctly stated over the king’s own hand in the enacting clause
of the Recopilacion de las Indias, May 18, 1680, where it says that Philip II.
ordered Encinas to do this work, but that owing to their faulty arrangement the
volumes ‘ aun no han satisfecho el in- tento de recopilar en forma
conveniente,’ which clearly shows them to have been in use up to that time.
Shortly after this, Alvar Gomez de Abaunza, oidor of the audiencia of
Guatemala, and subsequently alcalde del crimen of the audiencia of Mexico,
compiled two large volumes uuder the title of Repertorio de Cedulas Reales,
which were not printed. And in Spain, Diego de Zor- rilla made an attempt to
revive the project of the recopilacion de leyes, by making extracts from Encinas
and adding law3 of later date; but having received an appointment as oidor of
the audiencia of Quito, he left the work incomplete and in manuscript. Others
made similar attempts; I shall not be
able to enumerate
them all, or give a full list even of the printed collections. For example, in 1603 was published at Valladolid a folio entitled
Ordenangas Beales del Consejo de Indias, and another thin folio called Leyesy
Ordenangas Nuevan.ente hecha* por mt Majestad, para la gouernacid de las
Indias; later appeared a folio entitled Ordenangas de la Casa de la
Contratacion de Sevilla, and another, Ordenangas Reales para el gobierno de los
Tribunales de Contacltiria Mayor cn los Reynos de las Indias. In 1606
Hernando de Villagomez began to arrange cedillas and other laws relating to the
Indies; and two years after, the celebrated conde de L£mos being president of
the Council, Villagomez, r.nd Rodrigo de Aguiar y Acufia, member of the Council
of the Indies, were appointed a committee to compile the laws; but nothing
came of it, even Fernando Carrillo failing to complete their unfinished task.
Juan de Sol6rzano y Pereira, oidor of the audiencia of Lima, also began a
collection of cedulas, and sent to the Council of the Indies the first book of
his contemplated work, with the titles of the other five books which he
intended to compile. In a carta real he was thanked for what he had done, and
charged to continue his labors, sending each book as prepared to the Council. I
have no evidence that he did so.
All this time our
book was a-building, and indeed for 170 years more. A complete history of this
one work would fill a volume; obviously in a bibliographical note, even of
undue length, only the more promiuent agencies and incidents of its being can
be touched upon,
Wc come now to the
time when Antonio de Leon Pinelo, judge in the India House, presented to the
Council of the Indies the first and second books, nearly complete, of his
Discurso sobre la importancia, forma, y disposition de la Recopilacion de
Leies de Indias, which was printed in one volume, folio, in 1623. This was in
reality Encinas’ work with some ctklulas added. Meanwhile it appears that some
direct official work was done on a compilation, for in 1624 wc find the
Council instructing Pinelo to enter into relations with the custodian of the
material for the compilation. Pinelo was likewise authorized to examine the
archives of the Council; and for two years he employed himself continuously in
examining some 500 MS. volumes of cedulas, containing over 300,000 documents.
In the law authorizing the Recopilacion de las Indiavt of 1680, it is said
that in 1622 the task had been entrusted to Rodrigo de Aguiar y Acuua, probably
the enstodian referred to. In 1628 it was thought best to print for the use of
the Council an epitome of the part completed; hence appeared the Samarios de la
Recopilacion General de la* Leies de las Indias. Aguiar y Acnna dying, Pinelo
worked on alone nntil 1634, when the Council approved of what had been done;
and in the year following this indefatigable and learned man had the
satisfaction of presenting the completed Recopilacion de las Indias. To one of
the members, Jnan de Solorzano y Pereira, the work was referred, and received
his approbation in 1636. More than half a million of cedulas had been examined
and classified during the progress of this compilation. And yet it was not
published; and during the delay it was becoming obsolete, and new material and
partial compilations were being made both in Spain and in America, some of which
were printed in separate pieces. In 1634 the Ordenanzas de la Junta de Guerra
de Indias were published; in 1646 Juan Diez de la Calle compiled and published
for the Council of the Indies in small quarto a memorial containing some of the
cedulas of the Recopilacion. A useful aid for the study of statistic geography
in America is to be found in the exceedingly rare Memorial y Noticias Sacra $ y
Reales del Imperio de las Indias Occidental es. By Iuan Diez dc la Calle, 1646,
sin. 4to, 183 folios. A register for the Spanish colonics, chiefly of state and
church officials, of towns, their wealth and notable objects. Folios 41-132
refer to the jurisdictions of the audiencias of Mexico, Guadalajara, and
Guatemala. Calle had in the previous year, as assistant chief clerk to the
secretary of the Royal Council of the Indies, presented the work to the king as
Memorial Informatorio al Rey, and in accordance with his approval it had been
reprinted with additions as above. Encouraged hereby ho wrote at greater length
tho Noticias Sacrcis i Reales in twelve libros, the publication of which was
begun,
but never finished.
Puga’s work was continued in the form of an Inventario of the cedillas relating
to New Spain issued from 1567-1620, the manuscript being presented to the secretary
of the New Spain department of the Council of the Indies by Francisco de
P&rraga, afterward forming part of the Barcia collection. In 1647 appeared at Seville the Ordenangas Beaks, para la Casa de
Contratacim dc Sevilla, y para otras cosas de las Indias; in 1658 Pinelo published
at Madrid the Autos, acuerdos y decretos de gobierno del real y supremo consejo
de las Indias. In 1661 there was printed at Madrid a folio entitled Ordenancas
para remedio de los danos, 6 inconveniences que se siguen de los des- eaminos i
arnbadas maliciosas de los Navios que navegan de las Indias Oceiden- tales; and
in 1G72 the Norte de la Contratacion de las Indias Oceidentales of Iosepli de
Veitia Linage was published at Seville. J. Stevens translated
this last work into English and published it in London in 1702.
The many and long
periods of suspended animation of the Recopilaeion de Indias, between its
inception and its birth, is no less remarkable a feature in the history of the
work than its multiplicity of origins and collateral affluents. In 1660 the
case was brought before the king, and then referred to successivc committees,
in each of which were several members of the Council, the whole being under the
supervision of their successive presidents, until finally, on the 18th of May,
1680, a royal decree made the Rccopilacion de Indias law, and all ordinances
conflicting therewith null. Even now printing did not seem to be at first
thought of. Two authenticated copies were ordered made, one to be kept in the
archives of the Council, and the other at Simancas. It was soon seen, however,
that this was not sufficient, and in 16S1 the king ordered the book printed
under the superintendence of the Council of the Indies, which was done.
Although the Recopila- cion de Indi&s was several times revised, and well
fulfilled its mission for over a hundred years, in fact to the end of Spain’s
dominion in America, several partial collections appeared from time to time in
Spain and in America.
Among these were Sumarios de las CMulas.... que se han despachado desde
cl ano 1C2S Jiasta 1G77, printed in Mexico in 1678;
Ordenanzas del
Peru, Lima, 1685; also the Ordenanltm de Crugada, para los Subdelegados del
Peru; Reglamento y Aranceles Reales para el Comercio Libre de Espana a Indias, 177S;
Teatro de la legislacion universal de Espana e Indias, by Antonio Javier Perez
y Lopez, 28 vols. 4to, Madrid, 1791-8. In the various public
and private archives of Spain and Spanish America are manuscript collections of
c^dulas and compilations on special subjects.
CHAPTER VI.
THE GOVERNMENTS OF NTJEVA ANDALUClA AND CASTILLA
DEL ORO.
1506-1510.
Tierra
Ftrme Thrown open to Colonization—Rival Applications — Alonso de Ojeda
Appointed Governor of Nueva AndalucIa, and Diego de Nicuesa or Castilla del Oro — Hostile Attitudes or the Rivals at Santo Domingo—Ojeda Embarks tor
Cartagena— Builds the Fortress or San
Sebastian — Failure and Death —
Niccesa Sails for Veragua—Parts Company
with his Fleet—TTts Vessel is Wrecked—Passes Veragua—Confined with his Starving
Crew on an Island—Succor—Failure at Veragua—Attempts Settlement at Nombre de
Dios—Loss of Ship Sent to EspaSola
for Relief—Horrible Sufferings—Bibliographical Notices of Las Casas, Oviedo,
Peter Martyr, Gomara, and Herrera—Character or the Early Chroniclers tor Veracity.
The voyages of
Bastidas and Columbus completed the discovery of a continuous coast line from
the gulf of Paria to Cape Honduras. In 1506 Juan Diaz de Solis, a native of
Lebrija, and Vicente Yanez Pinzon took up the line of discovery at the island
of Guanaja, where the admiral had first touched, and proceeding in the opposite
direction sailed along the coast of Honduras to the westward, surveyed the
gulf of Honduras and discovered Amatique Bay, but passed by without perceiving
the Golfo Dulce which lies hidden from the sea. The object still was to find
the much-desired passage by water to the westward. Continuing northerly along
Yucatan, and finding the coast trending east rather than west, they abandoned
the undertaking and returned to Spain. Meanwhile Juan Ponce de Leon was
enriching himself by the pacifi-
Hibt. Cen. Am., Vol. I. 19 (289)
cation of Puerto Rico, preparatory to invading tlie mainland to the
northward in search of the fountain of youth; in which sapient attempt he lost
his money, and not long afterward his life, unfortunately never finding the
liquid immortality that bubbled somewhere in the jungles of Florida.
And now ten years had elapsed since Cabot and Columbus first saw the
western continent, the former in 1497, the latter in 1498, and although several
attempts had been made, as yet there was no European settlement on any part of
it. It was not that the thirst for western spoils was by any means assuaged;
but Ferdinand was busy, and the experiences of Ojeda and Columbus on the
mainland were not encouraging to the most chivalrous cupidity. Returned,
however, from his Neapolitan wars in 1507, his disaffected nobles somewhat
quieted, and the disputes attending Isabella’s succession allayed, the king began
to look about him. By the queen’s testament he inherited one half the revenues
of the Castilian colonies. And the king wanted money. It is a royal weakness.
Then he remembered what Columbus had reported of the rich coast of Veragua; and
although the licenses hitherto granted for private voyages had not proved very
lucrative, and expenditures at Santo Domingo were too near receipts to be
satisfactory, no better way seemed feasible than to throw open to colonization
the mainland, or tierra jirme, as the discovered portion of the continent now
began to be called.1
1 The world was at a loss at first what to
call the newly found region to the westward. It was easy enough to name the
islands, one after another, as they were discovered, hut when the Spaniards
rcached the continent they were backward about giving it a general name.
Everything was so dark and uncertain; islands were mistaken for continent, and
continent for islands. The simple expression New World that fell with the first
exclamations of wonder from the lips of Europeans on learning of the success
of Columbus sufficed for a time as a general appellation. More general and more
permanent was the name India, arising from the mistake that this was the
farther side or eastern shore of India, applied at first to the continent as
well as to the islands, and which fastened itself permanently on the people as
well as on the country. ‘ Segun la opinion mas
probable, que penetrd hasta aquellos parages, y tambien mas comunmente se da t
cste nuevo mundo descubierto, el nombre de Indias Occidentales, para
distinguirlas de
las verdaderas que estlin situadas eu la Asia h nuestro Oriente entre el
Indo, y el Ganges. ’ S'ueva Espafia, Brev. , M.S. i. 3. As the coast line of
the continent extended itself and became known as such it was very naturally
called by navigators tierra firme, firm land, in contradistinction to the
islands which were supposed to be less firm. And, indeed, not the islands only,
but the people of the islands are inconstant, the moon being mistress of the
waters. As Las Casas, ITust. Indias, iii. 395, puts it, ‘La
naturaleza dellos no les consiente tener perseverancia en la virtud, quier por
ser insulares, que naturalmente tienen m£nos constancia, por ser la luna senora
de las aguas.’ The name Tierra Firme, thus general at first, in time
became particular. As a designation for an unknown shore it at first implied
only the Continent. As discovery unfolded, and the magnitude of this Firm Land
became better known, new parts of it were designated by new names, and Tierra
Firme became a local appellation in place of a general term. Paria being first
discovered, it fastened itself there; also along the shore to Darien, Veragua,
and on to Costa Rica, where at no well defined point it stopped, so far as the
northern seaboard was concerned, and in due time struck across to the South
Sea, where the name marked off an equivalent coast line. Lopez Vaz, in Parchas,
His Pilgrimes, iv. 1433, says, ‘ From this Land of A'eragua vnto the Hand of
Margereta, the Coast along is called the firme Land, not for that the other
places are not of the firme Land, but because it was the first firme Land that
the Spaniards did conquer after they had past the Hands. ’ In the Recop. de
Indian, i. 324, is a law dated 1535, and repeated 1537, 1538, 15G3,
1570, 1571, and 158S, which places within the limits
of the kingdom of Tierra Finne the province of Castilla del Oro. As a political
division Tierra Firme had cxistencc for a long time. It comprised the provinces
of Darien, Veragua, and Panamd, which last bore also the name of Tierra Firme
as a province. The extent of the kingdom was G5 leagues in length by 18 at its
greatest breadth, and nine leagues at its smallest width. It was bounded on the
east by Cartagena, and the gulf of Uraba, and its river; on the west by Costa
Rica, including a portion of what is now Costa Rica; and on the north and south
by the two seas. On the maps of Korns Orbis seu descriptionis Indice Occi-
dcntalis by De Laet, 1633, and of Ogilby’a America, 1671, the Isthmus is called
Tierra Firme. Villagutierre writes in 1701, Hist. Conq. Itza, 12,
‘Tierra- Firme dc la Costa de Paria, u Proviucia, que llamb de Veragua;
principio de los dilatados Rcynos de aquel Nuevo, y Grande Emisferio.’ Neither
Guatemala, Mexico, nor any of the lands to the north were ever included in
Tierra Firme. English authors often apply the Latin form, Terra Firma, to this
division, winch is misleading.
The early Spanish
writers were filled with disgust by the misnomer America. Pizarroy Orellana,
Varones Ilvstres, in his preface speaks of the ‘Nueva, y riquissima Parte del
Mundo, que se llama vulgarmete America, y nosotros llamamos Fer-Isabelica;’ and
throughout his book the author persists, where ‘Nuevo Mundo’ is not employed,
in calling America Fer-Isabelica, that is to say Ferdinand and Isabella, an
attempt at name-changing no less futile than bungling. This was in 1G30. If
with these sevcntcenth-century writers the name Columbia, the only appropriate
one for the New World, smacked too strongly of Genoa, they might have called it
Pinzonia, which would have been in better taste, at least, than in bestowing
the honor on the cold and haggling sovereigns. Jules Marcou, like thousands of
his class who seek fame through foolishness, writes in the Atlantic Monthly,
March, 1875, to prove that the name America came from a mountain range in Nicaragua,
called by the natives Americ, which became a synonym for the golden mainland,
first at the islands and then in Europe, until it finally reached the foot of
the Vosges, where Waldsee-Miiller, or Hylacomylus of Saint Die, confuses it
with the
Spain, France, England, Holland, and Sweden had all awakened to oceanic
enterprise. He had before this commissioned Ojeda to watch the inroads of the
English at the north, and directed Pinzon -to have an oye on the Portuguese
and the pope’s partition line at the south; now he was resolved to break the
territory into kingdoms and provinces, and apportion them for government to
such of his subjects as were able and willing to colonize at their own cost.
When the intention of the king was known, two dashing cavaliers appeared
and asked for the government of the rich coast of the Tierra Firme. One was
Diego de Nicuesa, a native of Baeza, well-born and an accomplished courtier,
having been reared by Enrique Enriquez, chief steward and uncle of the king. He
came to the Indies first with Ovando. The other was Alonso de Ojeda, then in
Santo Domingo, and already famous in New World annals, making his first
appearance there with Columbus in his second voyage, and having already
achieved two notable voyages to Paria, or the Pearl Coast, one in 1499 with
Juan de la Cosa and Amerigo Vespucci, and one in 1502, with Garcia de Ocampo
and Juan de Vergara. The last had been made in four ships, and for the purpose
of colonizing; instead of which disputes arose, and the fiery commander was
seized and carried in shackles to Espanola. There he was tried,
name of Vcspncci, and
is led to print in the preface of Vespueei’s Voyages:—■ ‘And
the fourth part of the world having been discovered by Amerieus may well be
ealled Amerige, which is as much as to say, the land of Ameriens, or America.’
Had the name been so early and so eommonly applied to Tierra Firme, it is
strange that some one of the many Spanish writers in the Indies or in Spain had
not employed it or mentioned it. Villagutierre in 1701 endorses thq effort
made by Pizarro y Orellana in 1G39, saying, Hist. Conq. Itza, 13, that
the New World should have been called after the Catholic sovereigns, ‘ de cuya
orden, y & cuyas expensas se deseubrian. ’ He states further, on the
authority of Sim6n, that the Council of the Indies as late as 1620 talked of
changing the name, but were deterred by the ineonveniencc involved. Likewise
Vetaneurt, Teatro Mex., 13-13, in 1698 says that the name America should be
erased from history, calling attention to the bull of partition issued by Pope
Adrian VI., which alludes to the new lands as the Western Part—■ only it
was not Adrian but Alexander VI. who perpetrated the bull, in which moreover
there is no such term as Western Part used—arguing
therefrom that Indias Occidentales was the most proper term. On the application
and origin of the name America see cap. i. p. 123-5 of this volume.
and a decision rendered against him, which however was overruled on
appeal to the Council of the Indies; but he came out of his difficulties
stripped of all his possessions.
The candidates were much alike, each being a fair type of the Spanish
cavalier. Both were small in stature, though none the less men of prowess. Symmetrical
in form, muscular, active, and skilful in the use of weapons, they delighted in
tilting matches, feats of horsemanship, and in all those pastimes which
characterized Spanish chivalry at the close of the Mahometan wars. The school
in which Ojeda had studied experience, as page to the duke of Medina Celi, who
appeared in tho Moorish wars at the head of a brilliant retinue, was in no wise
inferior to that of his rival. Their accomplishments were varied, though not
specially in the direction of colonizing new countries. Not only was Nicuesa a
fine musician, playing well the guitar, and having some knowledge of ballad
literature, but he could make his horse prance in perfect time to a musical
instrument. As for Ojeda, there was little, in his own opinion, he could not
do. The more of recklessness and folly in the exploit the better he could
perform it. Once at Seville, while Isabella was in the cathedral tower, out
from which ran a beam, at a height so great that from it men on the ground
looked like pygmies, to show the queen of what metal he was made, he mounted
this beam, balanced himself, then tripped lightly as a rope-dancer to the end
of it, wheeled, and lifting one foot poised himself on the other at this
fearfully dizzy height, where almost a breath would dash him to destruction;
then, returning, he stopped at the wall and placing one foot against it threw
an orange to the top of the tower.
With such distinguished ability on either side, it was difficult to
determine between them. Who so suitable to baffle miasma, poisonous reptiles,
and wild beasts while dressing the institutions of Spain
for the wilderness of America, as the graceful and witty Nicuesa! What a
glorious missionary Ojeda would make! So moderate, so wise, so gentle, so just,
both! Nicuesa had money, a necessary commodity to him who would colonize at
his own cost. But then Ojeda had influence; for Fonseca was his friend, and an
inquisitor his cousin. Yet Nicuesa was not without advocates at court; money
alone was a powerful argument. When, finally, the veteran pilot, Juan de la Cosa,
threw his experience and earnings upon the side of Ojeda, to whom he was
devotedly attached, and offered himself to embark in the adventure, the king
concluded to let them both go; and then it was that he divided Tierra Firme
between them, making the gulf of Urabd2 the dividing point. The
eastern or South American portion was called Nueva AndalucIa, and of this
Alonso de Ojeda was appointed governor; the western division, extending from
the gulf of Urabd, or Darien, to Cape Gracias d Dios, was named by the king
Castilla del Oro,3 or Golden Castile, and the command given to
2 Now gulf of Darien. The name Urabd was
first applied to the gulf by Bastidas, or hy navigators immediately following
him. Snbseqnently the territory on the eastern side of the gnlf was called
Urabd, and that on the western side Darien. On Peter Martyr’s map, India
beyond the Ganges, 1510, is tho word vraba; on the globe of Orontius, 1531,
Sinus vraba i3 applied to the gulf, and vrabe to the river Atrato.
Pilestrina, Munich Atlas, no. iv., 1515, places G: d epimeg at the
sonthem end of the gnlf, which is represented as very wide. Maiollo, Munich Atlas,
no. v., 1519, writes Vraba in small letters at the sonthem end; also the
words aldea, tera plana, and Rio basso.
3 Castilla del Oro was for the time bnt
another name for this part of Tierra Firme. Then Castilla del Oro hecame a province of Tierra Firme; for in the Rccop. de
Indias, ii. 110, we find ordered by the emperor in 1550, ‘que la Provincia
de Tierrafirme, llamada Castilla del Oro, sea de las Proviilcias del Peni, y no
do las de Nueva Espana. ’ The province of Veragua, and the territory
‘hack of the gnlf of Urab;i, where dwelt the caeiqne Cimaco,’ were declared
ivithin the limits of the government of Tierra Firme. Helps, Span. Conq., i.
400, calls a map of that portion of South America extending from the gulf of
Maracaibo to the gnlf of Urabd hy the name Castilla del Oro. I have noticed in
several of the early maps tho same mistake. Colon and Ribero call only the
Pearl Coast Castilla del Oro. In West-Indische Spieghel, 1624, 64, the
country between the Atrato and a river flowing into the gulf of Venezuela is
called Castilla del Oro. Humholdt, Exam. Crit., i. 320, erroneously
narrows the limits of Nicnesa’s government to that ‘partie de la Terre-Ferme
plaete entre le Veragua et le golfe d’Uraba, oil commen- pait la governaeion de
Hojcda;’ for Navarrete says distinctly in his Noticias biogrdjicas del
eapitan Alonso Hojeda, Col. deViages, iii. 170, ‘Los limites de la
Diego de Nicuesa. The island of Jamaica, whence they expected to draw
their supplies, was to be held in common by the two governors. Were it not so
much more delightful to bargain with new suitors who have money, than to reward
old servants who have none, a fine sense of decency might have prompted the
monarch to give Castilla del Oro to the adelantado, Bartolomd Colon, who had
assisted in discovering, and in an attempt to colonize the country, and who
had little to show for his many and valuable services to Spain. But Diego Colon
was determined they should not have Jamaica, and so sent thither Juan de
Esquivel, as we have seen, to hold it for the governor of Santo Domingo.
The mainland governors were each appointed for four years, during which
time supplies were free from duties. Their outfit, with four hundred settlers
and two hundred miners each, might be obtained from Santo Domingo. They were
given the exclusive right to work for ten years all mines discovered by them on
paying into the royal treasury for the first year one tenth of the proceeds,
the second year one
gobemacion de Hojeda eran desde el cabo de la Vela hasta la mitad del golfo
de Urabd, que llamaron nueva Andalucia; y los de la gobemacion de Diego de
Nieuesa, que se le conccdiu al mismo ticmpo, desde la otra mitad del golfo
hasta el cabo de Gracias d V'tos, que se denominu Cant ilia del Oro.’ He who
some time after drew the commission of Pedrarias Davila as ‘Gobernador de la
provincia de Castilla del Oro en el Darien,’ ia sadly confused in hia New World
geography when he writer, Kavarrete, < 'ot. de I 'inges, iii. 337, ‘ Una muy
grand parte de tierra que fasta aqui se ha llamado Tiei ni-firme, e agora man-
damos que se llame Castilla del Oro, y en ella ha hecho nuestra gente un
asiento en el golfo de Urabd, que es en la provincia del Darien, que al
preseute se llama la provincia de Andalucia la Nueva, & el pueblo se dice
Santa Maria del Antigua del Darienand again on the following page:—‘Castilla
del Oro, con tanto que no ae entienda ui comprenda en ella la provincia de
Verdgua, cuya gobemacion pertenece al Almirante D. Diego Colon por le habcr
descu- bierto el Almirante su padre por su persona, ni la tierra que
descubrieron Vicente Yauez Pinzon e Juan Diaz de Solis, ui la provincia de
Pdria.’ Oviedo marks the limits plainly enough, iv. 110, ‘Por la costa del
Norte ticne hasta Veragua, que lo que con aqucl corresponde en la eosta del Sur
puede ser la punta de Chame, que esta quince leguas al Poniente de Panama, 6
desdo alii para arriba seria Castilla del Oro hasta lo que rcspondicsse 6
responds de Norte d Sur.’ The Description Pananui, in Pacheco and
Gardenai. Col. Doc., ix. 82, saya the official name was Provineia de Castilla
del Oro y rcino de Tierra Firme, and so remained till the beginning of the
17til century, and afterward Ueiica diurea, or Castilla del oro, is written in
Decadas, Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 14.
ninth, the third one eighth, the fourth one seventh, the fifth one sixth,
and for the remaining five years one fifth. The king conditioned, moreover,
that each governor should build two forts for the protection of the colonists,
to whom the lands in the vicinity of which were to belong.
It so happened that the doughty little governors met at Santo Domingo,
while making their final preparations. Swelling with new dignities, active and
mettlesome, each desirous of obtaining as many recruits as possible, it was
not long before they came into collision. First they quarrelled about Jamaica;
as a supplement to which Ojeda stoutly swore that should he there encounter
Juan de Esquivel, his head should pay the penalty. Then their partition line
became a bone of contention, both claiming the Indian province of Darien.4
The geography of the coast was at that time but little known; their dominions
toward the south were limitless, and for aught they knew larger than Spain.
Although both the commanders were small corporally, in feeling they were large,
and required much room. The breach thus opened was in no wise lessened by the
superior success of Nicuesa, who with a deeper purse, and a government famous
for its wealth, drew off recruits from his less fortunate rival. Five large
caravels and two brigantines, flying the flag of Castilla del Oro, rode in the
harbor. All were well equipped and liberally provisioned; and already Nicuesa
mustered nearly eight hundred men and six horses, while Ojeda at his best
could muster but three hundred men in two small ships and two brigantines.5
4 And no
wonder misunderstandings should arise over a c^dula dividing territory in such
words as, 1 & vos el dicho Diego de Nicuesa en el parte de
Veragua y el dicho Alonso de Hojeda en el parte de Urabd.’ Navarrete, Col. de
Viages, iii. 116.
5 Peter
Martyr, dcc. ii. cap. i., gives Nicuesa 795, and Ojeda 300 men. Herrera, dec.
i. lib. vii. cap. xi., saya that 700 sailed from EspaQola with Nicuesa and 300
with Ojeda. ‘No pudiendo Hojeda por su pobreza aprestar la expedition, la Cosa
y otros amigos le fletaron una nao, y uno 6 dos bergan- tines, que con
doscientos hombres.’ Noticias biojrdjicas del eapitau Aioiisq
Nettled at every turn he made about the little town, Ojeda, who was a
better swordsman than logician, at length proposed to settle all scores by
single combat. “Agreed,” replied Nicuesa, who was equally brave yet less
passionate, “but for what shall we fight ? Match me with five thousand
castellanos, and I am your man.” Finally old Juan de la Cosa interfered to
prevent bloodshed; the river Darien, or Atrato, was made the dividing line, and
measures were taken to hasten departure before the fire of hot Ojeda should
blaze out again.
But Ojeda was not without his little triumphs. There dwelt at this time
at the capital of the Indies a lawyer, known as the Bachiller0
Martin Fernandez de Enciso, who during a successful practice of many years had
accumulated some two thousand castellanos. Tempted by the offer of being made
alcalde mayor7
Hojeda,
Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 170. Benzoni, who pays little heed to numbers
or dates, says, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 37, ‘Hoieda
compru quattro naui e feee piu di
quattrocento soldati alle fue spese, e cosi parti san Domenico. ’ .
c ‘
BachiUer,’ says the English translator of Benzoni, ‘ has a wider meaning than
our word bachelor, signifying also an inferior order of knighthood. ’ This is a
mistake. The word haa the same corresponding significance in both languages.
It is true that the degree exempts the possessor from ccrtain obligations,
such as personal service, military and municipal, imprisonment for debt, ete.,
and grants him certain privileges enjoyed by noblemen. But this does not make
him noble. The next degree, which is that of licentiate, carries with it still
further privileges, but even this does not constitute knighthood. The degree of
doctor, which follows that of licentiate and is the highest conferred by the
university, gives the possessor the right to prefix Don to his name, and place3
him in nearly every respect on a par with noblemen.
7 The word alcalde ia from
the Arabic al cadi, the judge or governor. Alcalde orilinario used
formerly to designate the officer having the immediate superintendency of a
town or city, with cognizance of judicial matters cxcept tlioje of persons
enjoying some privilege (fuero). Alcalde mayor signifies a judge, learned in
the law, who exercises ordinary jurisdiction, civil and criminal, in a town or
district. The office i3 equivalent to that of district judge in the United
States, the audiencia standing for the supreme court. There were, however, in
the early years, alcaldes mayorcs who were not law judges, or men learned in
the law; they governed for the king a town or city not the capital of a
province.
Corregiihr,
a
magistrate having civil and criminal jurisdiction in tho first instance (uUi
prim) and gubernatorial inspection in the political and economical
government in all the towns of the district assigned to him. There were correjidor?s
letrados (learned in the law), politicoi (political), de capa i/ esp'id
i (cloak and sword), and politicos // m'lilares (holding civil aud
military authority). Ail had equal jurisdiction. When the corregidor or
mayor was not by profession a lawyer, unless he had an anc.-or of his
own, the alcaldo mayor, if possessed of legal knowledge, bccame his adviser,
which greatly
of the new government, he was induced by the impetuous Ojeda to embark
his entire fortune in the adventure. It was arranged that the bachiller should
remain' at Santo Domingo for some time after the departure of Ojeda, in order
to obtain further recruits and fit out another ship, and then follow the
governor to Nueva Andaluci'a.
Of Ojeda’s party was Francisco Pizarro; and flitting restlessly from one
heterogeneous group to another, enviously watching preparations in which
circumstances prevented their participating, were other dominant spirits
waiting opportunity, notably Yasco Nunez de Balboa, tied by debt to distasteful
agriculture, and Hernan Cortes, fortunately forbidden to embark by illness.
Ojeda was the first to sail, embarking November 10,1509. Nicuesa would
have weighed anchor at the same time, but was prevented by his creditors; for
his success in securing followers was attended by so copious a drain of purse
that not only his money but his credit was gone.
Favorable winds wafted Ojeda quickly to Cartagena, where he landed and
proclaimed in loud and vaunting tones his manifesto.8 A shower of
poisoned darts was the reply; a mark of disrespect from his new subjects which
set the governor’s blood boiling. Breathing a short prayer to the virgin, Ojeda
seized a lance, and charging the natives at the head of his followers scattered
them in the forest, and rashly pur-
increased tlie
importance of the latter. The alcalde mayor was appointed by the king. He must
be by profession a lawyer, twenty-six years of age, and of good character. He
could neither be a native of the district in which he was to exercise his
functions, nor could he marry a wife in his district. Recop. de Indias, ii.
113-27 and note. So much for the law. Practically in cases of this kind, where
the governor was not learned in the law, civil, criminal, and some phases even
of military authority devolved on the alcalde mayor, the two first ex
officio, and the last as the legal adviser of the military chief. In new
colonies this officer was invested with powers almost equal to those of the
governor, though of a different kind.
8 A document prepared by the united wisdom
of church and state, for general use in the Indies, setting forth the
obligations of all good savages to their dual head of Spain and Home, with a
list of punishments which were to follow disobedience. Of which more hereafter.
sued them. These were no effeminate islanders; the women fought side by
side with the men, who were equal to those of Veragua, with the additional
advantage of envenomed arrow-points, which, with the occasional shelter their
forests afforded, made them more than a match for the Spaniards.9
This Ojeda had all to learn, and to pay dearly for the knowledge. Of seventy of
his best and bravest who followed him four leagues inland but one returned.
Even his stauneh and veteran friend, Juan de la Cosa, after vainly attempting
to dissuade his self-willed colleague from his purpose, plaeed himself by his
side and died there. Ojeda fought like a tiger until his men were seattered and
killed, and he was left wounded and alone in a marshy thieket, where several
days after a fresh party from the ships found him half-dead. When warmed into
life and returned to the harbor he saw entering it Nieuesa’s fleet he hid
himself, afraid to meet his rival in that plight. Told of this by Ojeda’s men,
as supplemental to their dismal tale, Nieuesa’s anger was aroused at the unjust
suspicion. “ Tell your commander,” he exelaimed, “ that Diego de Nieuesa is a
Christian eavalier who makes no war on a prostrate foe; that not only shall
past feuds be buried, but he promises never to leave this spot until the deaths
of Juan de la Cosa and his eom- rades are avenged.” He was as good as his word.
Landing four hundred men, he surprised an Indian village, put men, women, and
children to the sword, and secured large booty.
After Nieuesa had departed on his way, Ojeda east off from that ill-fated
shore his ships, and brought them to the gulf of Urabd, where on its eastern
side, near the entranee, he built a fortress, the beginning of his eapital
eity, and ealled it San Sebastian10
9 To this day there are tribes in the
vieinity of the Atrato River whieh have never been subjugated.
101 am
unable to find this place on any map. Gomara, Hist.
Ind., 68, says: ‘ Comenco luego vna fortaleza, y pueblo, donde se recoger, y
assegurar enel mesmo lugar que quatro afios antes lo auia comeyado Iuan dela
Cosa.
in honor of the arrow-martyred saint, whose protection he craved from
the venomous darts of his subjects. From San Sebastian, Ojeda despatched to
Santo Domingo one of his vessels with the gold and captives he had taken, at
the same time urging Enciso to hasten his departure, and send supplies. Meanwhile
Ojeda’s temper, which was as sharp and fiery as Damascus steel, made little
head-way against tangled marshes and poisoned arrows. Persisting in his
high-handed policy, he could do nothing with the natives, food being as
difficult to obtain as gold, and his ranks rapidly thinned.
While harassed by hunger and watching anxiously the coming of Enciso and
the return of their ships, the colonists descried one day a strange sail. On
reaching San Sebastian it proved to be a Genoese vessel which, while loading
with bacon and cassava bread at Cape Tiburon, had been piratically seized by
one Bernardo de Talavera and a gang of vagabonds from Santo Domingo, who
escaped with their prize and had come to Nueva Andalucla to seek fortune under
the wise and happy rule of Governor Ojeda. To buy the cargo was the work of a
moment, for the pirates were very ready to sell; and, indeed, had they not
been, the governor would have compelled them. The poison was in his blood,
which was now hot with fever, and he was in no mood for ceremony. But the
relief thus obtained was only
Este fue el primer
pueblo de Espaiioles enla tierra firme de Indias.5 If the author
refers his first town to the former visit of Jtian de la Cosa four years
before, I should say that could scareely be ealled an attempted settlement,
still less an established town. If he intimates that this fort of Ojeda’s was
the first settlement, then is he wrong, for Belen, in Veragua, was before this.
Whatever he means, and that often is impossible to determine, in this instance
it is safe to say that he is in error, as San Sebastian can by no possibility
have been the first settlement in Tierra Firme. Herrera writes, i. vii. xvi.: ‘ Entrb en el golfo de Vrab&, y busct) cl
rio del Darien, que entre los Indios era muy celebrado de oro, y de gente
belicosa, y no le liallando, sobre vnos eeiros assentd vn pueblo, al qual llamb
la villa de san Sebastian, toman- dole por abogado eontra las fieclias de la
yerua mortifera: y esta fuc la se- gunda villa de Castellanos que se poblb, en
todo la tierra firme, auiendo sido la primera la que eoment^b a poblar el
Almirante viejo, en Veragua.’ Words to the same effeet are in Navarrete,
Col. de Viages, iii. 172. It seems rather premature to eall these futile
attempts establishing towns.
temporary. Day by day the food supply diminished. The colonists were
redueed in number from three hundred to three score. And with bodily ailment
eame as usual mind-distempers, wranglings, ruin, and despair. Where now was the
valiant Ojeda? Humiliated to the dust, as well before the savages as before the
Spaniards.
Yet he would not yield to fate without another effort, wasted and weak as
he was. Giving Pijano command of the fortress, Ojeda took passage in the
freebooter’s ship and sailed for Santo Domingo. But his patroness, the virgin,
had indeed deserted him. Shipwreek met him at Cuba, whenee he erossed to
Jamaiea. Talavera and his gang, after the most extraordinary exertions,
likewise reaehed Jamaiea, but only to be seized by order of Diego Colon and
hanged. Ojeda said nothing to Esquivel about striking off his head, but humbly
took the kindly extended aid. Proceeding to Espanola in a caravel he found
Enciso gone, and himself a bankrupt invalid. Pride, whieh seldom deserts a
Spanish eavalier, gave way. Redueed to penury, broken-hearted, he died,
begging as proof of his humility to be buried under the monastery portal, that
all who entered should tread upon his grave. Farewell, daring, dashing,
irrational Ojeda!
Let us now look after Nicuesa. When from the discomfited Ojeda the
gallant governor of Castilla del Oro last parted, he eoasted westward toward
Veragua, where he purposed to plant his eolony. The better to survey the
seaboard, he took a small earavel, and ordered Lope de Olano, his lieutenant,
to attend him with two brigantines, while the larger vessels kept farther from
the shore. Thus they proceeded until reaehing the Indian provinee of Cueba,
where a port was discovered into which flowed a small stream ealled Pito. There
they landed and said mass,11 and therefore named the plaee Misas.
11 The first in Tierra Firme, Oviedo says,
but he forgets the landing, for the same purpose, of Bartolomi Colon at Cape
Honduras, Sunday, August 14, 1502.
Leaving there the largest ships in charge of a relative named Cueto, who
was to receive word when to follow, Nicuesa pressed forward toward Veragua with
a caravel carrying sixty men, Lope de Olano still attending in a brigantine
with thirty men. A storm arising not long after, the latter took advantage of
this and the darkness of the night to separate from him, impelled partly by a
conviction that they were on the wrong course, partly by ambitious projects.
After waiting two days in vain for his companion Nicuesa continued westward. In
the search for Veragua he attempted to follow a chart drawn by Barto- lomc
Colon, though his pilots Diego de Ribero and Diego Martin, both of whom had
been with Columbus,, assured him that he had passed the place. The storm
increasing, Nicuesa ran his vessel into the mouth of a large river; but when
attempting to proceed after the storm he found himself caught in a trap, and
his vessel on the bar amidst the breakers, the water having subsided. Unable to
move the ship in either direction, its destruction was inevitable, and the men
set about saving themselves. A rope was stretched to the shore at the cost of a
life; and scarcely had the last person reached land when the vessel went to
pieces.
Behold, then, the courtly Nicuesa, so lately the proud commander of a
fleet, by this sudden freak of fortune cast upon an inhospitable shore, his whereabouts
unknown to himself or to those in the ships, and his almost naked followers
destitute of food, save one barrel of flour and a cask of oil flung them by the
surly breakers! His mind was moreover ill at ease conccrning Olano, whose
reputation was none of the best, and who Nicuesa thought might have joined him
had he been disposed. The ship’s boat fortunately drifted ashore, and in it
Nicuesa placed Diego de Ribero and three seamen, ordering them to keep him
company along the shore, and render assistance in crossing streams and inlets.
Already faint with
hunger, they began their march. But whither? Still westward, but not
toward Yeragua. Each weary footstep carried them farther and farther from their
destination. It was not a pleasant journey feeling their way through tropical
forests, with such impediments as tangled jungles, hot malarious mudbeds,
craggy hills and treacherous streams to block their way. Some of the party had
no shoes, some no hat; sharp stones cut their feet, thorny brambles tore their
flesh, and their half-clad bodies were exposed alternately to burning sun and
drenching rain. They were soon glad to get shell-fish and roots to eat with
their leaves. One day an arrow from an overhanging height struck dead Nicuesa’s
page, but fortunately the savages retired without pressing their advantage.
Nicuesa’s dog, seeing murder in his hungry master’s eye, took to his heels and
was never afterward seen. Yet greater misfortunes awaited the Spaniards. After
crossing an inlet in the boat one evening, they rested for the night, and in
attempting to resume their march next morning found themselves upon an island.
Calling for Ribero, he was missing. Nor was the boat anywhere to be seen. It
could not be possible that he had left them to die on that circumscribed and
barren spot. Loudly thejr called, searching every inlet, and
sweeping the horizon with terror-lighted eyes. It was true; they were
abandoned!
It is curious to witness the effect of despair on different minds, of the
near approach of that hateful means for our final suppression. Some will fight
the monster; others succumb, sinking into drivelling imbecility; others calmly
abandon themselves to the inevitable, even the ludicrous aspect of the case coming
home to some of them, looking grimly cheerful. As elsewhere, both fools and
philosophers were found among Nicuesa’s crew. Some prayed and confessed, with
divers degrees of accompaniment, from low lamentation to frantic raving; some
cursed; some nursed their horror in sullen silence.
I shall not attempt to describe Nicuesa’s sufferings while on this
island. Suffice it to say that on a scanty diet of roots and shell-fish with
brackish water many died, while others wished themselves dead; for the former
might rot in peace, but the latter yet living swarmed with impatient vermin.
And there was little satisfaction in effort, when drinking only increased
thirst, and eating but kept alive despondency. Truly it was a good thing, a
grand thing to adventure life to capture wild lands and rule one’s fellows!
Thus weeks passed. Then like a ray shot from the Redeemer’s throne a sail
was seen. Men wasted to the last extremity shook off death’s grip and roused
themselves, stretching their long lank necks, their bony chins and glazed eyes
toward the approaching vessel, which soon came to anchor before the island.
Ribero was not a villain after all. Satisfied that Veragua was behind them, but
unable to convince Nicuesa, Ribero won over to his views the three boatmen,
left the island during the night, retraced their course and reached Veragua.
There they found the colonists, with Olano bearing rule, who on the information
of Ribero could scarcely do less than send his governor succor.12
Leaving here Nicuesa, let us inquire concerning the other portions of his
scattered colony. Two months having elapsed since the departure of the governor
from the port of Misas, and hearing nothing from any one, Cueto, in whose
charge the fleet was left, became uneasy, and taking a small vessel, set out in
search of his commander. The only tidings he could gain were from a letter
found on an island, wrapped in a leaf and fastened to a stick, which in
12 When Oviedo gravely asserts that Ribero
intended desertion, and was stealing by Belen when he was captured by Olano, he
goes out of his way to make palpable nonsense appear as truth. Admit them
inhuman monsters, whieh they were not, whither would four starved helpless
wretches desert on this deadly shore?
formed him that Nieuesa was well and still journeying westward.
Returning to Misas, Cueto with the entire fleet sailed for Veragua; but so
badly worm- eaten were the ships that he was obliged to come to anchor at the
mouth of the River Chagre,13 which from the ravenous alligators that
swarmed there was called by the Spaniards Lagartos. There portions of the
cargoes were landed; and while attempts were made to repair the ships, one of
the pilots, Pedro de Umbria, was sent in quest of the lost governor. Meanwhile
Lope de Olano arrived.
Evidently the lieutenant did not in his heart desire his captain’s
return. For although in reciting to his comrades the circumstances of the
storm, and the disappearance of the governor, with such variations as suited
his purpose, with tears which would have done honor to the crocodiles
thereabout, he made no effort to find Nieuesa. He affected to believe him dead.
“And now, gentlemen,” he said, “ let no more mention be made of him if you
would not kill me.” >
The fleet now proceeded to Belen, where the usual catalogue of disasters
attends the disembarkation. Four men are drowned. The worm-eaten ships are
dismantled, broken in pieces, and of the fragments huts are made on the site
formerly occupied by Bartolomd Colon. Olano, after some opposition, is formally
proclaimed lieutenant-governor. Raids fol-
13 Chagre, not Chagres, was the name of the
native province through whieh this river flows. Near its mouth empty several
small streams, and it was only below the confluence of these that the term
Lagartos for any length of time applied. Says Alcedo,
Die., i., of the River Chagre:—‘ Lo deseubrid el de 1527 Hernando de la Serna
llamdndole rio de Lagartos, y dntes su boca Lope de Olano el de 1510.’ Oviedo
remarks upon it:—‘Algunos han querido de^ir que los de aquesta armada le dieron
este nombre, porque ninguna cosa viva saltaba de los navios que en pressenfia
de la gente no se la comiessen luego muy grandes lagartos, lo qual se
experiment6 en algunos perros. Este rio es la boca del rio Chagre.’ Hist. Gen., ii.
467. Acosta is somewhat loose in the statement, Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada, 34, ‘En la boca del rio Chagres, que entonces llamaban de los Lagartos por la multitud de
caimanes que Colon habia visto en 61.’ Vaz Dourado plaees,
on Munich Atlas, no. x.,
1571, in this vicinity a river with the word chi. Munich
Atlas no. ix. has it Chiche. De Laet writes if. de Chagre; Dampier,
It. Chagre; Jefferys, if. Chagre and Ft Chagre.
Hist.
Css. Am., Vol. I. 20
low; but the quibian, grown wise by experience, retires with his people,
and leaves the Spaniards to shift for themselves. There being nothing to steal,
they starve. Disease and disaffection follow; Olano is not happy.
Wrathful, indeed, was Nicuesa on reaching Belen. Against Olano his
indignation was extreme. He charged him with wilful desertion, with felonious
destruction of the ships, and with gross mismanagement. He had ruined all.
Branding him as a traitor he ordered his arrest; and when some feeble attempts
were made by the others to mitigate the governor’s displeasure, he broke forth
on them. “It well becomes you,” he exclaimed, “ to ask pardon for him, when
you should be begging mercy for yourselves! ”
But of what use were oaths and bickerings ? Of his gallant company half
were dead, and the less fortunate remainder lived only to suffer yet awhile
before following. Of all the men who came from Spain, proud Nicuesa lost the
most, having most to lose. Of all New World woes, Nicuesa’s woes were greatest;
the half of what thus far has been words cannot tell, and the worst part is yet
to come.
Now that the rich Veragua was reached, the Golden Castile of greedy
anticipations, what then? The gold with which to load the ships was wanting;
the ships with which to bear away that gold were almost all destroyed. The
fertile soil was marshy, the spicy air malarious, the redundant vegetation
yielded little food for man. Sallow-faced skeletons of men clamored their
distress. Death was busy enough, so Olano’s life was spared, though his badge
of office was exchanged for fetters. Even foragers perished for want of food;
every member of one band died from eating of a putrescent Indian. The governor
grew peevish; his generous temper was soured by misfortune. The colonists
complained of his harsh treatment and indifference to their sufferings. And
they said to him: “The fates are against us here; let us abandon this
place.” “Oh, very well!” snarled Nlcuesa. Leaving Alonso Nunez, with the
dignified title of alcalde mayor, and a few men to harvest some grain planted
by Olano, the colonists embarked in two brigantines and a caravel, built of
fragments of the broken ships, to seek some healthier spot. After sailing
eastward some twenty leagues, a Genoese sailor named Gregorio addressed the
governor: “I well remember, when with the admiral in this vicinity we entered a
fine port where we found food and water.” After some search the place was
found, the Portobello of Columbus, and an anchor dropped there by the admiral
was seen protruding from the sand. Landing for food, the Spaniards were
attacked and twenty killed; indeed, they could scarcely wield their weapons so
weak were they. Faint and disheartened they continued their way about seven
leagues farther, when approaching the shore Nicuesa cried out: “Pa- remos aquf
en el nombre de Dios !” Here let us stop in God’s name! They found anchorage,
the place being the Puerto de Bastimentos of Columbus. The companions of
Nicuesa, however, ready in their distress to seize on any auspice, took up the
cry of their commander and applied the words Nombre de Dios14 to the
harbor which they then entered, and which name to this day it bears.
Here another attempt was made to locate the government of Castilla del
Oro. Disembarking, Nicuesa
11 The name familiar to cartographers often
assumed in those days peculiar orthography on the maps. Thus Fernando Colon
writes this name ndbre; Ri- bero, nOb ; Agnese, nombre de (lio; Vaz Dourado,
ndbre dedios ; Ramusio, Xome de dio; Hondius, in Purehas, Nom de Dios ;
Mercator, Dampier, Ogilby, the author of WeM-fndixche Spierjhel,
Jcfferys, and their sueeessors, contrary to their frequent eustom, all write
the words corrcetly. This place, as wc shall hereafter see, was fora long time
famous as tlie chief post on the northern coast of Tierra Firme through which
passed the merchandise from Spain and the gold from Pern. Says Benzoni, Hint.
Mondo Xvovo, 79: ‘ Questa Cittii stii situata ncl marc di Tramontana.
Sogliono adunquc communemen te ogn’anno andare di Spagna al Nome di Dio, da
quattordici, 6 quindici naui, fra pieeole, e grande, e la maggior porter.'i
mille, e ottocento salme; cariche di robbe diuerse.’ Dampier about a eentury
later found the spot where the city had stood overgrown with trees. Its
abandonment was owing to poisoned air, the same unwholesome climate that broke
up all the early settlements on this coast, the last being always regarded as
the worst.
took formal possession, erected a fortress, and began again bis necessary
though suicidal policy of foraging. The natives retired. The malarious
atmosphere wrapped the strangers in disease and death. The caravel was sent
back to Veragua, and Alonso Nunez and the remnant of the colony brought away.
The vessel was then sent to Espanola for supplies, but neither ship nor crew
were ever afterward heard from. Meanwhile Nicuesa and the remnant of his
luckless company made a brave stand, but all of no avail. Long since fate had
decreed their destruction. It was not possible in their present condition to
live. Reptiles as food became a luxury to them; the infected sunlight dried up
their blood; despair paralyzed heart and brain; and to so dire extremity were
they finally reduced that they were scarcely able to mount guard or bury their
dead.15
15The original authorities for this chapter are: Real
C6dula, etc., in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 116; Memorial presentado al
Bey por Rodrigo de Colmenares, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 387; Las
Casas, Hist. Ind., ii. 61; Oviedo, ii. 465-78; Noticias biogrdjicas del capitan
Alonso Hojeda, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 163; Gomara, Hist, hid., 69;
Peter Martyr, dec. ii. 2; Herrera, dec. i. lib. vii. cap. vii. Reference,
mostly unimportant, to the doings of Ojeda and Nicucsa may be found in Ramusio,
Viaggi, iii. 18-22; Roberts' Nar. Voy., xviii.-xix.; Dalton’s Conq. Mex. and
Peru, 37-38; ftJonta- ?ins, Nieuwe Weereld, 62-65; Moreht, Voy. dans l’Am4rique
Cent., ii. 300-1; Laharpe, Abr6g6, ix. 160-84; Ogilby’sAm., 66-67, 397; March y
Labores, Marina Espanola, i. 391-402; Juan and Ulloa, Voy., i. 94;'Acosta,
Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada, 26-36; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 163; Andagoya,
Nar., 4^5; Nouvelle An. des Voy., cxlviii. 7-10; Dnfey, R6sum6 Hist. Am., i.
66-71, 371— 75; Helps9 Span. Conq., i. 295-334; Gordon’s Hist.
Am., ii. 62-72; Holmes9 Annals Am., i. 29-30; Lardner’a Hist.
Discov., ii. 37-40; Gonzalez DAvila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 57; Quintana, Vidas,
‘Vasco Nunez,’ 1-10, and ‘Pizarro/42— 43; Robinson’s Acct. Discov. in West,
171-95; S. Am. and Mex., i. 12-14; Snowden’s Am., 70-1; Robertson’s Hist.
Am., i. 191-95; Irving’s Col., iii. 66131; Russell’s Hist. Am., i. 43-8;
Drake’s Voy., 155-58; London Geog. Soc., Jour., xxiii. 179; Du Perrier, Gen.
Hist. Voy., 110-13; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Hvstres, 53-61; Benzoni, Hist.
Mondo Nvovo, 36^17; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 14; Bastidas, Informacion, in
Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 439; Decadas, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas,
Col. Doc., viii. 14; Mesa y Leom- part, Hist. Am., i. 85-86; Touron, Hist.
Gen. Am., i. 275-87; Lallement, GescMchte, i. 22.
In my bibliographical
notices thus far I have had occasion to make mention more particularly of
original documents referring to individual episodes. I will now say a few words
concerning the early chroniclers, Las Casas, Oviedo, Peter Martyr, and Gomara,
and of the later and more general writer, Herrera. On these, the corner-stones
of early Spanish American annals, the fabrics of all who follow them must
forever rest.
The lives of Las
Casas and Oviedo constitute in themselves no small portions of their
respective histories. Both came to the New World, and each took an aetive and
prominent part in many of the matters of which he wrote. They were nearly of an
age; the former being born at Seville in 1474, and the latter at Madrid in
1478; but Oviedo did not come to America until 1514, being with Pedrarias
Diivila when he went to govern Darien, while Las Casas took up his residence
under Ovando at Espanola in 1502. Las Casas was an ecclesiastic whose life was
devoted to befriending the Indians, and he did not leave America for the last
time until 1547, after half a century of most humane service; Oviedo was a
cavalier who sought to better his broken fortunes by obtaining through his
influence at court the office of veedor de las fundi- ciones del oro de la
Tierra Firme, supervisor of gold-melting for Tierra Firme, which office he held
throughont his connection with the affairs of the continental Indies, until
1532. Both were influential men at court, Las Casas being quite intimate with
young Charles, while Oviedo had been mozo d« cdmara, or page to Prince Juan.
Both made frequent trips between Spain and America; Oviedo crossed the Atlantic
twelve times, Las Casas even more.
Las Casas was as able
an annalist as he was reformer. His greatest work, Historia de las Indian, was
begun in his fifty-third year, and completed in 1561, five years before his
death. It was extensively copied and used in manuscript, but was not printed
until 1875-76. Though consisting of five volumes, it comprises but three
decades, or books, and brings the history of the New World down only to 1520.
It was the author’s original intention to have continued his work through six
decades, which would have brought it down to 1550, and hence have included his
important experiences in Guatemala, Chiapas, and Mexico. Next to the general
history of the Indies stands the Apolo'jttlca Historia, comprising a
description of the country and the customs of the people, and written to
defend the natives against the accusation that they lacked system in their
societies, not having reason to govern themselves. His first printed work was
issued in Mexico in 1540; it was entitled Cancww.ro Sjnritual, and was
dedicated to Bishop Zumdrraga. At Seville, in 1552, was pnblished, in one
volume 4to, Brevisima relacion de la destruction de las Indias Occidentals, and
other tracts of a similar nature; such as his Controversy with Sepulveda; his
Thirty Propositions; Remedies for the Reformation of Indies; Rules for
Confessors; a treatise proving the sovereign empire and universal authority
which the kings of Castile and Leon have over the Indies, etc. This collection
was put in print in Latin, French, Italian, German, and Dutch, some of the
translations appearing in several editions. The Controversy with Sepulveda was
issued separately. Juan Antonio Llorente printed at Paris in 1822 a Coleccion
de las Obras del Obispo de Chia/m, 2 vols. 8vo, which was published the same
year in French, under title of (Euvres de Don Barihtlemi de las Casas. The
collection comprises several of his less important works; the French
translation is remarkably free, the author being at times quite lost sight of,
and several new pieces of doubtful origin are added. As a writer, Las Casas is
honest, earnest, and reliable, exccpt where his enthusiasm gets the better of
him. His learned opponent and archenemy, Sepulveda, pronounces him most
subtle, most vigilant, and most fluent, compared with whom the Ulysses of Homer
was inert and stuttering.
He was not only a
tliom in the flesh of evil-doers, but by his persistent and stinging effrontery
he often exasperated mild and benevolent men. But whatever his enemies may say
of him, and they are neither few nor silent, true it is that of all the men who
came to the Indies he almost alone leaves the furnace with no smell of fire
upon him.
Gonzalo Fernandez de
Oviedo y Valdes was of the noble family of Oviedo in Asturias. In early
ehildhood, before entering the service of Prince Juan, he was with the duke of
Villa Hermosa. While watching the fall of Granada he met Columbus, and
afterward witnessed his triumph at Barcelona. After the death of his young
master in 1497, who in fact was of his own age, Oviedo went to Italy, where art
and seienee were enlivened by war, serving under Frederico of Naples, and
sometimes -jewel-keeper to Queen Juana. Married at Madrid, in 1502, to the
beautiful Margarita de Vergara, whom he lost in childbirth ten months after, he
plunged into the excitement of war, serving as secretary to C6rdoba in the
French eampaign. Marrying again, he hovered about the eourt until, in his
thirty-sixth year, his dwindling fortunes sent him with Pedrarias to Darien, in
the capacity before mentioned. His doings there will be told in the text of
this history; suffice it to say here that most of his time there was spent in
broils with the governor, beside whieh he had to endure the loss of his wife
and ehild, imprisonment, and the dangerous wound of an assassin’s knife. But,
obtaining at last the appointment of Pedro de los Rios in plaee of Pedrarias,
and for himself the governorship of Cartagena, whieh offiee, however, he never
exercised, after three years’ further residence in Tierra Firme, this time in
Nicaragua, he returned to Spain in 1530, spent two years in arranging his
notes, resigned his veeduria, and received the appointment of Cronista general
de Indias. In the autumn of 1532 he went to Santo Domingo, and although
appointed the following year alcaide of the fortress of Santo Domingo, the
remainder of his life was passed ehiefly in literary work. After an eventful
life of seventy- nine years he died at Valladolid in 1557, while engaged in the
preparation for the press of the unpublished portion of his history.
Throughout the whole of his career Oviedo seems to have devoted every spare
moment to writing. Even before he was appointed royal ehronicler he was an indefatigable
eolleetor of material. He was well acquainted with the prominent persons of his
time, and few expeditions were made without adding to his store. Want of
discrimination in the use of authorities is more prominent in his writings than
want of authorities. Of twelve literary efforts but one, beside those relating
to Ameriea, found its way into print. He formed the plan of writing about the
New World long before he first erossed the ocean, and actually began his
history, aeeording to Jos6 Amador de los Rios, before 1519, keeping open the
general divisions for additions to the day of his death. After his return from
the seeond voyage to Darien he wrote at the request of the king, and chiefly
from memory, as his notes were at Santo Domingo, De la Natural Ilystoria de las
Indias, printed at Toledo in 1526. This work was republished by Bareia,
Ilistoriadores Primitivos, i., translated into Italian by Ramusio, Viaggi,
iii., and garbled by Purehas in His Pilej rimes, iv. 5. This, it must be borne
in mind, is totally distinct from the Historia General y Natural de las Indias,
Islas y Tierra-Firme del Mar Oc6ano, por el Oajpitan Gonzalo
Fernandez
de Oviedo y Valdts, primer eronista del Nuevo Mundo, and which alone admits the
author to the first rank as a historian. The General History was originally
divided into three parts, containing in all fifty books. The first part,
comprising nineteen books, with the preface and ten chaptersof the fiftieth
book—not 20, 21, or 22 books as different bibliographers state—was published
during the author’s life at Seville in 1535, under the title Historia Generali
etc., and republished at Salamanca in 1547 as Hystoria General. This rare issue
contains in several places a few columns of additional matter which have not
escaped my attention. An Italian version of the same parts was published by
Ramusio in his Viaggi, iii.; the first ten books were translated into French
and published as Histoire Naturelle, etc., Paris, 1556; the twentieth book, or
the first of the second part, was published separately at Valladolid in 1557 as
Libro XX., etc. Thirteen chapters of Book XLII., relating to Nicaragua, were
published in French by Tcmaux-Compans, Histoire du Nicaragua, in his second
series of Voyages, iii., Paris, 1840. Finally, the fifty books complete were
beautifully and accurately printed at Madrid in four folio volumes, with
plates, by the Real Academia de la Historia in 185155. The editor, Jos£ Amador
de los Rios, gives in an introduction the best notice of the life and writings
of the author extant. Oviedo was not a learned man like Peter Martyr, and it is
doubtful if a further insight into the books of the day would have made him any
wiser; yet a man who could dictate the natural history of a new country without
his notes cannot be called illiterate. He knew Latin and the modem languages;
but his familiarity with Latin was not sufficient to prevent an unpleasant
parade of it. Nor did he possess the genius or practical sagacity of Las Casas;
yet his extraordinary opportunities were not wholly wasted, nor did life at
court, political quarrels, or gold-gathering at any time wholly stifle his
ambition to achieve the useful in letters. Oviedo was a fair example of the
higher type of Spaniard of that day; he was intelligent, energetic, brave; but
cold, unscrupulous, and cruel. And this is true, without going full length with
Las Casas in his fiery fanaticism when he says:—“Oviedo should regret what he
has written of the Indians ; he has borne false witness against them; and has
calumniated them in
every way He should have inscribed on his title-page,
‘This book was
written by
a conqueror, robber, and murderer of the Indians, whole populations of whom he
consigned to the mines, where they perished * His
work
is as full of lies as
of pages. *' To which sentiment I by no means subscribe. Probably no kind of
work, however thoroughly and conscientiously done, is more open to criticism,
is more certain to be criticised on every side, than contemporaneous history
from facts for the first time gathered, and from many and conflicting
witnesses. Temaux-Compans says well:—“Oviedo n’est pas exempt des
prdjuges de son temps contre les Indiens, mais apr^s tout, ce qu’il dit se
rapproche plus de la v£rit4 quc les peinturcs fantastiqucs do lVvcque de
Chiapa, qui veut retrouver l’agc d’or meme chez les nations les plus feroces.” Both of
these authors, Las Casas and Oviedo, wrote in the heat of the engagement of
the abnormal and ill-understood scenes passing under their immediate notice.
What they wrote was certainly true to them; it is our business to analyze and
sift, and make their records true to us. In the showy criticisms of these and a
kindred class of authors we see generally something
brought in about
style and arrangement. The latter is always bad, and the index worse than none;
but eritics should find something better to do than find fault with the words
and their arrangement of these old fighting chroniclers. Of course their style
is bad, abominable; but who cares for style in tbem ? One wants only the facts.
Their books are not made to be read, but to be used. Rios seems to entertain a proper appreciation of the matter when he
writes:—“ Mas ya fuera porque procurase dar <l
su lectura aquella diver- sidad, tantas veces por 61 apetecida, ya porque la
misma fatiga 6 irregularidad con que recibia los datos, le impidiese someterlos
£ un plan maduro 6 inalterable ; es lo cierto que la critica de nuestros dias,
al par que aprecia y agradece tan interesantes inquisiciones, echa de menos
cierta cohesion y armonia en la exposicion de las costumbres de los indios, no
hallando mayor enlace en la narracion de los descubrimientos y conquistas, que
ni se refieren siempre en 6rden cronol6gico, ni guardan entre si la conveniente
relacion para que pueda comprenderse sin dificultad su influencia reclproca.”
While the Protector
of the Indians and the First Chronicler of the New World were thus gathering
and recording historical data in the several parts of America, one of the most
learned men of Europe, Pietro Martire d’An- ghiera, or latinized Anglerius,
commonly called Peter Martyr, was collecting similar facts in Spain, and
recording them, copiously diluted witb tbe philosophy of the day, in the form
of ten-year epochs, constituting in the end a series of decades. The duchy of
Milan was the early home of this chronicler, and 1457 the year of his birth.
His family was of noble descent, and originally of Anghiera. Going to Rome in
1477 to finish his education, he became so conspicuous for learning and eloquence
that ten years later the Spanish ambassador invited him to try his fortune at
the court of the Spanish sovereigns. By them he was graciously received,
especially by Isabella, who wished to occupy him in the instruction of the
young nobles of Castile. The ardent Italian must have a taste of war, however,
before settling into permanent sagedom; so he fought before Baza, and laid not
down the sword till the city of the Alhambra fell. Tben he became a priest, and
turned toward pursuits more in keeping with his natural bent and erudition. He
opened various schools of learning, which youth of quality made it the fashion
to attend. Having risen into high consideration at court, in 1501 he was sent
by the crown on missions to Venice and Cairo, in which he acquitted himself
creditably, and wrote on his return the DeLegatione Babylonicd, an account of
Lower Egypt in three books. On Ferdinand’s death he was appointed by Jimenez
ambassador to the Sultan Selim, but refused the honor on account of his age;
and afterward he did not find Charles less inclined to acknowledge his merits.
During the three years following his return from Egypt he was appointed prior
of the cathedral of Granada, and by the pope apostolic prothonotary, and in
1518 he took his seat in the Council of the Indies. His life was one of rare
industry, in which he gathered and disseminated much knowledge, and which
gained him the respect of princes; his death occurred in 1526, in the 69th year
of his age, and he was buried in his cathedral at Granada. Peter Martyr is the
author of at least two great works, viewed historically. They are written in
Latin, of anything but Ciceronian ring, for patristic is to the patrician Latin
as tbe ‘ Frencbe of Stratford atte
Bowe’ is to the
French of Paris. Of these his two notable works the chief is De Orbe Novo, an
account of the Xcw World and its wonders, in eight decades, or books. The
first, and the first three, of these decades were published at different times
during the author’s life, but the eight decades complete did not appear before
1530, when they were printed at Alcald under the title De Orbe .A ovo Pelri
Martyris ab Angleria Mediolanensia Protonotarii Ccesaris sen- atoris decades.
Three of the decades translated into English by R. Eden were printed in 1555,
and reprinted in 1577, with another decade added by R. Willes. The best
complete edition of the eight decades, in their original Latin, next appeared
in Paris, published by R. Hakluyt, 1587. Indeed, beside the edition of 1530,
this is the only complete original edition of the De Orbe Novo. In 1612
appeared the work entire in English, the result of the ‘Industrie and painefull
Trauaile of M. Lok Gent.’ This has been included in a supplement to Hakluyt’s
Voyages, London, 1812. Beside these important editions, partial translations,
extracts, and compilations have appeared at various times and in various
languages. In 1534, at Venice, in Italian, were published, in three several
parts, summaries of the history of the Indies taken from Peter Martyr, Oviedo,
and others. The other of the two works alluded to is a collection of Peter
Martyr’s letters, in Latin, which brim with notices of contemporary events, and
run from 1488 to his death. Two editions of these collected letters were
pnblished, the first at Alcald in 1530, the second at Amsterdam, by the
Elzevirs, in 1G70. The title runs thus—Opus Ephto- larum Petri Jlartyris
Anglerii Mediolanensis, etc.; a translation of the letters has never been
published. So confused, misdated, and interposed are the epistles that Hal lam
expressed his disbelief in any connection whatever between actual and
ostensible dates and service. But the De Orbe Novo may be regarded equal in
authority to the relations of the eye-witnesses Las Casas and Oviedo. Peter
Martyr was the first of the chroniclers to write and to publish on the New
World, his decades beginning to appear about the time Oviedo first went to the
Indies. Immediately Columbus set foot on shore, on his return from the first
voyage, the eloquent and philosophic scholar began to question him and those
who came with him, and to write, and he never ceased writing until death
stopped him. There was so mu eh for a man of his mind to think and talk about.
For a time after this marvellous discovery the learned and intelligently
curious lived in a ferment concerning it. It was to some extent the
revolutionizing of science and philosophy. The lines of tradition were
snapped; the cosmos had lost its continuity. Peter Martyr, » grave man of broad
and deep capabilities; well situated for procuring information, meeting daily,
many of them at his own table, those who had returned from the
Indies—discoverers, conquerors, explorers, sailors, priests, and cavaliers
—having access to the official letters, diaries, charts, and relations of
these men, his account, I say, should be as reliable and as valuable as that of
one who had actually mingled in the scencs described. In some respects it
should be more so, able as he was to see with a hundred eyes instead of two,
and to determine disputes more coolly and equitably. It is true his records are
marred by the haste with which they were written, and by the admitted lack of
correction or revision by the author; order and method are nowhere present;
mistakes and contradictions are frequent. But
we have the raw
material, which is far better than any elaboration. Las Casas was the first of
the chroniclers to visit the Indies, and the last of the three thus far named
to begin to write and publish history, which was in 1552. Oviedo began to write
at about the date the history of Las Cas,as terminates. It was four years
after the death of Peter Martyr that Oviedo was appointed official chronicler
of the New World. The general relations of the three historians were
antagonistic; from which their writings may all the better be brought to
harmonize with truth. Of the hundreds who have made their criticisms on the
writings of Peter Martyr I will mention but two. Says Las Casas, Hist. Ind., i. 32: “De los cuales cerca destas primeras
cosas
& ninguno se debe dar mds fe
que & Pedro Martir; ” and Munoz remarks, Ilist. Nuevo Mundo, xiii.: “Merece
indulgencia por el candor con que lo confiesa todo, por su ningun afan cn
publicar sus borrones, y principalmente porque tal qual es la obra de las
d^eadas contiene mucMsimas es pecies que no se hallan en otra parte alguna, y
estas escritas con la conveniente libertad por un autor eoetdneo, grave, culto,
bien instruido de los hechos, y de probidad conocida. ” Of much
less importance than the preceding are the writings of Francisco Lopez Gomara,
particularly his history of the Indies, which is an imitation rather than a
genuine original, and of which too much has been made, notwithstanding Munoz
pronounces it the first history worthy the name. Although Icazbalceta, a high
authority on the subject, gives the name G6mara, or G6mora, with the accent on
the first syllable as the Peninsular pronunciation, with the remark that it is
commonly called Gomara in Mexico, I have not thought best to depart from an
almost universal usage. Bustamante goes out of his way to signify an accent
where it would naturally fall, writing Gom&ra. Bom in Seville in 1510, of
an illustrious family—it seems exceptional to find any man of note in Spain
whose family was not illustrious—and educated at the university of Alcald, he
became a doctor of both civil and canonical law, and filled for a time the
chair of rhetoric. From the military life designed for him by his parents he
was driven by literary tastes into the priesthood; and. in 1540, upon the
return of Cortes from his last visit to Mexico, he became chaplain and
secretary to the marquis. From this some have inferred and erroneously stated
that he spent four years in America prior to publishing his history. At
Saragossa in 1552-3 appeared his La Historia General de las Indias, in two
folio parts, the first general, and dealing chiefly with Peru, the other
devoted to Mexico. The book was popular; and in 1553 from Medina del Campo
issued another folio edition; and another from Saragossa the year following,
with this difference as to the last, however, that its second part was treated
as a separate work and entitled Cronica de la nueua Espana con la conquista de
Mexico, y otras cosas notables: JiecJias por el Valoroso Hernando Cortes}
while the first part appropriated the original title of Historia General, etc.
Then appeared an edition at Antwerp, 1554, and one in which the date, 4552, is
evidently spurious. The author seems to have handled government affairs too
roughly; for in 1553 we find the book suppressed by royal decree, which,
however, was not fully enforced, and was revoked in 1729. Barcia printed a
mutilation of the two works in his Hist. Prim., ii., in 1749, and the two were
again published, in a correct form, in Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles)
xxii., Madrid, 1852. A somewhat singular case
occurred in Mexico in 1826,
when was issued, in 2 volumes Svo, Historia de las Conquistas de Hernando
Cortes, escrita en Espanol por Francisco Lopez de Gomdra, traducida al ilexi-
cano y aprobada por verdadera por D. Juan Bautista du San Anion Muilon
Cliimalpain QuaulUlehuanitzin, Indio 3Iexica.no. Publilcala para instruccion de
la juventud nacional, con varias no tag y adiciones, Carlos M oria dc Bustamante,
which being interpreted, at best is confused. It says that the
work, written in Spanish by Gomara, was translated into the Mexican language,
and there leaves it. On turning over the leaves we find the book printed in
Spanish, and not in Nahuatl, as we were led to suppose. Nor does a lengthy preface
by Bustamante make the matter clear in every respeet. Turning to other sources,
and by comparing all information, we finally learn that Bustamante and others
once believed in the existence, somewhere, of a history of Mexico, by the
learned and noble native Chimalpain. Probably it lay hidden in some one of the
libraries or government offices abont Mexico. Boturini spoke of varions
historical mannscripts written by Domingo de San Anton Mnnon Chimalpain, some
in Castilian, and some in Xahuatl. Note, in passing, the difference in the
name, here Domingo, and in the title Juan Bautista. Clavigero, Leon Pinelo,
Beristain, and Antonio de Leon y Gama also vaguely mentioned some work or works
by Chimalpain. Bustamante claimed, at first, to have found the Mexican history
of Chimalpain in maunscript, and obtained contributions of money from various
sources to enable him to print a translation of it, with notes. But before the
translation was fairly issued in Spanish, the editor was obliged to confess
himself mistaken as to its being an original work; it was only Gomara rendered
into Mexican by the learned Indian, and now translated back again into Spanish
by Bustamante, the text much marred by the double transformation, but enriched
by notes from both editors. There are men so uncharitable as to say that Don
Carlos Maria Bustamante never found Chimalpain’s translation, because
Chimalpain never made one. I do not know. Any one of three or four ways was
possible. Bustamante may have found the alleged translation of Chimalpain, and
while translating into Spanish what he believed an original work, may have
discovered it to be Gomara; it may have been then in type or printed, or too
far advanced to stop; or it may be Bustamante, having received the money, felt
bound to go on with the work, and concluded to trust to his own and
Chimalpain’s notes to satisfy those concerned and the public; or Bustamante may
have perpetrated a deliberate fraud. This last, althongh he is openly accused
of it by his countrymen high in authority, I can scarcely believe to be the
true solution of the mystery, and rather lean to the first possibility; but I
must say that Bustamante committed a serious mistake in not admitting this
frankly, if true. Gomara’s history was translated into Italian, and published
at Rome, one edition, 4to, in 1555, and one in 1556; and at Venice, one in Svo,
1565, one in 4to, 1566, and in Svo again, in 1570. In French, at Paris, six
editions in Svo, 1569, 157S, 15S0, 15S4, 15S7, and 1597, the last five reprints
of the first, except slight augmentations in the last three. Loudon furnished
an English translation by Henry Bynneman, in 4to, in 157S. The prologue warns
all persons against translating the book into Latin, as he was engaged thereat
himself; but his Latin version never appeared. Gomara wrote well. His style is
better than that of any predecessor; but while his opportunities were
great, for he had
culture, leisure, and access to the knowledge and material of Cortes, it is
painfully apparent that his desire was greater to please the master than to
present a plain unvarnished tale.
And now, after a
century of writing and discussions, comes Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas as
royal historiographer to gather, arrange, and embody in one general history
all knowledge available at that time. It was a work needing attention; for if
it were further postponed much information then obtainable would be lost. He
was bom in Cuellar in 1549, and although the father bore the name of
Tordesillas and the mother of Herrera, for the sake of euphony, distinction, or
other unknown vagary, the son took the name of his mother, a thing not unusual
then or now in Spain. At an early age we find him in Italy holding the position
of secretary to Vespasiano Gonzaga, viceroy of Naples, upon whose death Herrera
was so well recommended to Philip II. that, in 1596, he was made chief
historiographer for the Indies. Honored also with the title of historiographer
of Castile and Leon, he fulfilled the duties of both offices through portions
of the reigns of the three Philips, II., III., and IV. He was likewise
nominated for the first vacant place among the secretaries of state, but died
before that vacancy occurrcd, in the 76th year of his age. As an historian
Herrera has made a respectable place for himself, but his reputation rests
principally, though not wholly, for he wrote much, on his Historia General de
los Hechos de los Castellanos en las Islas i Tierra Firme del Mar oceano ecrita
por A ntonio de Herrera coronista mayor de sv M-A d las Indias ysv coronista de
Castilla, 4 vols. folio, Madrid, 1601-15. On the elaborately engraved
title-page of the first volume is added, En quatro Decadas desde cl Ailo de
14-92 Jiasta el de 1531, which refers only to the first two volumes, as the
whole four volumes consist of 8 decades, comprising general events to 1554. The
first two volumes were printed in 1601, and reprinted at Valladolid in 1606;
the second two volumes appeared in 1615. The work was freely translated; the
first dccade appearing in French, at Paris, in 1659, and with the second decade
the year following, the remaining decades in, 1671. A most vile translation
into English was made by John Stevens and published in London, in 6 volumes,
the first two in 1725 and the last four in 1726, new editions of which appeared
in 1740 and 1743. There were two reprints in Spanish; one in Antwerp, in 1728,
by Verdussen, without maps and otherwise faulty; and one in Madrid, 1728-30,
with notes, corrections, and index by Barcia, and therefore better than the
first edition, in fact.the best extant. At the end of the second volume of the
first edition, and as a prefix to the first volume of the Barcia edition,
should appear the Description de las Indias Occidentales, with maps,
translations of which were made in Latin, Dutch, and French. An attempt was
made to carry on Herrera’s history, and it was continued for three decades,
from 1555 to 1584, by Pedro Fernandez del Pulgar, the chronicler who succeeded
Solis, but it was not deemed of sufficient importance to print. The original
manuscript is in the Royal Library at Madrid. Herrera was quite a voluminous
writer, being author of a general history during the reign of Philip II.; of a
history of Scotland and England during the life of Mary Stuart; of Portugal,
and the conquest of the Azores ; of France from 1585 to 1594, and of moral and
political tracts, and historical, political, and ecclesiastical translations.
But though all his works were highly
prized for their
erudition, none attained the cclebrity of his History of the Indies. Eveu
to-day he may be called chief among historians of Spanish- American affairs;
not for his style, bald, and accurately prolix; nor for his method, slavishly
chronological, and miserably failing in the attempt to do several things at
once; bnt because of his massed material. His position as state historiographer
gave him, of course, access to everything, and he made use of his opportunity
to an extent then exceptional. At a later period in the art of history-writing
his work must have been regarded as crude even for early times. But from one
who lived when piety and patriotism were ranked as the highest virtues, higher
than truth, integrity, or humanity, the more searching philosophy cannot be
cxpected. Beside the faults of style and arrangement there are evidences
everywhere of inexperience and incompetent assistance. Now that we have before
us many of the sources of Herrera’s material we can see that his notes were
badly extracted, and compiled in a bungling manner; so much so that in addition
to the ordinary errors, from which to some extent the most carefully executed
work cannot be expected to be wholly free, there are many and serions
discrepancies and contradictions for whieh there is no excuse, the cause being
simply carelessness. Yet, for all that, Herrera’s is not only the most
complete, but one of the most reliable of the New World chronicles, and for
this the writer merits the gratitude not alone of his countrymen but of the
world.
Before closing this
note, I will give clearly my opinion regarding the credibility of the early
chroniclers, including in that category for the present purpose all the early
writers, conquerors as well as historians, such as Columbus and Cortes, Bernal
Diaz, Solis, Torquemada, Boturini, and the Anonymous Conqueror; for I have been
assailed by those who, to gain cheap notoriety in refuting them, have
attributed to me doctrines which I have nowhere expressed or held. They who
cannot build for themselves seem to think it gravely incumbent on them to
demolish any structure another may rear, and with one scurrile sweep they would
wipe out the work of twenty years. They are correct enongh to this extent,
that, if ever a building is found so frail as to fall under their attacks, it
does not deserve to stand. Hence we find it the fashion in certain quarters,
under cover of criticism, to repudiate the early writings, in so far at least
as they interfere with cherished theory or dogmatic opinion. Spain had lately
emerged from the Moorish wars with great glory, they say, and Spaniards in the
New World, so long as it remained with them to tell the story, would not be in
the least behind their brethren at home in this new field of fiery exploits.
Henee, for their accounts, naked barbarians were gorgeously apparelled, and surrounded
by stately pageantry; art, science, and literature wholly mythical were given
them, and cities equal, at least, to the average of civilization were built.
Instance the Tenochtitlan, the Tezcuco, the Tlacopan of Cortes and his
contemporaries, which must have been pure fictions. Else where are the vestiges
of the walls and gardens and palaces ? There are no ruins of splendid cities,
they continue with the effrontery of ignorance, no remains of aqueducts, stone
carvings, and tumuli. There are some fine ruins in Central America and Yucatan,
they admit, displaying no mean advancement in architectural art; but they must
have been
the work of
Egyptians, or Phoenicians, or some other foreigners, because they resemble the
ruins standing among those nations, and becausc no aboriginal people capable
of such performance exist in America to-day. There was no human sacrifice in
Mexico, because bigoted ecclesiastics in those days were apt to invest with
religious significance every hieroglyph, statue, and consecratcd stone. One,
more virulent than the rest, himself of Indian origin and apparently jealous
lest other aboriginals should outshine his Cherokee ancestry, and knowing
little either of the Mexicans or their conquerors, denies the existence of a
Nahua or Maya civilization and denounces every one who differs in opinion with
him, on the ground that all American societies of which he knew aught were
formed on one skeleton, a most earthy, red, and ignoble one, and that the
conquerors, not understanding this social structure, could not correctly
describe it, and therefore their statements are not to be relied on.
I can only say that I
have studied these chronicles some score of years, that I have studied the
monumental and literary remains of the nations conquered, that, apart from the
modem writings of both those who believe and those who disbelieve, I have
instituted comparisons and weighed evidence with no more desire to reach one
conclusion than another, except always to arrive at the right one; and that in
my own mind I am well enough satisfied as to about the measure of truth that
should be accorded the respective writers of early New World annals. Others,
my assistants and friends, equally earnest and unbiassed, equally desirous of
reaching only the truth, and for whose convictions I entertain the highest
respect, have devoted many years to the same research and with similar results.
It is not my purpose, nor has it ever been, to appear as the champion of the
sixteenth-century chroniclers. It is not my'province to champion anything. It
is a matter of profound indifference to me what these or those are proven to
be, whether angels of light or devils of darkness; it is a matter of lively
apprehension with me that I should estimate men and nations at their value, and
deduce only truth from statements fair or false. While I entertain a distinct
conception of the status of the Aztecs and Quiches relatively to other nations
of the globe, I have no theory concerning the origin of the Americans, or the
origin of their civilization—except that it seems to me indigenous rather than
exotic; nor should I deem it wise in me to husband a doctrine on this or any
other palpably unprovable proposition.
I am not prepared by any means to accept
as truth all that has been said by priest and soldier. No one is readier than I
to admit their frequent attempted deceptions. Navigators the world over have
been notoriously untrue in regard to their discoveries, giving strange lands
strange sights, stocking barren shores with boundless wealth in pearls, and
gems, and precious metals, peopling the ocean with monsters, and placing
islands, straits, continents, and seas wherever the gaping savans at home
would have them. Many of these stories are false on their very face, being
contrary to nature and to reason. Some of them are unintentional falsehoods,
the oflf-float from imaginations warped by education, and now morbidly excited
under new conditions. By bodily suffering and perils the mind was now and then
reduced to the border of insanity; at which times the miracles, the visions,
and the supernatural interpositions they record were real to' them. But the
best of the early
writers wilfully lied in some things, and held it serving God to do so.
Although the
temptation and tendency was to exaggerate, to make the New World conquest equal
or superior to any Old World achievement; although religion gave priest and
layman the license to lie, and the sailors and soldiers of those times,
returned from foreign parts, were no more celebrated for telling the truth than
those of our own day, yet in the main and as a whole the writings of the
Spaniards earliest in America are unquestionably true. Most of the several
phases of error and misstatement arc easily enough detected, the events described
being either impossible or opposed to preponderant and superior evidence. For
example, when Las Casas, who was conscientious and in the main correct,
asserts that Manicaotex opposed Columbus at the head of 100,000 warriors in
Espaiiola, we may safely put it down as exaggeration simply from our general
knowledge, gained from other sources, of the aboriginal population of these
islands and the adjoining continent. Here was a multitude of witnesses,
European and American, whose verbal or written statements were usually
subordinate to substantial facts, unknown to each other, and giving their
evidence at widely different times and places. Often the conquerors fell out
and fought each other to the death, writing to Spain lengthy epistles of
vindication and vilification, many of which have been preserved ; so that
where one extolled himself and his achievements, there were a dozen to pull him
down. Thus from a mass of contradictory statements, on either side of which the
less penetrating are apt to linger, to the patient and laborious investigator
unfold the clearest truths. He who habitually practises deceit is sure
somewhere to expose himself; and the taking of evidence does not proceed far
before the examiner can tell the witness more than he himself knows or
remembers of the scenes through which he has passed. The native witnesses,
living at the time of the Conquest and subsequently, were likewise naturally
inclined unduly to magnify the glories of their ancestors and of their nation;
yet to verify their statements they point to the monuments and material remains
then and now existing, to manuscripts, huge piles of which it was the infamous
boast of the fanatical conquerors to have burned, bnt of which enough have been
preserved to authenticate all the more important parts of their stories; they
also refer to tradition, which is worth as much, and no more, than that of
other nations.
Blank assertions
similar to those advanced against the New World chroniclers might with equal
reason and effect be brought forward to overthrow the early records of any
nation. Christ and Confucius may be denied, Homer and Shakespeare, but that
does not prove they never lived. That Columbus made his seamen swear that no
doubt Cuba was Zipangu, does not prove that there was in those days no Japan.
Because Drake’s chaplain chose to tell the most monstrous and wilful falsehoods
respecting the climate, metals, and inhabitants of California; because Cook,
Meares, and Vancouver sailed by the mouth of the Columbia, superciliously scourging
those who had spoken of it, this does not prove the non-existence of Marin
County, or of the River of the West. In such ways as these neither the truth of
the one statement nor the falsity of the other is established. But, as I have
observed, before us is abundant evidence, palpable and incontestable,
that the early
writings on America are for the most part true; and if, in the following pages,
it docs not clearly appear which arc true and which false, then has the author
signally failed in his effort. I do not in the least fear the overthrow of the
general veracity of these writers until there come against them enemies more
powerful with more powerful weapons than any that have yet appeared. How
senselessly speculative their reasonings! Because the natives of the present
day cannot tell who or whence were the authors of the carvings, or the builders
of the structures upon whose ruins they have gazed since childhood, these works
must forsooth have been done by foreign visitors. Europeans now and then may
have found their way to America, but I find no evidence of such visits before
the time of Columbus cxcept by the Northmen; no one knows of such, nor can know
until more light appears. The material relics, I fancy, will always prove a
stumbling- block to those who would reject American aboriginal civilization.
That different
conquerors, teachers, and travellers of various creeds and nationalities, in
various pursuits, in different lands and at various times, together with
native testimony, hieroglyphic writings, and traditions, to say nothing of
carvings in stone and other monumental remains, should all combine, with
Satanic inspiration, to perpetrate upon the world one grand and overwhelming
fraud is so preposterously ridiculous that the marvel is how there could be
found, outside the walls of a lunatic asylum, a single individual with cool
impudence enough to ask men to believe it. And yet there are several such, and
they find believers. So charmed by the sound of their own voice are these
captious cavillers, that they apparently do not deem it possible for such
things to exist in this enlightened age as pedantic ignorance and literary
fanaticism, of which they are bright examples. They do not seem to know that
the petty and puerile theories which they would pass upon the simple as
startling conceptions, original with themselves, are as old as the knowledge of
the continent. They do not consider that before taking the first step toward
proving origin, migration, or kinship by analogy, they must first dispose of
the universal relatiqnship of man, the oneness of human nature, human needs,
and human aspirations, and then show how men first came upon this earth, and
which was land and which water then and since. But those who thus array
themselves against American aboriginal civilization and the early Spanish
writers on the New World do not pretend to offer counter evidence, or to refute
with reason; they rely chiefly on flat contradiction. I have yet to find among
them all any approach to reasonable propositions or logical argument. They have
nothing on which to base argument, neither fact nor plausible supposition.
Their hypotheses are as chimerical as their deductions are false. They would
have the world exercise a far more irrational credulity in acccpting their
hollow negations, than in believing every word of the most mendacious
chronicler. And when they come to deny the presence of a native civilization
upon the Mexican table-land, they betray lamentable ignorance both of the facts
of history and of the nature of civilization.
1510-1511.
Francisco
Pizarro Abandons Sax Sebastian—Meets Enciso at Carta - gena—He and his Crew
Look like Pirates—They are Taken back to San Sebastian—Vasco NuSez de
Balboa—Boards Enciso’s Ship in a Cask—Arrives at San Sebastian—The Spaniards
Cross to Darien—The River and the Name — Cemaco, Cacique of Darien, Defeated—Founding of the Metropolitan
City — Presto, Change ! The Hombre del Casco Up, the Bachiller Dow n—Vasco
XcSez, Alcalde—Nature of the Office—Regidor—Colmenares, in Search of Nicuesa,
Arrives at Antigua—He Finds Him in a Pitiable Plight—Antigua Makes Overtures to
Xiccesa — Then Rejects Him—And Finally Drives Him Forth to Die—Sad End of
Nicuesa.
When Alonso de Ojeda left San Sebastian for Espanola, he stipulated with
Francisco Pizarro, who for the time was commissioned governor, that should
neither he himself return, nor the bachiller Enciso arrive within fifty days,
the colonists might abandon the post and seek safety or adventure in other
parts.
And now the fifty days had passed; wearily and hungrily they had come and
gone, with misery an ever present guest; and no one having come, they dismantled
the fortress, placed on board the two small brigantines left them the gold they
had secured— trust Francisco Pizarro for scenting gold, and getting it—and made
ready to embark for Santo Domingo. But though only seventy remained, the
vessels could not carry them all; and it was agreed that they should wait
awhile, until death reduced their number to the capacity of the boats.
Hist. Cen. Am., Vol. I. 21 (321)
Nor had they long to wait; nor would their grim attendant let them put to
sea without him. He had been so long domiciled with them, and had become so
useful in settling disputes, adjusting accounts, and the like, that he was one
of them, and one, indeed, with all the companies which attempted colonization
on these pestilential shores. As they coasted eastward in search of food
before steering across for Espanola, a squall struck the vessels, overturning
one of them and sending all on board to swift destruction. Entering with the
other the harbor of Cartagena, Pizarro found there the tardy Enciso hunting his
colony.
Now the bachiller, beside possessing great learning, was a man of
experience, all the way from Spain; a man of keen intelligence and practical
sagacity, his wits sharpened by the narrow-minded legal bigotry of a
sixteenth-century Spanish lawyer. He must be of exceedingly ready wit who could
deceive the bachiller. It was scarcely to be expected a man of his kidney should
credit the stories of Ojeda’s visit to Santo Domingo, of the deputy
governorship, and of the late disaster; though honest Pizarro on this occasion
told only the truth, and his companions vouched for it with all the feeble
force of their high- keyed husky voices. If Ojeda had gone to Santo Domingo
more than fifty or seventy days before, would not the bachiller have seen him
there ? Indeed, to a less erudite judge than Enciso, a band of robbers on the
high seas, with an abundance of gold and no bread, would call up suspicions
rather of foul play than honest adventure. And back they must go. The functions
of high judge should begin here and now. Was not this Nueva AndalucIa? With the
horrors of San Sebastian still fresh in their minds, the thought of returning
there was repugnant in the extreme, and the poor wretches begged the lawyer to
let them go to Espanola, or join Nicuesa. No. Enciso had staked his whole
earthly posses
sions on the delightful prospect of domination, and these should not
escape him. They were just the clay for his fashioning; men for whom the law
was made. Whipping out his commission, which at once deposed Pizarro, the
bachiller drove them back into their boat, and all embarked for San Sebastian.
But scarcely had they turned the Punta de Caribana,1 when the
bachiller’s well-stored ship struck upon rocks and broke in pieces, those on
board barely escaping with their lives. Thus the worthy bachiller was beggared;
the savings from life-long pettifog- gings were swept away within the hour.
Still his original stock in trade, egotism and arrogancc, was left unimpaired.
Making their way along the shore to San Sebastian, the Spaniards found
their fort demolished and their houses, some thirty in number, burned. In a
feeble way they began to forage again, but even En- ciso saw that it was
useless. The absence of food, the poisoned arrows, and the poisoned air were
too much for the bravest long to contend with. “ Let us leave this accursed
spot,” they all cried. “ Whither
1 So named by the early settlers of
Antigua, probably because of its being on the other side of the gulf from them,
toward the Carib country. It is now known as Punta Arenas. Some maps make two
points, and give one of the names to each.
would you go?” demanded the lawyer. One of them said:—“ Once when I
coasted this gulf with Rodrigo de Bastidas, along the western shore we found
the country fertile and rich in gold. Provisions were abundant; and the
natives, though warlike, used no poisoned arrows. Through this land of which I
speak flows a river called by the natives Darien.”
All eyes were turned upon the speaker. It was the hombre del casco, Yasco
Nunez de Balboa, a fine specimen of the Spanish cavalier, at that time about
thirty-five years of age. He was taller than Ojeda, though perhaps not
stronger; there was not about him the assurance of breeding and position that
Nicuesa bore; nor were there present in his features those marks of greed and
brutality plainly discernible in the face of Francisco Pizarro, who stood not
far from him. Strong and comely in every part, apparently, of body and mind,
one to be observed with intuitive respect in a society of this kind, one to be
approached with ease, but with due care; frank and manly, with a firm and
winning eye and manner, yet there was about him noticeable something between
shyness and reticence. Indeed, the standing of this person, since his sudden
and altogether informal appearing as one of the present company had been
somewhat dubious, and he seemed to regard it good taste to hold himself rather
in the background. For all this there was that innate superiority about him
over every one present, not excepting the erudite judge or the subsequently
cunning conqueror of Peru, that could not always remain concealed, particularly
amid constantly recurring vital issues.
Of the invariable poor but noble family, a native of Jerez de los
Caballeros, Vasco Nunez was reared in the service of Pedro Puertocarrero, the
deaf lord of Moguer. Drawn with the crowd to the New World, upon the abrupt
termination of the voyage of Bastidas, he obtained a repartimiento of Indians,
and applied himself to agriculture at Salva-
tierra, a town of Espanola. Becoming embarrassed by debts, and disgusted
with the plodding life of a farmer, he determined to try fortune in the new
colony of Alonso de Ojeda. But how to escape his creditors was the question.
Debtors were prohibited by edict from leaving the island. The town of Santo
Domingo at this time swarmed with insolvent adventurers anxious to engage in
new adventure, and the strictest watch was kept on them by the authorities. An
armed escort accompanied every departure until well out at sea, to bring back
discovered stowaways. For all this Vasco Nunez determined to sail with Eneiso.
Now mark the budding of genius! Taking a large cask, such as was used in
shipping stores, he ensconced himself therein, and caused it to be headed up,
placed upon a wagon, and driven from his farm to the landing, where it was
placed with the other stores, and finally carried on board the ship. The vessel
put to sea; the tender returned to port; to the creditors was left the farm of
Vasco Nunez, while the late owner was forever safe beyond their reach.2
When, like Aphrodite from her circling shell, the serio-comic face of the
bankrupt farmer appeared emerging from the provision cask, the bachiller was
disposed to treat the matter magisterially, and threatened to land the refugee
from justice on the first deserted island. But as the learned judge could not
be held accountable as a party to the fraud, and as he thereby gained a
valuable recruit, his judicial sensitiveness was finally mollified, and he
assigned to the stowaway the ordinary duties of a soldier. Nevertheless the
mildly murderous threat of the lawyer was not lost upon the farmer.
Into the hearts of the desponding colonists at San Sebastian the words of
Vasco Nunez infused new life. No time was lost in making ready; and crossing
the gulf, they found the country and river as he
2 Oviedo, ii. 426, says that, with the
assistance of one Hurtado, Vasco Nunez was hidden in a ship’s sail.
had said. Near this river of Darien,3 for so the Atrato and
country thereabout was then called, stood the village of the cacique, Cemaco, a
brave and upright ruler.
Enciso, who is no less valiant than wise and con scientious, determines
to make this place judicially his own. Cemaco, who believes himself the legal
owner, objects. Whereupon is invoked that admirable provision, the ultimate
appeal; and the man of the long robe, apd the man of 110 robe at all, each
after his iashion, prepare for war. Sending his women and children up the river,
Cemaco posts himself with five hundred warriors before the village. Enciso, in
whose person are united the combined essences of Christendom, civil,
ecclesiastical, and military, concentrates all his forces, human and divine, to
hurl upon the presumptuous savage. First, as is his wont in legal battles, to
every soldier he administers the oath that he will not flinch before the enemy;
then he invokes the powers above, vows to the virgin that this heathen town
shall be hers in name if she will make it his in substance; vows, if she will
give it him, that with Cemaco’s gold he will build on Cemaco’s land a church,
and dedicate the sacred edifice to her adored image, Antigua of Seville.
Moreover, he will make a pilgrimage to her holy shrine. Virgen santi'sima! Achilles to Athene could
8 ‘ Der Name Darien (Dariena, oder Tarena) scheint
zunaehst mit dem indianischen Namen des grossen Fhisses Atrato, welcher sich in
den Golf von Uraba ausgiessfc, seinen Anfang genommen zu haben. Der erste
Eroherer, der in diesen Golf einsegelte, war Bastidas 1501. Ob er schon den
Fluss Darien gesehen und den Namen nach Europa gebraeht hat, ist nngewiss.
Gewiss ist es, das der Name des Flusses Darien bereits in den Dokumenfcen und
Tlieilnngspakten zwischen Nicuesa und Ojeda in Jahre 1509 genannt wird.’ Kohl, Die
Beiden altesten Genernl-karten von Ameriha, 110. On Peter Martyr’s map, India
beyond the Ganges, 1510, is tariene; on the globe of Orontius, 1531,
the gulf is called Sinus vraba, the river vrabe, and the Isthmus
furna dariena. Salvat de Piles fcrina, Munich Atlas, no. iv., 1515, places
on the west side of the gulf of Uraba the word dariem. Maiollo, Munich
Atlas, no. v., 1519, calls the place daryen; Fernando Colon, 1527,
writes dctrien; Diego de Ribero, 1529, clarie; Munich Atlas, no. vi.,
1532-40, thtrkm; Vaz Dourado, 1571, dariem; Robert Thorne, in Hakluyt's
Voy. Da- riou; Mercator’s Atlas, 1569; West-Indische Spieghel, 1624;
Ogilby’s Map of America, 1071; Dampier, 1099, and subsequent cartographers
give the present form.
not promise more; and with these preparations the battle begins. The
half-starved Spaniards fight like fiends. Cemaco for a time maintains his
position with firmness; but the awe-inspiring appearance of the strangers,
their ship, their shining armor, their beards, the whiteness of their skin, the
wonderful sharpness of their weapons, and the solemn thunder and smoke of their
fire-arms soon scatter to the forest his terror-smitten people. To the
unbounded joy of the conquerors the town is found rich in gold and cotton, and
the adjacent fields afford abundance of provisions.
This is something like reward for toilsome missionary labors. Along the
river banks, secreted in caves, are found golden ornaments to the value of ten
thousand castellanos.4 The virgin’s share and the king’s share are
set aside, and the remainder of the spoils divided among the band. Thus
Cemaco’s village becomes the seat of government in Tierra Firme; and to it, as
the lawyer promised the virgin, is given the name of Santa Maria de la Antigua
del Darien.5
In good truth fortune had at length smiled upon the colonists. Captives
taken in the skirmishes which followed the pitched battle were made to gather
gold and work in the fields. The bachiller began a rigorous rule with a full
sense of the responsibilities resting upon him as representative of the crown
of Spain, the holy see of Rome, and of civilization and salvation generally,
not to mention his own modest merits, which appeared to him by no means
diminished after his recent successes. Though small in number, this
40gilby,
Am., 66, entertains a dim conception of the fact when lie says, ‘Ancisus
pursuing, found in a Thicket of Canes, or Reeds a great Treasure of Gold.’
5 ‘De que hoy
no quedan ni vestigios,’ says Aeosta. Nor do I find laid down on any map in
my possession the town of Santa Maria, or Antigua, or Darien, by whieh names
this place has been severally designated. Puerto Hermoso, plaeed by Colon at
the south-westem extremity of the gulf of Urabd, p: hermosso, and also by Ribero,
p" htnoxo, is supposed to liave been the anehorage of Eneiso and the
harbor of Antigua. Oviedo, i. 4, in endeavoring to fasten upon the plaee the
name La Gurinlia, eonfuses himself beyond extrication. ‘ En la cibdad del Darien (que tambien se llam6 antes la Guardia) 0 despues
santa Maria del Antigua. ’
colony should be mighty in law. Poor Ojeda! How happy he might have been
if his heavenly mistress had not jilted him for this mummified bundle of
quiddities.
Settling themselves in Cemaco’s houses, the Spaniards began to look
about. First in order after his lawless raid, in the eyes of Enciso, was law.
The bachiller, as we have ere this surmised, was one of those super-wise and
self-opinioned men who to achieve a fall have only to attain a height. Very little
law was here needed, very little government; but Enciso was a lawyer and a
ruler, and little of it would not suffice him. His first edict was the prohibition
of private traffic with the natives. This measure, though strictly legal, could
scarcely be called politic. The hundred or so ragged piratical wretches cast on
this rich and feebly defended shore wanted few decrees; and the fewer laws
their ruler made for them the fewer would be broken. But, necessary or not, the
alcalde mayor must issue orders, else he is no alcalde mayor. Hence other
regulations followed, equally unpopular, until the colonists began to consider
how best they might make a plug which should stop this great running to waste
of law. Though convinced that Enciso was planning to get the gold as well as
the government all into his own hands, and employ the colonists as tools
wherewith to mine, and hold the savages in check, so inbred is Spanish loyalty,
that even the reckless members of this crude commonwealth hesitated before
committing any overt act which might forever outlaw them from their country.
Better employ his own weapon against the bachiller, for law is safer than hemp
for hanging even lawyers.
There was about Vasco Nunez a plain directness of thought and purpose the
very opposite of those engendered of the law’s entanglements. Ever since his
fortunate suggestion to cross from San Sebastian to Darien he had been regarded
as the savior of the
colony; and now he thought he saw open a way of deliverance from their present trouble,
and so he told them. “The gulf of Uraba,” said he, “separates Nueva Andalucia
from Castilla del Oro. While on the eastern side we belonged to the government
of Alonso de Ojeda; now that we are on the western, we are subject only to
Diego de Nicuesa.” Before this simple logic the bachiller was dumfoundered. Of
what value was legal lore that could be so easily overturned by an illiterate
adventurer ? In vain he feebly argued that wherever was Ojeda’s colony, Ojeda’s
deputy was master. The people were against him; and the opinion of the people
concerning him was expressed by Vasco Nunez when some time afterward he wrote
the king regarding persons of that cloth in infant settlements: “ Most powerful
sire,” he said, “ there is one great favor that I pray your royal highness to
do me, since it is of great importance to your service. It is for your royal
highness to issue an order that no bachiller of laws, or of anything unless it
be of medicine, shall come to these parts of Tierra Firme, under a heavy
penalty that your highness shall fix; because no bachiller ever comes hither
who is not a devil, and they all live like devils, and not only are they
themselves bad, but they make others bad, having always contrivances to bring
about litigations and villainies. This is very important to your highness’
service in this a new country.”0
6 Carta
dirigida al Rey por Va-^co Nunez de Balboa desde Santa Maria del Darien, 20
de Enero de lol3t in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 358. Tliat
Enciso has been properly represented as a vain and shallow man is proved by a
reference to his book, Suma de Geograph ia, 2, wherein he does not hesitate to
patronize the boy-emperor * whose youth had not permitted him to read much of
geography. * ‘ Por tanto yo Martin fernandez de enciso algnazil
mayor dela tierra firme delas Indias ocidentales llamada castiUa dl oro. Desseando
hazer algun seruicio a vuestra. ». c. c. m. que le fuesse agradable y no menos
proueehoso, cosiderando que la poca edad de vuestra real alteza no ha dado
lugar a <(ue pudiesseleer los libros que dela geographia hablan.5
And that he was as beastly in his bigotry and cruclty as his less learned
companions we may know from what he himself wrote the king, Pacheco and
Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., i. 449, about the caciques who kept men dressed as women,
and used as such, ‘and when I took Darien, we seized and burned them, and when
the women saw them burning they manifested joy.’ Compare Ov/r<h>}
ii. 425-27, 472-76; and iii. 7; Herrera, dec. i. lib. viii. cap. v.-vii.; and
lib. ix. cap. 1; or, if one
So the lawyer was deposed, and the cavalier elevated. Enciso gracelessly
yielded his dear authority; and after much wrangling among the ill-assorted fraternity,
a municipality was decided upon, and two alcaldes7 were chosen,
Vasco Nunez de Balboa and Martin Zamudio. The office of regidor8
fell among others to one Valdivia. Subsequently additional officials were
chosen.
Government without law, however, proved no less ineffectual than law
without government. Disaffec- tions and altercations continued. In the
administration of justice, Balboa was accused of favoring his friends and
frowning upon his enemies. Some repented having crossed the gulf; some desired
the restoration of Enciso; some suggested that as they were now within the jurisdiction
of Nicuesa, it was his right to rule, or to name their ruler.
While these strifes were raging, the inhabitants of Antigua were startled
one day by the report of a gun coming from the direction of San Sebastian.
Thinking perhaps Ojeda had returned, or sent supplies, they built fires on the
adjacent heights in order to attract attention. Presently two ships
approached, and
will liave it in
Butch, Ezquebel, A ankomst, 30-8, in Gottfried, Bey sen, i.; Acosta, Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada, 33-8; Drake’s Voy., 157-58; Norman’s Hist. Gal., 10;
Patton’s Hist. U. S., 11; Ogilby’s Am., 399; March y Labor es, Marina Espanola,
i. 413-23; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 41-5; Hctrper’s Mag., xviii. 468;
BldweWs Panama, 27-28; and Heylyn’s Cosmog., 1087.
7 As I have before observed, there were
alcaldes of various denominations, duties, and jurisdictions. In new
discoveries, when the chief of the expedition had not contracted with the king
for the appointing of authorities, the settlers met and elected one or more
alcaldes and regidores. The alcalde, in the absence of the governor or military
chief, presided over the municipal council, composed of regidores who governed
the municipality, or regimiento, as it was then called. The alcalde was also
the executive power, exercising the functions of judge, with original
jurisdiction in all matters civil and criminal, those relating to the natives
excepted. In the absence of the adelantado he was therefore chief in authority,
and when the governor was present, the alcalde was second. Alcaldes in new
settlements, and in early times, were different from those crcated later. Their
duties covered the emergency. In the present instance, had Enciso continued to
exercise the office of alcalde mayor, regidores might still have been elected
to attend to the affairs of the municipality, in which case no alcaldes would
have been elected, for Enciso himself would have presided.
b
Regidores, or members of the municipal council, were elected by the residents
of a ward or district. Cities were entitled to twelve, towns to six, and
villages or small settlements were limited to three or even less.
anchored before the town. They proved to be vessels belonging to Nicuesa,
freighted at Espanola with supplies for the colony of Castilla del Oro, and
commanded by Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares. Thrown by stress of weather upon
the coast of Santa Marta,9 he had there lost a number of his men;
after which he entered the gulf of Uraba, hoping to find information of
Nicuesa.
A quick observer and a faithful officer, Colmenares soon understood the
position of affairs, and took prompt measures to secure to his governor such advantages
as might accrue from profitless contentions. By a judicious distribution of
articles greatly needed by the colonists, attended by wise counsels, he gained
their confidence, and partly healed their feuds; so that before sailing he
prevailed on them to send two ambassadors to treat with Nicuesa concerning the
affairs of their settlement. The two envoys chosen were Diego de Albites, and
an aspiring lawyer, hitherto overshadowed by the august presence of Enciso,
called the bachiller Diego del Corral, and they were directed to accompany the
ships of Colmenares in the brigantine belonging to the settlement of Antigua.
It was about the middle of November, 1510, when Colmenares entered the
gulf of Urabd. Unable to gather any tidings of Nicuesa, he continued his voyage
westward, searching the inlets along the coast. He would nevertheless have
passed Nombre de Dios had he not seen some of Nicuesa’s men in their boat, at
one of the islands, seeking food. The wildest joy greeted the new arrival. It
was to the colony of Castilla del Oro as a reprieve from death. Gazing sadly on
the sallow faces and emaciated forms before them, the miserable wreck of
Nicuesa’s gallant company now reduced to sixty souls, listening to their tales
of wretchedness, tears of honest sympathy fell from the eyes of the hardy
sailors.
“The name of a
Spanish settlement midway between Cape de la Vela and Cartagena, and sometimes
applied to the territory in that vicinity.
With, difficulty could be recognized in the leader of the hapless troop
the once gay and courtly Nicuesa. Colmenare::; gave the sufferers food and
comforted them. He told Nicuesa of Ojeda’s failure, of the settlement at
Antigua, and how Enciso and his company, having found a spot rich in gold and
well provisioned, had fallen to quarrelling among themselves about the
government, and had finally sent messengers to him, the rightful ruler, for
the healing of their disputes.
To Nicuesa these words were as fresh oil in an expiring lamp. But in his
enfeebled state, the sudden change from blank despair to brilliant hope played
havoc with his discretion. After brief thanksgiving for deliverance, his mind
became excited by dreams of boundless wealth and empire. He ordered a feast, at
which he presided with insensate levity. Toward the ambassadors from the gulf
he assumed a haughty arrogance, claiming supreme authority relative to all
matters at Antigua, and stoutly swearing that the gold taken from his subjects
of Darien should be disgorged.
Colmenares had marked the effect of Nicuesa’s altered temper on his
followers. He saw that disaffection was rife, and that the governor held
control by a feeble thread. Showing Nicuesa the madness of his course, he
explained the importance of attaching the remnant of Ojeda’s colony to his own,
and pointed out their strength and his weakness; he received in reply only
insolent rebukes.
Meanwhile the ambassadors Albites and Corral, men whose wits were about
them, were not pleased with this foretaste of Nicuesa’s rule; nor did intercourse
with Nicuesa’s men tend in any wise to diminish their unfavorable impressions.
One night they visited Lope de Olano, who for his sins was chained to a rock
and made to grind corn. “ Behold my condition,” he exclaimed. “ I have ever
served my governor faithfully. I saved him from perishing, when I
had but to delay his rescue to become myself the governor. This is my
reward. You men of Antigua may draw your own conclusions.” By others the
ambassadors were informed that the chief officers of the new government were
already selected: Vasco Nunez was to be stripped of all authority, and Za-
mudio, as a relative of Olano, could scarcely hope to fare better. Those who
had trafficked with the natives were to be severely punished. It was enough.
Stealing away, they hastened back to Antigua. “A pretty mess you have made of
it, with your infernal bickerings,” they said to the assembled confederates. “
Nicuesa will give you more of law than Enciso, and more of arbitrary rule than
Vasco Nunez and Zamu- dio ten times over.” A few days after a messenger, one
Juan de Caicedo, arrived from Nicuesa, and informed them, for their further
comfort, that the governor was detained at one of the islands capturing
natives, but would be with them shortly. Perceiving that his tidings were not
hailed with transports of joy, and being himself embittered against Nicuesa, as
were indeed almost all his followers, Caicedo swung round upon his bearings and
laughed at them. “Silly senores! free and rich, you call in a cormorant to
swallow your substance and yourselves.” And now, as usual when folly comes
home, curses flowed freely on themselves and others. The prospect of losing
their gold touched them. What should they do ?
Once more Vasco Nunez offers a pertinent suggestion. “ You were
dissatisfied with Enciso, and questioned many of my acts. Now you fear a
governor possessing all the bad qualities of your former rulers, with, perhaps,
few of their redeeming traits. If calling Nicuesa was an error, is not
receiving him a greater one ? ” Struck by the suggestion, the colonists drop
their differences and unite as one man against Nicuesa, each taking a solemn
oath never to serve under him. Sentries are then stationed to give notice of
his approach, and measures taken to prevent his
landing. After eight days pleasantly passed kidnapping among the
islands, the ill-fated governor enters the harbor and comes to anchor, little
dreaming of the reception that awaits him. On shore before the town he
observes a company of armed men, assembled, as he supposes, to give him
welcome. As he prepares to disembark, the public procurator10 advances
and, to his astonishment, in a loud voice warns him on pain of death not to
place foot on shore, but instantly to abandon these parts and return no more.
The colony at Antigua was at this time comparatively strong and
well-conditioned; Nicuesa’s followers were few, weak, and disaffected. For him to
enforce authority was not possible. His mind had dwelt fondly of late on his
rising fortunes, and this hostile reception was a terrible disappointment, for
it was the last earthly resource. To return to the broken camp at Nombre de
Dios would be to enter again the jaws of death; if he could not remain here, he
certainly could not depart.
Recovering in a measure, as from a heavy blow, the governor requested
permission to land, promising solemnly to enter into any stipulations
concerning the government which the colonists should deem just. His proposals
were drowned by the shouts of the rabble; and he was warned, as he valued his
life, to approach no nearer the shore. Nicuesa continued his expostulations
till nightfall, when he retired with his ship a little farther from land. Returning
next morning, he renewed his importunities. A change had apparently taken place
in the minds of the people, for he was now permitted to land with his page.
Balboa received the governor courteously, conducted him to his house, and made
him a guest for the night. The affairs of the govern
10 The procurailor de la chidad, called
afterward sindico procwrador, and later still sindico, was an officer of the
municipal council, whose duty it was to see the city ordinances enforced, bring
suit for and defend the city in any suit, performing the functions of city
attorney, beside having a seat in the common council of the city.
ment were discussed, and an amicable understanding was arrived at by tbe
two leaders. It was nothing less, in fact, than that one of them should be
first, and the other second, in Castilla del Oro. On the following day a
portion of the crew on board Nicuesa’s ship was permitted to land; and Vasco
Nunez now endeavored to reconcile his comrades to the rule of the governor. It
was too late. Sedition is more easily raised than allayed. Not only was Zamudio
jealous of his colleague, but he well knew that under the proposed regime the
odium of all the opposition would fall on him. Drawing round him the rougher
element, he reminded the colonists of their oath, and pictured to them the
poverty and restraint under the proposed government. So successful was he in
exciting bad blood, that Nicuesa was glad to escape insult and violence by
retiring to his ship. Thus encouraged, Zamudio resolved to press a final issue
by capturing the governor, and dictating terms to him. The next day accordingly
he placed his men in ambush near the landing, and with one companion, Pedro
Macaz, appeared before the ship. Hailing the commander, he assured him that all
was well, and that he now might safely venture on shore. Nicuesa fell easily
into the trap. Joining the conspirators, he walked unsuspiciously with them
toward the spot where the gang lay concealed. When near it Zamudio changed his
tone to one of harsh insolence, “ Sehor Nicuesa,” he said, “ why do you persist
in remaining here contrary to our wishes? Your presence is our ruin. We can
neither accept you, nor abandon this place. You must depart instantly, or die.
Take your choice.” Meanwhile his minions sprang forward. Nicuesa saw it all at
a glance. He was fleet of foot, and this was his only hope. So flinging off
dignity, he eluded their clutches, dashed off at the top of his speed along the
shore, and outstripping his pursuers, turned into the forest to hide.
When Vasco Nunez saw the desperate plight to
which Nicuesa was reduced, all the generous impulses of his nature were
aroused. He hated himself for the part he had played, and cursed the sordid
ambition which thus unjustly humiliated so chivalrous a gentleman. More in
earnest than ever, he sought out Nicuesa in the wood; and then endeavored to
excite the sympathies of the colonists, and even to intimidate them; but all
was of no avail. Those there were who well knew they had gone too far ever to
be forgiven.
Satan now wholly possessed Zamudio. No fiend could ever invent and
execute a more dastardly measure than was now proposed. With sixty men he
entered the forest, seized Nicuesa, and made him swear instantly to sail for
Spain, touching no port till he should reach CMiz. Then, as if in mockery, he
took from him his only serviceable ship, placed him into the old brigantine,
now rotten and unsafe, which had been in use at Veragua, and sent him forth
with seventeen men and a few devoted members of his household. It was in March,
1511, that the so lately proud and gallant Nicuesa was thus driven from
Antigua, and neither he nor any of that ill-fated company was ever afterward
heard from !u
11 Benzoni asserts that after leaving Antigua,
Nicuesa followed the coast for some distanee, but landing one day for water, he
was seized by eannibals, who eaptured the vessel and devoured the men. ‘E eosi Niquesa inolto dolente se ne parti, e per quella eosta andando
saltd in terra per piglior aequa, e su da ’paesani ucciso, e poi mangiato eon
tutti i suoi eompagni, e questo su la fine della vita di Diego di Niquesa, con
la sua armata di Veragua.’ Hist. Mondo Nvovo, i. 47. A story was eurrent
for a time that they had been thrown 011 Cuba, where all perished, leaving
inscribed upon a tree, ‘Here ended the unfortunate Nicuesa.’ Las Casas and
Herrera, however, are of opinion that his vessel foundered at sea. ‘ Algunos imaginaron que aportb a Cuba, y que los Indios le mataron, porque
andando eiertos Castellanos por la isla hallaroo escrito en un arbol: Aqui
feneeio el desdiehado Nicuesa: pero esto se tuvo por los hombres mas
verdaderos, por falso, porque los primeros que en- traron en Cuba, afermaron
nnnca aver oydo tal nueva. Lo que se tuvo por mas eierto, es, que como llenava
tan mal navio, y las mares de aquellas partes son ton bravas, y vehementes, la
mesma mar lo tragaria facilmentc, o que pereeeria de habre, y de sed. ’ Herrera,
i. viii. viii. But his fate must forever remain a mystery; and he one among
the many whose visionary hopes have been buried beneath these waters; one among
the many who, having left home with sanguine expectations, sailed over these
seas in quest of gold or adventure, never again to be heard from! It is easy,
after a failure, to find the mistake. Many of Nieuesa’s misfortunes sprang not
from any fault, and yet faults, in plaee of nobler qualities, were developed by
his misfortunes.
PACTIONS AND
FORAGINGS IN DARIEN.
1511-1513.
The Garrison at
Nombre de Dios—Subtle Diplomacies—Vasco NuSez Assumes Command—Enciso, his Life
and Writings—The Town and the Jail —Rights of Sanctuary—Valdivia’s Voyage — Za-
mtjdio’s Mission—Expedition to Coiba—Careta Gives Vasco NuSez his
Daughter—Ponca Punished—Jura, the Savage Statesman— Visit of the Spaniards to
Comagre—Panciaco Tells Them of a Southern Sea—The Story of Valdivia, Who is
Shipwrecked and Eaten by Cannibals—Vasco NuSez Undertakes an Impious Pilgrimage
to the Golden Temple of Dabaiba—Conspiracy Formed by the Natives to Destroy
Antigua—Fulvia Divulges the Plot— Darien Quieted—Vasco NuSez Receives a Royal Commission— Serious
Charges—Vasco Nunez Resolves to Discover the Southern Sea before He is
Prevented by Arrest.
Thus far the first
decade of disaster along Tierra Firme; thus far the discovery of Rodrigo de Bastidas
in 1501; the ineffectual attempt of Columbus at Veragua in 1502; the failure of
the impetuous Ojeda, and the death of the veteran pilot, Juan de la Cosa; the
founding of Nombre de Dios and Antigua; the destruction of the superb armament
of Diego de Nicuesa, and the sad fate of its commander. Meanwhile we behold
evolved from the factions of Antigua two notable characters, Francisco Pizarro
and Vasco Nunez de Balboa. We will now further observe society in Darien, and
the attempts of the Spaniards to govern themselves and pacify their neighbors.
When Diego de Nicuesa embarked to assume command at Antigua, he left in
the fortress of Nombre de Dios a small garrison under Gonzalo de Badajoz, with
Alonso Nunez de Madrid as alcalde. Their pro-
Hisx. Cen. Am., Vol. I. 22 ( 337)
visions falling low, and expeeted relief failing them, like ill-mannered
wolves they fell to fighting over the little remaining food, and but for the
opportune arrival of Colmenares, civilization at Nombre de Dios would soon
have found a miserable ending. To the proposal to join their eountrymen at
Antigua, they eagerly assented, and embarked without delay in the two
brigantines sent for the purpose. Lope de Olano was released, and subsequently
rose high in the esteem of Balboa. Thus the settlement of Antigua, after the
departure of the hapless Nicuesa, eomprised all that was left of the two
colonies of Nueva Andaluei'a and Castilla del Oro, and numbered about two
hundred and fifty men.1
The final disappearance of the two commanders by no means allayed the
diseords of the eolony. Faetions assumed broader dimensions than ever. A band
of two hundred and fifty bears, after aeeomplishing the duties of the day,
would sensibly streteh themselves under the welcome eovert; but intelleetual
and moral beasts are, by reason of their superiority, doomed to the eternal
curse of government; nor does it make much differenec as to the quality or
quantity of the herd; fools will fight for domination all the same.
Zamudio, followed by the gang that had driven out Nicuesa, claims
preeminence as a reward for his villainies. Enciso, the learned and
disinterested representative of the higher orders of mastership, earthly and
heavenly, never fails to keep the high and holy law spread before these
misguided men. vasco Nunez keeps his own counsel; but he feels within himself
that neither Zamudio nor Eneiso shall rule Antigua. All he need do is to
continue as hitherto to turn against his opponents their own weapons. The
lawyer he vanquishes with law; the ruffian, by giving him a rope wherewith to
hang himself In the present instance, like a skilful taetieian, he separates
his antagonists and opposes one to the other. Call-
1 Oviedo,
ii. 477, is obviously wrong in saying over six hundred.
ing Zamudio aside, he makes evident to him the necessity, it he would
continue a municipal government, of withholding all power from the bachiller.
Having no intention of relinquishing the sweets of office, tor which he lias
risked so much, Zamudio lends a willing ear. The lawyer must be quieted, but
lawfully. High-handed measures may be employed, but only exceptionally. The
law is too useful a weapon to be flung aside by intelligent knaves. So the two
alcaldes put their heads together and frame charges to fit the occasion. Enciso
is accused of wilful usurpation of authority, of assuming the duties and exercising
the functions of alcalde mayor without license from the king—grave charges,
truly, emanating from so scrupulous a society. The lawyer’s skill at pleading
avails him noticing. He is convicted, his property confiscated, and himself
cast into prison.2 He is not long kept in confinement, however, but
is set free on giving a promise immediately to leave the country.® Thus one of
the two ambitious Caesars is out of the way; but how dispose of the other ?
Again
3 ‘ H Baccelliero non potena mostrare le
Reali sue prouisioni per bauerle per dute nclla naue, che. si ruppc nel Golfo
d’Yraua.* Benzoni, Hist. Mondo J\ vow, L 47. There were those who told
Peter Jlartyr that Enciso was thus punished by providence for having advised
the expulsion of Nieuesa.
5 Martin
Fernandez de Enciso first came to the Iudies with Bastidas. After practising
law for a time successfully at Santo Domingo, he was tempted to this expedition,
as we have seen, by Ojeda, upou the promise of the office of alcalde mayor.
Though a pettifogger in his profession, he was nevertheless possessed of worth
and ability in other directions. In Darien, while in the main well meaning, he
was unahle to cope successfully with shrewder intellects sharpeued by Xew
World experiences. After his return to Spain he
published a work, entitled Suma de (yeograhid ~j (rata de todas las partidas
d- prouincias del mtindo: en especial dc las indias. y (rata larganietc del
arte del mare ar: Jmitamcte con la esphera en romace: con el regimieto del Sol
<6 dfl norte: ntteuamente hecha. As the title
indicates, the book purports to be a compendium of universal geography,
treating of all parts of the world, but including the little
that was then known of the Indies. That part relating to the Xew World was made
up in a great measure from liis own observations. And yet it resembles too
nearly the usual summaries of the period to be of mueh value. The first third
of the work is devoted to the scienee of geography, with astronomical tables
and a resume of early Spanish history. Then the physical features of Spain, and
Europe generally, are given, and finally a rambling account of -Vsia. Africa,
and America. It was printed at Seville by a German, Jakob Cromberger, in 1519.
Other editions appeared in 1330 and 1 .Vfci. My edition is dated 1530, the part
relating to America occupying the last ei^ht folios of the book. Bibliographers
believe this the first book rela ti ve to the Xew World printed in the Spanish
language. ‘Livre eurieux, parce qu’il est le
Vasco Nunez draws Zamudio aside and expresses a fear that the enraged
bachiller, onee in Spain, will stir up the king against them, and enter false
statements before the tribunal of the Indies regarding the quality of justice
dispensed by the alealdes of Antigua. “Would it not be well,” continues
Balboa, “ for one of us to accompany the bachiller? and thus, while
misrepresentations may be promptly refuted, we may at the same time secure our
government upon a more substantial basis.” Zamudio sees this necessity, and is
finally induced to accept the commission. Thus Vasco Nunez is left to reign
alone; and every effort is made by him firmly to secure his government. While
cementing his friends, he conciliates his enemies; above all he strives to deal
justly by everybody, and with fair sueeess. By earing for their eomfort and
exercising striet impartiality in the division of spoils, he wins the hearts
of the fighting men. Even Oviedo, who was not friendly to Balboa, says: “No
ehieftain who ever went to the Indies equalled him in these respeets.” • And
yet, beneath the aeeumulating honors the recipient sits not wholly at ease. “No
one need hope to rule this land,” wiites Vasco Nunez to the king, “and sit or
sleep; for if he sleep, he will never wake. Day and night I think only of your
Majesty’s interests. In every battle I lead my men, and with truthful example,
and kind treatment of the natives, seek to bring into favor your Majesty’s government
in these parts.”
premier traits de geographie impr. en Espagne, ou l’on trouve des
details sur l’Amtjrique. ’ Brunet, ManuelduLibraire. ‘Apparently the
first book printed in Spanish relating to America. ’ Rich, Bibliotheca
Americana Vetus. ‘ L’onvrage rare ct trfes remarquable. ’ Humboldt, Examen
Critique, iv. 306. ‘Agreat hydrog- rapher and explorer, his work is invaluable
for the early geographical history of the continent. ’ Harrisse, Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima. Navarrete says: ‘ Escribid
Enciso un papel muy curioso sobre si los conquistadores espauoles poclian tener
y poseer indios encomendados, contra los frailes dommieos que decian que no, y
se opusieron al despacho dc la expedicion de Pedrarias Dd- vila, so pretexto de
que el Rey no podia enviar & hacer tales eonquistas.’ And in his Epitome,
Piiielo remarks: * Trata en su Suma Geografia del Arte de Navegar, de la
Esfera, y de las quatro partes del Mundo, especialmente dc las Indias, i es el
primero que imprimi6 Obra Geografica de ellas. ’ Indeed, this last
was said in 1738, and subsequent bibliographers have repeated it.
It must not be supposed that the settlers were idle all this time, or
that the natives, or their gold, were neglected. The town had grown in size and
importance since the driving out of Cemaco. Streets had been regularly laid
out round a plaza,‘ or public square, common to all Spanish towns, and a church
and religious houses established, for priests had come hither with the rest.
While Enciso made ready for departure, Bachiller Corral, Captain Badajoz,
and others, enemies of Balboa, improved the time by secretly making specifications
of both the alcaldes’ errors, and by instigating others to assist in
criminating the rulers. These charges were to be delivered to the king by
Enciso. Hearing of it, the alcaldes seized the ringleaders and confined them in
a pen,5 the municipal jail, situated in the middle of the plaza. But the
prisoners escaped from the cage to the Franciscan monastery, and, claiming the
protection of the sanctuary,6 they were finally discharged.
4 For definition see chapter xv. note 1,
this volume.
5 It was the cdrccl, whether jail or pen.
In newly settled towns, and in some conntry villages where jails were not
built, it was customary to construct a small enclosure on the plaza near the
casa const storied, or municipal hall, in which to confine prisoners till sent
to the capital of the province, or elsewhere, for trial. Those convicted of
petty municipal offences were likewise incarcerated in this pen. Inside were
stocks, the better to secure great offenders.
c Iu
popular parlance, acogerse d santuario, or acogerse d sagrado, or lomar
iglesia, the protection afforded criminals who songht refuge in a church or
other sacred asylum. As we shall often meet with the custom in this history I
will state briefly what it was. It is well kuown that from the earliest times,
ill both heathen and Jewish societies, the right of asylum, or right of
sanctuary, has existed, in degrees more or less modified by time, down to the
present day. In Spanish-America it was in vogue as late as a quarter of a
century ago. Originally the idea implied the right of appeal from the judgment
of men to the justice of God. The Creator liimself, it is said, set the example
by placing a mark on Cain, the first murderer, that none might kill him; and
Moses and Joshua, under divine sanction, established cities of refuge, whither
ccrtain involuntary offenders might flee and find safety. Later, the founders
of cities offered asylum to outlaws for the purpose of increasing the
population. To this custom is attributed in a measure the existence, or at
least the importance, of Athens, Thebes, and other cities. Instead of making
the whole city an asylum, a certain locality was sometimes assigned for that
purpose; thus tradition says that one of the first acts of Romulus preparatory
to building liis city was to set apart Palatine Hill as a place of refuge.
Sacred groves were asylums; also temples to the gods, and religious houses.
Notably the groves of the Grecians, and the Ercchtheium of Athens, the temple
of Artemis at Ephesus, and that of Apollon at Miletus. With the advent of
Christi-
Valdivia, the regidor, was Balboa’s friend; before leaving the
Salvatierra plantation they had been warmly intimate. Supplies were needed, and
Enciso and Zamudio required passage to Spain. Taking, therefore, a small
vessel, and placing in Valdivia’s hands a large amount of gold,7 Vasco Nunez sent him to Espanola, with instructions to buy the good
opinion of Diego Colon the governor, and Pasamonte8 the king’s treasurer, and bring. back recruits. The regidor was fairly
successful. He set forth the wealth of Tierra Firme, and the important services
of Vasco Nunez in glowing colors, and obtained from the governor a commission
authorizing Balboa to act as his lieutenant in those parts. He begged for his
friend
anity, to increase
their influence, the clergy secured this privilege for their churches. In the
time of Constantine all Christian churchcs afforded refuge, and Theodosius II.
included in this right all houses belonging to the church, with their-courts
and gardens. In France and Spain not only the church and its surroundings
afforded protection, but all chapels, cloisters, abbeys, monasteries,
cemctcries, tombs, crosses, and in short all religious monuments. Frequently a
stone bench, called the stone of peace, was placed for refugees within the
church near the altar. The priests assured the people that they would be
visited by dire calamities if they violated this right. Gradually, however, the
practice diminished. Though the culprit must not be forcibly dragged from the
church, he might be enticed thence, or starved out, or smoked out. Then the
more abhorred criminals, as heretics and murderers, were denied protection;
and the number of places was reduced. Clement XIV., in 1772, limited the number
to one or two in each town, though no one sheltered by the roof of a church
might be tom thence without an order from the ecclesiastical judge. The right
of churches to extend protection over minor offenders was recognized long after
it became the custom for the clergy to deliver rank offenders for punishment.
The superstition was respected, as we have seen, in the wilds of the New World
by the distempered colonists of Darien. Nor was England free from it; to this
day there are places in France, and in Scotland, Holyrood abbey and palace,
where a debtor may not be arrested. For a good treatise ou right of sanctuary,
and on immunity of religious persons and places, see Vazquez, Chronica de
Gvat., 288 et seq.
7 Peter Martyr, dec. ii. cap. iv., thinks
Valdivia carried away 300 pounds of gold. In the words of his quaint English
translator:—‘This pound of eight ounces, the Spanyardes call Marcha, whiche in
weight amounteth to fiftie pieces of golde called Castellani, but the
Castilians call a pound Pesum. We conclude therefore, that the summe hereof,
was xv. thousaude of those peeces of gold called Castellani. And thus is it
apparent by this accompt, that they receiued of the barbarous kings a thousande
and fyue hundred poundes, of eight ounces to the pounde: all the w^hiche they
founde readie wrought in sundry kin des of ouches, as cheynes, braselets,
tabletes, and plates, both to hang before their brestes, and also at their eares,
and nosethrils.
8 Quintana thinks the amount was too
small, or that it never reached him; for as events unfolded Pasamonte proved
himself no less friendly to Enciso than hostile to Vasco Nunez. It seems never
to occur to a Spaniard that a public officer could refuse a bribe. As it was,
Pasamonte did favor Vasco Nunez.
Pasamonte’s influence with the king; but Enciso was active there with
opposing influence.
Meanwhile Balboa was haunted by thoughts not of the happiest. He well
knew how precarious was his tenure of position. Nicuesa’s wrongs were ever
before him. Though not the chief criminal in that affair, he knew he was
criminal enough. Yet before the deed was done, and since, he had striven to
make amends. “ Once, twice, three times,” writes he to the ldng, “have I sent
aid to Nicuesa’s men, and saved them when dying at the rate of five and six a
day.” Then, too, he must confess having treated poor Enciso somewhat
shamefully; and the bachiller was stronger where there was more strength in the
law; while Za- mudio was not the same before the king as before his Antigua
ruffians. There remained only one course. Action was the word. If he would play
the great man, and rule others, he must bestir himself to something nobler
than political strife and demagogy at Antigua. Gold would help him; he
thoroughly appreciated the weakness of officials in that direction; but a
notable adventure, a great discovery, were better. At all events, upon whatever
he should decide, he must act immediately, before being deprived of his present
modicum of authority.
First of all, he would begin his career of greatness by assuming to be
great. One is never nearer the truth than when one puts on humility and curses
one’s self for an ass. Without offensive ostentation he assumed becoming forms
of dignity, took upon himself the title of governor, appointed officers, and
drilled soldiers in the tactics of Indian warfare.
Some twenty leagues westerly from Antigua, adjoining the lands of
Cemaco, was an Indian province called Coiba, of which Careta9 was chief. The gov-
9 We shall see everywhere, from Darien to
Alaska, Indian towns and provinces frequently called by the name of the ruling
chief. For instance, adventurers and geographers who knew only the chief’s
name, called his village Careta’s village, or Careta; his country, Careta’s
country, or Careta.
ernor, being informed that Careta was rich in gold and maize, despatched
thither a small company under Pizarro, whom he had made captain. They were
hardly on the march before Cemaco was encountered, at the head of four hundred
men, all fired, like their chief, with ever-living rage. Never for an hour
since the strangers landed to seize their homes had the eyes of the savages
been removed from them. It was hopeless to fight, naked as they were; yet for
what had they to live, with houses and lands and all their property taken from
them? The mode of warfare, too, was against the natives; they did not fight
here, as at San Sebastian, with poisoned arrows shot from behind rocks and
trees, but engaged in hand- to-hand conflict, opposing their defenceless bodies
to the steel weapons of the Spaniards, on whose coats of mail their darts and
clubs fell harmless. A fight ensued nevertheless, and fiercely it was waged. It
is somewhat difficult to believe Herrera when he says that Pizarro had with him
but six men, who, when the four hundred closed with them, eviscerated one
hundred and fifty savages, and put the remainder to flight. Hastening back to
Antigua, leaving one man wounded on the field, Pizarro stood before the governor
exhausted and bleeding. Balboa’s anger at the desertion overpowered for a
moment his admiration for the desperate courage displayed by the little band,
and turning to Pizarro, he said sharply, “Go instantly and bring me Francisco Hernan,
and, as you value your life, never again leave one of my soldiers alive upon a
field of battle.” Pizarro departed, and soon returned with his disabled
comrade. Balboa immediately placed himself at the head of a hundred men, and
started in pursuit of Cemaco, determined to ex-
Maiollo, 1519, writes
on his map, where the province of Careta should be, aldea de machin; and
adjacent north-west, P. scatozes. Vaz Dourado, Munich A tlas, nos. x. and xi.,
1571, labels the province careta; De Laet, 1633, gives Careta; Jefferys, 1776,
Pt(i Carata; and Kiepert, 1858, Pto Carreto. Alcedo mentions the river Cared. ‘ De la Provincia y Gobiemo del Darien y
Reyno de Tierra- Firme: nace en las montanas del N. y sale al mar en la
Ensenada dc Maii- dinga. *
tirpate the tribe; but, after aseending the river for some distanee and
finding no enemy, he abandoned pursuit. Scareely had he returned, when the two
brigantines sent to Nombre de Dios for the remainder of Nieuesa’s men made
their appearance at Antigua. They brought no news of Nieuesa, greatly to the
disappointment of Balboa, who would now gladly have fortified himself in a
less elevated position, and placed Antigua under the banner of the lawful
governor of the territory.
Fresh aecounts of the wealth of Coiba, by this arrival, soon dispelled
the governor’s misgivings, and turned his thoughts in other direetions. It
seems that as the vessels were returning from Nombre de Dios, they touehed the
shore of Coiba; and while there were greeted by two painted savages in plain
Castilian. The riddle was solved when the men told them they were gentlemen
renegades, eseaped from Nieuesa’s colony for fear of punishment for
misdemeanor. After long and dangerous wanderings in the wilderness, they had
thrown themselves, half-dead, upon the merey of Careta, who reeeived them with
gentle courtesy, bestowing food and every kindness, which they were now ready
to requite by betraying to the Spaniards the cacique’s treasures, for he was
very rich.
In this treachery the Spaniards saw nothing but fair missionary work, and
were ready for the adventure on the instant. Owing to their present weak
eondition Colmenares advised delay, and arranged that one of the misereants
should go with them to Antigua, while the other remained with Careta in readiness
to betray him at the proper time. Nor had the governor the least seruple in
availing himself of this villainy. With one hundred and thirty men he marehed
on Coiba, direeting the two brigantines to meet him there. Aeting under the
direetion of the fugitive whom he had made his confidant and counsellor, Careta
went out to meet the Spaniards, brought them to his village, and entertained
them to the best of his
ability. Balboa began with the modest request for maize to fill his
ships. Careta answered, that owing to war with his ever hostile neighbor,
Ponca, he had this year planted nothing, and hence had no surplus. Careta’s
Spanish friend assured his countrymen that this was false, that the savage had
abundance. It was enough. A heathen had lied to a Christian. Let the nation be
anathema!
Bidding the chief a friendly farewell, with thanks for his hospitality,
the Spaniards took their departure as if for Antigua; but about midnight they
returned, attacked the village on three sides, slaughtered the inhabitants,
burned the houses, loaded the brigantines with booty, and carried Careta and
his family prisoners to Antigua. “Why should you do this?” asked Careta. “ How
have I wronged you ? Take my gold, but restore me to my country. And as a
pledge of my good faith, there is my daughter who shall remain a hostage in
your hands. Take her and let us be friends.” The proposal pleased the governor,
not less from the advantage of the alliance, than from the influence thrown
over him by the charms of the dusky maiden, for she was very beautiful, and had
already given her heart to the Christian chieftain. And thus according to the
usage of her people she became his wife, though not wedded after the Spanish
fashion; and Yasco Nunez ever cherished her with fond affection.
Before dismissing the new allies with presents to their homes, care was
taken to excite their admiration by showing them the arms and implements of
civilization, and unfolding to them the doctrines of the true faith, which led
men to be peaceable, just, and holy, like the Spaniards.
A joint expedition against Ponca, in which Balboa participated with
eighty men, overran that chieftain’s domain with great damage to him, and with
some gain to the Spaniards in provisions and gold.
Adjoining Careta’s lands, on the seaboard to the
west, were those of Comagre,10 whose nation numbered ten thousand souls, and mustered three thousand
warriors. Balboa visited him peaceably, upon the arrangement of a friendly
interview by a native jura, or official, a deserter from Careta’s council, who
had become offended with his master, and joined Comagre. The jura was a
statesman in a rude way, and a diplomat. He knew of the Spaniards, of their
fearful doings, and of their alliance with Careta; and being an honest,
well-meaning savage withal, he thought to avert disaster by interposing
friendly relations.
With a train of attendants, Comagre met his distinguished guest, and
with much ceremony conducted him to the palace,11 which for size, durability, and rude excellence, far exceeded anything
the Spaniards had seen in the New World. Among the numerous descendants of
Comagre, for he was much married, were seven sons, remarkable for their valor,
and nobleness of demeanor. The eldest, Panciaco, united with a haughty bearing
exceptional sagacity. He saw at once the superiority of steel weapons; he saw
that the Spaniards eoveted gold; and he thought he saw an easy way open for
purchasing their good-will. Collecting four thousand ounees of the metal finely
wrought, he presented it with seventy slaves to the Spaniards, and watehed the
effect. The king’s fifth was first solemnly set aside. Then they began to
divide the remainder of the gold among themselves ; and in this division arose
a dispute which made Panciaeo’s lip curl in scorn as he watched them weighing
the stuff. Louder grew their altercations, which were followed by blows.
Overcome at length by disgust, Paneiaco darted forward and struck the scales a
violent blow which sent their precious contents flying. “Why quarrel for such a
trifle! ” he exclaimed. “ Is it for this
10 Map-makers give—Vaz Dourado, comogra, De
Laet, Comagre, and Pta de Comagre, ‘whieh according to Keipert,’ says
Goldschmidt, Cartography Pac. Coast, MS. i. 67; ‘as near as I can
determine, is now P. Mosquitos.’
11 Peter Martyr, dec. ii. cap. iii., says
this building measured 150 by 80 paces. See Bancroft's Native Races, i. 758.
you leave your country, cross seas, endure hardships, and disturb the
peace of nations? Cease your voracious brawl and I will tell where you may
obtain your fill of gold. Six days’ march across yon mountain will bring you to
an ocean sea, like this near which we dwell, where there are ships as large as
yours, and cities, and wealth unbounded.”
Forgetting in the matter the manner of the discourse, the Spaniards
listened with eager attention. “How say you?” said Vasco Nunez. “What proof
have you of this?” “Listen to me,” replied Panciaco. “You Christians seem to
prize this metal more than body, life, or soul; more than love, hate, revenge.
Some mysterious virtue it must possess to charm men so! We who can not
translate its subtle power, love better friends, and sweet revenge. My father
has an ancient enemy, Tubanama, who lives beyond the mountains fronting the
other sea. From time immemorial our people have fought his people; many have
been killed on either side, and many enslaved. Could we for once bring low this
hated TubanamA, no sacrifice would be too dear. Be yours the gold; give us
revenge. The path is difficult, the enemy fierce. One thousand Spaniards are
none too many successfully to cope with him. Prepare your army. I myself will
accompany you with all the warriors of our nation; bind me fast; keep me in
close custody; and if my words prove false, hang me to the nearest tree.”12 Vasco Nunez pondered. The area of his destiny seemed suddenly to have
enlarged. If this the young man had said were true, and he might tap the
mystery, and bring to the light of nations this other side of Tierra Firme, the
temporary governor of a handful of heterogeneous colonists might achieve
everlasting fame as one of the world’s great discov-
12 ‘Estas
palabras e<Slebres,’ says Quintana, 1 eonservadas en todas las
mem- orias del tiempo, y repetidas por todos los historiadores, fueron el
primer ammeio que los espanoles tuvieron del Peru. ’ Vasco Nunez de
Balboa, 13. To vvliieli I would remark, first, that it is not eertain Paneiaco
referred to Peru; and seeondly, that vague allusions of a similar kind were
made to Columbus, which historians apply to Peru.
crers, and realize tlie dream of Columbus, to rule the A urea Chersonesus
of King Solomon. To him who can execute comes opportunity. “God has revealed
the secrets of this land to me only,” he piously writes the 20th of January,
1513, “and for this I never shall cease to thank him.” But whence were to come
the requisite one thousand men? After closely interrogating Comagre, Careta,
and other chieftains concerning the tramontane regions, the Spaniards returned
to Darien; but hot before giving the natives baptism, which surely more than
paid them for all their grain and gold. There they found Valdivia returned
from Santo Domingo, after an absence of six months, with a small store of
provisions, and what was of the highest consequence to Vasco Nunez at this juncture,
the commission from Diego Colon as governor of Antigua.
To guard against the scarcity of food which had thus far been one of the
chief causes of failure in every attempt to colonize Tierra Firme, the governor
had this year caused to be planted a large tract adjacent to Antigua, the labor
of course being performed by captives. “ Food has been our great necessity
rather than gold,” said Vasco Nunez in a letter to the king. But a hurricane,
followed by inundation, destroyed the crop, and Valdivia was again sent with
the caravel to Santo Domingo for provisions. In a letter to Diego Colon, the
governor set forth in extravagant terms his further knowledge of the country,
dwelling upon the information received of a great sea to the southward, and
begging assistance in raising a thousand men for its discovery. Gold to the
value of fifteen thousand pesos13 was, by this departure, remitted the king’s officers as the royal share
for the last six months. Large sums were also sent by private persons to their
friends and creditors in Espanola and Spain. But all to no end. For when near
Jamaica,
13 This on the authority of Herrera. Gomara
places the king’s fifth at
20,000 ducats, and Bernal Diaz at 10,000 pesos
de oro.
the vessel was struck by a squall, carried westward, and thrown on some
rocks off Yucatan. Ship and cargo were all lost. Twenty men, without water, or
food, or sail, or oars, in an open boat, escaped with bare life.
And now comes another tale of wretchedness which might well grace the
annals of Acheron. In their helpless condition they are carried by the currents
for thirteen days; one third of their number die of thirst, and the survivors
drift to a yet more horrible fate. Thrown on the Maya shore, they are seized by
savages, placed in a pen, and well fed. After their sufferings at sea, this
is not so bad; but one day Valdivia and four others are taken to the temple and
sacrificed, and their roasted limbs eaten in honor of the gods; over which
prospect for themselves the survivors are uncomfortable, and nerved by
desperation, they break cage and escape to the forest, where they wander naked
and starving until life is a burden. Then they cast themselves at the feet of
Ahkin Xooc, cacique of Jamancana, neighbor and enemy of the Maya lord. He and
his successor, Taxmar, make them serve as beasts of burden until two only are
left alive, Gonzalo Guerrero, sailor, and Ger6nimo de Aguilar, friar. In an
interchange of captives, the sailor becomes the property of Nachan Kan, chief
of Chetumal. Bold and buoyant-hearted, he rises to barbaric distinction,
becomes a great general, marries a princess, and in after years, when
opportunity offers, declines return to civilized life. The friar is rescued by
Cortds, in 1519, in which connection we shall again meet him.14
Cannibals are horrible things; but their teeth were hardly so sharp as
Spanish steel, which, in following the law of survival common to the animal
kingdom, was sacrificing freely about Antigua at this time.
14The
strange story of Aguilar is given by Gomara, Hist. Mex., 21-22; Torquemada, i.
371; Cogolludo, Ilist. Yucathan, 24-9; and by Herrera, dec.
ii. lib. vii. cap. v. He was kept seven years
in this captivity.
“ Thirty caciques have already been slain in the attempted pacification
of this country,” writes Vasco Nunez to Diego Colon, “and now that I am obliged
to penetrate still further in search of food, I must kill all who fall into my
hands; otherwise our colony can not exist while waiting relief.” In pursuance
of this humane measure, early in 1512—it was toward the close of 1511 that
Valdivia had sailed for Espanola—the governor organized an expedition against
Dabaiba,15 a rich province some thirty leagues to the southward.
Startling stories were told of this place. At a temple lined with gold,
slaves were sacrificed for the gratification of the gods, who returned in
miracles the favors of their worshippers; so that Dabaiba became as Mecca in
the wilderness. Of course, it was an outrage against heaven that the heathen
gods should have so much gold and glory; though hunger and avarice lent as much
assistance, perhaps, as piety, in instigating the contemplated raid.
Selecting one hundred and sixty men, Vasco Nunez embarked in two
brigantines for the mouths of the river.16 There he divided his force, sending one third, under Colmenares, up the
channel San Juan, while with the remainder he ascended the Rio de las Redes,
the more direct route to Dabaiba, as he had been informed. But the eye of
Ccmaco, in restless hate, was still upon them. Rousing the country, he induced
the caciques along the river to retire, and leave wasted fields to the
invaders, a measure which defeated the expedition. Neverthcless, the Spaniards
1JThe name
is variously rendered Dabaybe, Dabaibe, Davaivc, Daibaba, Abibe, Abibeja, and
d’abaibe. ‘ Auch der Rio Atrato wurde nicht selten Ilio Dabeyba
genannt. Das ‘ D’ im Anfang dieses Namens ist nur ciuc Abbreviatur von ‘de,’
und das Wort sollte wolil eigentlieli: d’Abaibe gesehrieben werdcn. ’ Kohl,
Beiden dltestcn lcarten, 125. ' Maps mark the region, Colon and Ribero,
dabaybe, at the southern extremity of the gulf, and De Lact gives the Montanas
de Abibe.
10 The Atrato discharges through several
ehannels, one of whieh was called the Rio del Darien; one tho Rio Grande de San
Juan; one the Rio de las Redes, from tho snares or nets fonnd there for taking
wild beasts; one the Rio Negro, from the eolor of its water. Often the
Spaniards had seonred these parts in search of food and gold.
secured, a short distance up the river, two canoe-loads of plunder,
valued at seven thousand pesos, but on reaching the gulf they were overturned
in a storm, and the boatmen drowned. Balboa then proceeded to the Rio San Juan
and joined Colmenares, after which the entire party ascended the Negro channel
for six leagues, and captured a town of five hundred houses, governed by a
cacique named Abenamechey, one of whose arms a Spaniard cruelly struck off
after he had been made prisoner. Leaving there half the men in charge of Colmenares,
with the remainder Balboa continued his ascent of the stream, until, on
entering a small branch, he found himself within the domain of Abibeiba, whose
people built their houses in the branches of palm trees, making the ascent by
ladders drawn up at night for safety. A supply of stones was kept in the houses
for artillery purposes. When they saw the Spaniards coming, the people ran like
squirrels for their houses, and drawing up after them the ladders, fancied themselves
in security.
Approaching the tree in which lived the chief, Balboa hailed him and
ordered him down. “What brings you hither to molest me?” demanded the chief.
“Go your way. I know you not as friends or foes. I have no gold. I desire only
to be left in peace.” The Spaniards answered by applying the axe to the tree,
and when the chief saw the chips fly, while his stone showers fell harmless
upon the mail-coated men below, he capitulated, and the village descended to
earth.
After further foraging and fighting with varied success, the governor
returned to Antigua, leaving Bartolom^ Hurtado with thirty-one men in
possession of the country. Of these more than half fell sick, and Hurtado
incautiously despatched them for Antigua with twenty-four captives in charge.
They had not proceeded more than three leagues before Cemaco was upon them with
one hundred warriors; and of the Spaniards only two escaped to carry the news
to
Hurtado, who hastened to Antigua with the further intelligence that five
caciques, namely, Abibeiba of the high-tree house, Abernemechy of the severed
arm, Dabaiba of the golden temple, Abraiba and Cemaco of Darien, had
confederated with five thousand men to exterminate the Spaniards. The rumor was
lightly regarded until Vasco Nunez was informed by one of his mistresses, Fulvia
he called her, that her brother had notified her to withdraw from the town on a
certain night, so that she might not fall in the massacre intended. Love
overruling duty, Fulvia thus divulged the secret. She saved the settlement, but
she lost her country.
Poor heart of woman touched with love! Vasco Nunez induced Fulvia to lure
thither her brother, who thereupon was seized and forced to confess the plot.
Furthermore, he told Balboa that then at work in his fields were forty men long
pledged to assassinate him, but as he had always appeared before them armed and
armored, and on a caparisoned horse, which was their greatest terror, they had
feared to attack him. The rendezvous of the conspirators was Tichirf, not far
distant. With seventy men, by a circuitous route, Balboa marched on the
encampment, while Colmenares with an equal force ascended the river in canoes,
guided by the traitress Fulvia’s traitorous brother. Attacked thus unexpectedly
from opposite sides, the confederates were thrown into confusion; many Avere
killed and many taken prisoners. The chief general was honored by being shot to
death with arrows, while the others were hanged. Cemaco escaped. So sudden and
bold and severe was this blow, that, Avhile Antigua existed, the savages never
recovered from it, and the wooden fortress which Balboa immediately built as a
guard against future surprise was scarcely necessary.
The natives being thus pacified, the Spaniards were at liberty to evolve
fresh projects. Gold and grain in the vicinity of Antigua were well-nigh
exhausted,
Hist. Cen. Am., Vol. I. 23
and new fields must be found. The time for Valdivia’s return had
elapsed; and doubts respecting the. integrity of the regidor were entertained
by Vasco Nunez, with fears for the safety of his treasure. Unable to endure
the suspense he resolved on visiting Spain and pleading his own cause before
the king. But the colony demurred, friends declared his presence necessary,
while enemies saw danger in his absence. It was finally arranged that
Colmenares and Caicedo, both worthy men who had been faithful to Nicuesa as
long as Nicuesa had been faithful to himself, arid faithful to Vasco Nunez,
should take the only remaining vessel fit for service and embark for Spain in
the general interests of the colony. The reasoning by which the mistrustful
populace arrived at this agreement was, that if Balboa went he would secure all
the advantages to himself, or never return; while Colmenares, who left large
property in lands and laborers, and Caicedo, a genuine Spanish wife to whom he
was devotedly attached, would be sure to return.
Again the governor wrote Pasamonte soliciting his favor; not forgetting,
in addition to the king’s fifth, a valuable present in gold for the king’s
treasurer. The commissioners sailed from Darien in October, 1512, and reached
Spain the May following.
Meanwhile times at Antigua ran their varying course. At first nothing of
interest occurred; and such were the composite elements of this society that
inactivity invariably resulted in spontaneous combustion. Again it centred
round the ruling powers. “Who is this Vasco Nunez that he should lord it over
us? a renegade! an absconding debtor! he of the cask!” The immediate cause of
the outbreak was the investiture of Hurtado, an unpopular person, with
authority; and the more specific charges were partiality in the division of
spoils, and the unlawful assumption of powers pertaining to a royally appointed
ruler.
The new faction was led by one Alonso Perez de la Rua, who for fancied
insult pawed the earth and bellowed vengeance. The agitation becoming troublesome
Perez was arrested and placed in confinement. The insurgents rushed to arms and
demanded the release of their leader, and this being denied they prepared to
rescue him by force. The governor placed himself at the head of his adherents,
and the two parties prepared for battle. At this juncture peaceful measures
were interposed by a third party, consisting of those who had taken no active
part in the disputes, and embracing many respectable colonists. Perez was
released; but the gnawings of hate continuing he roused his party and made
prisoner Hurtado, who in his turn was given liberty at the hands of the
conciliators.
Chivalry having had its brief day, avarice came in for a share of public
attention. Among the yet undivided plunder was gold obtained in the late Atrato
River raids, equivalent in value to ten thousand Castellanos. Of this the
disaffected demanded immediate division.
The governor well knew that in their present mood it was beyond the power
of man to satisfy them. Though omniscient justice distributed this treasure,
new troubles would grow out of it. He determined therefore to adopt a
non-committal policy, retire from the scene, and freely give them the
opportunity, for which they were so ready, to shed blood. Quitting the town at
night, ostensibly on a hunting tour, he remained away for several days,
leaving them to their destruction. The result was as he had anticipated.
Finding themselves free the rioters elevated to the command Perez of the
wounded honor, and Bachiller Corral. Then breaking into the public
plunder-house, they brought out the gold and placed it in the hands of their
leaders for distribution. Proof that the division was fair lay in the fact that
every one was dissatisfied. Each, rating his own services superior to most and
inferior to none, thought he received too little and
another too much. They began to suspect their mistake. A dim perception
of' the infelicities that mix with the rapturous sweets of governing entered
their stolid brains. Balboa’s party quickly assumed the ascendency, and
thrusting the ringleaders of the insurgents into prison they awaited the
return of the governor.
“Your highness must know,” writes Vasco Nunez of this affair to the king,
January 20,1513, “that some days ago little differences occurred here, because
the alcaldes, filled with envy and falsehood, attempted to arrest me. Failing
in this they brought against me false accusations and false witnesses. Hereof I
complain to your highness, for if these men go unpunished, no governor that
your highness may hereafter send will be free from this evil. That your
highness may know the truth in the matter, and of my great and loyal services
in these parts of the Indies and Tierra Firme, I have appointed two judges to
investigate my conduct, and report to your majesty all that I have done. I
hope,” concludes the modest, cavalier, “that your majesty will read all this,
and reward my great services according to their value.”
About this time there arrived at Antigua two vessels, in command of
Crist6bal Serrano, sent by Diego Colon, with one hundred and fifty men and
provisions for the colony. But what gave Vasco Nunez the greatest joy was a
royal commission, signed by Pasamonte, the treasurer, investing him with the
supreme command of the colony. Thus established in authority, and being of a
generous temper, the governor at the solicitations of their friends readily
pardoned the rebels and set them at liberty.
Another communication, however, which Vasco Nunez received by this
arrival, caused him no little anxiety. This was a letter from Zamudio informing
him of his failure to conciliate the royal favor. As
had been feared, the bachiller Enciso, burning under a sense of injuries,
had denounced the alcaldes before the Council of the Indies, and aroused the
king’s wrath by a recital of Nicuesa’s banishment and probable death. The
Council had decreed that Enciso should be indemnified, and that Vasco Nunez
should be summoned to court to answer graver charges. Moreover, Zamudio with
difficulty escaped the arrest imposed on him by the Council.
This was as wormwood in Balboa’s cup of joy. Yet it was not wholly
unexpected; it was not wholly unmerited. There was one redeeming feature about
it; the intelligence was private. He was still master of himself; ay, and
governor of the colony. Might not some signal service be made to cover his
transgressions, and win for him the royal favor? There was that mysterious sea
to the southward, reported by Panciaco. The very thing, were men and means at
hand for its achievement. Means! There was no time to talk of means; the next
arrival would bring a warrant for his arrest. Do it without means, and so gain
glory the more. Where was the true Spanish cavalier who would hesitate in such
an emergency? Why, the very danger itself was a fascination. He would do it or
die!
DISCOVERY OF THE
PACIFIC OCEAN.
1513.
Departure
of Vasco NuSez from Antigua—Careta’s Welcome—Difficulties to be
Encountered—Treacherous Character of the Country—Historical, Bloodhounds—Ponca
Reconciled—Capture of QuarequA—First View of the Pacific from the Heights of
Quare- quI—The Spaniards Descend to Cklapes—Take Formal Possession of the South
Sea—Form of Taking Possession—The Names South Sea and Pacific Ocean—Further
Discoveries—Perilous Canoe Voyage—Gold and Pearls in Profusion—Tumaco
Pacified—The Pearl Islands—The Return—Teoca’s Kindness—Ponca Murdered —Pocorosa
Paoified—Tubanama Vanquished—Gold, Gold, Gold— Panciaco’s
Congratulations—Arrival at Antigua.
Revolving
matters in his mind, plans quickly unfolded.
Winning for the project a few staunch friends, Vasco Nunez selected with great
care one hundred and ninety men.1 More could have been taken, but he had determined on a rapid march of
discovery rather than pacification and occupation. Hence he preferred only
tried men, those inured to fatigue, men resolute and reckless, with heart and
head hard, and sinews of steel. He also provided from among his captives and
the neighboring nations one thousand natives, to serve as warriors and beasts
of burden. These might live or die, as it should happen: no great matter what
became of them. A pack of bloodhounds completed the company.
The men were armed with crossbows, swords, arquebuses and targets, and
provisions for the expedition were placed on board a brigantine and ten large
1 Galvano says 290, which for him is quite
near the mark. Oviedo places the number at 800, which probably was intended to
include the natives afterward added.
canoes. Before embarking, the hazardous nature of the enterprise was made
known to the soldiers. Wealth and glory awaited success; the reward of failure,
death; opportunity was then offered for any one to withdraw without prejudice
or injury.
Sailing with his little armament from Antigua on the first day of
September, 1513, Vasco Nunez de Balboa followed the coast of Darien
north-westward to Careta’s province, where the expedition disembarked on the
fourth day. The chieftain’s dusky daughter, whom the governor continued to regard
with great affection, was still a bond of friendship between this nation and
the Spaniards. Careta added to their stock of provisions and furnished them
with guides; and some of his warriors joined the expedition, in the hope of
witnessing the downfall of their enemies beyond the mountains. The boats were
left in charge of a guard; and after invoking divine favor the expedition was
ready to move.
1 know the tendency of the
historian, warmed by his theme, to magnify merit, and the obstacles it overcomes;
and I have elsewhere said as much. While I endeavor to confine myself to the
plain words of a simple story, those who have sat at ease, sipping iced
champagne, during a delightful ride of three or four hours across this sometime
terrible neck, may find in this chapter expressions appearing strong. But I do
assure the reader that it is difficult to magnify in the present instance.
Vasco Nunez now stood on the northern coast, opposite the gulf of San Miguel,
which, breaking the shore of Panamd, Bay, narrows the isthmus of Darien to a
width of fifty miles.2 But
2 The Spaniards must have had quite
aeeurate information from the natives as to the trend of the southern coast,
though there was then little communication between the northern and southern
seaboards. But, without such know ledge, Balboa naturally would have undertaken
the ascent of the river Atrato, which flows direetly from the south, rather
than have sailed some distance to the north-west before attempting to cross.
The direct march to the gulf of San Miguel, from whieh eourse a deviation would
have almost doubled the distance, is another evidenee of his having obtained
the most reliable information before or during the march.
3 Enciso, Suma de Geographia, 57, calls
the country ‘tierra rasa y buena de muchos mitenimientos y capas.5
‘Experience had proved that moving a body of men sufficient to act as a
protecting force and to carry the necessary provisions was attended with great
risk and great delay. ’ Gisborne’s Survey of Darien, in London Geog. Soc.,
Jour., xxvii. 193. ‘Mr Hopkins was lately prevented by the Indians from
ascending the Chepo river towards Mandinga, or San Bias Bay; and Dr Cullen was
stopped likewise by the aborigines while endeavoring to ascend the Paya
river.... Climate and natives are at present the only serious impediments to a
regular survey. ’ Fitz-Roy’s Isth. Cent. Am., in London Geog. Soc., Jour., xx.
161. ‘ The Panama railroad, a most stupendous work, considering the excessively
swampy nature of the country over which it has been carried.5
Cullen’s Darien, 95. For obstacles overcome in surveying and constructing the
Panamd railway, see Otis’ Isthmus Panama, 15-36. The climate inclines ‘to the
wet extreme, for two thirds of the year, the Rains beginning in April. ’
Defence of the Scots Settlement at Darien, 64. On the Atrato ‘the trees
approach to the very edge of the stream, which their branches overhang. The
trees are frequently concealed by dense masses of vines which entirely envelope
them, and in certain lights present plays of color comparable only to those of
the richest velvet. .. . But like the plumes and velvet of the funeral pageant,
they serve but to conceal and adorn corruption. Behind them stretches, far
away, the pestiferous swamp, through the dreary wilds of which even the birds
refuse to sport; and whose silence is broken only by the sighing of the breeze,
or the sullen growl of the roving tiger. * Venomous reptiles often fall into
the boats from the branches overhead; wasps’ nests are frequent and
troublesome; natural levees of soft mud stretch along the banks. Floods are
common, and the houses are built on stilts. Trautunne, in Franklin Inst.,
Jour., xxvii. 220-4. In 1853, Carl Scherzer, a Germau naturalist, travelling in
Costa Pica with a civil engineer and a force of thirty-two men, attempted to
make a survey for a road from Angostura to Limon Bay; but on account of
scarcity of provisions, illness, and the difficulties of the route, they
failed in their purpose; and after having penetrated to within eight leagues of
their destination, they were obliged to return, having travelled only ten
leagues in two weeks. See Wagner and Scheirzer, Costa Rica, 358-407. In
December of the same year, a party under J. C. Prevost, of H. M. S. Virago, set
out with fourteen days’ provisions from the gulf of San Miguel for Caledonia
Bay, on the opposite side of the Isthmus. Their route was essentially that of
Yasco Nunez on his return. As he ascended the Sabana River, the attention of
Captain Prevost was attracted by the debris on the overhanging branches, which
marked the height of water attained during certain seasons. The dense foliage
was enlivened by birds of gay plumage; brilliant flowers carpeted the ground;
and the chattering monkeys, which they shot in great numbers, furnished the
guides food. The country even then was as wild as when traversed by Yasco
Nunez; the natives, however, had exchanged their wooden weapons for fire-arms.
Swamps and hills alternate, and ‘dense was the forest we had cut our way
through.’ The flora then changed, and ‘instead of the small underwood, we came
on almost impenetrable thickets of the prickly palm or aloe, rather more than
six feet in height, through which we with great difficulty cut our way.’ They
crossed ‘deep ravines, whose steep and slippery sides caused many a tumble. ’
The attempt was finally abandoned. Returning, on arriving at one of their
ranchos or encampments, where had been left three sailors to guard the
provisions, they found the men murdered and the camp sacked. ‘So toilsome was
our journey,’ says Captain Prevost, ‘that we spent fifteen days in performiug a
distance of little more than twenty-six miles, having to force our slow and
laborious path through forests that seemed to stretch from
Inaccessible forests filled with noxious reptiles and wild beasts,
tangled jungles through which man must cut his way foot by foot; rugged
mountains, slippery slopes, and rocky precipices, over and round which the
weary traveller threads his way under a blooming tropical canopy; frequent and
sudden rains and inundations; treacherous morasses, and the malarious exhalations
from putrid vegetation, unite with warlike savages to render this spot one of
the most difficult on the globe to explore. Add to these obstructions the
weight of heavy armor and cumbrous weapons, and some conception may be formed
of a military march through an equatorial wilderness.
No wonder Vasco Nunez scrutinized his company before starting. “I beg
your very royal Highness,” he had written before this to the king, “to give me
men from Espanola; for such as come from Castile are for my purpose worthless,
bringing loss not only on themselves but others.”4 Born amidst the clash of arms in chivalrous Spain, broken to adversity
at Espanola, and many of them toughened at Santa Marta, Veragua, and Antigua,
the present band mustered the survivors of daring expeditions whose bones
strewed the shores of Tierra Firme.
The Spaniards began their march on the 6th of September. The second day
brought them to the lands of Ponca, who having been warned of their approach
had retired from the path.5 But other thoughts than
the Pacific to the
Atlantie shores. The trees, of stupendous size, were matted with ereepers and
parasitical vines, whieh hung in festoons from tree to tree, forming an almost
impenetrable net-work, and obliging us to hew open a passage with our axes
every step we advanced.’ London Geog. Soc., Jovr xxiv. 249. Nothing eould more
aptly illustrate the difficulties surmounted by the Spaniards than this
narrative of failure, by a British officer of the nineteenth century, who
operated under conditions far more favorable than those so sueeessfully
overeome by a eompany of ill-aeeoutred and poorly fed adventurers more than
three hundred years before. "With tho material before me, these
illustrations could be greatly multiplied; but I have given enough to show that
the transit of the Isthmus, by a small party of Europeans, over an unknown or
unexplored route, is even to-day esteemed a desperate undertaking.
4 Carta dirigida
al Key por Vasco Nunez de Balboa de.sdc Santa Maria del Darien, in Navarrete,
Col. de Viages, iii. 368.
5 A strategy whieh continues through the
eenturies. ‘ The Indians, although offering no direct hostility, abandoned
their villages at our approach.’ Gisborne's Survey of Darien, London Geog.
SocJour., xxvii. 193.
those of plunder and petty warfare now filled the mind of Vasco Nunez;
and, preferring to leave no enemy in his rear, while resting in the cacique’s
comfortable quarters he made overtures of friendship to the chief, who
straightway returned from his hiding, and gave gold, together with valuable
information concerning the southern sea and the route thither in
Comagre
yO COEOSA
Ponca
Quarequa,
Teaochoan
Cocnra
return for beads, mirrors, hawk-bells, and axes. For none knew better
than the courteous governor how to kindle friendship in the savage breast, and
make it profitable. The gold which Ponca gave consisted of finely wrought
ornaments from beyond the mountains, and ten pounds of the metal from his own
mines. He described a certain summit from which this
southern sea might easily be seen, gave information of the nations to be
encountered by the Spaniards, and furnished them with guides for the secret
passes.
Roused by this encouragement, and leaving here the sick and wayworn, the
Spaniards were on their southward march again the 20th of September. Between
the several provinces were no beaten paths, across the rivers no bridges; so
great were the impediments to their progress, and so much more time was
consumed than had been anticipated, that food began to fail.
Making their way amid these difficulties, they came to the foot of the
high mountains where terminated their pacified territory, and where they must
prepare to dispute the way with native sovereigns of the soil. Ascending the
mountains, they encountered on the 24th a cacique named Porque, lord of the
province of Quarequd, the ruler of these parts, whose arrogance, fed by his
successes, had kept full pace with them. At the head of a thousand warriors,
Porque appeared before Vasco Nunez, demanded the object of his visit, and
threatened to kill every man who should put foot within his dominions. The
Spaniards nevertheless continued slowly to advance, keeping well together.
Amazed at their temerity, and indignant at the seeming indifference to his
threat, Porque swept down upon them with flourish of weapons and terrific
yells, confident of easy victory. But as well might he have spent his
unleavened force against the eternal hills.
Waiting until the whole swarm was well within reach, Vasco Nunez gave the
order to charge. Shouting the inspiriting war-cry, Santiago, y d ellos! the
Spaniards sprang upon them. The fire-arms were discharged, the bloodhounds®
let loose, and striking the
6 Among the clogs which accompanied the
expedition was one, the property of the commander, whose pedigree and physical
and metaphysical traits and mighty deeds are minutely recorded by contemporary
historians. His name was Leoncico, little lion, descendant of Becerrico, of the
Island of San Juan. He was in color red with black snout, of medium size and
extraordinary strength. In their foragings Leoncico counted as one man, and
drew captain’s
eruel steel into the naked bodies of the enemy, he was literally hewn in
pieces. Vainly, in wild confusion, the savages struggled to eseape; the flash
of fire, the thundering noise, the sulphurous smoke, bereft them of their
senses, making easy work for the sharp iron whieh entered unresisted their
vitals, until six hundred lay dead upon the ground, Porque among the number.
Many prisoners were taken; the survivors eseaped to the hills. In the village
of Quarequd, was found mueh needed food, and some gold. So toilsome had been
the mareh that eighteen days had passed sinee leaving Careta’s town. And here
Vaseo Nunez rested for the night, nursing his wounded, and eheering the siek
and down-hearted. The guides whom Ponea had furnished, and who had proved of
inealeulable serviee to the explorers, were dismissed to their home with
presents, and with hearts made glad by the destruction of Porque. So rolls
round the planet inexorable nature, detested death giving hourly joy to
universal life.
The 25th7 of September, 1513, a day ever memorable in the
annals of the Paeific States, dawned brightly over the sierra of Quarequd. The
village in which the Spaniards had made their quarters was situated on an
elevated plateau, and near it rose the reputed mountain whose summit had for
ages gazed
pay and share of spoils.
Upon these conditions his master frequently loaned him; and during the wars of
Darien he gained for Vasco Nunez more than one thousand pesos de oro. He was
considered more efficient than the best soldier, and the savages stood in the
greatest terror of him. He readily discriminated between wild and tame Indians.
When a captive was missing from the fields, and Leoneico was told, ‘ He is
gone; seek him! ’ the dog tracked the poor fugitive, and did not harm him if
he returned quietly, but if the Indian resisted, the dog would destroy him. The
hero of many a conflict, he was covered with wounds; but like Ceesar he escapcd
the wars to meet his death by treacherous hands. He was poisoned. See Oviedo,
iii. 9-10.
7 Again a general difference occurs in an
important date, and, according to my custom, I am governed by the authorities I
deem most reliable. Oviedo follows the expedition from day to day, noting
places and dates; and he says, iii. 10: ‘Yun martes, veynte6 cineodc
septiembredeaqucl auo dc mill
4 quinientos y tre^e, d las diez
horas del dia, ’ at 10 o’clock in the morning. So Gomara also writes, I fist.
Ind. ,77: ‘ Vio Valboa ala mar del Sur alos veynte y cinco del Sctiembre
del ano de treze;’ and Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 109: £ Llegaron d
la cumbre de las mds altas sierras d 25 dias de Setiembre de dicho
on the mysterious southern sea. At an early hour Vasco Nunez was astir,
to prepare with thrilling anticipations for the ascent. But sixty-seven, out of
the one hundred and ninety Spaniards who within the month had embarked upon
this enterprise at Antigua, possessed sufficient strength for the present
effort. Departing from the town, their way at first lay through a tangled
forest, which fringed the mountain base, and whose dense foliage hid from view
the more distant objects. As they mounted upward into a cooler, drier
atmosphere, the vegetation became more stunted, yet the undergrowth was still
so thick that the soldiers had to cut a passage with their sabres. Emerging at length into an open space near
ano de 1513;’ and Herrera, i. x. i.: ‘A veynte y einco de Setiembre, deste
auo, de donde la mar se pareeia.’ Careful writers following these first
authorities also name the day correetly, as Humboldt, Exam. Crit., i. 319, who says: ‘Vaseo Nunez de Balboa vit la Mer du Sud, le 25
septembre 1513, du haut de la Sierra de Quarequa;’ and Acosta, Compend. hist. Nueva Granada, 50: ‘ Esto pas6 el dia 25 de setiembre del ano de 1513 poeo antes de medio dia y forma una de las ^poeas notables en
el descubrimiento de la Am^riea;’ and Quintana, Vidas de Espanoles Cilebres,
* Balboa,’20: ‘25 de setiembre;’ and Chevalier, L’Isthme de Panama, 15:
‘ Le vingt-einquifeme jour, le 25 septembreand Campbell, Hist. Span. Am.,
23: ‘the 25th of Septembreand Helps, Span. Conq., i. 361: ‘25th
of September;’ etc. In the faee of which, Irving, Columbus, iii. 198,
shows gross carelessness when he writes ‘the 26th of September.’ To support him
he has Ramusio, who, Viaggi, iii. 29, falls into a mistake of Peter Martyr’s, ‘
alii ventisei adunque di Settem- bre,’ and DuPerier, Gen. Hist. Voy., 139,
and, to eopy his error, Dalton, Conq. Mex. and Peru, 43, and a host of
others. Not quite so often mentioned as Columbus’ voyages is this discovery of
Vasco Nunez, though nearly so. After Oviedo and Las Casas probably Peter Martyr
gives the best original aeeount. Herrera eopied from all before him. The
following popular accounts are most of them meagre and unreliable:—NouvellesAn.
des Voy., exlviii. 11-12; Goodrich’s Manupon the Sea, 201-8; Voyages,
New Col., i. 180-6; World Displayed, i. 153-9; Monson’s Tracts, in Churchill’s
Voy., iii. 372; Mcvrchy Labores, Marina Espanola, i. 413-59; Dufey, R6sum6Ilist.
Am., i. 75-86; Gottfriedt, NeweWelt, 239-41; Juarros, Guat., 122;
Montanus, NieuiceWeereld, 66-72; Ogilby’s A to. , 6972; Norman's Hist.
Gal., 10-11; Patton’s Hist. U.S., 11; Pirn’s Gate of Pacific, 99;
Hazlitt’s Gold Fields, 3; Roberts’ Nar. Voy.,xx.-, Isth. Panama, 5;
Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 17; Lallement, Geschichte, i. 25; Bidy?elVs
Panamd, 23-7; An- dagoya’s Nar., 19; Galvano’s Discov., 123-4; Cavanilles,
Hist. Espaha, v. 290-1; Greenhow’s Mem., 22; Famham’s Adv., 119;
F6dix, L’Origon, 67-8; Span. Emp. in Am., 23; Burney’s Discov. South
Sea, i. 8-9; Niles’ S. Am. and Mex., 14—15; Kerr’s Col. Voy., ii.
67-8; Colton’s Jour. Geog., no. 6, 84; Douglas’ Hist, and Pol., 44; Holmes’
Annals Am., i. 32-3; Inter-Oceanic Canal and Monroe Doet., 11;
Hesperian, ii. 27-33; Lardner’s Hist. Discov., ii. 40-1; Harper’s
Mag., xviii. 469-84; Macgregor’s Prog. Am., i. 10-11; Mofras,
L’Or&jon, i. 88-9; Ovalle, Hist. Ret. Civile, Pinkerton's Col., xiv. 142-4;
Mesa y Leompart, Hist. Am., i. 88-94; Mavor’s Am. Hist., xxiv. 52-5; Holinski,
Cat, 62-4; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 47-8; Morelli, Fasti Novi
Orbis, 15; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 20.
the summit, a bare eminence was pointed out by the guides, whence the
view was said to be unobstructed, and the sea distinctly visible.
Viewed prosaically, there was nothing astounding in ascending a hill and
taking a look at the ocean. It had been often done elsewhere; it had been often
done here. Nor was there any peculiar difference between sea and land here and
sea and land elsewhere. But there was that to the minds of the impetuous and
impressible Spaniards, there is that to our own minds, in first things and
first views of things, our first view, our country’s first awakening, that
stirs the soul and sets faster beating the heart. Reduced to words, the
sentiment is the pleasure the mind derives from improving surprises; it is the
joy of development, the ecstasy of evolution.
If such be commonly the case, how much more reason had Vasco Nunez de
Balboa to be impassioned on this occasion. Behind him was ignominy, perhaps
chains and death; before him was glory, immortal fame. And it was meet in him
that this ordinarily trivial act should be consummated with a cercmony becoming
to one of civilization’s great achievements.
Ordering a halt, Vasco Nunez advanced alone. His should be the first
European eye to behold what there was to behold, and that without peradventure.
With throbbing heart he mounted the topmost eminence which crowned these
sea-dividing hills. Then, as in the lifting of a veil, a scene of primeval
splendor burst on his enraptured gaze, such as might fill with joy an archangel
sent to explore a new creation. There it lay, that boundless unknown sea,
spread out before him, far as the eye could reach, in calm, majestic beauty,
glittering like liquid crystal in the morning sun. Beneath his feet, in
furrowed prospect, were terraces of living green, sportive with iridcsccnt
light and shade; waving plains and feathered steeps white- lined with flowing
waters, here dashing boisterously down the hill-side, yonder winding silent
through the
sighing foliage to the all-receiving sea. In that first illimitable
glance time stood back, the mists lifted, and eternity was there. What wonder
if to this Spanish cavalier, in that moment of triumphant joy, visions of the
mighty future appeared pictured on the cerulean heights, visions of populous
cities, of fleets and armies, of lands teeming with wealth and industry. And
to Spain should all these blessings and advantages accrue; to Spain through
him.
Dropping on his knees, he poured forth praise and thanksgiving to the
author of that glorious creation for the honor of its discovery. The soldiers
then pressed forward, gazed enchanted likewise, and likewise assumed the
attitude of prayer; for however devotedly these cavaliers served their devil,
they never ceased praying to their god.
“ There, my friends,” exclaimed Balboa, rising and pointing to the
prospect before him, “there is the realization of your hopes, the reward of
your labors. You are the first Christians to look upon that sea, or to tread
its luxuriant shores. The words of the chivalrous Panciaco concerning the
Southern Sea are more than verified; please God so may we find them regarding
the riches of its shore. All are yours, I say, yours the glory of laying this
celestial realm at your sovereign’s feet; yours the privilege of bringing to
the only vile thing in it the cleansing properties of our holy faith. Continue,
then, true to me, and I promise you honor and wealth to your fullest desire.” A
shout of approbation, such as the rabble are ever ready with before success,
was followed by pledges of fidelity and fair service, to be broken upon the
first occasion. And if we may believe old Peter Martyr, who enjoyed this
triumph of progress almost as much as the discoverers themselves, Hannibal from
the summit of the Alps, pointing to his soldiers the delicious fields of
Italy, displayed no grander conception of his high achievements, past and
future, than did Balboa at this moment. A cross was erected, round
which, stones were heaped; the trees were blazoned vvith the sovereign’s name;
the Te Deum laudamus, and Te Dominum confitemur were solemnly chanted by the
company; after which Balboa in a loud voice called on all present to witness
that he then and thereby, for and in the name of the sovereigns of Spain, took
possession of this Southern Sea, with all its islands and firm lands, and all
shores washed by its waters. The notary was ordered to draw up a certificate in
accordance, to which each present affixed his name.8
Because the strangers seemed to delight in it, the savages assisted in
the cross-raising and in carrying stones, though they saw nothing in the
surroundings to become so excited about. Meanwhile the Spaniards
8 The
testimonial with the sixty-seven names attached, as given by Oviedo, iii.
11-12, is as follows:—‘Dirii aqui qui^n fuer6n los que se hal- laron en este
descubrimiento con el capitan Vasco Nunez, porque fu£ scryi^io muy senalado, y
es passo muy notable para estas historias, pues que fueron los chripstianos que
primero vieron aquella mar, segund daba f<5c de ello Andres de
Valderr&bano, que alii se hall6, escribano real e natural de la villa de
Sanct Martin de Valdeiglesias, el qual testimonio yo vi <5 lei, y el mismo
escribano me lo ensen6. Y despues quando muri6 Vasco Nunez, muri6 aqueste con
<51, y tambien vinieron sus escripturas k mi poder y aquesta decia desta
manera:’ Los cavalleros & hidalgos y hombrcs de bien que se hallaron
en el descubrimiento de la mar del Sur, con el magiiifico y muy noble senor el
capitan Vasco Nunez de Balboa, gobemador por Sus Altepas en la Tierra Firme,
son los siguientes: ‘Primeramente el setior Vasco Nuiiez, y 61 fu6 el que
primero de todos vido aquella mar e la ensen6 & los infrascriptos. Andres
de Vera, clerigo; Franpisco Pi<jarro; Diego Albitez; Fabian Perez;
Bernardino de Morales; Diego de Texerina; Chripst6bal de Valdebuso; Bernardino
de Cienfuegos; Sebastian de Grijalba; Francisco de Avila; Johan de Espinosa;
Johaon de Velasco; Benito Buran; Andrgs de Molina; Antonio de Baracaldo; Pedro
de Escobar; Cliripst6bal Dapa; Francisco Pesado; Alonso de Guadalupe; Hernando
Muiioz; Hernando Hidalgo; Johan Rubio de Mal- partida; Alvaro de Bolanos;
Alonso Ruiz; Franpisco de Lufena; Martin Ruiz; Pasqual Rubio de Malpartida;
Franpisco Gonzalez de Guadalcama; Franpisco Martin; Pedro Martin de Palos;
Hernando Diaz; Andres Garcia deJaen; Luis Gutierrez; Alonso Sebastian; Johan
Vegines; Rodrigo Velasquez; Johan Camacho; Diego de Montehermoso; Johan
Matheos; Maestre Alonso de Sanctiago; Gregorio Pon<je; Francisco de la Tova;
Miguel Crespo; Miguel Sanchez; Martin Garpia; Chripst6bal de Robledo;
Chripst6bal de Leon, platero; Johan Martinez; Valdenebro; Johan de Beas Loro;
Johan Ferrol; Johan Gutierrez de Toledo; Johan de Portillo; Johan Garcia de
Jaen; Matheo Locano; Johan de Medellin; Alonso Martin, esturiano: Johan Gai'fia
Marinero ; Johan Gallego ; Francisco de Lentin, sipiliano; Johan del Puerto;
Franpisco de Arias; Pedro de Ordufia; Nuflo de Olano, de color negro; Pedro
Fernandez de Aroche.’ Andres de Valderrdbano, escribano de Sus AlteQas en la su
c6rte y en todos sus reynos & sciiorios, estuve pressente
ii doy f6e dello, & digo que
son por todos sessenta y siete liombres estos pri- meros chripstianos que
vieron la mar del Sur, con las quales yo me halM & ouento por uno dellos; y
este era de Sanct Martin de Valdeiglesias.
wondered how far the water extended, what nations inhabited its borders,
what the commerce and religion of those nations, and what would be the effect
of the discovery on Spain, on the world, on their own fortunes.
Descending the mountains on its seaward side they were met by a cacique,
called like his province, Chiapcs, who ordered them back if they sought not
death. The policy of Vasco Nunez here was peace. Hostile entanglements at this
juncture he knew would sooner or later result in the destruction of his party.
It must be a peace, however, based on fear and respect, seldom to be achieved
among savages except by slaughter. Overtures of friendship were accordingly
instituted by a sudden and vigorous onslaught with fire-arms, cross-bows, and
bloodhounds, during which Chiapes took to his heels, midst thunder, smoke, and
consternation; in consequence of which he was all the more happy when the men
of Quarequa sought him out, and told him that these supernatural visitors who
held the elements at their command were easily propitiated with gold.
Tremblingly he appeared and laid at the feet of Vasco Nunez five hundred pounds
of the metal, glad that the favor of the gods might be bought so cheaply. The
Quarequd guides were now dismissed with presents, and by them orders were sent
the Spaniards resting at their town to follow the advance party.
The object of Vasco Nunez was to approach the verge of the ocean and
touch the water he had seen. For this purpose he despatched, in different
directions, three parties of twelve men each, under Francisco Pizarro, Alonso
Martin de Bon Benito, and Juan de Escaray to search an opening to the seaside
through the dense foliage that concealed it. It is not a little singular that
two days should elapse, and that the explorers suffered severely for want of
water before any one could find the beach, though they were all the time so
near it.
Alonso Martin’s party came first to an inlet, on the shore of which were
two canoes, the open bay being still hidden. Desirous of being first in
something, however small, Martin sprang into one of the boats which was barely
floating on the incoming tide, and cried to his companions, who had thrown
themselves down under the cooling leaves—“I call on you all to witness that I
am the first Spaniard to sail upon these waters.” “And I the second,” exclaimed
another, rushing for the other boat.9 Returning to Chiapes, Martin
reported to Vasco Nunez, who immediately began preparations to take more formal
possession of the Southern Sea.
On the 29th of September, St Michael’s day, Vasco Nunez with twenty-six
men set out for the border of the sea, accompanied by Chiapes with a numerous
train. Arriving there they found the tide out, and seated themselves upon a
grassy slope beneath the overhanging foliage, waiting the return of the waters.
Presently, when the sand was covered to the depth of one or two feet, all
arose, and Vasco Nunez, armed and armored cap-a-pie, drew his sword and, taking
from the hand of an attendant a banner, on one side of which were pictured the
virgin and child and on the other the arms of Castile and Leon, marched into
the water, and waving aloft his banner cried in a loud voice: “Long live the
high and powerful monarchs Don Fernando and Doha Juana, sovereigns of Castile,
and of Leon, and of Aragon, in whose name, and for the royal crown of Castile,
I take and seize real and corporeal actual possession of these seas and lands,
and coasts and ports and islands of the south, with all thereto annexed; and
kingdoms and provinces which belong to them, or which may hereafter belong to
them, in whatever manner and by whatever right and title acquired, now existing
or which may exist, ancient and modern, in times past and present and to
9 Herrera calls the second Bias de
Atieni;a, but that name is not in Oviedo’s list. Irving refers to Herrera, but
fails to reproduce him correctly in his text. Compare Oviedo, iii. 11-12;
Herrera, i. x. ii.
come, without any contradiction. And if any other prince or captain,
Christian or infidel, of whatever lav/ or sect or condition he may be, pretends
any right to these lands and seas, I am ready and prepared to contradict him,
and to defend them in the names of the present and future sovereigns of
Castile, who are the lords paramount in these Indies, islands and firm land,
northern and southern, with their seas, as well in the arctic pole as in the
antarctic, on cither side of the equinoctial line, within or without the
tropics of cancer and capricorn, according to what more completely to their
majesties and their successors belongs and is due, for the whole and any part
thereof; as I protest in writing shall or may be more fully specified and
alleged on behalf of their royal patrimony; now and in all time while the earth
revolves, and until the universal judgment of all mankind.”10 To
which grandiloquent
10 The form of taking possession, or the
declaration of proprietary rights to the lands seized by Europeans, as we have
seen, differs with different discoverers, and with the same diseoverer at
different times. Sometimes mass was said; sometimes a cross was erected;
sometimes prayer was offered, of which the following is said to have been the
prescribed form used by Columbus, Vasco Nunez, CortJs, and Pizarro: Domine Deus
seterae et omnipotens, sacro tuo verbo ccelum, et terrain, et mare crefisti;
benedicatur et glorificetur nomen tuum, laudetur tua majestas, quce dignita est
per humilcm servum tuum, ut ejus sacrum nomen agnoscatur, et prcedieetur in hac
altera mundi parte. But always this seizure, whether by Spanish, English,
French, or Dutch, and by whatsoever other formalities attended, was accompanied
by a loud proclamation, before God and man, of the deed then and there consummated.
This proclamation was made with drawn sword, by the commander of the party
taking possession, and sometimes attended by the throwing of earth toward the
four cardinal points, as was common, and is now in Spanish America, in giving
judicial possession in granting lands, and planting the royal standard. All
present were called upon to witness the act, which was done for and in the name
of the sovereign authority recognized by the party. Then the notary, or, if
none were present, a clerk, or a person or persons appointed to act as such,
took down in writing what had been done, and cacli member of the party signed
it. Examples might be multiplied indefinite]}’. We have seen what Columbus did
in 011c or two instances, and how Vnseo Nunez conducted himself on the mountain
overlooking Panamjl Bay. That which I have just given in the text is a literal
translation of Balboas address to the four comers of the Pacifie Ocean as
reported by 0i'h<1o,
iii. 11-1*2. At the beginning the meaning of the
orator is elear enough, but toward the latter part he lapses into verbiage. It
is likely that he had in view, while taking possession of that sea or so much
of it as his sovereigns should at any future time please to claim, the papal
bull which divided the heathen world between Spain and Portugal, and a desire
to avoid all words and acts which might prejudice the Spanish elaim. A lengthy
aeeount is given of tlie taking possession of the province of Paque, on the
Paeifie shore of the Isthmus, west of Panamd, in 1519, by Pedrarias Ddvila. The
party was standing at
harangue there came no reply; no armed Poseidon appeared to dispute
possession; only the mighty ocean dashed from its face the blinding glare of
this new doctrine, heaved its bosom in long glassy swells, and gently growled
its perplexity to the sympathizing beach.
The followers of Vasco Nunez, however, even if all did not comprehend
better than the sea what their
the head
of an inlet, two notaries, a clergyman, several captains, soldiers, and seamen,
beside the commander, being present. First, Pedrarias ealled on the notaries
and all present to witness the acts he was about to perform. Then he took in
his right hand u, white silk flag, on which was represented the image of the
Virgin Mary, and holding it aloft all knelt; the trumpet sounded, and in loud
tones the eommander offered the following prayer: ‘ Oh! mother of God, quiet
the sea, and render us worthy of being and of moving under thy protoction. May
it please thee that under it we may discover these seas, and lands of the
southern sea; and convert the people thereof to onr holy Catholie faith.5
Following the prayer was a long Speech by Pedrarias, declaring possession
after the usual form, similar to that employed by Vasco Nunez, interspersed
with divers acts in consummation of what he said. He deelarcd the possession
previously taken renewed, especially the ‘possession vel casi of all the eoast
of the new land and of the southern sea, and of all the ports and inlets and
eoves and roadsteads being as I am, in
the name of their highnesses and as their lieutenant-general in the said eoast
of the said southern sea, from the stones of the rivers to the leaves of the
forests, eating the grass and drinking the waters, and razing, devastating, and
cutting the woods of the said coast, upon the said site and province of Paqne.5
As a token of possession and seizure thereof, civilly, naturally, and bodily,
he continued: ‘I raise this royal standard of the said Queen Dona Juana and
King Don Cdrlos, her son, our lords, which is of red damask having thereon
painted and stamped the royal arms of their highnesses the said kings, onr
lords;’ the trumpeters were then ordered to sound; after which, in conccrt with
Pedrarias, all said, ‘Castilla del Oro and Tierra Firme, and new land, and
southern sea, and coasts thereof, and island and islands, and all land and
provinces that may be therein, for the most high and most illustrious Queen
Dona Juana, onr lady, and the King Don Carlos, her son, our lord; and after
them for their succcssors to Castile. * ‘ All of which new lands and southern
sea and coast thereof and the whole Tierra Firme and kingdoms of Castilla del
Oro, and all thereunto annexed and appertaining, and all that has been or may
be hereafter discovered therein, is and must be of the royal crown of Castile,
and you must testify how I, Pedrarias Davila, in the name of the said kings,
our lords, and of their successors to the royal crown of Castile, cut trees,
and mow the grass in said land, and enter the water of the said southern sea,
corporeally and standing on my feet therein, and stamp the new land and waters
of the said southern sea. * Again the trumpets were sounded, aud again
Pedrarias reiterated in a loud voicc his claims; and he called upon the
notaries to witness as further proof of their possession that four ships had
been built and navigated on the southern sea. Another flourish of trumpets, and
by way of dox- ology three times repeated, ‘Viva la muy alta 6 mny poderosa
reyna dona Juana,5 etc., concluded the ceremony. Testimonio de un'acto de posesion que tom6 el Gobernador Pedrarias Davila,
in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 549-56. Although the custom
was universal from the beginning, Philip II. deemed best to decree, in 1568,
that all captains or others discovering any island or mainland should, on
landing, take possession in the king’s uame. liecop, de Indias, ii. 7.
leader had said, swore with loud acclamations to defend the elaim of the
sovereign who would thereby have so much more land to bestow, and to follow
their gallant leader to the riehes and honor he had so freely promised them.
Andres de Valderrabano, the notary of the expedition, was then ealled upon to
draw up a eertifieate of the aet of taking possession, to whieh all present
subscribed their names. This being the day of St Miehael,11 the arehangel,
the gulf before them was ealled El golfo de San Miguel, whieh name it bears to
this day. Tasting the water they found it salt, whieh proved it a true oeean
sea that they had found; then they eut erosses on the trees in honor of the
holy trinity, and with longings satisfied and hearts singing their high hopes,
the party returned to Chiapes, rieher, aeeording to their pretensions, by one
Paeifie Oeean,12 ten thousand
11 Colon gives g. de san migel; Agnese,
G. de S. migucll; Vaz Dourado, Scto migell; Mercator, S. Miguel;
Hondius, in Drake a World Encompassed, Michael; Ogilby's Am., G. S. Miguel;
Jacob Colom, G. del S. Miyiul; Jefferys, G. de St. Miguel, and emptying
into it R. Canty, R. Savanas, R. Congo.
12 It was not for some years after this
discovery that the name Pacific was applied to any part of the ocean; aud for a
long time after parts only of it were so termed, this part of it retained the
original name of South Sea, so called because it lay to the south of its
discovercr. The lettering of the early maps is here significant. All along from
this time to the middle of the seventeenth century, the larger part of the
Pacific was labeled Oceanus I adieus Orientalix, or Mar dd Sur, the
Atlantic, opposite the Isthmus, being called Mar del Norte. Sometimes
the reporters called the South Sea La Otra Mar, in contradistinction
to the Mare Oceanus of Juan de la Cosa, or the Oceanus Occidentalis*
of Ptolemy, as the Atlantic was then called. Indeed, the Atlantic was not
generally known by that name for some time yet. Schoner, in 1020, terms it, as
does Ptolemy in 1513, Oceanus Occidentalis; Grymeus, in 1532, Oceanus
Magnus; Apianus, appearing in the Cosmography of 1575, although thought to
Iiave been drawn in 1520, Mar Atlicum. Robert Thome, 15*27, in Hakluyt's
Voy., writes Oceanus Occiden.; Bordone, 152S, Mare Occidentale; Pto'emy,
1530, Occean Occidentalis; Ramusio, 15G5, Viaggi, iii. 455, off Central
America, Mar del Nort, and in the great ocean, both north and south, Mar
Ociano; Mercator, 15G9, north of the tropic of cancer, Ocean ins
Atlantic vs; Hondius, 1595, Mar del Nort; West-Inclische Spieghel, 10*24,
Mar del Nort; De Laet, 1G33, Mar del Norte; Jacob Colon, 1G63,
Mar dd Nort; Ogilby, 1G71, Oceanus Atlanticum, Mar del Norte, and
Ocemius sElhiopicus; Dampicr, 1G9D, the North or Atlantick Sea. The
Portuguese map of 1518, Munh-h A lias, iv., is the first upon which
I have seen a name applied to the Pacilic; and there it is given, as I have
elsewhere remarked, as Mar visto pelos Castd- I.anos, Sea seen by the
Spaniards. On the maps of Baptiste Agnese, Vallard tie Dieppe, Diego Iiomcm,
and others, is the name Mar del Sur, but the lettering i j small, and seems
applied only to the waters between Peru and Gua- tema.’a. We have noticed on
the globe of Martin Behaim, 1492, a multitude oi islands, scattered and in
groups, situated between the coast lines of western
islands, and twenty-five hundred leagues of eontinental seaboard.
The grand event being so happily consummated, the Spaniards thought that,
before returning to Antigua, they might indulge in a little plundering. Luekily
the powerful Chiapes was not only their friend, but he eould furnish them a
goodly list of enemies having an abundanee of gold and pearls. Under his
dircetion they erossed a large river, fell upon a ehieftain ealled Coeura, and
returned to Chiapes with six hundred and fifty pesos. Then they deeided to
explore an arm of the gulf, whieh involved a short but dangerous eanoe voyage.
In vain Chiapes protested against the projeet. “Our God will proteet us,”
replied the devout Vasco Nunez, as with eighty Spaniards, and a dusky band
under Chiapes, he stepped into the eanoes, the 17th of Oetober. Soon they found
themselves in a sea so tempestuous that they were glad to eseape upon an island
whose uneertain soil threatened every moment to dissolve beneath their feet.
There they remained up to their waists in water all that night. Fortunately
before morning the waters of the gulf
Europe and eastern
Asia. In that part of the globe where the north Pacific Ocean should be
represented, are the words Occtnius orientalis Indie. On the globe of Johann
Schoner, 1520, the two continents of America are represented with a strait
dividing them at the Isthmus. The great island of Zipangri, or Japan, lies about
midway between North America and Asia. North of this island, and in about the
same locality as on the globe of Behaiin, are the words Orientalis Occanus, and
to the same ocean south of the equator the words Occanus Orientalis Indieus are
applied. Diego Homem, in 1558, marks out upon his map a large body of water to
the north-west of Terrct de Florida, and west of Canada, and labels it Mare
leparamantium. Neither Maiollo nor Yaz Dourado gives a name to either ocean.
Colon and Ribero call the South Sea Mar del Svr. In Hakluyt's Voy. we find that
Robert Thorne, in 1527, wrote Mare A u at rale. Ptolemy, in 1530, places near
the Straits of Magellan Mare pacificum. Ramusio, 1565, Viaggi, iii. 455, off
Central America, places Mar del Sur, and off the Straits of Magellan, Mar
Oceano. Mercator placcs in his atlas of 1569 plainly, near the Straits of
Magellan, El Mar Pacijtco, and in the great sea off Central America Mar del
Zur. On the map of Hondius, about 1595, in Drake’s World Encompassed, the
general term Mare Pacificvm is applied to the Pacific Ocean, the words being in
large letters extending across the ocean opposite Central America, while under
it in smaller letters is Mar del Sur. This clearly restricts the name
South Sea to a narrow locality, even at this date. In Hondius’ Map, Purchas,
His Pilgrimes,
iv. 857, the south Pacific is called Mare
Pac'Jtcum, and the central Pacific Mar del Sur.
subsided, else the diseoverers of the Pacifie Ocean never would have
returned to tell their tale. Daybreak presented a dismal speetacle. Some of
the canoes were split, others embedded in the sand; and all the provisions and
clothing had been swept away. But to such hardships these men were inured.
Since leaving Spain they had lived ehiefly on maize bread, wild herbs, fruit,
roots, sometimes fish, seldom meat. This was their best diet. In times of
seareity, which were frequent, they were glad to get reptiles, insects, or
anything that would sustain life. They had no salt; and their only drink was
river water, frequently putrid and unwholesome. Yet while life lasted, the
brain worked inexhaustible resources. In the present emergency, for example,
when both sea and land proved treacherous, they by no means yielded to despair.
Stripping the glutinous bark from certain young trees which they found, they
bruised it with stones, added to it fibrous sea-plants reduced in like manner,
and, after binding their broken boats firmly with cords, they ealked the seams
with the mixture. Again they committed themselves to the mercy of the sea, and
after two days of hazardous navigation, half naked and half starved, they ran
into a small creek whieh flowed through a provinee ealled Chi- tarraga, and
landed about midnight near an Indian village governed by a eaeique named
Tumaeo.13
Carrying the village, though not without resistanee, Vasco Nunez, as
usual, sought the friendship of the fleeing Tumaeo, who was induced to return,
bringing gold valued at six hundred and fourteen pesos, and a basin of pearls,
two hundred and forty of whieh were of extraordinary size. This was indeed
something worthy of an oriental India, thought the Spaniards, as their hearts
daneed enraptured over the beautiful baubles. Tumaeo eould not understand what
power
13 In his Novus Orbis, i., De Laet inserts a
map on which he places Tumaeo to the north of Chiapes. North of Tumaeo is
Quareca. The northern cape of G. de S. Miguel he calls Pta de
Garachine. Debouching here is the R. de Cony os. See Goldschmidt''s Cartography
Pac. Coast, MS. ii. 5.
his gift possessed that it should so charm these heavenly strangers. To
him the oyster which he could eat was seemingly worth more than the pearl which
he could not eat; for in roasting the bivalve he had spoilt pearls enough to
make him rich in the ej^es of any potentate in Christendom. When once he knew
that pearls were wealth, Tumaco became eager to show the Spaniards how much he
had at his command, and set his men to fish; and in four days they returned
with twelve marks’ weight, or ninety- six ounces of pearls. Six Spaniards accompanied
them to see whence came the gems, and they showed the natives how to open
oysters without heat, which discolored the pearl. Likewise gold hereabout was
plentiful and lightly esteemed.
Vasco Nunez endeavored to gain all the information possible concerning
the nature and extent of the sea- coast. He was told by Tumaco that the ocean
and the mainland extended southward without end; that far distant in that
direction dwelt a great nation whose riches were immense, who navigated the
ocean in ships, and employed beasts of burden. In order tlie better to describe
these animals, Tumaco moulded in clay a figure of the llama, which seemed to
the eyes of the Spaniards a species of camel. “And this,” says Herrera, “was
the second intimation Vasco Nunez had of Peru, and of its wealth.” Nor did
Francisco Pizarro, who was present, fail to hold these things in remembrance.
Balboa now felt his mission accomplished. Had tlie new sea and its border
been made for him it could not have pleased him better. Columbus had found a
new continent; he had found a new sea; and wealth on this south side seemed
illimitable. But before returning he deemed it prudent to supplement his deed
of possession by the enactment of that ceremonial on the shore of the main
ocean, for his exploits had hitherto been confined to the gulf of San Miguel.
Applying to Tumaeo for the requisite means, an immense eanoe was
produced, the barge of state, with oarsmen, and oars inlaid with cdjofar, an
inferior kind of pearl; and Yaseo Nunez ealled on the notary to write it down,
that boats on this Southern Sea were propelled by oars inlaid with pearl, so
that his sovereigns might thereby place a greater value on it and on his own
great services.
In pursuance of this plan, on the 29th of Oetober, the Spaniards embarked
in Tumaco’s barge, and, proceeding to the shore of the main oeean, landed near
an island called by the natives Crucraga, but to whieh Vasoo Nunez gave the
name of San Simon. Here with banner and buckler, with drawn sword and high-
sounding deelamation, and amidst the lordly waves which had rolled their
unimpeded course from far beyond the ever lifting horizon, the vaunting
eavalier again affirmed ownership, swearing to defend he knew not what against
he knew not whom; but “herein,” aeeording to Herrera, “he used all the formalities
that could be imagined, for he was brave, subtle, diligent, and of a generous
temper, a commander fit for mighty enterprises.”
As they were about to depart, the men of Chitar- raga direeted the
attention of Balboa to a group of small low islands rising from the sea five
leagues distant. A powerful chieftain governed there, who, erossing to the
mainland, made fearful havoc among the seaboard villages; and would the
Spaniards please go and kill him, for at the largest island, Toe, were the most
beautiful pearls in all that region. The Spaniards would go and kill him, or
any other wealthy pearl-gatherer, if they only had the time, and a favorable
sea, but Vasco Nunez would not permit himself to be led away into further fascinations
on this visit. He nevertheless gave names to the islands, calling the largest
Isla Rica, and the group Islas de las Perlas,14
11 Colon and Ribero mark tlie group y: de
perlas and y:.ade plas; Vaz Dourado, I:, de perollas; IVes'-Indische
Spieghel, / Perles; De Laut, Ia5 de Perlas; Jacob Colom, I de
Perlas; Jefferys, I del Rey or Perlas, Toboga I.
or Pearl Islands, assuring Tumaco, meanwhile, that he would return some
day and avenge him liis injuries.
Once more back at Chitarraga, Vasco Nunez made ready his departure for
Antigua. He proposed to cross the mountains by a different route from that by
which he came. The sick and disabled he would leave with Chiapes, now the firm
friend of the Spaniards, who were to kill his enemies and not him. This chieftain
and a son of Tumaco asked permission to accompany the party as far as
Teaochoan, an adjoining province. Accordingly, on the 3d of November, they
embarked in canoes, and guided by the young cacique of Chitarraga, proceeded to
the upper end of the gulf and entered a large river,15 so inconstant
as to overflow its banks in places, narrowing elsewhere between rocky
confines, and rushing forward tumultuously under the overhanging foliage to the
sea. By and by the youthful chieftain brought the boats to land. Disembarking,
the Spaniards pacified the province in their usual way, the ruler, Teoca, chief
of Teaochoan, being glad to save his life by paying one hundred and sixty
ounces of gold and two hundred large pearls. Indeed, so effectually had Vasco
Nunez succeeded, by a judicious use of fire-arms and fair words, bloodhounds
and Christianity, in winning the affections of the South Sea savages, that in
taking leave of Chiapes and the Chitarraga youth at Teoca’s town, they wept. It
was indeed affecting; and soon Teoca, although the last to be robbed, caught
himself paying the strangers the same briny tribute of his esteem.
After three days of rest the party proceeded, and reaching the base of
the mountains they began to scale
Keipert in 1358 calls
the group Archlpielago de lets Perlas, and the largest, that whieh
Balboa ealled Isla Hiea, I. S. Miguel; others of the group he ealls I. St.
Elmo, I. Gcilerct, I. Pajaros, I. Ckaperct, I. Contradora, I. Pacheca, I.
Sabo</a, I. Bayoneta, I. Pedro Gonzales, and I. S. Jose. ‘Dadie Haupt-Insel mehrere guten Sehutz gewiihrende Ankerplatze hatte, so
wurde sie bald das Rendezvous und der Ausgangs-Punkt der Flotten, die vom Golfe
von Panama zur Entdeckung des Westens (Nicaragua) und des Sudens (Peru)
ausliefen. An eh wav ihre Anhohe stets f Lir alle von Panama auslaufenden
Flotten ein Merkzeichen zur Orientirung. * Kohl, Beiden
altesten harten, 104.
Sabana. iSee note 3,
this ehapter.
them. A supply of dried fish and maize, with men of burden and guides,
had been secured, and they were accompanied by Teoca’s son, who had
instructions to attend to all requirements of the strangers, and not to leave
them without the permission of their commander. It was well for the company
that they had a leader thoughtful and efficient; that instead of zealous
guides, and willing men to bear the burdens, there were not lurking foes or
treaclicrous friends with whom to deal—not one of them otherwise would have
reached Antigua. For, toiling up the steep ascent under a burning sun, they
soon found themselves without water, the springs upon which they had depended
having failed. One by one the men yielded their strength and threw themselves
upon the ground, victims of despair. Teoca’s son assisted and encouraged them,
and finally brought them all in safety to a cool, sequestered valley where were
life-restoring waters.
Was it their way of giving thanks for the late escape from death, now to
plan the death of others? While resting in the refreshing shade, Balboa asked
his guide about a certain Poncra, a hideous despot, as rich as he was
repulsive, of whom he had heard much. “We are now within his lands,” the j^oung
chief replied. “Over the brow of yonder hill is situated his village.” Then
was detailed a story of this man’s wickedness which sent a thrill of pleasing
horror to the heart of every Spaniard present. Instantly all Avas excitement;
and those so lately the readiest to faint were now the readiest to fight.
Marching forward they entered the village only to find the vulture flown. Finely
wrought gold to the value of three thousand pesos was found there to reconcile
them t > his absence. Scouts soon discovered his retreat, however, and
partly by threats and partly by promises of safety, this lump of deformity was
induced to give himself up with three of his principal men. No sooner was it
known that the hated Poncra was prisoner in the hands of the Spaniards, than
the neighboring
chieftains flocked in and begged his extermination. “Whence camc your
gold?” demanded Balboa of the unhappy man. “I know not,” replied Poncra. “My
forefathers left it me. We place no value on the unwrought metal.” Although
torture was applied, nothing further could be elicited. The bystanders clamored
loudly for his death, charging him with infamous crimes, revolting to humanity.
In an evil moment Vasco Nrniez yielded. The bloodhounds were let loose, and
loud acclamations rent the air as the quivering flesh was torn from the limbs
of the four unfortunate wretches, and they were made, as Ogilby says, “a Breakfast
to the Spanish Doggs.” Vasco Nunez de Balboa gained the approval of the crowd;
but throughout all time, wherever the name of the illustrious discoverer of
the Southern Sea is spoken, this infamous act of treachery shall stain it. The
praises of the savages, however, were profuse; “and there he remained thirty
days,” says Gomara, “receiving and ruling like a king.’’ And very prettily
Balboa commemorates his outrage by calling the place Todos Los Santos.
While resting here, the Spaniards were joined by the comrades who had
been left at Chiapes. Throughout all this region the strangers were treated as
invincible and superhuman. Passing through the domain of a chief named
Bononiama, they were not only received as friends, coming as they did from
Chiapes, but were presented with gold to the value of two thousand pesos, and
the chief accompanied them to P on era's village, that he might behold the
wonderful leader of these wonderful men. Poncra’s successor came forward in
answer to overtures of peace; and on the first of December the Spaniards
continued their journey, weighted down with spoils. Five days brought them to a
small depopulated town whose chief, Buquebuca, had fled because he had not the
means, he said, fitly to entertain such illustrious visitors. He was permitted
to purchase their favor by
delivering up the gold in his possession, including some finely -wrought
plates.
Following a path northward from Buquebuca’s they were hailed from a cliff
near by. “Our Xing Chioriso sends greeting, 0 mighty men! and presents this
offering, begging your assistance in vanquishing an enemy too powerful for
him.” The gift was certainly persuasive, being no less than thirty large gold
medals or plates worth fourteen thousand pesos. Balboa scarceljr
knew what to do, nevertheless he graciously received it, and sent in return
three axes, some gilt beads, and several pieces of leather and cloth, making
the recipient to his own thinking the richest potentate- in savagedom. Balboa
furthermore promised to assist him at some future time in his wars. The country
through which they were now passing was exceptionally rugged, and the men of
burden were quite exhausted when on the 13th of December they arrived at the
village of Pocorosa. Several of the soldiers had also fallen seriously ill from
fatigue, and it was accordingly decided to tarry here for thirty days. The
chief, as usual, had fled at their approach, but was brought back to purchase
friendship of the Spaniards with slaves and gold.
Pocorosa informed the Spaniards that not far from there10
lived the famous Tubanamd, of whom Pan- ciaco had spoken when first directing
the attention of the Spaniards to the South Sea. He was reputed the richest as
well as the strongest chieftain of these mountains, and was the terror of the
neighboring nations. Balboa felt it more than ever his duty to overthrow
Tubanama, kill some of his men, steal a few of his women, and relieve him of
his gold. But to do this he must have a thousand soldiers, so he
1GIt is
impossible from the rambling narratives which constitute the groundwork of
Central American history to locate with certainty these two villages. Thus of Pocorosa Vasco Nunez, in a letter to the king, says, ‘Estd un
cacique que se dice Comogre y otro que se dice Pocorosa, estan tan ccrca de la
mar el uno como el otra;’ and of Tubanama, ‘Ha se de liacer otra fucrza en las
ininas de Tubanama, cn la provincia de Comagre. * Carta por Vasco Nunez in
Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 3G6, 3G0.
had been told. Casting his eye over his little band of bruised and
wayworn men, he thought how one mistake might swallow all his past successes,
and sighed; then he slept on it, and when after a few dajTs’ rest
the question was adventured, enough were eager for the raid. The result was
that seventy Spaniards, and a squad of Pocorosa’s warriors, after a rapid
march, fell on Tubanamd about midnight and brought him away prisoner, Ogilby
says with eighty concubines. The men of Pocorosa, and chiefs of adjoining
tribes, began to revile him, and begged of Vasco Nunez his immediate death. He'
had done worse things than Poncra, they said, and had beside spoken ill of the
Spaniards, threatening to drag them to death by the hair of their head if ever
they came within his reach. Vasco Nunez pondered. For some time past he had
entertained a plan of establishing in this vicinity a military post for the
protection of commerce between the seas, and also of gold-mining. Was it
better to kill this chief as an enemy, or let him live as a friend, and assist
to keep the others friendly? He chose the latter course. But first he must
temper the proposed friendship by trial. ’“Infamous tyrant,” he thundered at
the trembling prisoner, “now shalt thou suffer for thine abominations. Thou
shalt be made to feel the power of the Christians, and the same doom which thou
before thy naked slaves didst promise them, shall now be meted thee.” He then
motioned the attendants as if to remove him for execution. The unhappy cacique
denied the accusations and begged for his life. Balboa apparently overcome by
his entreaties slowly relented, and finally ordered the captive released. The
overjoyed chieftain could not do enough for his deliverer. He stripped his
women of their ornaments, and, collecting all articles within his reach
fabricated of the coveted metal, presented the Spaniards with thirty marks of
gold, and his subjects soon brought in sixty marks more. Enjoining Tubanama to
gather gold, and ever
remain true to the Spaniards, Balboa returned in triumph to Pocorosa’s
town, with a long train of enslaved captives.
About this time Vasco Nunez fell side; and no wonder when we consider the
strain on mind and body during the past four months. First in ever}1-
action, bearing exposure and privation in common with the poorest soldier, with
the responsibility of the adventure resting wholly- on him, he was a fit
subject for fever. But his indomitable spirit never forsook him, and causing
himself to be carried on a litter he still directed movements, as they resumed
their march.
Weary, ragged, but exultant, the party at length reached the village of
Comagre. Panciaco was overjoyed to see them. The old chief was dead, and the
young man filled his father’s place. He could not do enough for Vasco Nunez,
for whom his affection seemed to grow in proportion as he was permitted to do
him service. Panciaco had given the strangers gold and slaves; he had
entertained them royally, had told them of the Southern Sea and the way to
reach it, all his words proving true. Now he was permitted to entertain and nurse
the emaciated Spaniards, and this he did with lavish generosity, watching Vasco
Nunez through his sickness with the affection of a brother. He was permitted to
give them more gold, and did so. The Spaniards graciously received these
benefits; and in return for obligations too vast for requital, the generous
cavalier, the chivalrous discoverer of the great South Sea, in imitation of
his royal master Ferdinand the Catholic, gave his friend and benefactor
baptism, a linen shirt, and some worthless trinkets! And his parting words were
“ Gather and send me more gold, Panciaco.”
It was the 14th of January that the party left Comagre. A short and easy
march brought them to Poncra’s village, where fortune wreathed in smiles still
attended the commander, now free from illness and loaded with gold. Vasco Nunez
here was met
by four Spaniards from Antigua who had come to report the arrival of two
vessels from Espanola with provisions and reinforcements. Leaving the greater
part of his eompany to follow at their leisure, Balboa with twenty men pressed
forward, and after a hearty greeting from Careta at his village, embarked in
the brigantine which there awaited him, and arrived the 19th of January, 1514.
His entry into the settlement was a triumph. All the people came to
welcome him, and he was eon- ducted to the public square midst loud acclaims.
And when he told them of his successes, of the wealth- bound sea, and the
treasures he had obtained, they were wild with exultation. Beside gold, to the
value of more than forty thousand pesos,17 the Spaniards had brought
eight hundred Indian slaves, and a large quantity of pearls, cotton cloth, and
Indian weapons. All the nations on the route, both in going and in coming, had
been subjugated without the loss of a battle and without the loss of a man.
Thus terminated one of the grandest and most successful achievements of the
Spaniards in the New World.
The remainder of the company soon arrived, and the spoils were thereupon
distributed in equitable allotments, wherein also those participated who had
remained at home. Beside the royal share, two hundred of the largest and most
beautiful pearls were set apart by Vasco Nunez and his companions as a present
for the king, and one of their number, Pedro^ de Arbolaneha, an intelligent man
and trusty friend of the governor, was chosen as envoy to proceed immediately
to Spain and proclaim this important discovery. By him Vasco Nunez sent the
sovereign a letter detailing his brilliant aehievement, and requesting the
royal appointment as governor of the region by
17 A hundred
thousand eastellanos, Gomara says. 1 Passo muchos trabajos y hambre, traxo sin las perlas,
mas de cicn mil eastellanos de buen oro, y esperan<?a, tornando alia, de
auer la mayor riqueza, que nuea los nacidos vieron, y eonesto cstaua tan vfano,
eomo animoso. *
Hist. Ind. 82.
him discovered, with the means to prosecute further adventures on that
coast. “And in all his long letter,” says Peter Martyr, “ there is not a
single leaf written which does not eontain thanks to Almighty God for delivery,
from perils, and preservation from many imminent dangers.” This letter was
dated at Antigua the 4th of March, and a few days after Arbolancha took his
departure.
Meanwhile Balboa was unremitting in his efforts to advance the prosperity
of the growing colony. Having so long suffered the miseries and inconvenience
of a meagre supply of food, particular attention was turned to agriculture.
Indian corn was produced in great quantities, and seeds of various kinds from
Spain were planted, yielding fruit in abundance. Society became more settled
and factions were at rest; for who could stand before Vaseo Xunez? Memories of
home bloomed anew. Oldtime amusements were again enjoyed; national holiday's
were regarded; and jousts and tournaments were held, if not with as rieh
display as formerly, yet with heartiness and merrymaking. Two' of the paeified
caciques became discontented and rebelled, but were soon quieted by a few men
under Diego Hurtado. Another captain, Andres Garabito, was sent to explore the
eountry for the shortest and best route between the seas. Peace everywhere
reigned; and with a profusion of food and gold already in store, with high
anticipations regarding the future; with wealth, and dominion, and honor, and
brilliant hopes, and multitudes of heathen for converts and slaves, ought not
these pious pirates to have been supremely happy?
Htbt. Oen. Am., Vol. I. 25
CHAPTER X.
1514-1515.
How the Discovery of a Southern Sea was Regarded in
Spain—The Enemies of Vasco NuSez at Court—Pedrarias DXvila Appointed
Governor—Departure from Spain and Arrival at Antigua—Arbo- lancha in
Spain—Pedrarias Persecutes Balboa—The King’s Requirement of the Indians—Juan de Ayora Sent to Plant a Line of
Fortresses between the Two Seas—Which
Work He Leaves for Wholesale Robbery—Bab.tolom£ Hurtado Sent to Bring in the
Plunder—Disastrous Attempts to Violate the Sepulchees of Cenu—Expedition of
Tello de Guzman to the South Sea—The
Site of Panama Discovered—The Golden Temple of Dabaiba Once More — Gaspar de
Morales and Francisco Pizarro Visit the South Sea.
In Spain the tidings of Balboa’s discovery created little less sensation
than had that of Columbus twenty- two years before. The hypothesis still
obtaining that America was eastern Asia, to what new manifestations was not
this Southern Sea to lead? Coupled with the belief was the concurrent testimony
of all the native peoples, that along its shores were wealth and industry,
gold, pearls, and civilization, hope-inspiring of replenished coffers to
Ferdinand, and to zealous churchmen of increase of souls. At last, said the
wise men, the opulent kingdoms of the eastern Indies which have so long eluded
our grasp are opened to us.
Unfortunately for Vasco Nunez, success came late; for prior to the
arrival of his messenger in Spain there had been laid a train of events which
threatened his ruin. Fanned to a yet redder reality by the argumentative winds
of the Atlantic, Enciso’s wrath glowed
(386)
hot as he pictured to the king in only too truthful colors the quality of
justice administered in his name to his subjects of Antigua. And the bachiller
became really happy as he rolled the story of Nicuesa’s wrongs, a sweet morsel,
under his tongue, to the utter demolition of his enemies. Zamudio and Vasco
Nunez were condemned, as we have seen, and the king determined to send out a
new governor who should investigate and punish.
Out of the many applying was chosen a gentleman of Arias in Segovia,
Pedro Arias de Avila, called by Spanish contemporaries Pedrarias, and by
English historians Davila. He was large of frame, pronounced in mind and
temper, and coarse-grained throughout, the grizzled hair surrounding his dark
features like the unsubstantial light of the religion that environed his
swarthy soul. Whence it would appear that he was elderly for so rude a mission,
which was true; but being an officer in good repute, well born and highly
connected,1 and with no lack of fire and stubbornness remaining:,
his age was not reckoned so much against
^ O7 #
O O
him. The nicknames El Galan and El Justador were significant of a gay and
courtly youth, as that of Furor Domini, given him by the monks of the New
World, was of a virulent old age. He was rich, at least his friends were, so
that money was at his command. Fonseca favored the appointment—a habit the
bishop had of looking kindly on those whose petitions were backed by gold. And
so Ferdinand made him governor and captain-general of Castilla del Oro, which
was now ordered to be called Castilla Aurifica.2
Several causes united to favor Pedrarias at this
1 Aeeording to Oviedo, iii. 4, ‘ hermano de Johan Arias
D&vila, que despues fnc el primero eonde de Punoenrostro. ’
1 Though it was never popularly so
designated. ‘ Gobcmar <-t Castilla del Oro en la Tierre Firme,’ write the
ehronielers; but in his instructions the king says, Xavarrete, Col. de Viages,
iii. 343, ‘e agora la mandamos llamar Cast'Ha A urifia. ’ Oviedo, iii. 4, gives Pedrarias a broad domain, from Cape de la Vela to
Veragua, and from ocean to ocean; ‘senalandolc por gobemapion desde cl Calx>
de la Vela hasta Veragua, y desdc estos limites, que son cn la eosta del Xorte,
eorriendo la tierra adentro hd^ia la parte austral, todo aquello que oviesse de
mar a mar, con las islas que en ello coneurriessen. ’
juncture. The arrival at court of Caicedo and Colmenares, commissioned
by the settlers of Antigua to report the rumors concerning a sea to the south,
and solicit aid for an expedition in that direction, renewed speculation and
inspired enthusiasm.3 The envoys were graciously received, and
presented by Bishop Fonseca to the king, who listened with attention to their
recitals. “ They often sojourned with me,” says old Peter Martyr, “and their
countenances declare the intemperateness of the air of Darien; for they are
yellow like those afflicted with the jaundice,” or as Oviedo expresses it, “as
yellow as the gold they went to seek,” “and also swollen,” continues the
former, “the cause whereof they ascribe to the hunger endured in times past.”
The air of mystery enfolding the region, no less than the gold displayed by
persons coming thence, threw over the enterprise a charm which brought to the
standard of Pedrarias hundreds of eager applicants. Then there was the sudden
breaking-up of the Italian expedition under Gonzalo de Cordoba. The French
victory at Ravenna, which threatened King Ferdinand’s Neapolitan possessions,
had roused the chivalry of Spain, and when the standard of the Gran Capitan was
raised at Seville, thither flocked youthful cavaliers and veteran soldiers
burning to enlist under the banner of so great a leader in so glorious a cause.
But the king, envious of the popularity of his general, in a fit of jealousy
countermanded the expedition, thus filling the streets of Seville with
purposeless men, many of whom had sold or pawned their birthright for. means to
procure an outfit, and who now preferred any adventure, however desperate,
rather than return in humiliation to their homes. Therefore they hailed with
rapture
3 c Caicedo and
Colmenares reached Spain in May, 1513; tlie date of Pedrarias ’ appointment is
July 27,1513, so that it is very probable, especially since Enciso and his
complaints reached the court of Spain before these deputies, that the
appointment of a governor was settled before they arrived.; Helps1
Span. Conq., i. 373. See Titulo de
Capitan general y Gobernador de la provincia del Castilla del Oro en el Darien,
expedido por el Rey-Catdlico d Pedrarias Davila, m Navarrete, Col. de
Viages, iii. 337.
this Xew World enterprise where gold as well as glory might be won.
Moreover, the success of Portugal in India, with which Spain’s in the west
compared unfavorably, and which had engendered both fear and envy, oiled the
wheels of government and unlocked the royal strong-box, so that the ducats of
Pedrarias were increased in number to fifty thousand, “an enormous sum in
those days,” as Quintana observes, “in the expenditure of which was manifest
the interest and importance attached to the enterprise.”4 Arms and
ammunition were drawn from the royal arsenal; and in placc of the heavy iron
armor which had proved oppressive in tropical latitudes, were substituted
wooden bucklers and coats of quilted cotton, proof sufficient against the
weapons of the natives. The fleet numbered about nineteen sail, with accommodations
for twelve hundred men. These were soon enrolled, while as many more offering
themselves had of ncccssity to be refused. Subsequently, by permission of the
Council of the Indies, the number was increased to fifteen hundred.5
Pedrarias was accompanied by his wife, Isabel de Bobadilla, an estimable
lady, niece to the Marchioness de Moya.6 The other members of his
family, consisting of four sons and four daughters, were left in Spain. Among
the officers were several nobles; and his followers consisted, as was usual in
these mad
1 The
Licenciado Zuazo, in a letter to M. Dc Xe vres, Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc.,
i. 304^32, places the cost of the outfit at 40,000 ducats; Las Casas, Hist.
Ind., iv. 138, at 54,000 ducats; ‘y lo que en aquel tiempo se hizo y
suplio con 54,000 ducados es cierto que hoy no sc supliera con 158,000
eastellanos. ’
Balboa in liis letter to the king, lGth October, 1515, implies that the cost
was
40,000 pesos de oro. Navarrete,
iii. 377.
“Herrera, i. x. vii., and Pascual de Andagoya, Relacion de. los sucexon
tie. Pedrarias
-Davila, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 393, say 1,500
men and nineteen ships; Gomara, HUi. Ind., 84, seventeen ships; Galvano,
Discov., 125, seven ships. Peter Martyr, iii. v., places the number of
ships at seventeen, with 1,200 men assigned; but affirms that surreptitiously
or otherwise 1,500 sailed, and 2,000 remained behind pensive and sighing who
gladly would have gone at their own cost. Oviedo, who, one would think, should
know, as he was of the number, testifies in one place, iii. 22, to twenty-two,
‘ naos 6 cara- bclas,’ and 2,000 men, and in another place, iv. 473, to
seventeen or eighteen.
‘Icazbalceta, in Die.
Univ., i. 429, says that she was cousin-german to the marchioness, who was a
great favorite with Queen Isabella.
migrations, of persons of every caste, not alone the young and naturally
thoughtless, but, if we may credit Peter Martyr, “no small number of covetous
old men” were of the company. They were mostly officials, cavaliers and
ecclesiastics, however, for governing, fighting, and soul-saving alone offered
attractions; and very few artisans, agriculturists, or colonists of value in
constructing a permanent and prosperous commonwealth. Under the new government
a young man from the schools of Salamanca, called the Licen- ciado Gaspar de
Espinosa, was appointed alcalde mayor; Bacliillcr Enciso, alguacil mayor;
Alonso de la Puente, treasurer; Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes, the
historian, veedor or inspector;7 Diego Marquez, contador, and Juan
de Tabira, factor. The fighting men were, first, the governor’s lieutenant,
Juan de Ayora, an hidalgo of C6rdova, and brother of the chronicler, Gonzalo de
Ayora. Next, captains of hundreds,
Luis Carrillo, Francisco Ddvila, Antonio Tello dc Guzman, Diego de Bustamante,
Gonzalo de Badajoz, Diego Albites, Contreras, Gamarra, Villa- fanc, Atienza,
Meneses, Gonzalo Fernandez de Llago, Francisco Companon, Francisco Vazquez
Coronado de Valdes, Juan de Zorita, Francisco Hernandez, Gaspar de Morales,
cousin of the governor, and a nephew of the governor, likewise named Pedrarias,
captain of artillery, and others. Several of
these names became notable, and wc shall meet them hereafter. Chief of the
spiritual army, under the title of Bishop of Darien,8 was Juan de
Quevcdo, the first prelate to come to Tierra Firme; and with him was a company
of Franciscan friars. Bernal Diaz del Castillo, then but little more than a youth,
afterward the chronicler of the Mexican conquest, came with
7Appointed to succeed Juan de Caicedo ‘que iba proveido en
el oficiode Vecdor dc las fundicioncs del oro dela Tierra Firme.’ Jos^Amador de
los Bios, Vida de Oviedo, in Oviedo, i. xxii. Caicedo died in
Seville before sailing. The duties of the office were to assay and stamp the
gold arid take charge of the king’s fifth. Oviedo was also escribano general or
chief notary of Tierra Finnc.
B Or as Oviedo, iii. 22, has it, ‘ con titulo de obispo dc
Sancta Maria dc la Antigua 6 de Castilla del Oro.’
the expedition, and also Pascual de Andagoya, Hernando de Soto,
discoverer of the Mississippi, Benal- cazar, who afterward conquered Quito, and
Diego de Almagro, one of the pacificators of Peru. It was, in truth, a
brilliant company. Juan Serrano was chief pilot, he who was subsequently killed
with Magellan, the discoverer of the strait that now bears that name.
Cemaco’s village, still bearing the name of Santa Maria de la Antigua del
Darien, was by royal ordinance raised to the title and dignity of a city, with
metropolitan prerogatives, ecclesiastical as well as civil. Lengthy
instructions were provided the governor by the Council of the Indies. He was
charged to see that his people were properly clad, comfortably but not
extravagantly; to prohibit the sale or use of cards and dice; to punish
murder,theft,and blasphemy; to tolerate no lawyer or any ecclcsiastical or
professional or unprofessional practitioner of the law in the colony;9
to take no important step without consulting the bishop and other royal
officials—an injudicious measure which broke society into factions; to render
justice quickly and in accordance with the laws of Spain; to be a bright and
shining light to the heathen in all truth and fair honesty; and, last of all,
by no means to forget the king’s share of the spoils taken in the exercise of
said virtues.10 The new governor was furthermore charged to strip
from Vasco Nunez de Balboa all semblance of authority, and to bring him to a
strict account for his misdeeds. The survivors of poor Nicuesa’s followers were
to be treated with special leniency, even to the remitting of the king’s
9Gonzalo
Fernandez writing from Santo Domingo the 25th of October, 1537, to the Council
of the Indies, Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., i. 522-0, says that this order
proved inoperative, ‘pues que los que lo habian de ejeeutar
lo disimulaban,’ since those who should have
executed it dissembled. Fora time, however, no lawyer was allowed to plead in
the Indies, the alcalde mayor speaking on both sides, and finally deciding
according to the evidence; ‘sentenciaba por aquel por quicn en el pleito habia
mejor liablado. ’
™ Instruction dada por el Hey d Pedrarias Davila para su viage d la pro -
vhicict de Castilla del Oro, que iba d j>oblar y pacificar con la gente que
llevaba, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 342-55; Las Casas, Hist. Gen., iv.
139-42; Herrera, ii. i. xiii.
fifth on their aeeumulations. All this, it will be remembered, was
before the diseovery of the South Sea beeame known in Spain; and that diseovery
remained still unrevealed when, on the 11th of April, 1514, after an
ostentatious review in the plaza of Seville, the fleet sailed away in grand
glee from San Luear.11 After touehing at
some of the islands for the purpose of eapturing Caribs for slaves, and also at
Santa Marta in order to aseertain the fate of eleven Spaniards said to have
been left there by Rodrigo de Colmenares, the armament reaehed Darien in
safety. Significant of the coming rule was an ineident whieh oeeurred during
one of the landings. A servant of Pedrarias, named San Martin, had failed in
respeet toward Ayora, the governor’s lieutenant, while ashore. Informed of it,
Pedrarias ordered Ayora to return immediately and hang the offender to the
first tree, whieh was done.12
Scarcely had the vessels of Pedrarias disappeared from the shore of
Spain, when the tardy envoy of Vasco Nunez arrived at court, and eraved
audienee of the king. Pedro de Arbolancha had unfortunately delayed his departure
from Darien for two months after the return of the South Sea diseoverers. On
this point of time turned the destinies of Vaseo Nunez and of the New World.
Pedrarias would scareely have been made governor; Pizarro would probably never
have beeome the conqueror of Peru, and Vasco Nunez might possibly have reaehed
Mexieo before Cortes.
11 Helps, Span. Conq., i. 385, and Irving,
iii. 230, say 12th April. Robertson, Hist. Ami. 207, stigmatizes Ferdinand for
elevating Pedrarias, and abasing Vasco Nunez; in which the learned historian is
wholly wrong. We who know the merits of Vasco Nunez may be disposed to excuse
his faults, but the king could not do otherwise, from a ruler’s standpoint,
than depose the unknown adventurer guilty of unlawful excesses.
12 Five or six months later Pedrarias
instituted formal proceedings to prove his insubordination. The people murmured
against that hasty justice, and attributed it to some former displeasure of the
governor against the man. Oviedo, iii. 25. Part of the vessels returned to
Spam; several of the old and worm-eaten were sunk in Urabd Gulf; one foundered
at sea, on the voyage back, the crew escaping to Espanola. Oviedo, iv. 471-3;
Herrera, ii. i. vii.; Andagoyoh Nar., 1-3; Ramusio, Vlaggi, iii. 208.
Arbolancka was conducted into the royal presence. He displayed his
treasures and told his tale. The sovereign’s heart was touched at the soldier’s
recital. Those pearls! They would make the darkest deeds resplendent in
righteousness. And that new Southern Sea! Surely it would wash away far deeper
stains than any which sullied the hands of its gallant discoverer. Oh! that
this man had sooner come; for then the many thousand ducats spent on old Pedrarias
might not have been out of their bos. What this costly armament was sent out to
do, a handful of roving Spaniards had done, under the leadership of a condemned
man, against whom the royal wrath up to this moment had burned. And in this
achieving there had been neither much bloodshed nor any cost to Spain; the
current formulas for securing possession had been observed, and even the king’s
fifth and the king’s present were not forgotten. In such performance there was
manifest no mean mind; any further thought for the punishment of so meritorious
a cavalier could not be entertained; and King Ferdinand resolved that Vasco
Nunez should not go unrewarded. So rides success triumphant, even sagacious
royalty bending its stiff neck before it.13
Meanwhile Pedrarias entered Urabd Gulf and anchored his fleet before
Antigua. Not knowing in what temper the redoubtable chieftain of the town might
receive a successor, Pedrarias despatched an officer to acquaint the colonists
with his presence, and with the nature of his commission. Landing, the messenger
asked of the first men he met for their leader. He was pointed where some
native workmen were thatching a small cottage under the direction of a man clad
in cotton jacket and drawers and pack-
13 It was a desperate game Vasco Nunez had
been playing; and although success np to this time had been varied, it was sure
in the end to be against him. According to the Licenciado Zuazo, al muy iluxtre
senor Monxieitr de Xevres, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., i. 312-13,
Pasamonte was guilty of double-dealing, now receiving Balboa’s presents and
writing the king in his favor, and at another time seconding the persistent
efforts of Enciso against him.
thread shoes. Now silk and brocade was the covering this petty officer
had provided himself withal to flaunt it in Italy, while this cotton-clad fellow
looked more like a common laborer than the governor of a Spanish colony.
Nevertheless the officer knew his duty and approached the man in cotton
respectfully. “I come from Don Pedrarias de Avila,” said he, “lately appointed
governor of Darien.”
It was sudden; like death, which, even when expected, seems abrupt. How
swiftly in his brain revolved probabilities and possibilities. With selfpossession
and courteous dignity, however, he answered presently: “Say to Don Pedrarias
that he is welcome to Antigua.”
Next day, which was the 30th of June, Pedrarias disembarked. The landing,
where he formed his brilliant retinue, preparatory to the entry into the
metropolis, was a league from the town. On one side the governor held by the
hand his wife, Dona Isabel, and on the other, arrayed in episcopal robes,
walked the bishop of Darien, while dignitaries, officers, cavaliers, and
adventurers followed in the line of march. Near Antigua they were met by the
sallow-faced colonists, who, though ragged, were rich both in experience and
in gold.
The two leaders met with great courtesy; Vasco Nunez was reverent,
Pedrarias gracious. Then all went forward to the town, the friars chanting
their Te Deum laudamus for delivery from ocean perils. Vasco Nunez conducted
Pedrarias and the officers to his own dwelling, while the remainder of the company
were distributed among the colonists. And soon a New World repast was spread
before the newcomers, consisting wholly of native products, maize bread,
esculent roots, fish, and fruit, and to drink water.
And now begins a game played by malevolent craft on one side, and
honorable frankness on the other,
which is unapproached by any of the New World trickeries and treacheries.
For whatever his faults, whatever the pitfalls his tumultuous destiny had
spread for him, Vasco Nunez was by nature singlehearted and chivalrous,
whereas Pedrarias Ddvila was almost satanic in jealousy and cold hatred.
Seeking an early interview, the latter assumes au air of friendship,
praises Vasco Nunez for his abilities, congratulates him on his successes, and
speaks of the high appreciation of the king. And as the object of both is only
the welfare of the colony, will he not kindly write down what he has done and
what he is just now intending to do? Thrown from his guard by this semblance of
sincerity, Vasco Nunez consents, and writes not only what will enable Pedrarias
to profit by his experience, but, as the governor hopes, to occasion his
overthrow. For the old man is not slow to perceive, on arriving at Antigua and
learning of the wonderful discovery, that he is now and must be in reality
second in these parts where so lately he was appointed first. Dropping the
mask, he institutes charges, and orders Vasco Nunez to stand trial for his
life.
As alcalde mayor, the investigation must be brought before the licentiate
Espinosa, and he, in conformity with royal instructions, had to be associated
with the bishop Quevedo. Though inexperienced, Espinosa is honest. As for the
prelate—does not the accused pray devoutly, and pay liberally? and does he not
send the good bishop gifts of slaves, and share with him several lucrative
enterprises ? Go to ! He of the cask is not so great a simpleton after all. He
forces even Dona Isabel to smile upon him. He is acquitted. The enraged
Pedrarias then hurls civil processes at him, until he is nearly ruined. Enciso
meanwhile manufactures fresh guilt relative to the affair of Nicuesa. It is of
no use; for the bishop fattens. Pedrarias now swears he will send the fellow to
Spain for trial. This does not suit
Quevedo. “What madness,” drawls the bishop, “to send a successful man to
court. Know you not that ere this all Europe is ringing his praises? Better
keep him within your grasp; become reconciled, then crush him under your protecting
wing.” Never is more diabolical mercy solicited for a friend. The governor
perceives more than the prelate intends, and immediately arrays his villainy in
friendship’s smiling garb.
Amid such profitless pastime, too often the chief occupation of rulers,
the so lately hilarious fifteen hundred were becoming hungry. The provisions
they had brought were exhausted. Looking at the five hundred old settlers, the
remnant of other fifteen hundred, the unseasoned opened speculation as to their
own similar contraction. And straightway they began to die; twenty a day, until
seven hundred were buried in their brocades. Sending under a strong guard some
provisions to a secret spot, at a distance from the town, Pedrarias repaired
thither and fed himself.
Immediate occupation alone could save the survivors. Taking advantage of
Balboa’s plans, Pedrarias determined to appropriate to himself the benefits of
his discovery. Luckily, on hearing of the late discovery, the king had written
to establish a line of posts from sea to sea,w to make settlements,
selecting therefor healthy sites, where was good water; also to build a town on
the shore of San Miguel Gulf, and three or four caravels likewise, giving them
in charge of skilful captains for the prosecution of new discoveries in that
direction. Accordingly, at once to plant the line of posts and circumvent any
efforts of Vasco Nunez in that direction, Juan de Ay ora with four hun-
11 Capitulo de
casta escrita -por el Rey-Catdlico & Pedrarias Ddvila, sobre los medios de
facilitar la comunicacion entre la costa del Darien y la- mar del sur, y que
para continuar en 61 los descubrimientos se hagan alii tres 6 cuaf.ro
carabelas,
iii Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 355-7.
dred men was despatehed aeross the mountains from Careta.
We have found Balboa’s poliey in his treatment of the natives severe
enough, but that whieh was now to be inaugurated makes his eonduct seem humane
in eomparison. Whatever harsh measures eireumstanees at times seemed to him to
render neeessary, the faet remains that on his return from the South Sea expedition
he left the nations friendly.15 In all their bloody paeifyings, probably not one of the New World
commanders so nearly observed the wishes of their Catholie majesties as Vasco
Nunez.
Among the rules respeeting the natives was one direeting how war should
be made, and in this faith and philosophy united to make lust and avarice
righteous. The formula drawn at an earlier date by a conclave of Spanish
jurists and divines, by which Nicuesa, Ojeda, and others were to take
possession of territories, was superseded by a Requirement of the Indians
furnished Pedrarias by his sovereign, a translation of which I give in full
below.10 This require-
15 Carta de Vasco Nunez, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages,
iii. 375. Oviedo enumerates the following chiefs with whom Balboa had made
peace: Careta, Ponca, Careca, Chiapes, Cuqnera, Juanaga, Bonanimana, Tecra,
Comagre, Poeorosa, Buquebuca, Chuyrica, Otoque, Chorita, Pacra, Thenoca, Tuban-
amd, Teaoca, Tamaca, Tamao and others. The Licenciado Zuazo
says, Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., i. 315, that Vasco Nunez with his
judicious policy had won over about thirty caciques.
10 From the most high and mighty Catholic
defender of the Church, always triumphant and never vanquished, the great King
Don Fernando, the fifth of that name, King of the Spains, of the two Sicilies,
and of Jerusalem, and of the Indies, isles and firm land of the ocean sea,
tamer of barbarous peoples; and from the very high and puissant lady, the Queen
Dofia Juana, his dearest and most beloved daughter, our sovereigns; I,
Pedrarias Davila, their servant, messenger, and captain, notify and make known
to you as best I can, that God, our Lord, one and triune, created the heavens
and the earth, and one man and one woman, from whom you and we and all mankind
were and are descended and procreated, and all those who shall come after ns.
But from the multitudes issuing out of that generation during the five thousand
and more years since the world was made, it became necessary that some should
go one way and some another, dispersing over many kingdoms and provinces, as in
one alone they could not sustain nor preserve themselves.
All these peoples
God, our Lord, gave in charge to one person, called Saint Peter, that he should
be prince, lord, and superior over all men in the world, whom all should obey,
and that he should be the head of all the human lineage, wheresoever man might
live or be, and of whatever law, sect, or belief; and to him is given the whole
world for his kingdom and lordship and jurisdiction. And although he was
ordered to place his chair in Rome, as the
most suitable spot
whenee to rule the world, yet was lie also permitted to be and plaee his ehair
in any other part of the world, and judge and govern all peoples, Christians,
and Moors, and Jews, and G-entiles, of whatever scet or belief they might be.
And him they ealled Pope, that is to say, Admirable, Supreme, Father, and
Keeper, because he is father and keeper of all men. And this Saint Peter was
obeyed and held in reverence as lord, and king, supreme in the universe, by
those who lived in that time, likewise others who after him were eleeted to the
pontificate were so esteemed, and so it has continued until now and will
eontinue to the end of the world.
One of the pontiffs
who suceeded as prince and lord of the world, to the ehair and dignity
aforesaid, made a donation of these isles and firm land of the ocean sea to the
said King and Queen, our sovereigns, and to their successors, with all therein
contained, as it appears in eertain writings made therefor, which you can see
if desirable. So that by virtue of said donation their highnesses are kings and
lords of these isles and firm land, and as such have been reeognized, and
obeyed, and Served by the inhabitants of almost all the islands to whom
notification has been made, who still obey and serve them as subjeets should;
and of their free will, without resistance, immediately, without delay, as soon
as informed of the aforesaid, they obeyed and recognized the learned men and
friars who were seut by their highuesses to preach and teach our holy Catholic
faith; doing this of their free and spontaneous will, without pressure or
condition of any kind; and they became Christians and are now, and their
highnesses received them gladly and benignantly, and ordered that they should
be treated in every respect as their own subjeets and vassals; and you are held
and obliged to do likewise. Therefore, as best I may, I pray and require you
well to understand what I have told you; to take the time which may be
necessary to comprehend it and to deliberate upon it; and to recognize the
Church as Supreme Mistress of the Universe, and the Supreme Pontiff, called
Pope, and the King and Queen in his plaee as mon- archs and supreme sovereigns
of these isles and firm land, by virtue of the donation aforesaid, and to
eonsent and allow these religious fathers to explain and preaeh to you as
aforesaid. If thus you do, you will do well, and do that which you arc held and
bound to do, and their highnesses, and I iu their name, will receive you with
all love and charity; and your wives, and children, and property will be freely
left to you without lien, that you may do with them and with yourselves,
whatever you may please. You will not be compelled to turn Christians, exeept
when informed of the truth you desire to be converted to our holy Catholie
faith, like almost all the inhabitants of the other isles. And besides this
their highnesses will grant you many privileges and exemptions, and do you many
favors. But if you do not thus, or maliciously delay to do it, I certify to you
that with the help of God I will invade your lands with a powerful force, and
will make war upon you in all parts, and in every manner in my power, and will
subject you to the yoke and obedience of the Church and their highnesses; and I
will take your persons, and those of your wives and children, and will make
them slaves, and as such will sell them and dispose of them as their highnesses
shall order; and I will take your property, and I will do you all possible harm
and evil, as to vassals who do not obey or recognize their lord, but who resist
and oppose him. And I protest that the deaths and damage whieh from such
conduct may result will be at your eharge and not at that of their highnesses,
nor at mine, nor at that of the gentlemen who come with me. And now to that
which I have said I require the notary here present to give me a certificate. Episeopus Palentinus, comes; F. Bemardus, Trinopolitanus episeopus;
F.Thomas de Ma- tienzo; F. Al. Bustillo, magister; Liceneiatus de Sanetiago; El
Doctor Palaeios Rubios; Liceneiatus de Sosa; Gregorius, lieenciatus. The
original in Oviedo,
iii. ‘28-9. To the astute Enciso belongs*the
honor of first reading this requeri
and diabolical enough, was mild and logical in its intention as compared
with the horrors attending its execution. In the instructions accompanying the
requertmiento, Pedrarias had been charged never to wage war unless the Indians
were the aggressors, nor until they had been summoned to obedicnce once, twice,
three times. This the governor told his lieutenant, but Pedrarias likewise
told Ayora to send him food and gold without delay. It was seldom difficult to
excite savages to acts of aggression, and as for reading to the natives the
requerimiento, as required by law, that might be done by the notary at his convenience,
but never so as to interfere with the advantages of a sudden surprise or
preliminary butchery. In a word, the requirement was no less void in practice
than absurd in theory.
The first action of Ayora was evidence of this. Ever since the union of
Vasco Nunez and Careta’s daughter, equivalent with the natives to a marriage,
the most friendly relations had existed between the Spaniards and Careta’s
people. Not only did the cacique present his respects in person to Pedrarias,
but many times he sent food to the famishing colonists. It seems incredible
that creatures in human form, to say nothing of European or Christian men,
should repay such kindness by sudden, unprovoked attack, such as surprising
peaceful villages by night, firing the
miento to
the savages in America. The place was the port of Cenil; and when the lawyer
had finished, the chief, whose name was Catarapa, and his people laughed at
him; these benighted barbarians laughed at the learned bachiller, and said that
the Pope must have been drunk when he did it, for he was giving what was not
his; and that the King who asked and took sueh a grant must be a erazy one,
sinee he asked for what was another’s. ‘Dixeron q el papa deuiera estar
borracho quado lo hizo; pues daualo q no era suyo, y q el rey q pedia &
tomaua tal mereed deuia ser algun loco pues pedia lo que era & otros. ’
Enciso, Suma de Geografia, 56. A eopy of this precious document was filed in
the CasadeContrataeion, at Seville. Memorial que did cl bachiller Enciso, in
Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., i. 442-7. Herrera, i. vii. xiv., gives the
text of the requerimiento made for Ojeda and others in 1508. Sec also Peed Cedulct, i nDoc. Ined., i. 111-2; Zamora y Coronado, Bib.
Leg. Ult., iii. 21-31; Juan y Ulloa, Voy., i. 114-20; Acosta, Hist. Compend.
Nueva Granada, 23-6, where is also given the text of Nicucsa’s requisition; Las
Casas, Hist. Ind.,
iv. 154-6; IIdps’ Span. Conq., i.
242; Carta dirigida al Rey por Vasco Nunez, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii.
375-86.
houses, and murdering some of the slumberers while taking captive others,
all being attended by wanton cruelty and pillage. Yet such was the fate of
Careta, Panciaco, and other friends and allies of Vasco Nunez. From the
accident of conquest, captives for slaves had become one of the objects of
conquest.
After this brilliant achievement at Careta, Ayora passed on to a small
port which he named Santa Cruz,17 where he planted the initial settlement of the line which was to extend
from sea to sea. Leaving there eighty men, he marched southward, robbing
171 follow
the Novus Orbis of De Laet, ■who plaees Pocorosa
and S. X. (Santa Cruz) north and west of Comagre; although Oviedo, iii. 37,
says, ‘ el puerto de San eta Cruz que es en tierra del oapique Comogre. ’ It is
often impossible to reeoneile the self-contradietions of a writer, to say
nothing of the eonflieting statements of the several ehronielers. Oviedo
usually places the native towns and provinces where most convenient for his
narrative.
and murdering as he went. “ The caciques were tortured to make them
disclose their gold,” writes Oviedo. “ Some they roasted, others they threw to
the dogs, others were hanged.”18
If not for the church, then for himself the good bishop of Darien was
interested in the spoils of God’s enemies everywhere. In Ayora’s maraudings he
had special interest; and no intelligence reaching Antigua for some time
concerning them, Quevedo suggested to Pedrarias that a messenger be sent to
ascertain his lieutenant’s progress. Bartolome Hurtado, once the friend of
Vasco Nunez, but anxious now before the new powers to wipe out that stain, was
accordingly sent to bring in the plunder.
On the wa}% to please Pedrarias, Hurtado sought to excel Ay ora in
rapine; but that was impossible. In returning with the plunder, however, he
stopped at Careta’s village and asked for men to carry burdens to Antigua, and
this was readily granted by the chief, anxious as he still was for the
friendship of the Spaniards. After honorably discharging his trust with regard
to Ayora ancl Pedrarias, in manner becoming a Christian and a cavalier, he
selected from Careta’s men six of the finest specimens and presented them as
slaves to the governor; to the worthy bishop he gave other six; and to Espinosa
four. After thus going the rounds among the high officials, the remainder were
branded and sold into slavery at public sale.19 Hurtado was forgiven his former humanity.
181 do not
know that it is neeessary here to catalogue Ayora’s erimes. One wbieh the
Lieenciado Zuazo mentions, Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., i. 315-16, if
sufficiently pluralized, will answer for all. Met one day, on approaching a
village, by natives bearing presents of venison, fowl and fish, wine and maize,
who thought the white tiba to be their friend, Vasco Nufiez, Ayora seized the
eacique and his ehief men, tortured them with fire and dogs until all their
gold was given up, and then burned them alive. ‘ This infernal hunt lasted several months,’ says Oviedo.
19 ‘ Loa quales
luego fueron vendidos en almoneda 6 herrados, c los mas dellos se saearon dc la
tierra por mar, 6 los llevaron & otras partes. ’ Oviedo,
iii. 39. ‘ Poi mandb ancora lui
altri Capitani per quella Costa, eome fu Bartolomeo Vrtado in Achla, e saltato
in terra, sotto eolore di pace, pigliu tutti glTndiani, ehe pote, e gli vend6
per isehiaui.’ Benzoni, Hist. NvovoMondo, 49.
Hist. Cen. Ail., Vol. I. 26
Entering the dominions of Tubanarna, Juan de Ayora planted there another
fortress which he left in charge of Meneses. But instead of continuing his
labors across the Isthmus, as ordered, he determined to give himself wholly up
to robbery, and escape the country before his offences should be fully known.
Following this plan he soon found himself overloaded with booty; and, leaving
his captains to overrun the land at pleasure, he returned with his captives,
gold, and provisions to Antigua. The gold, he said, must remain untouched, for
future division. The provisions were deposited with the governor, and the captives
distributed among the royal officers, who had been sent hither at the king’s
cost, to see among other things that the natives were not enslaved. Yet Ayora
was ill at ease. His dreams and meditations were not pleasant; he knew that
there must be a day of reckoning when his atrocities became known. The villain
determined to escape before the return of the captains. Making ready with his
men, he watched his opportunity, and seizing one of the ships lying at the
anchorage, not unknown to the governor however, as many think, he escaped with
his booty. Peter Martyr, while acknowledging a long acquaintance with Ayora,
says that “ in all the turmoyles and tragi call affayres of the Ocean, nothing
hath so muche displeased me, as the couetousnesse of this man, who hath so
disturbed the pacified minds of the Kinges.” And “if Juan de Ayora had been
punished for his many injuries to the peaceable caciques,” wrote Vasco Nunez
subsequently to the king, “ the other captains would not have dared to commit
like excesses.”20
The chronicles continue in about the same strain. Shortly after Ayora,
Francisco Becerra came in from the hunt with gold to the value of seven
thousand pesos
20 Carta al
Rcy, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 376. Oviedo states that
Pedrarias sent a ship after Ayora to Santo Domingo, but before it reached that
port Ayora had sailed for Spain, where, soon afterward, he died, leaving the
bishop, the alcalde mayor, and the governor responsible for his crimes. Even if
this were true, these functionaries may have winked at Ayora’s escap-3.
de oro, and with, over one hundred captives, by the judicious
distribution of which official inquiry was not only quieted, but Becerra obtained
a new commission. He was sent with one hundred and eighty men and throe pieces
of artillery to Cenu, to avenge the death of forty-eight men lost by Francisco
de Vallejo some time before. It was here that Encisco once attempted to violate
the native sepulchres in search of golden ornaments. Becerra went with the
determination to spare neither age nor sex; but, on landing, the party was
decoyed into ambush and every man of them slain by the poisoned arrows of the
enemy, a native servant-boy of Becerra alone escaping to carry the news to
Antigua. .
Since the whole region was in arms the eighty men at Santa Cruz found it
every day more difficult to sustain life by stealing. Wherever the savages
could catch them they repaid their cruelties in kind, cutting off the limbs
with sharp stones, or pouring melted gold down their throats, crying “Eat! Eat
gold, Christians! take your fill of gold !”21
Growing yet bolder, Pocorosa collected a large force and captured the
fort, five Spaniards only escaping to Antigua.22 Thus within six months after establishing Santa Cruz, not a vestige of
the settlement remained.
Antonio Tello de Guzman was sent with one hundred men to continue the
work abandoned by Ayora. Departing from Antigua early in November, 1515, he
21 Theodore
de Bry and Benzoni give graphic engravings of the cutting and roasting
"and eating of Spaniards. Says the latter, ‘Quegli, che pigliauano vini,
spetialmente il C'apitani, legategli le mani e i piedi, gcttatigli in terra,
colauano loro dell’oro in bocca, dicendo, mangia, mangia oro Cristiano. ’ Ih,t.
Nvovo Momlo, 49. Nor has Las Casas failed to improve the subject, as may be
seen in the curious illustrations and extreme denunciations of his Reyionvm
Inilicarum devantatorum, 18-22 et seq.
2- Herrera, ii. i. ii.; Peter Martyr,
iii. 6. Oviedo, iii. 40, asserts that Pan-
ciaco joined Pocorosa in the attack on Santa Cruz, and that not a single
Spaniard cscaped. Andagoya, in Nar. ,12, says that all were killed savo one
woman, whom Pocorosa kept several years as his wife. She was finally killed
through jealousy by an Indian woman who reported her to have been eaten by a
crocodile while bathing.
proceeded to the province of Tubanamri,23 and found the fortress, in command of Captain Meneses, besieged by the savages,
and the garrison reduced to the last extremity. The place was abandoned, and
Meneses marched southward with Guzman into the provinces of Chepo and Chepauri.
There they were met by several caciques combined to oppose them; but "the
savages were persuaded to think better of it. Chepo presented his visitors with
a large amount of gold and feasted them. While seated at dinner a young cacique
rushed in greatly excited and denounced the host as a usurper, who had
defrauded him of his inheritance. “ Reinstate me,” he urged, “ and I will give
you twice the gold Chepo has given.” The argument was irresistible. Chepo was
hanged; seven of his principal men were given to the dogs, and the adjudicators
received gold to the value of six thousand pesos. Then they went their way.
As they approached the seaboard they heard a place much spoken of which
the natives called Panamri,. It must be that gold or pearls were there, the
Spaniards thought; for how otherwise could any place be famous? On reaching it,
however, they were disappointed to find only a collection of fishermen’s huts,
the word panama, in the aboriginal tongue, signifying “a place where many fish
are taken.”24 Resting here with
part of his company, Tello de Guzman despatched Diego de Albites with eighty men
to the rich province of Chagre, ten leagues distant; and thjs captain plumes
23 Oviedo
calls this plaee Tamao.
• 24 This
was the site of old Panamd. Aboriginally fish in large quantities were dried
there. ‘ Que es provineia adonde los ayres son buenos quando
vienen dela mar, ’ says Herrera, ii. ii. x., ‘ y malos quando procede de
tierra. ’
In Purchas, His Pilgrimcs, iv, 883, is written, ‘ It might haue had a better
seate, and more wholesome, and to the purpose for the traffieke of the South
Sea, not going very farre from whenee the Citie now stands. ’ See Juan and
Ulloa, Voy., i. 99; Ileylyn’s Cosmog., 1085; Lloyd, in London Geog. Soc.,
Jour., i. 85; Findlay's Direct., i. 213; Griswold's Panama, 11; Viagcro Univ.,
xii. 303-30; Andagoya's Nar., 23. Ambiguously Gomara
writes, Hist. Ind., 254, ‘Deste golfo a Panama ay mas de einquenta, que
descubrio Gaspar de Morales Capitan de Pedrarias de Anila. ’ Still more
indefinite is Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 81, ‘ Questa prouincia di Panama
soleua essere habitata da molti popoli In- diani, e per tiitti quei siu mi
v’era abondanza d’oro; ma gli Spagnuoli hanno consumato ogni eosa. ’
himself, and we permit him in God’s name, that he did not murder the
sleepy savages when, roused at dead of night, they gazed with stolid
astonishment on their strange visitors, and promptly paid twelve hundred pesos
for the privilege to be left alive. Acquiring so much so easily, Albites deemed
it only proper to demand more, and handing another large sack to the cacique,
he told him to fill it with gold. “ I can fill your sack with stones from the
brook,” was the reply, “ but I cannot make gold, neither have I any more.”
Even for this the good Albites did not cast him to the dogs, but took his
departure for Pacora,25 where joined by Guzman the entire company
returned to Tubanamd.
Thus far the expedition of Tello de Guzman had been prosperous, and more
important than he himself imagined, for his was the first visit of Spaniards to
the site of the afterwards renowned city of Panamd,. Hence to Antigua, however,
the march was distressing. Elated by his success at Santa Cruz, Pocorosa
25 It may be
the same as Poncra; from the authorities it is impossible with certainty to
determine.
appeared at Tubanamd with an increased force. Hoisting as banners the
bloody raiment of slain Christians, the savages brandished their gory pennons
on every hillside, crying, “ Behold the fate of the accursed, who leave their
homes to mar the peace of unoffending nations.” All along down the mountain
and over the burning plain of Darien to the very threshold of Antigua, the
Spaniards fought a hidden foe, who never offered pitched battle, but so harassed
them that ofttimes they were on the point of throwing away their heavy plates
of gold, and lying down to die. from thirst, hunger, and exhaustion.
Nevertheless they arrived at Antigua with many slaves and much treasure.
All this time Vasco Nunez was left in the background; and while such
dastardly doings were in order it was as well for every honorable man to remain
unoccupied. It was hard, however, to remain idle; and in an evil moment, at the
earnest solicitations of the old comrades who had no confidence in any other
leader, he consented to take part in another expedition to Dabaiba, in search
of the gold and the golden temple there. It was a desperate undertaking, as the
former adventure had proved, but the colony was an Ixion’s wheel that kept the
government ever moving.
When two hundred men were ready, and the question of leadership arose,
Pedrarias named Luis Carrillo; but there were those who would not go except
under Vasco Nunez. Then it occurred to the governor to divide the leadership
in such a way that if the expedition proved successful his own captain should
have the credit, and if a failure, the blame should fall upon his enemy. And so
it was arranged, to the infinite disgust of Balboa, who plainly saw the
governor’s purpose, and would have declined could he have done so without
prejudice to his friends. Embarking in June, 1515, and ascending the Atrato
for some distance, the expedition was suddenly surrounded by hostile
canoes which darted simultaneously from beneath the foliage overhanging either
bank. The Spaniards were taken at a disadvantage; for beside attacking them
with wooden lances the savages, who were more expert upon the water than the
Spaniards, dived under and overturned their canoes, to the destruction of one
half the expedition. Among the lost was Luis Carrillo. The one hundred
survivors found their way back to Antigua with no small difficulty.
One might think that this would be enough of the golden temple for the
present. But not so. These men were not Castilians if danger and defeat acted
otherwise than as stimulants to new adventure. Furthermore, like the glories of
heaven which are magnified by the difficulties of their attainment, the
mysterious dominion so stubbornly defended must hold great treasure, and in the
inflamed minds of the Christians the savage pantheon of Dabaiba had risen into
a lofty edifice glittering with gold and gems, and situated in a region rich
and beautiful beyond comparison. And Juan de Tabira, the factor, was confident
he could capture it, as likewise was Juan de Birues the inspector. They would
build three light brigantine^; and with these, and a small fleet of canoes,
and, say one hundred and sixty men, bid defiance to the demon host of Dabaiba.
This they did, Tabira commanding. The cost fell heavy on the factor, but the
king’s chest helped him out, if Herrera speaks truly.
As hitherto, the invaders were attacked, but the savages were easily
beaten off. Not so the goddess of the golden temple, who sent such a flood as
uprooted trees, overturned the factor’s vessel, and drowned among others both
Tabira and Birues. Francisco Pizarro being of the party was asked to assume
command and continue up the river, but he declined, and further efforts in that
direction were abandoned.26
2C Peter
Martyr speaks of four attempts to gain tie golden temple. The
Rumors arriving from Spain of the recognition by the India Council of the
services and merits of Vasco Nunez, Pedrarias hastened to move men to the
southern seaboard, lest he should see his enemy placed in power there. For this
mission were chosen the governor’s cousin, Gaspar de Morales, and Francisco
Pizarro, to whom were given sixty men.27 They were told to cross the mountains by the shortest route, and, taking
possession of the Pearl Islands found and named by Vasco Nunez, to gather the
fruit thereof. The object of the Europeans in attacking the islanders was, of
course, to extend the boundaries of their enlightened, just, and humane
civilization, and bring the benighted heathen to a knowledge of the meek and
lowly Jesus. True, they might gather a little gold, or pick up such pearls as
fell in their way, for the laborer is worthy of his hire.
On reaching the seashore, Morales quartered half of his men, under
Penalosa, on a cacique named Tuti- bra, and the remainder on the neighboring
chieftain, Tunaca. Chiapes and Tumaco, still loyal to the Spaniards, joined
them there. Every requisite, food, boats, and men, was provided by the. savages
with alacrity, for they who should despoil their ancient enemy were welcome.
One day, just before dark, Morales and Pizarro with thirty Spaniards and a
large company of natives embarked in a fleet of canoes, but so boisterous was
the sea that they were unable to reach the islands before the next day. Landing
on one of the smaller islands and meeting but slight resistance, the invaders
passed over to Isla Rica, as it was called by Vasco Nunez, the largest of the
group, where dwelt the terrible king, who made the caciques of the mainland
first attained a
distance up the river of forty leagues, the second of fifty leagues, and the
third of eighty leagues. Again they crossed the river and proceeded by land, ‘
but oh! wonderful mischance, the unarmed and naked people always overcame the
armed and armored.’ Jacobo Alvarez Osorio, a friar of the priory of Darien,
spent many years in search of the province of Dabaiba.
21 Balboa says eighty.
Carta, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 530.
tremble, and who now, nothing daunted, came forward at the head of his
warriors and fought the strangers bravely. And notwithstanding Christian
gunpowder, steel, and bloodhounds heaping in lifeless masses before his eyes
his best and bravest, the stubborn king fought on as if he knew not how to
yield. Finally Chiapes and Tumaco spoke to him, and showed how vain resistance
was, how valuable the friendship of the strangers. Believing this, the island
monarch submitted, and brought the Spaniards to the spacious palaee, as the old
ehronielers ealled his house, and set before them a basket of large and lustrous
pearls on which their piety fed greedily. In return the king was made passing
rich by a present of a few cheap hand-mirrors, some hawk-bells and hatchets,
and exhibited almost as foolish a delight over his trinkets as did the
Europeans over theirs. “Commend me to the friendship of these gods,” eried the
king, as he sought his swarthy other self behind the mirror, and jingled the
hawk-bells, so much more beautiful than pearls, and tried the keen edge of his
hatchet on the skull of a slave standing by. Embracing Morales he led him to a
tower which crowned the dwelling, and eommanded a view of the isle- dotted
oeean on every side. “Behold,” he said, “the infinite sea extending beyond the
sunbeams; behold these islands on the right hand and on the left. All are mine;
all abound in pearls, whereof you shall have as many as desired if you continue
my friend.” He also spoke of the nations of the distant mainland whose mighty
power was evideneed by the ships which he had sometimes seen.
Morales readily promised eternal friendship, stipulating only that one
hundred marks of pearls should be annually paid the king of Castile, and to
this assented the king of Dites,28 as the natives called Isla Rica. In order, so far as possible, to render
insig-
28 Gomara, Hist. Ind., 84, gives the island
or the chieftain yet another name, ‘y diose buena mafia enla ysla de Terarequi
a resca,tar perlaa. ’ Oviedo, iii. 16, calls the island Toe.
nifieant the achievement of Vaseo Nunez, Morales had been instrueted to
take possession of the South Sea for the king of Spain in the name of
Pedrarias. This was now done. The name of Isla de Flores was substituted for
that of Isla Rica, and the holy rite of baptism was administered to the king,
who received the name Pedro Arias.29 •
The good fortune of Morales now forsook him. On returning to the mainland
he found that the eoun- try was in arms, owing to the excesses of Penalosa, who
was a relative of Isabel, wife of Pedrarias. The villain had repaid the
hospitality of Tutibrd, by outrages on his women, and the ehieftains had in
conse- ouenee confederated for the proteetion of their homes. In revenge for
this Morales spread fire and sword throughout that region. On one oecasion
eighteen caeiques, ealled to a friendly couneil, were treacherously seized and
given to the dogs; at another time seven hundred savages are said to have been
slain within an hour. But in burning the village of a caeique named Birti,30 on the eastern side of the gulf, the Spaniards were repulsed, and in
attempting to cross the mountains to Darien they lost their way, and after
considerable wandering and suffering found themselves back at the
starting-point. Again they essayed the transit, a handful of men amidst
infuriated hosts. In retaliation for night attaeks, and darts showered by day
from eliffs and thiekets, the Europeans strewed their path with murdered and
mutilated eaptives to the
29 'Writing the king, Vasco Nunez tells the
tale somewhat differently. * No sooner had they arrived at Isla Rica,5
he says, ‘than entering a village they captured all the Indians they could. The
cacique prepared for war, but retired for several days, during which time the
Christians burned half the houses with all the provisions. Afterward the
eacique peaceably returned with fifteen or sixteen marks of pearls and four
thousand pesos in gold. Then he took the Spaniards to the place where they
obtained the pearls, and made his people gather them, and remain at peace.
Notwithstanding all this the eaptain without conscience gave away as slaves all
the men and all the women whom he brought away from the Rich Island. ’ The
statement may be taken with allowance as from a man smarting under wrong; and
it is not a little amusing to see how suddenly tender becomes the conscience of
the ingenuous Vaseo, who never stole anything from the natives, or burned their
houses, or made them slaves!
30 Erroneously supposed by some to be the
origin of the word Peru.
number of one hundred, hoping to intimidate the enemy, who was only the
more maddened thereby. Thus, midst this bloody disturbance, which in ferocity
far exceeded anything of which wild beasts are capable, these ministers of
civilization and missionaries of Christ managed with great tribulation to reach
their settlement, still clinging to the gold and pearls.31
To Gaspar de Morales Vasco Nunez pays the same encomiums as to the other
captains of Pedrarias. “Be it known to your Majesty,” he writes, “that during
this excursion was perpetrated the greatest cruelty ever heard of in Arabian or
Christian country, in any generation. And this it is. This captain and the surviving
Christians while on their journey took nearly one hundred Indians of both
sexes, mostly women and children, fastened them with chains, and afterward
ordered them to be decapitated and scalped.” But “being cousin and servant of
the governor,” adds Oviedo, he suffers “neither pain nor punishment.”
31 Some of the pearls were of extraordinary
size and beauty. One, in particular, attained no small celebrity. It was
pear-shaped, one inch in length, and nine lines in its largest diameter. Vasco
Nunez describes it as weighing ‘ ten tomines ’—a tomin is about one third of a
drachm—‘ very perfect, without a scratch or stain and of a very pretty color
and lustre and make; which, in truth,’ artlessly intimating what would be his
course under the circumstances, ‘ is a jewel well worthy of presentation to
your Majesty, more particularly as coining from these parts. It was put up at
auction and sold for 1,200 pesos de oro to a merchant, and finally fell into
the hands of the governor.’' Oviedo, iii. 49, says it weighed 31 carats.
Subsequently it was presented through Dona Isabel to the queen, and was valued
in Spain at 4,000 ducats. Pedrarias is further charged with divers
misdemeanors. Carta del Adelantado Vasco Nufiez de Balboa, October 1G, 1515, in
Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 526, and Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii.
375; Ovalle, Ilist. Eel. Chile, in Pinkerton's Voy., xiv. 146-7.
1515-1517.
Gonzalo de Badajoz
Visits the South Sea—What He Sees at Nombbe de Dios—His Dealings with
Totonagua—And with Tatarache- rubi—Arrives at Nat!—The Spaniards Gather much
Gold—They Encounter the Redoubtable Paris—A Desperate Fight—Badajoz Loses his
Gold and Returns to Darien—Pedrarias on the Warpath—He Strikes Genu a Blow of
Revenge—Acla Founded—The Governor Returns III to Antigua—Expedition of Gaspar
de Espinosa to the South Sea—The Licentiate’s Ass—Robbery by Law—Espinosa’s
Relation—A Bloody-handed Priest—Espinosa at NatA—He Courts the Acquaintance op
Paris—Who Kills the Ambassadors—Hurtado Surveys the Southern Seaboard to Ni-
coya—PanailA Founded—An Aboriginal Tartarus—Return of Espinosa’s Expedition.
While these
expeditions were directed to the east side of Parian] d, Bay, other captains were equally active on the west side.
Gonzalo de Badajoz embarked at Antigua for the South Sea in March, 1515,
with one hundred and thirty men.1 Landing at Nombre de Dios, where no white man had touched since
Nicuesa’s departure, a dismal spectacle was there presented. The dismantled
fort stood surrounded by tenantless dwellings, whose walls were once the
silent witnesses of despair; while crosses, heaps of stone, and dead men’s
scattered bones, seemed to tell how restless were these adventurers even in
their last resting. The most impassive of all that callous company was struck
by a momentary shudder as he gazed on these ghastly
1 Peter Martyr, dec. iii. cap. x., says he
set out in May with 80 men, and was afterward joined by Mercado with 50 men. ■
portents of his own probable fate; and they would have turned baek on the
spot had not their leader hurried the ships away beyond their reaeh.
The versatile adventurer quiekly reeovers himself, however, and what is
more wonderful is the indifference with which sanguinary recitals often
repeated are soon reeeived. The homely adage that familiarity breeds eontempt
is nowhere more strikingly true than in our own intercourse with danger, pain,
and death. It is not altogether a Hibernieism to say that men get used to these
things, even to hanging. And when the oft-repeated disasters are distant, and
only the survivors with their prizes are present, the terrible tale makes
still less impression. That eolony after eolony in the New World oeeupation
should be swept away or divided by death, and divided yet again, ten times, or
twenty times cut in twain; or that expedition after expedition should return to
Antigua, leaving half or two thirds of its number rotting on the heated plain,
or scattered in the mountains furnishing food for earrion-birds, and yet new
eolo- nists continue to eome out, and new expeditions continue to be organized
by those willing to take the same even chanees of never returning, shows an
igno- ranee, or indifference, or both, to which fear of eon- sequences is as
inaccessible as ever was the feeling of love to Narcissus.
The mission of Badajoz was the usual one. He was to eross the Isthmus at
its narrowest part, take possession of the eountry, and gather in its
treasures. We all know what this implied. Were any but civilized Christians so
to do it would be called murder, robbery, treachery, violation, and the rest.
Totonagua was the first vietim on this oeeasion. His dominions were of
great extent and thiekly peopled, the village where he resided standing on the
mountains opposite Nombre de Dios. Surprised by night he surrendered gold to
the value of six thousand pesos. Tataraeherubi, a wealthy eacique on the
southern side, was similarly relieved of gold to the value of eight
thousand pesos. Seeing the Spaniards so deeply in love with gold, Tataracherubi
told them of a ehief named Nata, some distanee to the southwest, very rieh and
with few fighting men. Thirty men under Alonso Perez de la Rua were deemed
ample for the adventure, but after a night’s mareh the Spaniards found
themselves, as morning broke, in the midst of a cluster of villages belonging
to a numerous and warlike people. Retreat was impossible, and not a moment was
to be lost. Rushing for the prineipal village they seized the leading ea-
cique, Natd,2 and were masters
of the situation. For when the savages pressed them hard in the fight that
followed, and would have slain them all, they threatened Natd, with instant
death if he did not eause his men to lay down their arms. Nata obeyed. Presently
Badajoz joined Perez, and the ehief was released to colleet for his captors
gold in value to fifteen thousand eastellanos. After remaining at Natd two
months the eonquerors surprised the village of Es- eoria, ten leagues to the
southward, and secured gold3 to the value of nine
thousand pesos. Westward from Escoria lived Biruquete4 and a blind neighbor, who were relieved of
six thousand pesos worth of gold. In the vicinity were the villages of
Taraeuri, Pana- nome, Tabor, and Chiru, where the Spaniards obtained another
considerable quantity of gold.
Gronzalo de Badajoz was gathering a rieh harvest. Thus far his
aeeumulations reaehed eighty thousand castellanos, equivalent to more than half
a million of
2 On Mereator’s atlas there is a town and
river sotith-west from Panamd, named Naia. Hondius, Dampier, Jefferys, and De Laet
give Nata; West- Indiscke SpiegJiel, Nato ; Kicpcrt, Nata de los Caballeros,
and thenee eastward, Ii. Aguablanca, and opposite this river, I Chiru.
3 Nearly all the gold found here was
wrought into plates and various kinds of utensils.
i It is
groundless speculation on the part of Herrera to find in this word, as many do
in others, the origin of the term Pern. ‘ Y prosiguiendo
su deseubrimiento likzia el Ocidente, llegaron a la tierra del Cazique dicho
Birii- cjuete, de quien se dize que ha deriuado el nombre de Piru.5
Hist. Ind., ii.
i. xiv.
dollars at the present day. It was not a disagreeable way of making
money. It was quite honorable stealing in the eyes of civilization, though the
stupid savages never could wholly make out the right and wrong of it. In
addition to gold there were always women for baptism, lust, and slavery, and so
the Christians were happy.
Elated by their successes, the conquerors continued the good work. Not
far from Chini were the dominions of a cacique called by the Spaniards Parizao
Pa- riba, subsequently abbreviated into Paris.5 Advised of their approach Paris fled to the mountains with all his
people and treasure. Badajoz sent a message threatening to put the dogs upon
his track unless he returned. Paris returned word that he was exceedingly
occupied and hoped the Spanish captain would excuse his coming. He begged him,
however, to accept an accompanying gift from his women, and wished him a
prosperous journey out of the country. The gift so carelessly presented was
carried by four principal men in baskets made of the withes of palm- leaves and
lined with deerskins. In dimensions they were about one and a half by two feet,
and three inches in depth. The contents consisted of fabricated gold,
breast-plates, bracelets and ear-rings, valued, as the Spaniards affirmed, at
forty or fifty thousand Castellanos.
So much treasure so royally presented only excited their cupidity the
more. Thanking the savages, Badajoz retired with his men, but as soon as Paris
returned to the village, he surprised it at night and obtained as much more
gold as had already been sent. This greediness resulted in their ruin. Paris
sent out upon the road one of his principal men who
6 Paris was
an Indian provinee and gulf twelve leagues from Natd. Oviedo authorizes us to
write, Pariza or Parila. The large square peninsula which forms the western
bound to the gulf of Panama, is sometimes ealled by modem writers Parita, and
the gulf which euts into the peninsula Gulfo iin Parita. See Humboldt’s Atlas
of Kew Spain. Ribero gives (J. de Paris, Vaz Dourado, G:. de Paris naca and b:.
de Paris naqua; De Laet, t/ol/o de Parita, as well as the city Parita, south of
which is lubraua, and north, Escoria.
was instructed, when captured, to pass himself off as belonging to an
adjoining village, three leagues distant, and to say that it was well stocked
with gold. He was on his way to the river to fish, but would show them his
town. The strategy succeeded. Bada- joz sent a portion of the men under his
guidance to
brins- in the treasure. Meanwhile Paris had raised an army of
four thousand warriors, and the invaders being now divided, as had been
designed, he fiercely attacked and almost exterminated one part before the
other could join it. The Spaniards fought until
seventy of their number were slain, whereupon they abandoned the
treasure, cut their way through the savages, and fled to the territory of
Chame.6 Thence they crossed to an island occupied by Tabor, and
afterward to Taboga Island, where they remained for thirty days recruiting
their strength for the desperate attempt to reach Darien. This they finally
accomplished, but Perez de la Rua lost his life immediately on returning to
the mainland. Since they failed to bring home the gold of which their stories
were full, we may each of us believe them according to our faith.
The year 1515 was now drawing toward its close. It had been clouded with
more than one disaster, and Pedrarias was anything but pleased. Himself a
fighting man as well as civil officer, he determined to show his young captains
what an old man could do in the field; for whatever his general character, and
it was detestable enough, Pedrarias was not a coward. His first blow was to be
directed against the Cenii people, toward whom he had not felt kindly since the
slaughter of the two companies under Vallejo and Becerra. What right had these
savages to kill Spaniards? And yet were his purpose known of entering within
range of those poisoned arrows he would have few followers to the wars. An
expedition of three hundred men was therefore organized ostensibly against
Pocorosa, and with this he coasted westward until after night-fall, when he
ordered the pilots to turn back and make for Cenu, whose tristful shore the
next morning saw them close approaching. Anchoring, Hurtado was sent with two
hundred men to fire the village and do what killing was convenient. He managed
to cut in pieces a few women and children as they escaped the flames, and
secure some captives for slaves, but the poisoned arrows soon terminated
6 Town and province, beside being the name
of the first prominent point west of Panamd. Colon and Ribero have it, p de
Chame; Vaz Dourado writes it the same once, and again, p:. de Cane; Colom gives
P de Chane; De Laet, and others after him, Chame, with Otoque east of it.
Hist. Cen. Am., Vol. I. 27
the sport, and the expedition turned again toward the province of
Pocorosa.
The purpose of the governor was to found at least two posts of the line
ordained by the king, but which his captains had failed to establish. Pedrarias
resolved that the termini of the intended line on either ocean should be at
once selected and town- building begun. Coasting westward in search of a site
he came to a pleasant port, northward of Careta, beyond which extended a dry and
fertile plain with timber suitable for ship-building, and from which led a now
well-known route across the Isthmus. The natives called the place Acla,7 that is to say, ‘Bones of Men.’ There the governor began to build a
wooden fort with such enthusiasm as not only to direct the laborers, but to
assist them with his hands, until excess of zeal brought on a fever which
rendered it necessary for him to be carried bedridden to Antigua. Gabriel de
Rojas was left in command of the unfinished enterprise, and Gaspar de Espinosa
with a stout force was permitted to try the fortunes of war on that permanent
object of the spoiler, Pocorosa.
It seems that the youthful magistrate on finding his official duties
spiritless without the mellow growl and inane wit of pettifogger or pundit, had
laid aside the long-robe and buckled on the sword, this being in his opinion
the more significant emblem in the arbitra
7 ‘Doude
despues Pedrarias pobl6 un pueblo de eristianos que se dice Acla, y dntes que
hobiese esta batalla tenia otro nombre, porque Acla en la lengua de aquella
tierra quiere decir huesos de hombres 6 canillas de hombres.5 Andagoya,
Relation, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 397. See also Carta de
Alonso de la Puente y Diego Marquez, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas,
Col. Doc., ii. 538-49; Robert FitzRoy, in London Geog. Soc., Jour., xxiii. 179, gives
us a fair specimen of historical writing by an intelligent
gentleman, who knows nothing of what he is saying when he describes ‘Acla, or
Agla, ’ as settled ‘in 1514, a few miles inland from that port or bay now famed
in history and romance, called by Patterson Caledonian Harbour.5
Acla was on the coast, three or four leagues north of Caledonian Bay, as we
find in Purckas, Ilis Pil- grimes, iv. 883, ‘ right against the Iland of
Pinos, whereof at this present there is no more memory than that there was the
death of that famous Captaine, whose name will last eternally, the President
Basco Nunnez of Bcdnoa, and of his company.’ Fernando Colon, 1527, calls the
town ocara; Diego de Ribero, acra; Vaz Dourado, 1571, Munich
Atlas, No. x., axca, and on No. xi., azca; De Laet, Colom, and others,
Acla.
tion of Indian affairs. And as the highest wisdom is that which adapts
learning to the duties of the day, the licentiate would not be bound by the
mechanical restrictions which governed the illiterate cavaliers in their
encounters with the natives. There are some whom travel improves but little,
though like Haddad Ben Ahab, they should climb to the top of the world’s wall
and look down the other side. Our juvenile judge was not one of these. Bonum
est fugienda adspicere in alieno malo, was his motto. It is good to note in the
misfortunes of others what we should avoid, for so Publius Syrus has said. He
would go to the wars as a warrior, not plodding his way wearily over mountain
and through morass, like a common foot- soldier, but he would enter the domain
of the enemy mounted, and in a manner becoming a general and a judge. Athena
went to war mounted on a lion, Alexander on a horse, Espinosa on—an ass.
History gives the licentiate this honor, and as an honest man I cannot deny it
him; he was the first to cross the Isthmus on an ass. Some horses had of late
been brought to Antigua, which were employed to a very limited extent in the
wars of Tierra Firme and also on the present occasion; but the alcalde mayor
preferred to bestride an ass; it was a more judicial beast, not to say
surer-footed or more safe. Did not Mahomet choose an ass on which to ride to
heaven ? There was another advance. Several pieces of artillery were dragged
across the Isthmus in this expedition.
When the savages first beheld the conquering hero borne triumphantly
through crowds of admiring spectators, they fell back dumfounded. They knew
the force of Spanish steel; bloodhounds they knew, and arquebuses vomiting fire
and hurling thunderbolts. But what was this ? Its eyes were not fiery, nor its
nostrils distended, nor its teeth flesh-tearing. Its countenance betokened
mildness, and mind-absence, such as attend benevolent contemplation; there was
in it
nothing of that refined lust or voracious piety which characterized the
faces of the Spaniards. And surely Apollo was in error when he gave Midas such
ears because he could not appreciate music. For listen to its notes. Ah, that
voice! When Sir Balaam lifted up his voice the savages fled in terror.
Tremblingly they returned and enquired for what the creature was asking. The
Spaniards replied that he was asking for gold; and during the campaign his
musical beast brouglit the licentiate more gold than did ever Leon- cico earn
for Vasco Nunez. And throughout that region the learned licentiate ‘ became
known to the natives by the noble animal that he bestrode, so much so that
those who entered the Spaniard’s camp to see the general used to announce their
object by braying like an ass, an appeal to which the chief officer ever
obligingly responded.
As alcalde mayor it was the duty of Espinosa at all times and in all
places to administer the law. For so God and the king had commanded; so he had
sworn to do. Now it was often somewhat inconvenient to rob and murder at
pleasure, even under the liberal provisions of the king’s Requirement,
according to the governor’s ideas of business. Therefore it was deemed wise and
prudent to issue an edict from the imperial city of Antigua declaring all
Americans in arms against the Europeans to be outlaws, doomed to slavery,
mutilation, or death. Those who had taken part in the destruction of Santa Cruz
should be burned; and it was quite remarkable in so young a jurist how quickly
he determined, no matter how distant the evidence, whenever the destruction of
a people, while promoting the sovereignty of law, would at the same time yield
profit to the lawgiver.
The judge had not proceeded far upon his new circuit before he met
Badajoz, who was returning dejectedly to Antigua, suffering from the effects of
excessive cupidity. Informed of the immense treas-
Tire Badajoz had failed to bring back, Espinosa wrote Pedrarias for more
men that he might go and gather it. Badajoz claimed the command as a right; but
Pedrarias said, “Not so; Espinosa is alcalde mayor; furthermore, Captain
Badajoz brings back neither slaves nor gold wherewith to purchase favor.” With
this the licentiate received one hundred and thirty additional men under
Gerdnimo Valenzuela. So great was becoming the abhorrence of the colonists for
these hazardous and unholy adventures that this captain, in conformity to his
instructions, scuttled his ship on reaching Acla, in order to deprive the men
of the means for returning to Antigua.
Caesar’s Commentaries on the Gallic wars are not more minute in detail
than the narration8 of incidents during this expedition as given by
Espinosa to the governor. The licentiate was exceedingly careful in every
instance, first of all to propitiate the law by observing its smallest letter,
such as reading and expounding the king’s Requirement, and never to rob or
kill tiie natives except in the name of the king, the holy see, and the rights
of man. His judicial conscience thus quieted, he went to work with a will.
The provinces of Pocorosa and Comagre were at this time almost
depopulated, and the licentiate could with difficulty obtain food for the men or
exercise for his arms. On the approach of the Spaniards, the poor remnants of
these once happy nations fled affrighted to their hiding-places. This the
learned licentiate ruled ipso jure a declaration of hostilities;
8 Relacion.
hecha por Gaspar de Espinosa, alcalde mayor de Castilla del Oro, dada A
Pedrdrias de Avila, lugar tmiente general de aquellas provincial, de todo lo
que le sucedid en la entrada que him en ellas, de drden de Pedrarias, in
Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 467-522. The licentiate begins
his verbose narrative with a flourish of trumpets before the king and queen,
in a lengthy saying of Quintilian, and an apology, saying that had he
sufficient time he would give the particulars of his raid. The document is signed, El Licenciado Espinosa; Ger6nimo Valenzuela; Pablo
Mexia; Pedro de Gamez; Bartolome Hurtado, capitan; Gabriel de Roxas, Por su
mandado, Martin Salcedo. The editors of the collection in which the
paper appears complain of its errors in regard to places, which they have
endeavored to rectify whenever possible. The truth of its incidents they of
course could not dispute.
in a word, if the law could not be twisted to fit the occasion, the chief
guardian of the law, himself turned law-breaker and spoiler, was as ready to
throw overboard the law as was the most lawless cavalier. Whole nations, I
say, were declared outlaws by the honorable chief judge, because they would not
come forward and embrace slavery of their own free will. If any fugitives were
particularly hard to catch, that was proof of participation in the Santa Cruz
affair, and they were burned according to law.
The caprice of the law, however, does not exhibit the pretensions of
civilization and Christianity in these parts in their grossest absurdity. In
the outrageous raids under Pedrarias, religion joined unholy hands with
jurisprudence. We have noticed the itching palm of Quevedo, the bishop, but we
are hardly prepared to see his dean actually enter the field of inhumanities in
person against the unhappy natives. Yet the licentiate is not ashamed to write,
“We proceeded on our way about one league and a half to Poquina’s land, where
the Indians set fire to their huts and ran away. I sent the dean with one
squad, and Ojeda with another, and they brought back some Indians, the number
whereof will appear in the distribution. I gave Chiarna some of these Indians,
and that overpaid him for the provisions he had furnished us.” Unfortunately
this is not the only instance we are doomed to encounter in this history, of a
priest of the holy Catholic faith placing himself beside bloodhounds and
bloody-minded men, and joining a hunt, in Christ’s name, to bring innocent men
and women and children to slavery and death.
After sending to Santa Cruz in the hope of finding provisions from
Antigua, “we went to the province of Tamame,” continues Espinosa, “ whence I
sent all the captains to explore the Rio Grande,9 on both banks, as
I had been informed that Pocorosa’s people were there hiding. Some Indians were
caught, as
9 Probably
the Rio Chepo, or Bayano.
will appear in the distribution, five of whom were burnt to ashes, on
confessing their participation in the murders of Santa Cruz.” Indeed, “ I used
to send men after the Indians, and justice was done upon all those who had
participated in the Santa Cruz outrage, either by hanging or burning, and. two
were shot off from the cannon’s mouth the more to frighten them.”
Crossing the cordillera by way of Tubanamd, and Chepo to Panarnd, where
he hoped to obtain food, but found only some huts and one woman, Espinosa
passed on to Chiru, sending out his captains in every direction for plunder. At
Chame the Spaniards found only four Indians; and as the chief had furnished
corn to Badajoz, they did not molest him. The cacique of Chiru was captured
with his women and gold, by Hurtado, but appearing peaceable he was liberated,
and made the custodian of some slaves, and ornaments for the mass, for Satan
was now to set up Christ on the shores of the Pacific. Cliiru sent Espinosa
iguanas to eat, and ehicha, fish, deer, and salt, and was given some hammocks
in return.
After this the Spaniards charged on Natd one night, securing one hundred
captives, and gold to the value of fifteen hundred castellanos. The cacique escaped,
and rallying his warriors prepared to attack the Spaniards ; but when the
natives saw the horses they fled in terror, fearing that they would be torn in
pieces by them. As it was, the horsemen pursued the fugitives and hewed them
down in great numbers. Espinosa marvelled at the multitudes of people he here
encountered, and at the number of their villages. He found also an abundance
of maize, fish, and deer, and there were geese and turkeys. F our months’
supply of corn was at once Secured for the army; and for better protection
during the sojourn palisades were erected.
One morning while the licentiate was reposing in his lodge, Natd with one
attendant rushed unceremoniously into his presence, desperation depicted in
their countenances, and with empty quivers in their hands. “ You are too
strong for me,” cried the chief. “ You have taken my warriors, my wives, my
children; do with me as you please.” Espinosa received him kindly, returned him
his wives and children, and told him to bring his people from their
hiding-places and fear nothing. The gold which had been taken from Badajoz was
then demanded of him, but Natd denied having any of it, saying that Paris had
kept it all. Being well established here the Spaniards proceeded against the
neighboring provinces. The people fled, but were compelled by hunger to return.
Among the captives taken some were employed in planting, and if any became
unruly they were hanged. Others assisted in building a little chapel, for the
zealous dean had now sheathed his bloody sword to preach through an interpreter
the glad tidings of good-will to man, and many were baptized.
Meanwhile a deputation composed of the natives of Natd was sent to the
cacique Paris, demanding his allegiance to the king of Spain, and the restoration
of the gold taken from Badajoz. Paris replied by hanging all the ambassadors,
save two, by whom he sent back word that every Christian caught within his
territories would be treated in like manner. The licentiate prepared
immediately to march against the redoubtable chieftain.
On the 29th of July, 1516, every member of the army was confessed by the
priest. Vows were made to Our Lady of Antigua, “ and in the name of God,” says
the licentiate, “we began our journey.” Hurtado had been sent with fifty men to
Escoria, and the ruler of that province together with Chiru and Natd was forced
to accompany the expedition against Paris.10
10 The
licentiate’s narrative here becomes as confused as his sense of justice. The
names of towns, provinces, and chiefs are now brought together and then
scattered as if flung at random from the hand, making it in no wise difficult
to imagine either that the licentiate never made the journey, or that he did
not write the relation. There is no doubt, however, on either of these points.
There is this to say; language was not then what it is now, and there were men
who knew how best to use it even in those days.
The inhabitants melted before the invaders, and it was with difficulty
that men could be captured for guides. The Spaniards had not advanced far
before they learned that a council had been held by the chiefs confederated for
self-protection, to determine whether the gold taken from Badajoz should be
returned. Some were in favor of restoring it; but others objected that, this being
given up, as much more would be demanded, and since fight they must in either
case, it was agreed to do so before surrendering the treasure. It so happened
that Diego Albites with eighty men was marching in advance, and coming to a
rivulet he espied some Indians hidden under the bank and undertook to capture
them. Instantly the country was alive with savages; Albites found himself surrounded
by four thousand of the enemy, wholly cut off from the main body. The Spaniards
fought desperately for six hours, and would have been destroyed had not
Espinosa appeared and let loose upon the assailants the bloodhounds and the
horsemen. Twenty caciques and a host of warriors were slain, and many of the
Spaniards were badly wounded. “ That night we slept upon the battle-field,”
says Espinosa, “and next day I threw up a protection of palisades and sent out
in search of the cacique Paris.” The cunning chief had burned his village and
fled, thus leaving the invaders neither gold nor provisions. Albites went out
to forage, with instructions to fire a cannon in case of danger. Nine times
that night the licentiate heard the report of a gun, and was not a little
alarmed for the safety of the captain. Great was his joy, therefore, when early
in the morning Valenzuela appeared with reinforcement of one hundred men from
Antigua and informed the licentiate that it was he who had fired the guns while
in search of the commander’s camp.
Espinosa having now three hundred men felt himself strong enough to
prosecute discovery according
to the full tenor of his instructions, which were to explore the coast
westward as far as practicable. As a first step he sent a detachment of eighty
men under Valenzuela into the province of Guarari, near the seashore, in search
of trees for canoes. Meanwhile the treasure lost by Badajoz must if possible
be found before abandoning these parts. Companies were sent out in various
directions under Albites, Hurtado, and Pedro de Gamez, between whom arose no
small rivalry for securing the honor of the capture. Their purpose was to seize
the caciques and wring from them the secret by torture. At length Gamez came
upon the scent, and followed it into the province of Quema. He was even so
fortunate as to capture the chief, but for want of an interpreter nothing
definite could be learned. He nevertheless reported favorably to Espinosa, who
ordered Albites and Hurtado to go to his assistance. Under the gentle
persuasion of the rack Quema disclosed the place where part of the gold, some
thirty thousand eastellanos, was hidden, but denied any knowledge of the
remainder. With this gold and other plunder, the three captains rejoined their
commander, who had passed on to Guarari.
Two canoes being completed, each capable of carrying seventy men, and
three smaller ones having been brought by Pablo Mejia from Chiru, they were
placed in charge of Bartolomd Hurtado, who with eighty or ninety men coasted
south and westward, while Espinosa with the remainder of the company followed
by land. The rain fell in torrents, and the worthy licentiate was soon tired
of wading through the thick mud; and so, after four days’ march to a small port
called Huera,11 in the province of Vera, a council was held which
arranged that Hurtado should continue the survey with one hundred men, in
boats, while the land party should return to Quema and search for the remainder
of the Badajoz treasure.
The first province at which Hurtado landed was
11 Named by Espinosa, Puerto de las Agujas.
called Guanata, whence the inhabitants had fled, and where by reason of
continuous rains the Spaniards rested seven days. Securing guides they then
passed on to an island, called by the natives Caubaco, or Oebaco,12
three days distant. Hurtado was acquiring
experience, and found it better to treat these wild people gently. This
policy succeeded, and, although his landing was at first opposed, he and the
islanders soon became the best of friends. Their ruler was absent on the
mainland, fighting; and when he returned his subjects introduced the strangers
with such warmth that he at once extended his good-will, giving Hurtado a
golden armor valued at one thousand castellanos. Indeed, he proved most
affable and accommodating, willing to acknowledge the king of Spain, accept
Christianity, or any thing they desired; so much so that the Spaniards called
him Cacique Amigo. An expedition was organized against the inhabitants of a
neighboring island, named by the Spaniards Isla de Varones, in which they were
joined by Pequeari, brother of Cebaco, with nine canoes. These islanders were
found entrenched in a log fortress, surrounded by a ditch, and so difficult to
carry that the assailants were repeatedly thrown back
12 Colon and
Ribero both write ya de Cebaco; Mercator places a town on the
mainland opposite, Sebaco; OgUby, I. de S. Maria; DcLaet, hies del Zebaco;
ColomandJefferys, Zebaco; Kiepert, I. Cebaco, and near it I. del Gobernador.
and must have failed but for their artillery. Seven leagues to the
westward was an island called Cabo,13 where the Spaniards found a
little gold. Thence they kept along the mainland, but the inhabitants were so
fierce they dared not land. Some boatmen told them, however, that through the
lands of the adjoining provinces, Torra and Tabraba, the distance to the North
Sea was but three days’ journey. And here they met with rumors of a rich and
powerful nation to the westward, with double faces and rounded feet—an allusion
probably to the table-land civilization. There are people with the former
characteristic even to-day, and among our superior European culture.
Hurtado explored the coast as far as the gulf of Nicoya,u
about one hundred and forty leagues from Nat£. In the vicinity of the Golfo
Dulce,15 the people were called Chiuchires. The beauty and fruitfulness
of the country proved a constant temptation to the Spaniards to land and
dispute possession with the owners, who appeared along the shore with drum and
trumpet to frighten the visitation. But such was not Hurtado’s purpose, nor his
ability; from Nicoya he returned to join Espinosa.
After due deliberation it was determined at Antigua that the fishing
station of Panamd,16 should be
ls If Coiba
was meant we find connected the ancient name of Gatos, ya gatos,
y de gatos, etc. Then the name changes, and we have by Vaz Dourado /:. de
quofSque; Mercator, Quicare; Dampier, Keys of Quicara or Quibo; I. deLaet
gives, Cobo/ya, Quicaro, and La Montuosa; Colom, Coyba, Quicaro, and Lama-
tuosa; Jefferys, Coyba, Quicaro, and opposite Coiba, Pt. Bianco, and west Goco,
and Honda. Herrera calls the island Cobayos.
14 Not so called at the time, however.
According to Herrera the native name was Chira. The gulf was first known to
civilization as San Li'icar, and San Lazaro; before this, even, we have by
Colon, G. de S. Vicenite. Vaz Dourado gives Saollucar; Mercator, in 1574,
places in the interior the town Nicoia, and on the eastern shore of the gulf
the town Pan. Ogilby gives on the Golfo de Salinas, as well as on the land,
perhaps town and province, Nicoya, and a little to the west, Paro. Dampier
gives G. of Nicoya, and the town of nicoya. De Laet locates the town of Nicoya,
east of which is Paro. West-Jndische Spieghd, G. Goca; and J efferys, Nicova,
and near it emptying into the gulf, R. Dispensa, R. Taminsco, R. de Costarica,
R. de las Canas, and R. Solano.
15 Called the bay of Osa by Herrera; baia de
oqua by Vaz Dourado; Munich Atlas, no. xi., b:. deoqua; De Laet, Golfo de
Salinas; and by Dampier, and Jefferys, G. Dulce, and Gulfe Dulce.
16 With singular fidelity to its original,
this name has retained its proper
the site of the chief city, the terminal post of the transcontinental
line on the shore of the South Sea. And after the return of Hurtado, which was
early in 1517, Espinosa proceeded, under present instructions from Pedrarias,
to place an establishment there. Its first commander was Hernan Ponce, who had
just returned with Hurtado from the Nicoya expedition.17
During the absence of Hurtado, Espinosa had proceeded to Quema in his
search for Paris, and the gold that Badajoz had lost, but he was soon obliged
to leave that province on account of the scarcity of provisions. Two days’
journey inland brought the Spaniards to a village governed by a cacique called Chiracona,
who was accused of having been instrumental in the defeat of Badajoz, and who
now held in his possession two of the baskets of gold. Into this province,
famous for the bravery of its men and the beauty of its women, and also as
being haunted by tuyraes, or devils, Diego de Albites was sent forward with
sixty men, the remainder of the company following at a slower march while
feeding on reed roots. “ By God’s will,” says the pious licentiate, “ the
cacique was captured with his women and children.” Chiracona at first denied
the impeachment, but when tortured he promised to produce the gold.
The poor fellow really knew nothing of the treasure, but he saw that it
was necessary for him to confess something if he would live. And under the
pressure his wits quickened. According to tradition the rendezvous of devils
was a mountain fastness, ten leagues distant, into which Tartarean retreat no
man
orthography without
regard to time or place. The chart-makers of every name and nation give only
Panama. Fernando Colon applies the word as to a province, but usually it is
given as to a town. Dampier gives the Bay of Panama as well as the city. De
Laet sends flowing into this bay if. Chiepo, R. Pacora, R. Tubanama, R. de la
balsa, while to the north are R. Pequi, Venta de Cruzes, and Limaret.
17 Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. x.,
places Ponce at Panamd in 1516. Although the chronicles and relations are all
exceedingly confused, yet I am satisfied that the establishment of a post at
PanamA was not effected before January, 1517, since Espinosa was hunting for
Paris in January, during the absence of Hurtado and Ponce upon the coast toward
the north-west.
had ever ventured. “ If,” thought the sadly battered Chiracona, “ these
infernal Christians can be enticed thither, there will be a happy end of them.”
But when he told them of the beauty and fertility of the place, and of the vast
stores of wealth the ages had garnered there, a woman of Escoria, whom the
chaste licentiate regarded with tender favor, besought her master not to enter
that dangerous recess, for she had heard say that Chiracona sought only the
destruction of the Spaniards, confident that the earth would open to swallow
them. But the licentiate replied, “ Have no misgivings, amiga mia; Christians
fear not devils; devils fear Christians, and fly before them.” And so Pedro de
Gamez was sent with seventy men to the abode of the devils. The night following
there was a terrible earthquake: both heathen and Christian believed his hour
had come; and as Chiracona rode in his house the oscillating earth, as in a
canoe he rode the billowy ocean, he smiled to think how well his plan was
working.
Next day Gamez returned without the gold; whereat both white men and red
were disappointed, the former because the treasure was not forthcoming, the
latter because the Spanish had returned unharmed, since this would beside
require Chiracona to invent some new pastime for their greedy avarice. The
Spaniards remained at this place two months, living on supplies forced from Chiracona,
and urging upon him Christianity, allegiance to Spain, and the delivery of the
gold. Finding him obdurate on all these points, they gave him to the dogs and
went their way. Paris being heard of at Quema, Diego de Albites was sent
thither, but was unsuccessful in the primary object of his mission. The 2d of
January, 1517, all passed into Escoria, whence Albites was despatched on a
three days’ journey to the northward to capture a cacique named Tabraba. He was
successful, and secured gold to the value of four thousand Castellanos.
Espinosa now made ready for returning to the
North Sea. It filled him with indignation to witness the ingratitude of
the few caciques whose lives he had spared. Natd apostatized, burned the
Spaniards’ palisades, destroyed their growing grain, and joined a hostile
confederacy. The people of Chiru and elsewhere retired, thus adding insult to
the failure to supply articles for plunder. While passing through Tubanamd,
Espinosa overthrew a chicf named Chamna, who had been hostile to Vasco Nunez.
In Comagre he found Serrano, sent again to scourge that almost desolate
province. Half famished the Spaniards arrived at Acla, and were overjoyed to
find Vasco Nunez, who gave them food and provided them a vessel in which to
return to Antigua.
The alcalde mayor’s were the mightiest stealings of them all. Herrera
estimates the returns of gold at eighty thousand pesos, and two thousand
captives for slaves. After giving the king his fifth, and the governor and
officials each a liberal share, there was enough distributed among the soldiers
to make each esteem himself rich. Then followed days and nights of glorious
debauch, in which, beside women and wine, gambling was conspicuous. A second
distribution of capital was speedily effected under the auspices of the goddess
unfathomable. It was paltry to bet less than a peso on any game, while a slave
was a common wager. The governor, his council, and the clergy took jovial parts
in the exercise, and it is said that Pedrarias at one sitting played away a
hundred slaves. It was of great avail, indeed, with such servants and subjects,
for the king to forbid playing-cards to be sent to the New World, and for the
Council of the Indies to restrict a twenty-four hours’ loss at play to ten
castellanos.
THE FATE OF YASCO
NUNEZ DE BALBOA.
1516-1517.
Affairs
at Antigua—Different Qualities of Pacification—Complaints of Vasco NuSez to the
Kino—A New Expedition Planned—Vasco NuSez Made Adelantado and Captain-General
of the South Sea—Pedrarias Keeps Secret the Appointment—Reconciliation of
Balboa and Pedrarias—Betrothal of DoSa MarIa—Vasco NuSez Goes to Acla—Massacre
of Olano—The Municipality of Acla Established—Materials for Ships Carried
across the Mountains—Difficulties, Perils, and Mortality—Balboa at the Pearl Islands—Prediction
of Micer Codro, the Astrologer—Rumored Arrival of a New Governor at
Antigua—Meditated Evasion of New Authority—The Infamy of Garabito—Vasco NuSez
Summoned by Pedrarias to Acla—His Journey
thither—Trial and Execution.
During Espinosa’s absence
in the south, affairs at Antigua were exceptionally dull. The illness of the
governor, unfortunately, was not fatal. Business had approached its end, for
the fighting men were away, and the thrifty arts offered few attractions to
piratical adventurers. So low was the colony at one time reduced that the Casa
de la Fundicion, or melting- house, was closed and public fasts were appointed—
a homoeopathic policy, in truth, for a starving community. But for the feud
between Pedrarias and Vasco Nunez, which in that infamous environment was
easily kept alive, little would have occurred worthy of record.
It should be no fault of the governor if the cavalier was not ruined. His
choicest schemes were marred by incompetent and evil-minded men. He was vili-
(4321
fied at court, and in the colony every indignity possible was laid upon
him. The observant reader must already have drawn a contrast in the respective
quality of enterprise pursued by these men. Whatever may have been the
immediate results, whatever the wrongs and cruelties inflicted by either, in
the one case there was the lofty aim of discovery and peaceful occupation; in
the other, no higher object than plunder was apparent. Balboa had not time for
much gold-gathering; the captains of Pedrarias had time for nothing else.
Excepting the raid of the alcalde mayor, the expeditions planned by
Pedrarias were not remarkable for their success. Nor did Balboa scruple to rail
at the old governor in consequence. “All the enterprises of Pedrarias met with
such ill success,” says Ben- zoni, “ that Balboa laughed at him and mocked him,
whereat the governor became irate, and serious contentions resulted.”
Balboa was now in the prime of manhood, approaching forty, and had
during the past few years developed from a careless rambler into a thoughtful
ruler, with a New World fame second only to its first discoverer. “Behold,”
says Peter Martyr, “this rash royster turned into a politic captain, a violent
Goliah transformed to Heliseus, and from Anteus to Hercules the conqueror of
monsters.” And of all monsters he might encounter by sea or land, old man
Pedrarias was the most monstrous. It was exasperating beyond endurance to an
ardent and chivalrous nature like Balboa’s, thus to have his glories reaped and
his energies placed in circumscription by a superlatively selfish person of far
inferior natural abilities, made by mistake his political superior. And he
never ceased to strike back with all the force at his command. By every
departure he appealed to the royal authorities in Spain, laying before them
vivid accounts of outrages on the natives, perversion of the laws, and
Hist. Cen. Am., Vol. I. 28
gross mismanagement of the eolony. “Most powerful sovereign,” he wrote
the king, “I, a true and law- abiding servant, sensible of the many obligations
I am under to do loyal serviee for benefits bestowed— and may your Majesty live
long to grant me more —humbly desire to undeeeivo your Majesty regarding the
governor, Pedrarias D&vila, that your Majesty may order such provisions as
may be deemed best.” He urged Oviedo, when about to depart for Spain, to place
before the Couneil of the Indies the true condition of things. And again he
writes, “I beseeeh your Majesty not to regard me as a ealumniator, or as
stating aught in maliee, but that you will order an investigation, that you may
know all I have said is true.” He still entertained hopes that the report of
Arbolaneha, aceompanied by the presents, would be graciously reeeived, and that
his sueeesses would atone for past irregularities.
While awaiting the results of these endeavors, he determined to make an
expedition to the South Sea, without permission or aid from Pedrarias, and to
extend his diseoveries there in either direction. In pursuance of this purpose,
and with the eooperation of the small remnant of those who had sworn fealty on
the heights of Quarequd, he secretly despatched to Cuba for men and arms, a
small vessel in eharge of Andres Garabito. Having thus set in motion the wheels
of his fate, he awaited developments.
Wo have seen how King Ferdinand received Arbolaneha, how the royal heart
was touehed by the diseoveries and pearls of the generous eavalier. And we must
eonfess the monareh’s dilemma. The establishing of Pedrarias’ government had
cost him much money, and the very qualities which achieved desperate adventure
tended to loosen the bonds of allegiance. But Vaseo Nunez had manifested no disposition
to throw off royal authority; furthermore, it
had become a principle of colonial economics, that the services of
successful commanders should be paid for out of their future gains. How then
could any sovereign expect the extension of his dominions, if successful
adventure was defrauded of its right ? It was therefore determined that the
reward of Vasco Nunez should be the title of adelantado of the Southern Sea,
and captain-general of the provinces of Coiba and Panamd, but subject to the
supervision of Pedrarias as superior officer.
The royal despatches conferring this appointment reached Antigua early in
1515, prior to the departure of Espinosa. Pedrarias, of course, was at the same
time informed of the fact. His mortification was only exceeded by his dastardly
resolve. Take from Castilla del Oro its southern seaboard and the government
was not worth the having, even though the jurisdiction of Antigua did extend
nominally over the whole. The north coast was already stripped, and the climate
was such as no European could long endure; while in the south wealth and
dominion awaited romantic adventure. All despatches arriving at Antigua had to
pass through the governor’s hands. Those for Vasco Nunez on this occasion were
withheld.
Pedrarias well knew that some excuse would be necessary for his conduct;
and he began to look about for one. It was unlawful in the provinces for any
governor or captain-general to exercise the functions of office while
undergoing his residencia. New charges against the former governor of the
colony must therefore be invented, and litigious persecution renewed. By
collusion with the judge this investigation, as the law then required, could
be continued indefinitely. Still better, the alcalde mayor, who was the person
most proper in this instance to take the residencia, might be allured from his
friendship for the discoverer by the offer of a military command after
proceedings had been instituted, for it was well
known that the licentiate’s vanity was not less than his cupidity.
Believing himself prepared, the governor summoned his council, revealed
the secret, and urged that the commission should be withheld. All agreed save
Bishop Quevedo, who, beside the real friendship entertained for Vasco Nunez,
thought he saw more profit in the elevation of the free-handed cavalier, than
in the military raid of the alcalde mayor. And so seeing, he grew zealously
virtuous, and began to storm about it. Outnumbered in the council, he mounted
his pulpit and hurled invectives at his opponents. “ Can it be,” he cried, “
that the execrable passions of envious and designing men may thus subvert the
royal design, and withhold the just reward of eminent service?” Furthermore, he
threatened to spread the bare facts before the authorities in Spain.
Pedrarias quailed. He had not anticipated the violent opposition of the
prelate, and he feared the rising strength of his adversary, now that the royal
favor and a royal commission were known to have been granted him. Vasco Nunez
might have his office, but the old man swore it should be the death of him. For
he would lay around him such snares and pitfalls as would surely prove his
destruction in the end. Pedrarias would be the power; and play upon this
braggart as he would upon a pipe for devils to dance by.
The public acknowledgment of dignities, attended by the congratulations
of friends and the discussion of southern projects in which alone interest now
centred, raised in popularity and importance the new governor, to the
overshadowing of the old one. But once more the destiny of Vasco Nunez is to
turn on the bad advice of a friend. Thrown upon himself, his own sound judgment
had ever been sufficient, but the counsels of piety or erudition were as
quicksand under
his feet. Quevedo induced him, for the sake of peace and in order to
enter without delay upon his South Sea schemes, to waive in favor of Pedrarias
some portion of the rights the king had granted him. Espinosa and others were
accordingly permitted to overrun the southern provinces at pleasure. This was
a mistake.
Thus reconciled, in appearance at least, Pedrarias himself would fain
have had rest, if it had been permitted by his evil nature, which still
demanded its daily bitter pabulum.
Scarcely were these pacific fictions consummated when the vessel of
Andres Garabito returned from Cuba with men and supplies for the projected expedition
of Vasco Nunez. Arriving off the coast of Darien Garabito despatched a
messenger to Balboa, informing him of his return, and asking orders. It soon
reached the ears of Pedrarias that a suspicious- looking craft, armed and
equipped as if on some illicit mission, lay hidden in a small bay some six
leagues distant. He was furthermore informed that the captain of this vessel
was in secret communication with Vasco Nunez, and that preparations were being
made for some mysterious undertaking. Pedrarias became both frightened and
furious. He called to mind the fate of Nicuesa. Alarm for his own safety was
mingled with ire and envious regrets for ever having yielded even in appearance
to any recognition of this upstart’s titles and honors. He ordered the instant
arrest of Balboa, and even threatened to confine him for safe keeping in the
large wooden cage stationed in the middle of the plaza.
The fears of Pedrarias were calmed, however, by the cooler heads; the
nature and purpose of the intended expedition were explained; no lurking treason
was discovered, no plot against the peace of Antigua or sinister designs upon
the person of its governor were found; and having bound himself to new and more
stringent restrictions, Vasco Nunez was
set at liberty, and the precarious friendship ostensibly renewed.1
About this time the bishop of Darien was seized with a luminous idea.
Through his pertinacious devotedness the worthy prelate had twice rescued his
friend from a life of independence and honor, and had twice consigned him to
the mercies of an insidious enemy. He had prevented Pedrarias from sending him
in chains to Spain, which would have sounded his renown and enlisted for him
sympathy throughout Christendom; he had persuaded him to relinquish his rights
to such an extent as to place his fortune at the disposal of an inveterate foe.
I do not say Quevedo was an Ahithophel; yet the machinations of all his enemies
could not bring upon Vasco Nunez the evils consummated by this one friend.
Nevertheless, the present conception happily brought forth, and malice and
suspicion will forever give place to confiding affection.
Four blooming daughters Pedrarias had left in Spain. The health of the
governor seemed to be yielding before the combined influence of temper and
climate. Who could be a more fitting successor in the government, and who a
more suitable son-in-law? Let Balboa take to wife Doha Maria, eldest daughter
of Pedrarias, and so bind the North Sea to the South
1 Authorities thus far for this chapter
are for the most part the same as those last quoted. Las Casas, Hist. Ind.,
iv. 169-248, who, I think, gives the best account of any by contemporary
writers; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. i. cap. iii.; Oviedo, iii. 0-8;
Peter Martyr, dec. iii. cap. iii. and dec. iv. cap. ix.; Benzoni, Ilist.
Mondo Nvovo, 50. For Balboa’s complaints to the king, see Carta diri- gida
al Bey, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 375. Brief or extended
general accounts maybe found in Voyages, Curious and Entertaining, 470-1; Panamd,
Descr., in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 80; Morelli, Fasti
Novi Orbis, 10; Andagoya's Nar., ii.-iii.; Galoano’s Discov., 125-8;
Ovalle, Hist. Bel. Chile, in Pinkerton’s Voy., xiv. 151; Acosta, Hist.
Compend. Nuevo Granada, 02; March y Labores, Marina Esj)anola, i. 400,
portrait; Du Perrier, Gen. Hist. Voy., 166; Mcirtire, Summario, in
Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 349; Die. Enc. de la Lengua Esp., i. 308;
Carta, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., iii. 526; Puente, Car!a, in
id., 53S-49; MagJ/anos, St. Francis and Franciscans, 537-8; Pedrarias, Rays-
Tog ten, 3-175, and Cordua, Scheeps-Togt, 26-35, in Aa, vii.; Hesperian
Mag., ii. 32-3; Gomara, Ilist. Ind., 83-5; Irving's Columbus, iii.
2G2-80; Uitvoevige, Reys-Togten, 33-50, in Gotlfrh'd, Rcysen, iii.; Remesal,
Hist. Chyapa, i03; Gonzalez Davila,
Carta al Iiey, Squier’s MS., i. 16.
by cords of love. Such was the plan of the prelate. Vasco Nunez, nothing
loath, assented, for the daughter was as amiable as the father was malicious.
Dona Isabel was not the mother to look coldly on so gallant a proposal; as for
the daughter, then dreaming her maiden days away in a convent at Seville, her
own consent to the betrothal was a question which gave parents little concern
in those days; the chief difficulty was the splenetic father. Approaching the
governor, not without misgivings, Quevedo said: “Time passes, Senor Pedrarias,
and with time, all flesh. Those who shall take our places follow close at our
heels. A powerful rival converted into a firm ally is double compensation, and
the father of four daughters has not the opportunity every day to refuse a governor
for a son-in-law. Vasco Nunez de Balboa, a man of no mean parts, well-born and
famous, asks your daughter in marriage. Grant him his desire, and so heal
discord and fortify your declining years.”
Notwithstanding the obvious advantages, Pedrarias hesitated. It was no
easy matter at once to purify the poisoned stream of thought. But the offer was
too tempting to be declined, although Pedrarias would have much preferred for
his adviser a Thrasybulus, who counselled Periander to cut off the tallest
heads if he would maintain his power. The old man, still hugging his
suspicions, signed the marriage contract, and ordered fair Dona Maria to appear
and accept marital honors. But even the gift of the daughter was like the gifts
of Medea—envenomed.
Now surely might Vasco Nunez walk the firm earth, his fortune ascendant.
Adelantado, captain-general of the Southern Sea, son-in-law of Pedrarias, and
in favor with the royal authorities, though Ferdinand, poor king, was dead. The
clouds which had so long obscured Balboa’s rising fame were by this masterly
invocation of the bishop forever dissipated. There was no longer any fear from
the unclean ghosts of
entombed mistakes, while his good deeds would shine with steadier and
ever-increasing lustre. He might now prosecute adventure to the uttermost of
his ambition, while his friend and counsellor, the bishop, carried the happy
tidings of reconciliation to court.2
The year 1516 was advancing toward its middle term. Vasco Nunez craved
permission from his father-in-law—for betrothal was equivalent to marriage so
far as the political aspect of the case was concerned—to proceed to Acla and
continue the business there begun, which was indeed none other than part of his
original scheme. Pedrarias assented, placing every requisite at the command of
his dear son. The South Sea expeditions had
drained the
2 ‘ La llegada
del obispo & Castilla no se verific6 kasta en 1518; y por eierto que no
guard6 aqui 4 su amigo los respetos y consecueneia que le debia. En su disputa
con Casas delante del emperador asegur6 que el primer gobema- dor del Darien
habia sido malo, y el segundo muy peor. * Quintana, Vidas,
‘Balboa, * 35. In the matter of definite dates for the events of this chapter,
authorities differ. All are more or less vague. Most of them end the career of
Vaseo Nunez with the end of 1517; which, if correct, would fix the time of his
departure from Antigua about May, 1516, for in his agreement with Pedrarias it
was arranged that the time of absence on the South Sea expedition should be
limited to eighteen months, and one of the principal eharges of the governor
was that Balboa had failed in this. Among the collection of documents in the
royal archives of the Indies appears a petition presented by Fernando de
Argiiello to Pedrarias and his council, in behalf of Vasco Nunez, requesting an
extension of the time. At the foot of the petition is a decree, dated January
13, 1518, granting an extension of four months. Either the document is
fictitious, or its date erroneous, or contemporary writers are in error. I am
quite sure that Pedrarias never gave any extension, since the authorities are
elear and positive on that point, and the incidents of the narrative hinge upon
it. Compare copy of this document in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc.,
ii. 556-S; Carta de Alonso de la
Puente y Diego de Marquez, in id., 538-49*, Moreri and Miravel y Casadeva.nte
in El Gran. Die., Burney’s Discov. South Sea, i. 12; Naharro, Relacion, in Doc.
Intd. para Hist. Esp., xxvi. 232. As to the date of Quevedo’s leaving
Darien and his arrival in Spain there are grave differences. Herrera sends the
bishop to Spain in 1518, to report the misgovemment of Pedrarias. Oviedo states
that Quevedo left Darien soon after the reconciliation of Vasco Nunez and
Pedrarias, and yet does not speak of his being in Spain imtil 1519, ‘era
llegado.’ It is known that Quevedo spent some time iu Cuba, urging Diego
Velazquez to apply for the governorship of Castilla del Oro. The petition of
Argiiello for the extension of the time of absence of Vasco Nunez, before
mentioned, contains the uame of Quevedo as one of those who acted upon it,
which only the more conclusively proves that document fictitions. Stranger
than all this, however, is the statement in the royal c6dula, dated June 18,
1519, ordering the ships of Balboa to be delivered to C4il Gonzalez, that Vasco
Nunez was then a prisoner. So singular is this culpable ignorance, or
carelessness, or deception, regarding the death of Vasco Nunez, on the part of
the royal officials, as at first to raise grave doubts regarding the date of
his death, were it not proved by many collateral incidents.
colony of most of its available men, yet so esteemed was Vasco Nunez that
all who were at Antigua eagerly flocked to his standard. Fernando de Ar-
giicllo, a notary, formerly the opponent of Nicuesa, but always a partisan of
Vasco Nunez, having accumulated wealth placed it at the disposal of his
friend, and soon after Balboa embarked with eighty men.
Arrived at Acla he found the post destroyed and the comandante Olano, the
successor of Gabriel de Rojas, together with twelve soldiers, had been massacred
by the men of Careta, in retaliation for the act of Hurtado which consigned one
hundred of their number to slavery. For this outrage the people of the province
were declared outlaws. Balboa immediately organized a municipality, appointed
an alcalde and a regidor, laid out a new town, and began to build. Each
citizen, either in person or by slaves, was required to plant sufficient for
his sustenance. Requiring more men, Balboa accompanied Espinosa to Antigua,
early in 1517, and returned with two hundred recruits. The restoration of Acla
was intended only as preliminary to further South Sea discoveries; but this
accomplished, an obstacle interposed itself, at first glance insurmountable.
In order to navigate the new ocean ships were necessary. The short voyages
hitherto undertaken in native canoes had been perilous in the extreme. Herein
lay the difficulty. The cordillera here rises abruptly from the northern side
of the Isthmus, undulating gently on the opposite side toward the Southern Sea.
On the northern slope grew trees suitable for ship-building; on the southern
side vegetation was more diminutive. But of what avail were trees on the border
of one ocean, for the purposes of navigation on the other
The true standard of greatness is in the application of means to ends.
The magnitude of the means has no more to do with it than the results, which
may or may not prove successful. With a few hundred Spaniards, and such savages
as could be whipped
into the service, Vasco Nunez dared conceive and execute the project of
building ships on one side of a chain of mountains for use on the other side;
to navigate his vessels in pieces or sections, on the backs of Indians, over
hills and swamps, and that under a sun so hot, in an atmosphere so poisoned,
and through vegetation so rank and tangled as successfully to have defied the
efforts of science for centuries thereafter. “No living man in all the Indies,”
testifies the moderate Herrera, “ dared attempt such an enterprise, or would
have succeeded in it, save Vasco Nunez de Balboa.”
The plan of Vasco Nunez was to prepare his timber as near as possible to
some navigable point on one of the many streams flowing into the South Sea,
which are generally torrents 011 the mountain-side, but which become broad and
calm before reaching the ocean. The stream chosen for the purpose was called
the Rio de las Balsas,3 or River of the Rafts. Carpenters and
builders are sent out in search of trees suitable for the purpose, and the
preparation of the timber is begun. With fifty men Francisco Compaiion
3 There are several streams of this name
between the Atrato and the Colorado, but none of them suit the occasion.
Modern maps give a Rio Balsas flowing into the gulf of San Miguel from the
south, its source turned the farthest possible away from Acla. On a map of
Joannis de Laet, 1633, Nov. Orb., 347, midway between the gulf of San Miguel
and Panamd., are the words R de la balsa. They are placed opposite Acla; the
inouth of a river only is given, the stream not being laid down. The same
may be said of the R. de la bahe of Montanus. Nieuwe Weereld, 1671,
which is in about the same locality. The Bio Chepo is the only stream
approaching the description in that vicinity. In my opinion both of these
map-makers were wroug; neither the Rio Chepo nor any other stream in that
neighborhood was the Rio Balsas of Vasco Nunez. The head-waters of the Rio
Chucunaque are nearer the old site of Acla than those of the Rio Chepo, or
of any other southward flowing stream; and yet I do not think the Chucunaque
the Balsas of Vasco Nunez. Says Pas- cual de
Andagoya, Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 404, ‘ Le envi6 A la
provinciade Acla & poblar un pueblo, que es el que agora estd que se dice
Acla, y de alii le dio gente que fuese al rio de la Balsa, y hiciese dos navios
para bajar por 61 & la mar del sur. . . y bajados al golfo de S. Miguel se
anegaban,’ etc.; from which, and from the objects and incidents of the
enterprise, as given by various authors, I am inclined to believe the Rio de
las Balsas of Vasco Nunez to be the stream now known as the Rio Sabana. The fact
of distance alone, commonly estimated at 22 leagues, but which Las Casas makes
‘24 y 25 leguas de sierras altisimas,’ inclines me to this opinion, not to
mention several others pointing in the same direction, which will clearly
appear in the text.
passes over the Cordillera and selects a place upon the river, twenty-two
leagues from Acla, from whieh to launch the ships. Likewise on the summit of
the sierra, twelve leagues from Acla, he builds a fort, to serve as a half-way
house for rest and protection, beside stations established at other points. All
is bustle and activity at Acla and in the neighboring forests; some are felling
trees, some measuring and hewing timber; some preparing anchors, rigging, and
stores. “ In all labors,” says Las Casas, “ Vasco Nunez took the foremost part,
working with his own hands and giving aid and encouragement everywhere.”
Materials for four brigantines being at length prepared, the herculean task of
transportation across the mountains is next to be performed. Thirty negroes
have been secured from Antigua, but these are not a tenth part of the foree
required. Squads of soldiers are therefore sent out in every direetion, and
natives are driven in to the number of several thousand. Upon their naked backs
the heavy timbers are laid, and goaded forward by mereiless overseers, among
whom is the blaek African as well as the white European, they are forced
through the marshy thieket and up the rocky steep until they sink exhausted
beneath their burden. Unused to labor, ill-fed, made desperate by their distress,
some attempt eseape, but the bloodhound is quiekly on their traek; some kill
themselves, but more sink lifeless under their heavy loads. All along those
terrible leagues the newly cut path is strewed with dead savages, and soon the
air is rank from putrid carcasses. “ More than five hundred Indians perished in
the transportation of these ships,” affirmed Bishop Quevedo before the court of
Spain, and Las Casas says the deaths were nearer two thousand in number.4
To take the places
41 Yo vi firmado dc su nombre del mismo Obispo, cn una
relacion que hizo al Emperador en Barcelona el aiio de 1519, cuando 61 de la
tierra firme vino, como mas largo adelante, placiendo a Dios, serd referido,
que habia muerto el Yaseo Nunez, por kacer los bergantines, 500 indios, y el
secre- tario del mismo Obispo me dijo que no quiso poner mas numero porque no
of the dead, recruits are caught in the forest; the work goes bravely on,
and the stupendous feat is finally accomplished. The wild bank of the Balsas
was strewed with materials for this new sea navigation. But on putting the
pieces together it is found that after all the toil there is timber enough for
only two vessels instead of four; the rest has been lost by the way. And this
is not the worst of it. That which has been brought over at such cruel cost,
cut near the coast and liewed green as it was, is so full of worms that it
cannot be used. All must be thrown away and the work begun anew.5 '
Timber is sought nearer at hand this time, and with fair success. Vasco
Nunez now divides his force into three parties, and sends one to hew timber,
one to bring supplies from Acla, and a third to forage on the natives. Again
they are ready with new materials to begin construction, when the heavens suddenly
darken and drop such a deluge on them that they are obliged to take refuge in
trees. Part of the timber is swept away, and part buried in mud. To add to
their misfortunes, foraging fails; hunger pinches; and “when Vasco Nunez
himself was forced to feed on roots,” says Las Casas, always with an eye to his
protdgds, “it may well be imagined to what extremity six hundred Indian
captives were reduced.” It now looks very dark to Vasco Nunez, and he begins to
consider if it were not better to move on, one way or the other, than to die there.
But these misgivings are only for a moment. No, it is not better. Throwing a
bridge of floating withe-tied logs across the river he sends over Companon with
a
pareoiese cosa increible, pero que la verdad era que llegaban 6 pasaban de
2,000.’ Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 233-4. ‘Nose hallo que Castellano nin-
guno muriesse, ni negro, annque de los Indios fueron muchos los que pere-
cieron.’ Herrera,
dec.
ii. lib. ii. cap. xi.
5 Pascual de Andagoya asserts that the
worm-eaten timber was put together on the Balsas and navigated, though with
great difficulty, to the gulf of San Miguel, and thence to the Pearl Islands;
and that there they soon foundered. Relation de los
sucesos de Pedrarias D&vila, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 404. This
statement, though entitled to great weight, is not sustained by the other
authorities.
strong company, and tolls him never to return except with food. Hurtado
he despatches to Antigua for more men, and go«.\s himself to Aela for necessary
effects. In all which he is successful; and he is successful finally in
floating two brigantines upon the Balsas. There is no such thing as failure
this side of death.
What a bright vision it is that greets him as he drops down into the sea,
his own sea that he had found and well-nigh lost again! Heaven is indeed
beautiful if it be anything fairer. Silver and gold and pearl are the sunshine,
land, and sky; while the sea, the murmuring, gladdening, majestic sea; it
would inspire a brute with nobility, one sight of it!
Dreams and realities! Wild as had been the dreams of these ignorant and
voracious men, dreams with their Indies and Araby isles, they fell far short of
reality. How could they dream of a Montezuma empire waiting expectantly to
welcome the destroyer, or of an Inca faction so evenly balanced that so light a
hell-flake as a Pizarro might turn it?
Selecting Isla Rica, the largest of the Pearl Islands, as a rendezvous
and place of settlement, Balboa discharged his vessels there and sent them
back to bring from the Balsas the remainder of the company, together with
materials for two more ships, which were in due time completed, making four in
all. More supplies were brought from Acla, and journeys between the two seas
were from this time frequent. Meanwhile, after pacifying the Pearl Islands, he
embarked with one hundred men for a cruise eastward. After sailing twenty
leagues a shoal of whales so frightened the sailors that they anchored for the
night near the shore, and embraced the opportunity to kill a village of Indians
for having put to death Bernardo Morales and his men in a former expedition.
The wind being contrary the fleet next morning returned to the Pearl Islands.
Thus haply launched upon the tide of glorious ad
venture, with full freedom in the south, and in harmony with superior
powers, what could fortune offer more satisfactory or secure? But fickle the
goddess, and malignant the while, keeping alive suspicion and envy where only
honor and good-will should be. It happened about this time that as one of
Balboa’s captains was setting out on his return to the South Sea, rumor reached
Acla that Lope de Sosa, a native of C6rdova, then acting governor of the Canary
Islands, had been appointed to supersede Pedrarias. At one time such a
prosp'ect would have been hailed with delight by Vasco Nunez, but now that his
fortunes were so happily linked with those of his ancient enemy he could
desire no change.
One evening while in friendly conversation with the vicar, Rodrigo Perez,
and the notary, Valderrdhano— for on these Pearl Islands now were all the
paraphernalia of spiritual and temporal rulership—upon the probable effect of
a change of governors on South Sea affairs Vasco Nunez remarked, “ It may be
possible that Lope de Sosa has ere this received his commission, and that even
now he is at Antigua, in which case my lord Pedrarias is no longer governor,
and all our toilsome undertakings will profit us nothing. In order therefore to
know best how to proceed in this emergency I am of opinion that it would be
well to send some faithful messenger to Acla for our further necessities; and
if the new governor has comc, we will furnish our ships, and pursue our
enterprise as best we can, trusting to his future approval. But if my lord
Pedrarias is still in power, he will allay our fears, and we will then set out
upon our voyage, which I trust in God will succeed according to our wishes.” I
beg the reader to remember these words, and say if in them is hidden the venom
of treason to the father- governor when morbid acrimony decides them criminal.
I do not say that at this juncture Vasco Nunez would not have disregarded any
whimsical malevolence on the part of his future father-in-law which might stand
in the way of his high purposes. I think he would have done so. But that
he saw no necessity for so doing, aud never dreamed of disobedience or disloyalty,
I am very sure.
As his ill-fate would have it, just when Vasco Nunez was concluding his
remarks on this subject, a sentinel on guard in front of the general’s quarters
stepped up under the awning to shelter himself from a passing shower. This
fellow, whose sense of smell was so acute that he could detect disloyalty
though hidden in a barrel of salt, found here at once a mare’s nest. Of course
his general was talking treason; he had often been suspected, and now he openly
admitted that if affairs planned in Spain or at Antigua did not suit him, he
would sail away and leave all emperors and governors in the lurch. And if he
alone might have the disclosing of this villainy his fortune was made.
A story is told of one Micer Codro, a Venetian astrologer, who followed
his stars to the Indies and there interpreted nature for a consideration. For
up and down the world the devil used to lead him with the faintest thread of
comet-light. While at the height of his power in Darien, the horoscope of Vasco
Nunez was cast by this philosopher, and his fate foretold with all the
precision characterizing the profession. Directing the attention of his auditor
to a particular star he said: “When you behold that star at yonder point, know
that your fate approaches; your fortune then will be in jeopardy, and your life
in peril. But if you escape that danger, wealth and renown such as have fallen
to the lot of no captain in all the Indies will be yours.” Amidst the bustling
activities of life Vasco Nunez had well-nigh forgotten the words of the soothsayer.
But while waiting the progress of his plans at the Pearl Islands, he chanced to
take a stroll upon the beach one night in company with his friends. The air was
clear of moisture, and the heavens ablaze with stars which seemed by their own
light multiplied. Nor was this gorgeous firmament more glorious than
the hopes which then thrilled the breast of the eav- alier. While in
careless conversation his eye was suddenly arrested by the star of his destiny
whieh hung portentous in the exact spot designated by Mieer Codro. The
predietion of the astrologer at onee flashed upon him. “ But surely,” he
thought, “ the worthy fellow read earelessly, or else possesses little
knowledge of his art, for my time of peril has passed. I will, however, aceept
the saving elause of his predietion, and now aehieve the fame and wealth
whereof he spake.” Then with a smile he turned to his companions. “ Have a
eare of soothsayers,” he said gayly. “You all know Mieer Codro. Aeeording to
his predietion I stand this moment on the verge of demolition. But I defy
thee, fate! See there those ships, and this wealth-bordered sea; see here this
good right arm, this stout heart, and you, my friends, three hundred faithful
men. Does this look like eollapse?”
Notwithstanding the rumor of a new governor at Antigua, this South Sea
enterprise ought to be prosecuted at all hazard. By authority both of the king
and of his representative in Darien the expedition had been undertaken. Money
had been spent and infinite toil; life had been adventured—the lives of
Spaniards, that is to say, for a thousand or two dead savages were seareely to
be regarded in the aeeount. And now it behooved them to give no new king or new
governor the opportunity of ruining their hopes by countermanding the
expedition.
It was finally arranged that Andres Garabito, Luis Botello, Andrds de
Valderrdbano, and Fernando Munoz should proeeed to Aela, and as they drew near
the town the party should halt; one of them should enter at night alone, and,
proeeeding to the house of Vasco Nuiiez, should ascertain from the servant to
be found there if Pedrarias was superseded; and if the new governor had arrived
the party would withdraw unobserved, return to the South Sea, and proelaim
Vaseo Nunez governor of Tierra Firme, at the same
time giving him a paper purporting to be his commission. Thus would his
command be deceived into the belief that he was legal ruler, and so follow his
bidding without question. This was a glance toward treason; it was as bad as
treason; but neither now nor ever was it treason. The projected stratagem was
dangerous, and wholly useless, and most unfortunate, as the result proved;
complicating affairs and aiding his enemies in casting over him that cloud of
suspicion which ultimately involved him in ruin.
Likewise the agents for this errand were unhappily chosen. Garabito was
the deadly enemy of Balboa, though the latter did not know it. Worse than that,
far more dastardly and damnable than enemy, he was a treacherous friend. Balboa
had often shown him favors, and placed implicit confidence in him, as the
prominence given him in this delicate mission plainly indicated. Within a
friendly, even fawning exterior, lurked deadly hate. It originated thus: While
Vasco Nunez was yet under the cloud of the governor’s displeasure, Garabito had
attempted improper intimacy with Careta’s daughter, Balboa’s wife after the
Indian fashion. One word from her protector, one glance from his eye—for the
miscreant saw perdition in it—was sufficient to check his presumption; but
Garabito never forgot it, and awaited only his revenge. While on the Balsas he
had even written Pedrarias that it was Balboa’s purpose, on reaching the ocean,
to throw off allegiance to him, and to every one but the king. He further
affirmed that Vasco Nunez cared nothing for his daughter, loved only the Indian
girl, and never intended to ratify his betrothal obligation. Though Garabito
knew well enough he deserved hanging for this, and might even achieve that
infamy,* yet he understood both himself and Pedrarias, and he knew these lies
would fatten on the old man’s soul.
When Garabito arrived at Acla, instead of doing as he had been told, he
set about to perform a little
Hist. Cen. Am., Vol. I. 29
drama which should at once precipitate revenge and free him from the
odium of traitorous friendship. Mingling with the gossips of the town, he
talked mysteriously about South Sea affairs, threw out insinuations, and
dropped dark hints concerning Vasco Nunez and the government. By such means he
succeeded in causing himself to be arrested; and when brought before the
magistrate for examination, no torture was required to draw from him all he
knew, and more. An abstract of the evidence taken in this investiga-
o , ' O
tion, together with the letters and papers of Garabito, was forwarded to
Pedrarias. •
When Vasco Nunez embarked from Antigua on this enterprise, it was stipulated
that he should return at the expiration of eighteen months. The time having
expired, he wrote Pedrarias requesting its extension, giving as a reason for
requiring it the extraordinary difficulties under which he had labored, and
the attendant delays. He requested Fernando de Argiiello, who had a large
pecuniary interest at stake, to gain further time, if possible, as otherwise
their expenditure and toil would all be lost. In answer to the application of
Argiiello, Pedrarias said little; but within the caldron the black stuff
simmered.
This inopportune revival of the ancient feud between the governors
excited no small stir at Antigua. And when tidings of Garabito’s arrest were
received, and the character of his testimony was made known, the friends of
Vasco Nunez entertained fears for his safety. It made little difference whether
what this villain had said was true or false—though no one believed that Vasco
Nunez contemplated anything criminal—old man Pedrarias with his malignity
aroused was a fiend incarnate. Argiiello wrote Balboa that the governor would
neither grant nor deny an extension of time, and the notary advised him to put
to sea at once, and place himself beyond the rancorous caprice of Pedrarias. He
further informed him that in the
event of a rupture he could appeal to the Jeronimite Fathers, at Santo
Domingo, who would see justice done him. Unfortunately, this letter was
intercepted and sent to Pedrarias.
The conflagration which sweeps a city is often kindled by a spark. The
South Sea discoverer entertained a harmless ruse, justifiable, in his opinion,
as tending to settle the minds of his men and ensure their more perfect
obedience in hazardous enterprise; he harbored at the most the intention of
placing himself for no unlawful purpose beyond the call of the new governor
until he had consummated his long cherished schemes, and not of deceiving the
old governor, to whom, if still in power, his messengers were to disclose all
his fears, in the belief that his necessities would certainly be relieved.
These trivial thoughts, flung distorted by Garabito into the inflammable breast
of Pedrarias, were more than sufficient to light a flame beyond the power of
man to extinguish. On former occasions the enmity had been rather of a
political than a personal nature; now it enters the private chambers of the
affections, and beside crimes plotted against the ruler, the father is to be
wounded and insulted. And his hate becomes unto death, murderous.
With the several pretended disclosures of Garabito before him, his mind
ran quickly back over the career of Vasco Nunez, his ill treatment of Enciso,
his expulsion of Nicuesa, his irregularities while in office, the king’s order
to call him' to a reckoning, the brilliant discoveries intervening, the failure
to convict him of crimes, the king’s favor, and at last the nearer and to be
hoped final reconciliation. Warmer yet within him glowed the thought of these
things, as his mind dwelt upon the letters disparaging to himself which Vasco
Nunez had sent the king, and recalled once more what Garabito had said concerning
the repudiation of both himself and his daughter. He talked with Bachiller
Corral, who had been
once arrested by Vasco Nunez for improper conduct, and to the royal
treasurer, Alonso de la Puente, whom Vasco Nunez had once offended by demanding
the payment of a debt, he read the letter of Fernando de Argiiello, and then
ordered the arrest of the writer.
He communed with his heart in his rage and was glad. And he wrote his
son-in-law a letter, his dear son-in-law, a friendly, fatherly letter,
requesting his presence at Acla for the purpose of consultation over affairs
affecting their mutual interests. This letter was despatched by messengers
urged to the greatest haste, that the friends of Vasco Nunez might not have
tilne to warn him of his danger. “Once within my grasp,” muttered the old man,
“ he never shall escape me.” That he might not embark on some lengthy voyage or
otherwise delay his coming, Pedrarias ordered Francisco Pizarro to place himself
at the head of as large a force as he could muster, and immediately to find
and arrest his former comrade and commander, Vasco Nunez de Balboa, and bring
him under safe guard to Acla.
Now the dissembling letter of Pedrarias, so the chroniclers tell us, was
placed in the hands of Vasco Nunez while yet the star of his destiny hovered,
impatient of flight, about the spot whereon it was to determine his fate;
which proves to any reasonable mind, beyond peradventure, several things; item,
that the heavenly lights are fingered by Omnipotence for individual import;.
item, that Micer Codro knows the stars; item, that the stars know Micer Codro;
item, parva, momenta in spem metumque impellere animos.
Conscious of no wrong, Vasco Nunez suspected no treachery, and on receipt
of the letter he set out at once with the returning messengers to grant his
father- in-law the desired interview, leaving his command at the Pearl Islands
in charge of Francisco Companon. As they journeyed toward Acla he interrogated
his companions concerning the affairs of the colony. At
first they were cautious in their replies, and made evasive answers; but
the prompt and cordial manner in which Vasco Nunez responded to the summons of
Pedrarias carried conviction of his integrity. Further than this, they had long
known Vasco Nunez as a gallant cavalier and a genial friend, and they resolved,
come what might, he should not fall into the clutches of his enemy without a
word of warning from them. Enjoining secrecy, they told him all; that current
opinion considered not only his liberty but that his life was in jeopardy.
Balboa would not believe it. Pedrarias might be very angry, though he had
written in so friendly a strain; it was his nature to be suspicious and treacherous;
he could not help it; he was martyr to a hate wherein he was created, and not
unlike that of Acri- sius who quarrelled with his twin brother Proetus before
they were born. There might be some difficulty in pacifying Pedrarias, but as
for fearing him, the idea was preposterous. Even though he had meditated
treason against the governor, which he had not, he was not guilty of any
criminal act; and surely a man cannot be hanged for his meditations. Of course
he would go forward. '
As he descended the mountains and drew near Acla, Vasco Nunez was met by
the force sent out by the governor. As the leader advanced to make the arrest,
his old friend and patron cast on him a reproachful look and exclaimed, “How is
this, Francisco Pizarro? You were not wont to come out in this manner to
receive me!” He offered no opposition, however, and made no remonstrance when
the irons were put upon •him and he was led away to prison at Acla.
History presents few sadder pictures than the closing scenes in the
career of Vasco Nunez de Balboa. And as we look at it, our sorrow waxes hot
with indignation over the triumph of wrong. Occasionally, in the hostile
encounters of men, justice seems to
abandon the arena, leaving iniquity master of the field; at which times
the spectator burns for the power which Omnipotence declines to exercise.
The game here played was for a valuable life. On one side was a
singularly morbid hate, envenomed and pitiless, united with unscrupulous
treachery and hypocrisy, which in an old man of ability, breeding, and position,
was hideous beyond expression. On the other side were recognized talents of so
exceptional an order as to make the possessor the most popular man in the
colony. This is what kept his irascible adversary on nettles. Vasco Nunez was
the hero of this conquest. He was to Pedrarias as Loki to Baldur, or as
Hyperion to a satyr; and in their strangely assorted friendship they were more
unequally yoked than in their enmity they were divided. He was the mirror in
which by comparison the governor most clearly saw his own infirmities. Like
Othello he was of that free and open nature which thinks men honest that but
seem so. His faults were those of the times rather than of the man. He was as
ambitious as Achilles, but it was a laudable ambition as times went. He was
neither voracious nor avaricious; cruel he unquestionably was, but not wantonly
so; he gathered gold, but he scattered it open-handedly. He coveted fame; and
in those days neither equity nor humanity were essential to greatness. I do not
regard him as greedy of office; he loved power, but he loved adventure more.
Of course, in principle, the robber life he led was wrong, though sanctioned by
philosophers and divines, and Vasco Nunez aspired to belong to neither class.
He was an illiterate cavalier, honest and superstitious, ready to accept the ■ dogmas of
the day if they did not too greatly interfere with his desires. Neither his
loyalty nor his religion was sufficient to be of great injury to him; although,
if we may credit Peter Martyr, he never attempted any adventure without the
invocation of the deity and all the saints. Among his comrades he had ever
• * •
• . 4
at command a light artillery of wit; in logical argument he was not
equal to his archenemy, but in action he was the inferior of no man. A natural
and perfect leader, he was out of place as second. Conception and execution
were one with him; he could not be bound by another’s ideas. Latent in him were
inexhaustible resources, known to exist, even by himself, only as occasion
required them. Only with emotions of pride might any Spaniard regard his frank
intrepidity, chivalrous bearing, and affable, generous disposition. In cruelty,
subtlety, and base cunning Pedrarias was his superior, but not in war, or
statesmanship, not to mention honorable enterprise. Throughout his entire
career, whatever Vasco Nunez touched by himself was a success; there was no
chance about it, but simply energy and ability, temperate courage and common
sense. His final overthrow was accomplished not by fair and open opposition,
but by means most foul and damnable. Some might say that in this contemplated
assumption of authority he was, like Icarus, flying too near the sun; yet, in
truth, it was no sun, but fires infernal that melted the wax of his wings. His
trial, to which let us now pass, was a judicial assassination.
Old man Pedrarias could scarcely conceal his exultation in thus having,
as he imagined, outwitted his prisoner. He could with difficulty refrain from
feasting his eyes upon him; nay, he would not, and arraying his features in
fatherly concern, he repaired to the prison. Gently he accosted Balboa,
assuring him that he had been forced to this step against his will, that the
treasurer, Puente, was the accuscr, and that he, the governor, was in duty bound
to investigate all charges, particularly accusations made by a royal officer.
“But be not cast down, my son,” said the venerable hypocrite, “neither give way
to fear; for the more clearly your actions are brought to light, the brighter
will shine your eminent and loyal services.”
1 Going his way, Pedrarias threw himself with all his
strength into the prosecution, or rather, I should say, persecution. The laws
of Spain, transported to the colonies and administered by passionate and unprincipled
men, were capable of almost any construction desired, and hence were as often
used to cloak villainy as to punish crime. The law was ever on the side of him
who possessed the power to enforce it. All the accusations of former trials
were in this instance brought together, and old charges, long since
obliterated by royal forgiveness, were renewed. To the oft-told tales of
Enciso’s imprisonment and Nicuesa’s death, were added misdeeds conjectured or
invented by the listening sentinel, Garabito, and the rest. Arguello’s letter
was offered in evidence, and all his enemies had their fling at him. The
licentiate, Espinosa, before whom the case was buought, was now a firm adherent
of the governor. He had been paid his price in the South Sea command, and the
downfall of Balboa would open for him further empire in that quarter.
All is going well; Pedrarias is content. The prisoner’s chains are
doubled. A little torture now applied might be pleasing in effect. Dropping the
mask, Pedrarias enters the prison. “ So, villain! you thought to escape me,” he
cried. “Your governor has become your tool, your plaything; his daughter an
idle jest, jilted for a savage strumpet. Thank God! your days are numbered.”
Balboa at first made no reply, did not even manifest surprise. He had
seen, soon after the trial began, that his judges thirsted for his blood, and
that he was foredoomed. Finally he spake. “ I am here at your bidding. Since
last we pledged friendship I have toiled faithfully in your behalf, and mine. I
have suffered many hardships, and have overcome obstacles deemed insurmountable
by most men. Never for a moment have I entertained one thought disloyal to my
betrothed or you. For the truth of this I refer
you to my actions, and call God to witness. If I am guilty, as you say,
why am I here? Think you, with four good ships and three hundred devoted men at
my command, with fortune beckoning me from every direction, that had I harbored
treason I would not have spread my sails and sought a land unknown, beyond all
fear of capture? You know, my lord Pedrarias, that I am innocent.”
It was patent to all that Vasco Nunez was to be sacrificed to the
insatiable hate of the hoary-headed governor. Even Espinosa was becoming tired
of it, and would have discharged the accused, had it not been for Pedrarias and
Puente, who insisted on what they called a verdict in accordance with the law
and evidence. Under such pressure Espinosa was forced to adjudge the prisoner
guilty. The penalty was death. Vasco Nunez claimed the right of appeal to the
Council of the Indies, which was denied him; to the Jeronimite Fathers, which
was also denied. Espinosa became alarmed; he shrank from having on his soul the
blood of this man, so gallant a cavalier, so eminent a discoverer; he never
really desired more than to drive him into obscurity, and he begged the
governor that the petition for appeal might be granted. “No,” said Pedrarias, “
if he has sinned, let him suffer.”
With horror the colonists heard that Vasco Nunez was condemned to be
beheaded. Four of his friends were to suffer with him, Andres de Valderrdbano,
Luis Botello, Fernando Munoz, and Fernando de Arguello.
It was a dismal day at Acla, the chroniclers tell us, that on which five
brave men were doomed to die, not for any crime, but as victims of a ferocious,
savage- hearted old man. At an early hour the dull strokes of the carpenter’s
hammer were heard in the plaza where the scaffold rose. Troops of men gathered
on the streets and talked of the coming execution, wondering if there would be
an attempt at rescue. But
Pedrarias had taken care of that. Were the heavenly powers a-dreaming
that they should without interference permit this horrible crime? Alas! these
very men had just as iniquitously slain their innocent thousands. Why should we
pity them? And the same oft-invoked Omnipotence had permitted the ghastly work
to be done in his name. Of what avail is it to wonder?
Heavily chained, and surrounded by a strong guard, the men were brought
forth. First came Vasco Nunez. His step and bearing were not those of a
malefactor. Fire flashed from his eye and indignation flushed his cheek as he
beheld the preparations for his ignominy. But this renowned and honored
chieftain, even while marching to the scaffold, was less to be pitied than
Pedrarias, who from behind a screened window was this moment feasting his eyes
upon the victim. Before the prisoner walked the town-crier, who, as he
approached the middle of the square, exclaimed in a loud voice, “ Behold the
usurper, a man recreant to his trust, and disloyal to his king. Let death be
ever the doom of traitors.” “ ’Tis false!” cried Vasco Nunez. “ Never have I
been disloyal or untrue. To infamous treachery and wrong I yield my life, and
not to justice.”6
6 If I have applied strong terms of
denunciation to Pedrarias Drivila, it is because he unquestionably deserves
it. He is by far the worst man who came officially to the New World during its
early government. In this all authorities agree. And all agree that Vasco
Nunez was not deserving of death. Andagoya, Relacion, in
Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 403-5, is an excellent authority. Says Las
Casas, Hist, hid., iv. 240, ‘ Dijeron que esta falsedad 6 testimonio falso, 6
quizd verdad, escribi6 Garabito & Pedrarias porque Vasco Nunez, por una
india que tenia por amiga, le habia de palabra maltratado.’ Some of
the more knowing among the chroniclers say that God punished Vasco Nunez with
this death for his treatment of Nicuesa. Will they at the same time tell us for
what God permitted Pedrarias to live ? ‘ Desta manera
acabu el adelantamiento de Vasco Nunez, descubridor de la mar del Sur, 6 pag6
la muerte del capitan Diego de Nicuesa; por la qual 6 por otras culpas permiti6
Dios que oviesse tal muerte, <5 no por lo quel pregon deijia, porque la que
llamaban traypion, ninguno la tuvo por tal.’ Oviedo, iii. 60.
Herrera eyerywhere speaks in the highest terms of Vasco Nunez, and.pronounces
the character and conduct of Pedrarias detestable. Says Gomara, Hist. ImI., 85, ‘Ni parcciera delante del gouemador, aunque
mas su suegro f uera. J unto se le con csto, la muerte de Diego de Nicuesa,, y
sus sesenta com- paueros. La prision del bachiller Enciso, y que era vadolero
rcboltoso, cruel, y malo para Indios. ’ Of Balboa’s denial of guilt, in
Hist. Mondo Nvovo, i. 51,
The sacrament was then administered; and, after having confessed himself,
Yasco Nunez, with his usual firm step and calm demeanor, mounted the scaffold.
Raising his eyes to heaven he called on God to witness his innocence. Then
with a rapid farewell glance at heaven’s light and earth’s beauty, at the eager
upturned faces of his friends, he placed his head upon the block, and in a
moment more it was rolling trunk- less on the platform!
Valderrabano, Botello, and Munoz each suffered in turn. Argiiello
remained. A last attempt was made to move Pedrarias. “ It cannot be,” was the
reply. “ Rather than one of them should live, I myself will die.” It was dark
before the last dull heavy stroke told the crowd that the sickening work was
done. With the death of the offender justice is satisfied; not so vengeance. By
order of Pedrarias the head of Vasco Nunez was placed upon a pole, and
displayed in the market-place.
Time, which throws a misty cloud between the present and the past, and
strips the hideousness from many iniquitous deeds, drops no friendly mantle
over the horrors of that day at Acla. One century after another rolls by, and
the colors on the canvas deepen; the red gore dripping from the scaffold
becomes redder, the black heart of Pedrarias blacker, and the generous
qualities and brilliant achievements of Vasco Nunez shine yet brighter.
Benzoni writes, ‘ Valboa con giuramento neg6, dicendo, che inquanto toccaua
alia informatione chc contra lui s’era fatta di solleuargli la gente chc 1’era
it torto, e falsamente accusato, e che considerate bene quello che faceua, o se
lui hauesse tal cosa tentata, non saria venuto alia presentia sua, e similmcnte
del resto, si difese il meglio che puote ma dove regnano le forze, poco gioua
de- fendersi con la ragione.’ And Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. ix., testifies,
‘ Vaschum ab Austro accersit Petrus Arias; paret dicto Vaschus, in catenas
conjicitur. Ncgat Vaschus tale consilium cogitassc. Testes qureruntur male-
factorum, quie patraverat: ab initio dicta colliguntur, morte dignus censetur,
perimitur.’ And
‘what stomach’ he further adds, ‘Pedrarias Ddvila may have, should he ever
return to Spain, let good men judge.’
1517-1523.
Dishonesty
the Best Policy—Pedrarias Stigmatized—His Authority
Curtailed—Quevedo in- Spain—He Encounters Las Casas—The Battle of
the Priests—Oviedo Enters the Arena—Business in Darien—The Interoceanic Road
Again—Its Termini—Pedrarias and Espinosa at PanamA—The Licentiate Makes Another
Raid —The Friars of St Jerome have
their Eye on Pedrarias—The Cabildo of Antigua Shakes its Finger at
Him—Continued Attempts to
Depopulate the North Coast—Albites Builds Nombre de Dios—Lucky
Licentiate—Arrival and Death of Lope de Sosa —Oviedo Returns and Does Battle
with the Dragon—And b Beaten from the Field.
For the villainous adjudging
of Yasco Nunez, Gaspar de Espinosa received his place on the South Sea. And
when true tidings reached Pedrarias of the appointment of Lope de Sosa as his
successor, the grizzly old governor did exactly that for which he pretended to
have beheaded Yasco Nunez. Striking corollaries from, the historical
propositions of the preceding chapter.
That Pedrarias was not at once deposed may seem strange to us. He was
deposed, however; but slipping south he sought new fields, as we shall
presently see; and by the intercession of powerful friends at court he managed
to retain rulership for a term of years. Then, too, the changes. It was
troublesome and expensive for royalty to establish subordinate governments in
the Indies; and as nearly all of Spain’s New World governors, and, indeed,
officials and subjects, were wrong in some particular, there
(160)
was not always encouragement to make a change. Yet Spain and all
Christendom were indignant over the infamous doings at Acla. The friars of St
Jerome instantly clipped the wings of the cormorant, by ordering him in the
king’s name “ to resolve upon nothing by himself, but to follow the advice of
the cabildo1 of Darien; and, moreover, to send to Espanola
all the gold taken from Cacique Paris.” This was of little practical avail,
however. Royalty might issue edicts; but those appointed to enforce them seemed
to turn to corruption on entering the atmosphere of the Indies.
Some said, if the good bishop had been there, Vasco Nunez had not died.
But according to Micer Codro it was scarcely among the possibilities for the
inauspicious friend of Balboa to have been present at the right moment.
Associated with the alcalde mayor and the governor in magisterial authority,
the bishop could without doubt have diverted the quarrel from such gory
channels; for there was always enough of the temporal in his spiritual polities
to give his influence weight in balancing power. It was a wolfish flock. The
bishop complained of it to the king; and on the other hand the royal officers complained
of the bishop. Both were right. It was impossible too severely to censure such
acts as were constantly perpetrated by the officials of Castilla del Oro, and
although Quevedo had gone to Spain on the more pleasing errand of love and
reconciliation, he could not help occasionally speaking for truth and righteousness,
even while doing the devil’s work with the rest of them. Once the royal
officials wrote the king that the bishop neglected the conversion of the
Indians, favored Vasco Nunez against the government, and
1 The city or town council, composed of
the alcalde, regidores, and other officers having the administration or
economical and political management of municipal affairs. The word cabildo has
essentially the same signification as ayuntamiento, regimiento, consejo,
municipalidad, and coneejo municipal. A cabildo eclesidstico is a bishop’s
council or chapter. The authority invested in this body at Antigua at this
time, to check Pedrarias, was wholly unusual and extraordinary.
discouraged colonization by speaking ill of the country; and again that
the bishop was a source of constant disturbance, and praying that a provisor,
talented and upright, be appointed to superintend sacred affairs.2
Before the sovereign, Quevedo spoke disparagingly of both Pedrarias and
Vasco Nunez; the prelate, alone was perfect. But beside the genuine ring of Las
Casas, the base metal of Quevedo’s composition sounded flat. The
protector-general was at this time busy at once with his colonization scheme
and his impeachment of the Jeronimite Fathers, who, although meaning well, were
slack in exacting the right as measured by apostolic ze^l.
On one occasion, in the royal antechamber at Mo- lin del Rey, while
waiting for the bishop of Badajoz, one of the king’s preachers, with whom he
had an engagement to dine, Quevedo was bluntly accosted by Las Casas. “I
understand, my lord, that you are the bishop of Darien. I too am interested in
the Indies, and it is my duty to offer you fellowship.” “Ah! Seilor Casas,”
rudely replied Quevedo. “And from what text will you preach us a sermon
to-day?” .“I have ready two sermons,” retorted the always armed Protector,
“which, if you would listen to them, might prove to you of higher import than
all the moneys which you bring from the Indies.” “ You are beside yourself! You
are beside yourself!” was all the bishop could stammer as his host appeared and
withdrew him from the merciless shots of Las Casas. But Quevedo was not to
escape so easily. Presenting himself after dinner at the house of the king’s
preacher, Las Casas tortured his enemy into yet hotter dispute. Young Charles
hearing of it ordered the battle of the priests to be continued before him.
This was the first audience by the prince in matters relative to the Indies.
2 First by the hand of Pedrarias de Avila,
the governor’s nephew, February 16, 1515, and again January 28, 1516. See Puente, Carta, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., ii. 541-8; Gonzalez
Ddvila, Teatro Eccles., ii. 57.
Brought into the royal presenee Quevedo thanked God for the honor,
pronouneed the first governor of Darien a bad one, the seeond much worse, and
the savages in a deplorable eondition., Las Casas following eharged the fault
as mueh to royal officers and elergy as to hidalgos and lesser subjeets.
Soon after this diseussion Quevedo presented two memorials, one against
Pedrarias Ddvila, and the other for restricting the power of governors in
general, and of the military, and for the better proteetion of the natives. He
pledged himself to name a ruler for Castilla del Oro, meaning Diego Velazquez,
then governor of Cuba, who would expend from his own private means fifteen
thousand dueats in the serviee of the eolony. Within a few days thereafter
Quevedo was seized with an illness whieh terminated in his death; Charles was
summoned to aeeept the imperial crown, and for a time little attention was paid
to the affairs of the Indies.3
Another politieal ageney appeared in Spain about this time. Gonzalo
Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes, first ehronieler of the New World, who, as we
have seen, eame with Pedrarias to Tierra Firme as superintendent of
gold-melting and aeting notary-general, beeoming disgusted with both the
governor and the bishop departed from that shore in Oetober, 1515. Scareely had
Oviedo arrived at Madrid when he reeeived word of King Ferdinand’s death, whieh
was a severe blow, as he had hoped through the influenee of his former patrons
to reorganize the government of Castilla del Oro and plaee it on a better
basis. Proeeeding to Flanders he laid the matter before the ministers, and was
referred to Cardinal Jimenez, who listened and did nothing. There the matter
rested until the death of the eardinal, when Oviedo ao-ain
7 O
3 Juan de Quevedo was a friar of the order
of St Francis, a native of Bejori in Old Castile; was eonsecrated bishop by Leo
X., and died December 24, 1519. He was a double-faced divine, mercenary, but
with good-natured proclivities. Gonzalez D&vila who gives his biography,
TecUro Ecles., ii. 58, says that he was defeated in the discussions with Las
Casas. See also RemescU, Hist. Chyapa, 73-6.
appeared at court and succeeded in obtaining the appointment of Lope de
Sosa to succeed Pedrarias in the government of Castilla del Oro. Satisfied thus
far in his attempts to benefit the colonists at Antigua, he solicited for
himself the government of Santa Marta. The appointment was conferred; but being
refused one hundred knights of Santiago, who were deemed indispensable to the
subjugation of the country, he declined the office. Like Quevedo, he aroused
the enmity of Las Casas, through his opposition to the schemes of the fiery
philanthropist in the management of the natives. Nevertheless Oviedo obtained
many beneficial decrees for Darien. The duties of the governor were defined
anew; royal officials were forbidden to trade; the royal assayer was required
to give bonds; orders were issued regulating the gold-melting house; duties
were abolished for four years; the export duty on gold was reduced nearly one
half for a term of five years.
A business paralysis succeeded the dark days at Acla. Little was done in
1518 in the way of new adventure, though Pedrarias had enough to occupy himself
withal, in keeping his own head on his shoulders. More than one lofty scheme
was cut short by the stroke that laid lifeless Vasco Nunez. The young and hardy
scarcely dared achieve prominence; the old and imbecilc could not; even the
ferocious genius of Francisco Pizarro lay dormant all through his fiery youth,
and past early impatient manhood, unknown even to himself.
Made captain-general of the South Sea, not long after the catastrophe at
Acla, Espinosa was unable at once to take command in person of the force at
Isla Rica. Though the licentiate was of a mild, obedient disposition, it was
not without misgivings that Pedrarias permitted him to assume so important a
trust, the most dangerous for purposes of revolt of any within the government
of Castilla del Oro; for instruments
employed in the accomplishment of base purposes are not apt to inspire
the greatest confidence. But Espinosa was not a mere rover; he was an anchored
judge already high in colonial office, whose robberies and murders, however
unjust and lawless, were of a quasi judicial nature; moreover he was popular
with the soldiers, for his legal decisions by no means interfered with popular
rights in pillage and licentiousness. Indeed, when Pedrarias afterward
contemplated absence, the people of Antigua begged that Espinosa might be left
there to govern them, but this excited the jealousy of the governor, who
refused the petition.4
The much talked of interoceanic chain of posts, with a commercial city at
either end, was not yet an accomplished fact. As the breadth, coast-trends,
and configuration of the country became better known, Acla was found situated
too far to the eastward. The narrowest part of the Isthmus had been
ascertained, as also the most practicable route for a road, requiring a
north-coast seaport somewhere opposite Panamd., which had long since been
decided upon as the best site for a city on the southern seaboard. Hernan Ponce
de Leon, temporarily stationed there, had abandoned the place, so that both
termini of the proposed road must be founded anew. The point selected on the
north coast was Nombre de Dios.
Before Espinosa was ready for his South Sea command, positive
information of the appointment of Lope de Sosa reached Antigua. It now behooved
both Pedrarias and the licentiate to look to their footing, for it was not
unlikely to fare hard with them in their coming residencias. It might be as
well, after all, for these astute and subtle minds to fall back upon the idea
of Vasco Nunez—indeed, the cavalier’s ideas seemed better than any of their
own—of withdrawing beyond the possibly too restraining influences
1 Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dee. ii. lib. iii. cap. iii., gives the erroneous impression that,
wlien Pedrarias retired to Panamd, Espinosa was left to govern at Antigua as
captain-general. Acosta, CompencL Hist. Nueva Granada, 75-6, copies the
error.
Hibt. Ceh. Am., Vol. I. 30
of superior authority, and establishing themselves in freer latitudes.
The north coast offered no further attractions in any event. Give them the
South Sea, and Sosa might have the north, and die there at his convenience. For
it was assuredly the abode of death. .
Pedrarias accordingly determined to make the southern seaboard his future
base of operations, and to convey thither as much as possible of what he
esteemed valuable. To this end he embarked from Acla, and laid before the
council at Antigua a proposal to abandon that site, and remove the capital to
Panamd. The plan was not regarded with favor, as he neither expected nor
desired it to be; for, if Panamd, was made the capital, Sosa’s government would
be there, and might seriously interfere with his projects. Two advantages were,
however, gained by making the proposal. By opening the question it unsettled
the minds of residents at Antigua, and enabled Pedrarias with less difficulty
to enlist recruits, and it could not afterward be said that he had sought to
abandon the government, having offered to carry it with him. Nevertheless, he
could not part with the people and their council without a fling at them; so,
one night he summoned the cabildo to appear at his house, and took from them
their insignia of’ office, leaving the municipality to manage as best it might
during his absence. Returning to Acla, he ordered Espinosa to summon the forces
stationed in the province of Pocorosa, and unite with them all the available
troops of the colony. With these, and such provisions and articles of trade and
use as they could lay their hands upon, the governor and the alcalde mayor set
out across the cordillera for the Southern Sea.
Pedrarias was not altogether satisfied with the site of his proposed
Pacific city. On either side of the old fish-drying station thick tangled woods
rose from marshy bottoms; so that, while the spot called
Panamd was obviously malarious, there seemed at hand no better one.6
At the Pearl Islands affairs were found as Vasco Nunez had left them. Companion
had proved faithful to his trust. More acts of possession were now inflicted on
this thrice-gulped wilderness, one on the mainland, January 27, 1519, and one
two days after, on the Isla Rica of Vasco Nunez, called by Pedrarias as Morales
had christened it, Isla de las Flores.6 Taking the ships Balboa had
built, the governor and Espinosa embarked the forces, and proceeded to the
island of Taboga,7 where Badajoz had been three years before,
opposite and some five leagues distant from the proposed settlement.
Pedrarias and Espinosa had now at their command about four hundred men,
most of whom were opposed to city-building as detrimental to the nobler
profession of plundering. But calming their fears in this regard, Pedrarias
sought to secure their interest in his scheme by partitioning the lands
adjacent to Panamd, and giving to each man a section. Foraging expeditions were
sent out at once, and the soldiers were encouraged to make captures, and so
secure laborers for their lands and means for the indulgence of their lusts.
Thus every settler soon had from forty to ninety slaves, who did not live long,
however. Nor were the colonists at Antigua forgotten in this division, to the
end that by offering superior inducements here, the northern coast might the
sooner be depopulated.
5 In fact,
neither Nombre de Dios nor Panamd, as at this time loeated, remained; the
former, by order of Philip II., being removed five leagues to the westward, to
Portobello, and the city of Panamd being refounded two leagues west of the
original site, each port, at the tune of its depopulation, claiming over 40,000
Spaniards as victims to the unwholesomeness of the climate, during a period of
twenty-eight years. It was not until after these places had become the
entrepots for a large traffic with Peru and the northwestern coast that the
changes were made.
c It was in
the former instance that Pedrarias sought to pluralize his ownership by taking
possession, quasi possession, and repossession, as fully related in that
curious document by Mozolay, Testimonio, in Pacheco and Cdrdcnas, Col. Doc. ,
ii. 549-56, of which I have made an abstract in a previous chapter.
7 A better anchorage, owing to the wide
stretch of shelving beach at Panamd, which was uncovered at low tide. Herrera
says that in his day vessels in summer rode in the strand, and in the winter in
the haven of Perico, two leagues from the port of Panamd.
The formal act of founding the city of Panamd, was consummated August
15,1519; the public notary certifying that Pedrarias D&vila founded then
and there a city, the name whereof was Panamd,, and that in the name of God,
and of the queen, Dona Juana, and of Don Cclrlos, her son, he would defend the
same against all opposers.8
Not the least important or successful among the foraging expeditions at
this time sent out from Panamd was one under Espinosa, who with a hundred and
fifty men embarked in one of the brigantines in search of the gold that Badajoz
had lost. Ah! that gold; the Spaniards could scarcely sleep for thinking of it.
But now the licentiate should judicially recover it; then might Panamd, have
rest.
Dropping westward a few leagues, Espinosa anchored at the mouth of a
small river flowing through the province of Cutara, called after the son of the
late Paris who now ruled that province. Ascending the river in canoes the
Spaniards surprised by night the village, and no opposition being offered, the
robbers took such plate, provisions, cotton cloth, and Indian weapons as they
could lay their hands on. It then occurred to the more ghoulish of the company
to search the death-chamber of the cacique Paris, whose body was then lying in
state. And there, thanks be to God, and praise eternal to Mary! round the
corpse were not only the golden plates before captured, but piles of vessels
and ornaments of the same blessed
8 As Pascual
de Andagoya, Relacion, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 406, says, * Panamd,
se fundd el ano de 19, dia de Ntra. Sra. de Agosto, y en fin de aquel ano pobld
al Nombre de Dios un capitan Diego Alvites por mandado de Pedrarias.5
And Herrera writes, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. iii., ‘Concordan- dose todos en
esto, llaxnb Pedrarias a un escrivano, y 1c pidio por testimonio como alii de
positiva una villa q se llamasse Panama en nobre de Dios y de la Reyna dona
Iuana, y don Carlos su hijo, y protestava dela defender en el dicho nombres a
qualesquier cdtrarios. ’ See further Las Casas, Hist. Ind., v.
‘200-20; M or dll, Fasti Novi Orbis, 17; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., iii, 61-4; Gomara,
Hist. Ind., 85; Benzoni, Hist. Mondo Nvovo, 51; Du Perler, Gen. Hist. Voy.,
167; Panamd, Descrip, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 89-90; Zuazo,
Carta, in id., xi. 312-19; Gonzalez Davila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 56; Purchas, His
Pilgrimes, iv. 882.
metal. By this desecration, gold to the value of forty thousand
Castellanos was secured, which made glad the heart of the old governor at
Panamd. And who shall say the learned licentiate was not an humane and pious
man, a just judge and good Christian withal, when after taking the trouble to
drive the inhabitants of that village captives to the sea, he liberated them
all at the entreaty of the youthful cacique, who had followed them wildly
wailing, and faithfully promising a ransom of as much more gold as had been
already taken ? On the way back the licentiate stopped at the landing of the
cacique Biruquete, of whom he bought a cargo of maize, without paying for it.
Lest the treasure should fall into improper hands, half of it was buried at
Panamd by Pedrarias and Espinosa; with the remainder the worthy couple set out
immediately for Antigua, where the latter paid over the king’s share, and then
made preparations for a voyage of discovery along the coast, toward the
north-west.
It occurred to Pedrarias that while Espinosa was absent from Darien with
the men and ships making discoveries, it would be well for him to visit Spain
and place his declining power on a firmer basis. But in order to leave he must
have permission from the chief authority, or else lay down his office and
submit to a residencia. Since the Jeronimite Fathers had made the cabildo of
Antigua their agent to watch Pedrarias, and if possible keep him within the
bounds of humanity and decency, he applied to it for permission to leave the
country, and was refused. It was very hard, he said, that the king’s governor
should be thus subject to check by a vulgar town council; but the friars at
Santo Domingo must be obeyed.
Since he could not go to Spain Pedrarias wrote the royal authorities
there, setting forth what he had done at Panamd, soliciting a South Sea
government for himself, and the removal of the municipality and cathedral of
Antigua to the new city. Again, midst
much storming, he applied for leave, saying he had been chosen procurador
in Castile; and again he was refused permission. Then he dissembled, spoke
softly, and said he loved the councilmen as his children, but nothing availed.
An aet of this couneil, passed during his absence, greatly exasperated
him, as tending to show a disregard for his authority. This was the granting
of a request by Diego de Albites to plant a colony on the coast of Veragua.
Fearing that the friars might impose upon him further restrictions he abruptly
broke off all conference with the council of Antigua, and proceeded to Panamd.
There he found the soldiers and colonists more than ever dissatisfied.
Provisions were scarce, and there was fever among them, and they said, Espinosa
among the rest, if they were to become citizens, they would prefer the pure air
of Spain to this pest-hole. “Very well,” replied the governor," let the
gold be unearthed, and that with all the rest returned to the people of Paris,
as the Jeronimite Fathers have ordered, and let us return to Castile. I
assuredly can live there without hunger.” A threat from Pedrarias to do a
righteous act was uneommon and terrifying. The disaffected were silenced; and
while Pedrarias yielded so far as to agree to the search for a more favorable
country to the westward, it was at the same time determined that the building
of Panamd, should be proceeded with.
Meanwhile the cabildo of Antigua proceeded as best it could with the
establishing of a northern seaport. By several successful raids on the north
coast, toward Veragua, Diego de Albites had accumulated wealth, and with wealth
ambition more vaulting. During the war between Vasco Nunez and Pedrarias he
pictured to himself political dissolution, and sent to Spain Andres Nino, a
pilot, and two thousand Castellanos to purchase for him a South Sea government.
Better skilled in navigation than in diplomacy Nino returned
without the office and without the money. At another time, while left in
command at Aela during Vaseo Nunez’ absenee at the South Sea, Albites slipped
cable and sailed for Espanola, where he applied for authority to build a town
at Nombre de Dios or establish a colony on the coast of Veragua. Referred by
the friars to Pedrarias, as an excuse for his absence he enlisted sixty men,
loaded his ships with much-needed provisions, and returned to receive the
thanks of the governor whom he had sought to eir- eumvent. For this faithful
service he received permission from Pedrarias to make an incursion into the
provinee of Veragua, whieh greatly offended Vasco Nunez; and when Albites
returned sueeessful from this raid the cabildo at Antigua granted him permission
to establish a settlement not only in that provinee, but at Nombre de Dios, to
Pedrarias’ extreme annoy- anee.9
It was in 1517 that Albites returned to Antigua from Veragua, Chagre, and
Nombre de Dios with much gold and many slaves. Aecording to Herrera he
attempted an expedition to Veragua in 1518, but was driven back to Nombre de
Dios, where he founded a city. Andagoya is correct, however, when he places the
settlement of Nombre de Dios in the latter part of 1519, though it was not by
order of Pedrarias as he affirms. Embarking from Antigua in a brigantine and
earavel, Albites touehed at the isle of Basti- mentos, and coasted westward a
few leagues, raiding upon the natives for gold with meagre results. One of the
ships beeoming leaky he returned to Basti- mentos, where it foundered. Thence
he was eonveyed by the cacique in eanoes to Nombre de Dios, and at onee set
about building a town.
Two opposite posts being thus established, a road
9 Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 16, states
that Albites entered the Rio Chagre in 1515. ‘ Didacus Albitez itidem Hispanus
Chagre fluvium subiit.’ In 1510 were put forward his pretensions to eonquest in
the direction of Veragua. Herrera, dee. ii. lib. ii. cap. xi.; Andagoya'a Nor.,
23; Oviedo, iii. 61-71; Galvano's Discov., 31.
was constructed from sea to sea, “ through the mountain's overgrown with
thick woods never touched from all eternity,” as Peter Martyr expresses it. At
great labor and cost both to the crown and to the colonists, a way wide enough
for vehicles was cut through the thickets; trees were felled and thrown into
the marshes, obstructing rocks torn from their beds, and bridges made where
necessary.10 Thus was opened through primeval shades a passage for
the blessings and the curses of that Atlantic civilization which was to
illuminate the Pacific.
This same year the lucky licentiate and alcalde mayor, Gaspar de
Espinosa, was gaining further renown as discoverer and treasure-seeker. With
Juan de Castaneda as pilot, he coasted one hundred and eighty leagues toward
the north-west, touching at Huistd, Nata, Chiru, Chame, and other posts, and
returned to Panamd well laden with maize and other provisions, and gold to the
value of thirty-three thousand castellanos. During this exploration he entered
a gulf to which he gave the name Culebras,11 from the many snakes of
various colors seen there.
A stroke of better fortune than he deserved likewise befell Pedrarias
not long after. In May, 1520, Lope de Sosa, with three hundred men, arrived and
anchored in the harbor of Antigua. Pedrarias, who was there at the time,
immediately made preparations to receive him with becoming ceremony. Having
given orders concerning his disembarkation, the new governor entered his cabin
to dress. While there he was seized with a sudden illness, from which he
shortly
10 Peter Martyr says the road was wide
enough to give passage for two carts side by side, 1 to the
intent that they might passe oucr with ease to search ye secrets of either
spacious Sea;’ but at the writing of his sixth decade the road was not
completed.
11 Lying north of Nicoya, and so called
to-day, that is to say Puerto de Culebra. South of Lake Nicaragua, on Colon’s and
Ribero *s maps we find G. (leS. t la go; Vaz Dourado, b:. de
Samtiago. By some chart-makers the results and names of one discovery were
known, by others, those of another; the final appellation depended on
circumstances.
after expired. Witli mournful pomp and outward demonstration of grief
Pedrarias conveyed the body to the church and buried it before the altar. Juan
Alonso de Sosa, the son, and all the followers of the late governor were
treated with that show of distinction which the old courtier could so well
assume. Juan Rodriguez de Alarconcillo, who came as alcalde mayor, and before
whom the residencia of the outgoing governor would have been taken, was
favored with marked consideration. By way of prudence, some time before the
anticipated arrival of his judge Pedrarias had sent his wife to Spain with all
his gold and pearls.
Sosa’s appointment to supersede Pedrarias was one of the reformatory
measures which the chronicler Oviedo claims to have effected while in Spain.12
For himself he had obtained, besides the offices of veedor and
escribano-general, those of collector of chamber penalties and regidor perpetuo
of Antigua. Orders were issued, furthermore, to all New World governors to
furnish him a truthful report of all their acts, so that he might complete the
General History of the Indies already begun. He was also appointed receiver of
the property of Vasco Nunez and his accomplices which had been confiscated to
the king. He arrived at Antigua with his wife and two children soon after Sosa.
But the heart of the scholar was not in the coarse cunning of Darien
politics; he became discontented, irritable, and while commanding the respect
of the colonists he was not popular with them. They did not want reform so much
as plunder. Pedrarias was his enemy, as he was the enemy of every well-mean-
12 Oviedo’s statements concerning himself
during this period of angry excitement must be taken with due allowance. The
chronieler gives liimself and his affairs at great length; but I will endeavor,
in my curtailment of his account, nob to forget that there were at this time,
and before and after, twenty equally important issues of which there are less
full records. See Oviedo, iii. 41-56 and 72-88; .fuse Amador
de los Rios, Viday Esirilu^de Oviedo, in id., i. pp. ix.-cvii.; Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. x.
ing man of ability. The deaths first of a boy and then of his wife did
not tend to sweeten his disposition. “ Many times would I have returned to
Spain,” he exclaims, “had not need and shame prevented me.’"
The powers of the governor having been enlarged by means of the veedor,
Oviedo’s was the first head on which they were visited. The principal quarrel
was over the depopulation of the northern coast. The veedor protested in the
king’s name, but the governor, now lord of all, was determined to execute his
cherished project while he possessed the power. There was no longer any need
of a north-coast capital; Pedrarias would make Panamd his metropolis. Before
introducing further changes, however, it was necessary that his residencia
should be taken. But this, with his experience, need be nothing more than an
arraignment and trial of himself. At his request the licentiate Alarconcillo
published the residencia for thirty days, during which time the governor
continued to exercise the functions of office; no one appeared against him,
and a certificate of the proceeding was sent to Spain. Pedrarias then took up
his permanent abode at Panama.
Not long afterward the veedor and contador were obliged to visit Panamd
to weigh some gold and receive the royal share, since the governor would no
longer send the metal to Antigua. The contador took up his residence there, but
Oviedo returned to Antigua, more than ever determined to stand by that city.
Seeing which Pedrarias was satisfied he could no more effectually ruin his
adversary than by permitting him to have his own way. Beside, it were as well
to stop the tongue and pen of one who could make and unmake governors. So when
next Oviedo complained Pedrarias answered, “ Seiior Veedor, since you know so
well how to achieve such desirable results, accept from me what power I
possess, and govern Antigua according to your pleasure.”
After some hesitation Oviedo accepted the proposal,
and presented his credentials to the municipal council in November, 1521.
Opening his administration with the enthusiasm of a novice, he straightway set
about correcting abuses. He forbade blasphemy, keeping mistresses, and selling
or eating meat on Saturday. He prohibited gambling, and burned all the cards in
the public square. A dishonest notary was required to make restitution fourfold
and be suspended from office for one year. Indian women must no longer be
employed as beasts of burden, and Indian children must not be sold and bought
as slaves. Certain more practicable provisions, however, saved Antigua, for a
time, from the effects of a morality which standing alone would have killed any
colony in the Indies. The new ruler bought for small sums the houses of those
leaving, and sold them to new-comers at cost. He erected a market, opened
mines, built ships, and sent out expeditions to smooth the ruffled plumage of
the savage. He made of old iron five hundred hatchets, which were sold to the
Indians; and when they became dulled, their owners not knowing how to sharpen
them, he placed on board a vessel three large grindstones, covered so that the
uncivilized might not steal the secret, and proceeded along the coast grinding
such implements as the Indians brought, and charging therefor a sum equal to
the original cost, which was cheerfully paid. It is claimed that more than
seven thousand Castellanos were thus secured during one voyage.
A greater prosperity followed these measures than pleased Pedrarias. But
by revoking the many decisions of his deputy that came up on appeal from
dissatisfied colonists, the governor was enabled to render Oviedo’s position
one of little power.
The staff of officials was increased by yet another alcalde mayor, the
licentiate Sancho de Salaya, for the South Sea government particularly, who
arrived at Antigua in a caravel from Spain, the 1st of July, 1522. With him
came Rodrigo Perez, the friend of
Vasco Nunez, vicar when sent in chains to Spain, but returned
arch-deacon.13
About this time a rebellion broke out on the Rio Grande San Juan, caused
by outrages perpetrated by the bachiller Corral and Martin Estete during a foraging
expedition. Heedless of the warning of Oviedo, Martin de Murga, visitador of
the Indians, in company with three Spaniards and ten friendly Indians, paid a
visit to Bea, the cacique of this province, who slew the entire party. Juan de
Escaray with forty men was sent against the revolted chieftain.
Soon after some christianized Indians came down from the mountains, eight
leagues distant, and reported outrages on them by the cacique Corobari. Thirty-
five men were sent to capture him, and when brought in, Salaya sentenced him to
be burned; after which the licentiate proceeded to Panamd,. Several spies
caught near Antigua about the same time confessed under torture to an
insurrection contemplated by the cacique Guaturo, who had joined Bea. It Avas
his plan to fire the town and slay the inhabitants. Oviedo in person, with
forty men, proceeded against the new rebel, who, with several of the conspirators,
was captured and hanged. This was the last of the1 wars of Antigua.
At length it pleased Pedrarias to depose Oviedo, and appoint in his place
the bachiller Corral, who had shortly before incurred the anger of the
chronicler, and had by him been sent in chains to Spain, on the charge of
having there a wife while living himself in the Indies. The ubiquitous
bachiller re-appeared at Antigua, however, almost in a twinkling. Of course,
the chronicler was very indignant. The revocation was read in council; whereupon
Oviedo laid his staff of office on the chair which he had occupied as president,
and took his seat among the members, saying, “This is my place, given me by the
emperor; here
13 ‘ From which it may be seen,’ says
Oviedo, ‘with what justice Vasco Nunez was condemned, when his chief accomplice
comes back not only acquitted but with honors. ’
will I henceforth serve their Majesties, as in duty bound, and here
only.” Accompanying the revocation was a decree from Pedrarias, authorizing the
city of Antigua to elect a representative to a general assembly, to be
convened at Panamd, for the purpose of providing measures important to the
province, and to elect procaradores de cortes, or members of Congress to send
to Spain. Pedrarias preferred Espinosa to represent Antigua, for obvious
reasons; but instead of sending a delegate to the junta at Panamd,, the people
of Antigua chose their own representative in the person of Oviedo. While
waiting for a vessel Oviedo occupied himself by presenting charges against
Pedrarias before the new alcalde mayor, Alarconcillo, who had ordered a second
residencia of the governor, and also one of Espinosa. For this pastime he not
only narrowly escaped paying with his life, at the hand of an assassin, but
Pedrarias ordered his late lieutenant’s own residencia to be taken, and even
placed him in irons until bonds should be given. The trial was passed without
further damage than a fine of twenty Castellanos for sending Corral to Spain.
Another attempt being made at murder, Oviedo on the 3d of July, 1523, stole
away, embarking ostensibly for Nombre de Dios, but bearing off, he directed his
course toward Cuba and Jamaica, and thence sailed to Spain. Yerily, these were
the days of dissimulation.
GIL GONZALEZ IN COSTA
RICA AND NICARAGUA.
1519-1523.
Andres
NiSo and his Spice Islands—Fails to Obtain Authority to Discover—Applies to Gil
Gonzalez Davila—Agreement with the King—Royal Order for the Ships of Vasco
NuSez—Pedrarias Refuses to Deliver Them—Gil Gonzalez Transports Ships across the
Mountains—Embarks from the Pearl Islands—Gil Gonzalez Proceeds by Land and NiSo
by Sea—Visit to Nicoya—And to Nicaragua — The Captain-general Converts many
Souls—And Gathers much Gold—Fight 'with Diriangen—Nicaragua Apostatizes—The
Spaniards Terminate the Discovery and Hasten to their Ships—NiSo’s Voyage to Fonseca Bay—Return to PanamA.
The pilot Andres Nino was an enterprising fellow, not to be put down by
any slight frown of fortune. He had lately seen service with Vasco Nunez, and
would, God willing, follow the fantasy thence engendered. If two thousand
eastellanos could not buy a small slice of dominion on the North Sea, he would
try the South. And in the mind of Nino, as with other navigators of that day,
the undiscovered South assumed fantastic shape. There was the originally
created strait, actual though invisible, leading to the Spice Islands hard by.
Why should not one pilot as well as another sai] through that strait to those
fragrant shores, even though the voyage must be begun by crossing a little
strip of cordillera?
Such was New World geography in 1519, when the inspired pilot found
himself in Spain, soliciting the Council of the Indies for the ships of Vasco
Nunez, in which to make his voyage to the Moluccas; for, if so
• (478)
be lie might get there for the asking, it would save him much trouble.
Nino had come under the patronage of Alonso de la Puente, the royal treasurer,
and accompanied by Andres de Cereceda; but the persuasive eloquence of the
worthy pilot was wanting in the soft, seductive tones that come from the ring
of precious metals, and a second time Bellerophon fell to earth.
It happened that the contador of Espanola, Gil Gonzalez Ddvila,1
was then at the court of Spain; and it was suggested to Nino, who seemed to
have exhausted all his resources, that if he could engage that gentleman’s
interest in the enterprise, it would be equivalent to its accomplishment. For
he was a man of no small influence, springing from a good family of Avila, and
having been formerly attached to the household of the all-potential bishop of
Burgos. Possessed of exceptional ability and integrity, he had been sometimes
sent by the government on missions of importance and trust, and was engaged in
one of them when first we met him at Santo Domingo, investigating the affairs
of the defaulting treasurer, Santa Clara. His energy was of the substantial
cast, authoritative, robust, and direct. He seldom made mistakes, either in men
or measures; and seemingly was strongest when standing at ease. Neither so bold
as Vasco Nunez, nor so cunning as Pedrarias, nor so cruel as Pizarro, nor so
learned as Espinosa, he was a man of deeper and broader experience than any one
of them, with a more evenly balanced mind, a cooler, sounder judgment, not
always a warrant for greater success than with a more senseless recklessness,
but on the whole much safer as a colleague, and more reliable as a friend. He
was not a man easily diverted by hollow schemes, however brilliant or
high-soaring; but when Nino laid before him his plans, he saw at once that they
were
1 There were three of this name whom we
shall encounter, the contador of Espanola; the licenciado, who was alcalde
mayor of the Spanish main under Diego de Ordaz, in 1530; Simon, Conq. Tierra
Fn-me, 106-27; and the clergyman and chief chronicler, in 1655, of the Indies,
and of both Castilcs.
eminently practical. There were the ships, and there the undiscovered
sea, of which was already known that its shores abounded in gold and pearls,
guarded by naked and almost weaponless men—this, and little more. What more was
wanted? It did not require a Periander to tell the accomplished contador that
this was no ordinary opportunity. Fonseca, who had always retained a warm
interest in his protege, heartily approved the plan, and the details were soon
arranged with Nino. Gil Gonzalez was to be captain-general of the expedition;
to him was given the habit of Santiago, and he was recommended to the newly
appointed governor of Castilla del Oro, Lope de Sosa. Nino was to be a partner
in the enterprise, with the position of pilot. Cereceda was chosen contador of
the discovery.2
A royal order3 was issued at Barcelona the 18th of June, 1519,
directing the governor of Castilla del Oro to deliver to Gil Gonzalez the
vessels built by Vasco Nunez, and authorizing an expedition for South Sea
discovery, the expense of which was to be borne largely by the crown. With this
cddula Lope de Sosa promised faithfully to comply.
During the year following the execution of these documents Andrds Nino so
bestirred himself, that his
2 The royal agreement was made speeially
with Nino, ‘ piloto de su mages- tad para el descubrimiento,’ Gil Gonzalez
boing named captain-general. Nino was to explore 1,000 leagues to the westward
for spices, gold, silver, pearls, and precious stones, in three ships,
furnished half by the crown and half by the explorers, who were to receive for
the purpose 4,000 Castellanos de oro, from the sums to the credit of the crown
in the hands of the factor of Castilla del Oro. One twentieth of what God might
thus give them, after the king should have received his fifth, was to be
devoted to pious purposes. The net proceeds to he divided equally between the
crown and the discoverers, according to the amount contributed by each. Wages
paid the crew to be counted in the costs; or if they went on shares, two thirds
should go to the king and Nino, and one third to the captain, officers, and
men. Supplies were to be exempt from duty, and the explorers should have an
interest in the lands discovered by them. The crown agreed to furnish at
Jamaica 2,000 loads of cassava-root, and 500 hogs; also ten negro slaves, the
explorer to pay the owners for ten Indian slaves to serve as interpreters. Por
the faithful performance of these and other obligations, the explorer was
required to give bonds in the sum of 2,000 ducats. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iv.
cap. i., gives only a part of the contract; in Sqiikr’s MSS., i. 12-14, is the
document in full.
3 A copy of this c^dula may be found in
Squier’s MiSS., i.
captain-general was enabled to land at Acla with two hundred men, prior
to the arrival at Antigua of Lope de Sosa. Pedrarias was incensed that any one
should presume to intermeddle in Tierra Firme affairs. Gil Gonzalez
nevertheless despatched to him with the royal order Juan de Sauce, who duly
delivered it in the presence of the notary Martin Estete.4
It is worth witnessing the reception by this archhypocrite of a royal
command. “And forthwith the said lieutenant-general,” writes the notary, “ took
the said cedula of his Highness in his hands, and kissed it, and placed it on
his head, and said that he would obey it, and that he did obey it with the
utmost reverence he could and ought, as a letter and commandment of his king
and natural lord, whom may it please God our Lord to let live and reign during
many and long years, with increase of kingdoms and seignories; and, as to the
fulfilment thereof, that his lordship would see to it, and answer and provide
thereupon as might be conducive to his Highness’ service.”
In which pathetic demonstration no one who knew Pedrarias could doubt
that he never for a moment intended to do as he had said. Rather than tamely
* In the Expedients sobre el Cumplimiento
de la Cedula—see Los Navios de Vasco Nunez, in Squier's MSS.—is given at
wearisome length the ceremony and sayings at this delivery and the results.
Briefly, on the 4th of February, 1520, Pedrarias humbled himself to the dust
before the sacred cedula; February 5th, he talked much, saying that he had
finished the ships begun by Vasco Nunez; that they had cost more than 50,000
ducados, beside sweat and blood; that with them the great city of Panama—‘la
cibdad de Panamd’— with its gold mines on one side and pearl fisheries on the
other, had been founded and the country thereabout pacified, and that if the
king knew all this he would not take the ships from those who had built them
and give them to another; February 7th, Juan del Sauce declared that, unless
the ships were surrendered, all the gold, pearls, or other property taken in
them would belong, under the king’s order, to the fleet of Gu Gonzalez;
February 8th, Pedrarias replied that without the ships the city could neither
be sustained nor labor be continued, and he called on the royal officers
present, Puente, the treasurer, Marquez, the contador, and Juan de Rivas,
factor, to say that these things were so; but the royal officers answered that
Pedrarias must obey the king^s command and give Gil Gonzalez the ships, keeping
one, perhaps, with which to protect the city, and selling the others to Gil
Gonzalez on such terms as he and the owners might arrange. In regard to
withholding the ships Pedrarias was certainly in the right, though it was
dangerous, and he claimed that he would obey and was obeying the king; but
when, on February 9th, he demanded that Gil Gonzalez should appear in person
and lay before him the instructions and plans of the expedition, he became most
coolly impudent.
Hist. Cen. Am., Vol. I. 31
admit a new and dangerous rival, high, in reputation and royal favor,
some risk might be rim. And so he at first agreed, then delayed, interposing
technicalities and pretexts, and finally refused to deliver the ships, alleging
as an excuse that they were private property, and claimed as such by
individuals. In vain the captain-general urged that this was not a question of
rights of property, but of royal command, which to disobey was dangerous.
Pedrarias stood his ground; and fortune sustained him in the death of Sosa,
who, had he lived, would have made all well for the expedition. But in Gil
Gonzalez the old governor found his match; for the captain-general was no less
decided than he, and far quicker in resources.
What Gil Gonzalez did was to copy the magnificent performance of Vasco
Nunez, under the circumstances scarcely less creditable in the imitation than
in the original. After strengthening his command by recruits from the officers
and men of the Pedrarias government, among whom were the treasurer Puente and
the contador Diego Marquez, he dismantled his ships, packed up the sails and
cordage, and taking from the hulls the iron, and such of the timbers as better
suited the purpose than those freshly cut, which were also necessary, he
secured the services of some Indians, and transported his vessels across the
sierra to the same Rio Balsas used by Balboa. There he constructed and launched
four vessels, but lost them all before reaching the mouth of the river.6 The party, reduced in number more than one half since leaving Acla,6 now crossed in canoes to the Pearl Islands.
A letter directed to Pedrarias in this emergency was productive of no
results. Gil Gonzalez again requested possession of the vessels of Vasco
Nunez; his
6 Squier, Dis. Nic., MSS., 13, says the worms destroyed
them, but Gil Gonzalez himself only remarks, Carta al Rey, MSS., 1, ‘ Despues
de heohos otros navios en la Ysla de las perlas porque los 4 primeros que se
hizieron en la tierra firme se perdieron. ’
6 Some say from 200 to 80. Both numbers,
however, should be larger; for the expedition gained men at Acla, and 100 are
mentioned as constituting one land party during the expedition. Gil Gonzales,
Carta al Rey, MSS., 3.
messenger brought back a surly verbal refusal. The captain-general then
presented himself in person before the governor and demanded at least men for
the building of new ships. Pedrarias dared not offer further opposition; and in
time four small and poorly equipped vessels lay at the Pearl Islands ready for
sea.7 “ In all
my experience while in the service of your Majesty,” writes Gil Gonzalez to the
king, “ I have nowhere been handled so roughly as in crossing Tierra Firme
with the men I had brought from
Castile, having to support them for two years, and spend my goods and jewels on
them, and build the ships twice over. s
Embarking the 21st of January, 1522, having on board a few horses, with
arms and articles for traffic, Gil Gonzalez struck westward, and after sailing
one hundred leagues he was obliged to beach three of his vessels to save them
from the worms, while the fourth returned to Panamd, for pitch and other
articles for repairs. New water-casks had likewise to be made, as those on
board were failing through the rotting of the hoops.9 Leaving the ships in charge of Andres
7 Tararequi Island, Galvano, Discov., 148,
calls it; others, Terequeri Islands. Gil Gonzales
writes plainly enough, Carta al Rey> MS., *2, c Me bolbi
<L la dicha Ysla de las Perlas . . . i de ai me parti a hazer el
descubrimiento que V M me mando hazer. ’ The same authority
states that the second four vessels were built at the Pearl Islands, the others
having been ‘lost in the river 40 leagues distant.’
8 For conflicting statements concerning
this, compare Gil Gonzalez, Carta al Reyy MS., 16, 36;
Andayoya’s Nar., 31-2; Nino, Asiento, MS., in Squier’s MSS., i. 14,
and in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 5-19; Oviedo,
iii. 6571; Las Casas, Hist. Ind., v. 200-^i; Herrera, dec. ii.
lib. iii. cap. xv.; dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. i.; dec. iii. i. cap. xvi.; Helps’
Span. Conq., iii. 69, 70, 74-6; Gordon’s Anc. Mex., ii. 204-8; Sijuier’a
Dis. Nk., MSS., 7-10.
91 follow
the commander’s own statement, made to the royal authorities from Santo
Domingo, March 6, 1.324. Of this, which I quote as Carta de Gil Gonzalez Ddvila
cd Rcy> I have several copies in manuscript, the best being a part of the
first volume of the Squier Collection. This collection, cousisting of
twenty-three volumes of manuscripts, beside separate pieces on various early
affairs in Central America and Mexico, fell into my hands at the sale of the
library of the late E. G. Sqnier, so widely known as an antiquarian and historical
writer, a review of whose works will appear in a subsequent volume. The
opportunities afforded Mr Squier by his official position as charge d’affaires
to Central America, in 1849, and by his researches, combined with a natural
bent as student and author, prompted the collection of books and manuscripts
relative to Central America, a. large proportion of which I
Nino, with orders to follow the coast for eighty or a hundred leagues,
and there in some safe harbor to await him, Gil Gonzalez with one hundred men
and four horses continued his way by land. Poor food, a hot sun, with heavy
rains and softened ground, made the journey excessively irksome. The wading of
rivers while the body was heated brought upon the commander a cramp, so that he
had to be carried. Thus they trudged for many days, gathering gold, and
christianizing the country, meeting no resistance.
Presently they came to what they called an island, ten leagues in length
by six in breadth, “ formed by the branches of a river,” which was no island,
however, but the peninsula which forms the western side of the Golfo Dulce.10 Here in a huge wooden shed, as high as a tower, which the chroniclers
please to call a palace, dwelt the ruler of that land, who was invited to
retire while the strangers took possession in the upper part, the lower being
flooded. Por a fortnight they sheltered themselves from the falling waters. One
night the palace posts began slowly to sink into the softened earth; and but
for the blessed virgin they would have been lost. The light before her shrine
enabled the pious pilferers, by cutting through the roof, to make their way
out, bearing the commander on their shoulders. They were then obliged
found useful in
filling gaps in my own sixteenth-century material. It seems that Mr Squier
intended the publication of a series of documents for history, of which the
Carta de Palacio was printed at Albany, 1859, and numbered I. The first volume
of the Squier Collection of Manuscripts contains, beside the Carta de Gil
Gonzalez, several documents on Nicaraguan discovery certified by Navarrete,
Buckingham Smith, and Squier, as true copies of the originals in the archives
at Seville and in the Hydrographic Collection, notable among which are Real
Cedula de S. M. exped-ida en 18 de Junio de 1519, & Pedrarias Ddvila, para
que entregase los Navios de Basco Nunez a Gil Gonzales de Avila y los requerimP33
que pasaron sobre ello; and Relacion Del Asiento y Capitulacion que se tomd con
Andres Nino, Piloto de su Magestad para el descubrimiento que prometifj hazer
en el Mar del Sur con 3 Navios, y por Capitan de ellos d Gil Gonzales Davila.
10 Peter Martyr states that they passed over
a body of water to get to it; Herrera and Oviedo both testify to a large
island, which we might believe were any such island there. The truth i3, parts
of the land were inundated at this time by the heavy rains, so that the
peninsula being cut off from the mainland by the water made it appear an
island.
to take to trees, and to dwell in them for several days, the commander’s
quarters being a blanket stretched between two branches. During the flood were
lost many weapons and much plunder.
After this they proceeded, sometimes going inland for food, but groping
along the shore as best they might. Once when obliged to seek the ocean ten
leagues away, they descended a river on rafts, one of which floated out to sea
in the dark, but was brought to shore next morning, by God’s grace and some
expert swimming. Finally after robbing and converting a number of petty
chieftains, and securing gold to the value of forty thousand pesos, they came
to a gulf11 which Gil Gonzalez 'called San Vicente, and where to his great joy he
found Andres Nino with the ships.
Owing to his lameness Gil Gonzalez would have embarked by sea, sending
Nino with the land party; but the men lost courage at the prospect of remaining
on shore without their leader, because the caciques were becoming more
powerful. He accordingly bound Nino by oath to explore the coast with two
ships, slowly and by day only, and reckon the distance sailed, leaving the
other two vessels with the gold in San Vicente Gulf, while he himself plunged
boldly inland, determined to subjugate the people, peaceably, if possible,
otherwise by force.
Among the caciques whom Gil Gonzalez met was one most powerful living
near the northern end of the gulf, named Nicoya, who gave a friendly reception
as a friend, and presented him with gold to the value of fourteen thousand
castellanos. When told of God, and of the bliss of heaven and the pains of
hell, Nicoya very sensibly preferred the former place, and permitted himself,
his wives and subjects, to the
11 Later called Nicoya, from the cacique of
that country, which name it bears to-day. This was the San Liicar of Hurtado.
See chap. xi., note 11, this volume. Kohl thinks it may have been the 5th of
April, the day of San Vicente Ferrer, that the Spaniards arrived here. Gomara
states that in early times it was also called Golfo de Ortifia, and Golfo de
Guetares; Goldschmidt’s Cartography of the Pacific Coast, MS., ii.
111-13.
number of over six thousand souls, to be baptized. Furthermore he gave up
six golden idols, each of a span in length, “ For being now a Christian,” said
he, “ I shall have nothing more to do with them.” Which emblems of perdition
the Spaniards did by no means scruple to take.
Nicoya was a great chief, but there was a mightier than he, fifty leagues
to the northward, whose name was Nicaragua, of whom Nicoya said: “ He is wise
as well as valiant, and your little army will quickly melt before his warrior
host.”
It will be observed that the peaceful policy adopted in this expedition
had thus far proved successful beyond that of any other similar attempt in the
Indies. The sword remained sheathed; and with the cross in one hand and the
money-bag in the other, these missionaries militant walked the land
triumphant. The truth is, for the times Gil Gonzalez was an honest man. He
tells large stories about baptizing, as we shall see; but we are accustomed to
some degree of exaggeration where proselyting is concerned, and Gil Gonzalez
really believed that the Christianity he gave Nicoya paid him well for his
gold. Beside being honest, Gil Gonzalez was humane; he did not delight in
blood. Let us doublemark these traits, for they are rare hereabouts.
How different was this from the usual form with which the captains of
Pedrarias introduced themselves to savagism, may be seen in the approach by Gil
Gonzalez to a people of doubtful temper. When within one day’s march of
Nicaragua’s town he despatched to that chieftain an embassy of six Indians and
two interpreters to notify him of his proximity and character. “ Tell him,”
said Gonzalez, “ that a captain cometh, commissioned to these parts by the
great king of the Christians, to tell all the lords of these lands that there
is in the heavens, higher than the sun, one lord, maker of all things, and that
those believing and obeying him shall at death ascend to
that loftiness, while disbelievers shall be driven into the fire beneath
the earth. Tell him to be ready to hear and accept these truths, or else to
prepare for battle.” •
Nicoya spoke the truth when he pronounced Nicaragua a wise man. There is
great advantage in possessing an intellect unclouded by learning. He was both
wise and honest enough to manifest amazement when messengers brought to him
things amazing. “Tell those who sent you,” said Nicaragua, “that I know not
their king and therefore cannot do him homage; that I fear not their sharp
swords, but love peace rather than war; gold has little value, they are welcome
to what I have. In regard to the religion they teach I will talk with them, and
if I like it I will adopt it.” Of the two messages, that of the savage was far
the more logical and sensible. •
Next day when within one league of the town the Spaniards were met by
four of Nicaragua’s principal men, who told them that the king awaited their
coming in peace. On entering the town they were received by Nicaragua, who
assigned them lodgings in the public square, and placed all the surrounding
houses at their disposal.
After the presentation of gifts, which, voluntary or forced, was always
first in order, and which in this instance consisted on one side of gold to the
value of fifteen thousand Castellanos, and on the other of a shirt, a red cap,
and a silken dress, attention was turned to spiritual affairs. To a lengthy
harangue on what the savage must do and not do in order to attain Christian
salvation, Nicaragua replied: “I see no harm in it. We cannot, however, give up
our warpaint and weapons, our gay decorations and dances, and become women!”
Before accepting baptism12 Nicaragua desired to
12 Which was received by 9,017 natives,
large and small, in one day, and with such enthusiasm that the Spaniards even
wept. This is as much as one should be asked to believe at once; and we must
beg to be excused from the exercise of further faith when the right honorable
Gil Gonzalez calls
ask Gil Gonzalez a few questions. “You who know so much of the maker and
of the making of this world, tell me,” said he, “ of the great flood; and will
there be another ? In the universal end, will the earth be overturned, or will
the sky fall and destroy us? Whence do the sun and moon obtain their light, and
how will they lose it? How large are the stars; how are they held in the sky,
and moved about? Why are the nights made dark, and the winters cold; why did
not the Christian’s God make a better world; what honor is due him; and what
rights and duties has man, under whose dominion are the beasts? Whither goes
the soul which you hold to be immortal when it leaves the body? Does the Pope
never die; and is the great king of Spain a mortal; and why do the Christians
so love gold?” These and other questions of like import the savage asked, and
Gil Gonzalez answered them. There was no question that brave and pious Gil
Gonzalez could not answer. And Peter Martyr says that “Cereceda, the king’s
treasurer, witnessed the manner in which Gonzalez answered the questions of
Nicaragua.” Strange to say, the savage was not satisfied. Doubtless Gil
Gonzalez could have made himself better understood by a Christian. “Came these
men hither from heaven?” whispered Nicaragua to the interpreter. “ They came
from heaven,” was the reply. “ But how?” asked Nicaragua, “ directly down, like
the flight of an arrow, or ■ riding a cloud, or in a circuit like a bent bow?” The interpreter could not tell.
Nicaragua finally consented to have the idols in his temple removed, and
the Christian’s cross placed in their stead. A specimen of the worship they had
adopted was then given them with flourish and parade. Upon a high mound, whose
summit was reached by steps, Gil Gonzalez had planted the cross on
heaven to witness
that he told each man and woman, apart from the others, that God did not want
unwilling service, and that each for himself expressed a desire for it. If we
allow him 15 hours for his day’s work, it makes 61 persons an hour, or one a
minute, who were examined and baptized.
first entering the town. A procession headed by the Spanish and the
native leaders now marched solemnly about the town, and ascended the steps of
the mound13 on their
knees, chanting their hymns of praise the while. Proceeding to the temple, they
erected there an altar, and jointly placed upon it the sacred emblem, in token
the one of giving and the other of receiving the true faith. Such was the
conquest and conversion of Nicaragua, unique and spiritual.
Nicaragua’s town stood on a large fresh-water sea,11 into
which Gil Gonzalez rode his horse and took possession, drinking of the water.
It was barely three leagues from the South Sea; but there was no connection,
and a canoe sent out upon it could discover no current. “ The pilots I had with
me,” writes the commander in his narrative of the expedition, “certify that it
opens into the North Sea; and if so it is a great discovery, as the distance
from one sea to the other is but two or three leagues of very level road.”15
One other matter claimed the attention of the discoverer at this juncture;
which was to ascertain whether the invaders of Mexico, whose conquest was known
at Panamd, prior to the sailing of this expedition, had carried their
operations so far south as this point. After close inquiry among the natives
Gil Gonzalez was satisfied that they had not.16
13 The Spaniards were at this time ignorant
of tbe use to which tbese mounds were put. Had they known tbem to be great
altars upon which were sacrificed human beings, the mild and philosophic
Nicaragua might bave had occasion to prove the valor of his warriors.
14 ‘ I digo mar,
’ says Gil Gonzalez, Carta al Rey, MS., ‘ porque crcze i mengua.’
15 ‘ Los pilotos
qve con migo llebaba certifican qve sale a la mar del norte; i si asi es, es
mni grand nueba, porqve abra de vna mar a otra 2 o 3 legvas de camino mui llano.’
Tbus
it will be seen that the question of interoceanic communication attracted tbe
attention of the first Europeans wbo saw Lake Nicaragua, and this very
naturally; for it must be remembered that Gil Gonzalez was in search of a
strait or passage through tbe continent, and if perchance he should find the
Moluccas thereabout, hi3 wbole object would be attained.
16 Tbe word Nicaragua was first heard spoken
by Europeans at Nicoya, where Gil Gonzalez bad been notified of tbe country and
its ruler. In tbe earliest reports it is found written Nicaragua, Micaragua,
Nicorragua, and Nicarao. Upon the return of Gil Gonzalez the name Nicaragua
became famous, and beside being applied to the cacique and bi3 town, was
gradually given to tbe surrounding country, and to the lake. It was by some
vaguely
April of this year, 1522, was now at hand, and Gil Gonzalez, well
satisfied thus far, must determine what next to do. Before he was aware of it,
baptism had become the rage in all that region. His stay at Nicaragua had been
for eight days. Then he went forward north-westwardly six leagues into the next
province, and found there a cluster of six towns, of two thousand inhabitants
each, all the towns being less than two leagues apart. These people, jealous
lest Nicaragua should secure to himself all the efficacies of the mysterious
rite, came forward in multitudes to receive it, freely giving the Spaniards
gold and food and slaves.
Yet farther before the visitors spread their fame, until a powerful
cacique, called Diriangen, came in great state from some distance to meet them.
To make the most imposing appearance possible, when within a short distance of
the Spaniards Diriangen halted, and arranged his train. Five hundred unarmed
men advanced, each carrying one or two turkeys, whose gay plumage made
brilliant the spectacle. After them came ten banner-men, with their flags as
yet unfurled Then followed seventeen women nearly covered with plates of gold;
after which were five trumpeters; and lastly, the chief men of the nation,
bearing on their shoulders a palanquin richly adorned with colored cloths and
feathers, in which sat the potentate. The cortege then moved forward and
entered the village where the Spaniards were encamped, drawing up in perfect
order before the commander’s quarters. The
used to designate the
whole region behind and between Hibueras and Veragua. Later there was the Provincia de Nicaragua, beside El Nuevo Reyno de Leon. Herrera
and many others mention the Indian pueblo by the lake. For a time the lake was
known as the Mar Dulce. Thus Colon lays it down on his map, in 1527, as the mar
duce, and the town or province mica- ragua. Ribero, 1529, calls the lake mar
dulce and the town nicaragua. Munich Atlas, No. vi., gives only micaragua,
which No. vii. makes nicaragua. Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 455, gives Nicaragua as
a province. Mercator, in his Atlas of 1574, gives the town of Nicaragua.
Iudocus Hondius, in Drake’s World Encomp., applies the term Nicaragva to a
province or large extent of country. Ogilby, Dampier, De Laet, and other
contemporary and latex- authorities extend the name to the lake.
litter was placed on the ground, the ten white banners were unfurled, and
the trumpeters blew a shrill melody. Presently Diriangen ordered the musicians
to cease, and approaching Gil Gonzalez he touched his hand. Then turning to the
women, he ordered the gold to be presented, including two hundred golden hatchets,
which amounted altogether in value to eighteen thousand castellanos. The five
hundred Indians now came forward, and after severally touching the hand of the
commander, presented the fowls to him. “For what purpose,” asked Gil Gonzalez
of the chieftain, “have you come so far to meet me?” Diriangen answered:
“Having learned that a wonderful people, bearded and riding upon beasts, had
arrived in this land, I come that with my own eyes I may behold them, and offer
such hospitality as is in my power.” Gil Gonzalez thanked the chieftain
courteously, presented him some European articles, and after further
conversation asked him if he did not wish to become a Christian, and a subject
of the king of Spain. Diriangen intimated that it would give him great
pleasure to accept both of these flattering proposals, but that he first
desired to confer with his women and priests; he would return answer within
three days.
. Now Diriangen was a wily lord, who cared not a jot for the king of
Spain, or for his religion. He wished
• to see this spectacle, and
he was willing to pay royally for admission to it. The faith his fathers had
held was sufficient for him, and he preferred ruling himself rather than being
subject to another. He believed he could vanquish that little company; at all
events he would try. With these reflections he bid the Spaniards a warm adieu,
mounted his litter, and was carried away. This was on the 14th of April.
Three days after, while the clergyman of the expedition was absent at a
neighboring town whither he had gone mounted on the best horse and attended by
two valiant men, to preach, and the Spaniards were taking their mid-day
siesta, Diriangen came down upon
them with three thousand17 men, armed with flinttoothed swords, lances, and arrows, and mailed in
coats of wadded cotton, and was within a cross-bow shot of them before the
alarm was given. Gil Gonzalez sprang upon one of the three remaining horses,
and shouted to his men to rally in front of his dwelling, which faced the
square. He then placed one third of his force in the rear of the house, fearful
lest the enemy should fire it, for it contained all their gold. By this time
the square was filled with Diriangen’s warriors, who gave immediate battle,
hand to hand. The swift death-blows of the Spaniards seemed to carry no special
terror with them, and for a time it was extremely doubtful how the fight would
turn. The Indians brought six Spaniards to the ground, and captured one, whom,
however, they manifested no disposition to kill. Finally, upon a charge of the
commander and the two other horsemen with their lances, the enemy gave way and
were driven out of the town. Gil Gonzalez recklessly pursued, until wearied
with killing, and alone, he turned, when there fell on him a shower of stones
and darts which hurried him back to his people. Diriangen had kept in the
background during the battle, and disappeared immediately it was over. None of
the Spaniards were lost. The captive, was recovered; the priest returned in
safety, and the Indians were finally permitted to carry off their dead..
Luckily Gil Gonzalez had taken the precaution to increase the number of
bearded men by cutting hair from the heads of Spaniards and fixing it to the
chins of twenty-five young natives of his company.
After due consultation it was decided to terminate the exploration at
this point and return to Panamd. They had obtained a large amount of gold, and
had baptized many. The feats of conversion, however, might. with better grace
have been magnified into miracle, had not the most promising disciples aposta-
17 The narrative says 3,000 or 4,000; I name
the lowest number, giving the reader the right of reducing at pleasure.
tized before their back was fairly turned. As the Spaniards entered the
province of Nicaragua, on the way to their ships, a plan of that sapient ruler
was revealed to Gil Gonzalez, none other than to repeat the experiment of
Diriangen. Immediately sixty Spaniards, all who were at present sound, formed
into a hollow square, so as to act defensively and offensively while marching,
having the invalids and treasure in the centre, and at each corner a horseman
and an arquebusier. As they passed by Nicaragua’s town the natives cried out to
the carriers, who had been lent the Spaniards by Nicaragua, to throw down their
loads. To this the Spaniards made no reply; but when the natives attempted by
force to accomplish their purpose, Gril Gonzalez hurried forward the weakest
of his force, and placed himself with seventeen men in the rear. A desultory
fight was kept up for some distance, during which the cargo-bearers managed to
throw down their loads and escape, to the unutterable disgust of the Spaniards,
who were thus obliged to carry them. Graining nothing by this, but rather
losing, the natives made peace. Nicaragua, by his messengers, disclaimed any
agency in the attack, but the Spaniards had recognized some of his principal
men among the assailants. At length they reached the gulf of San Vicente in
safety, eight days after the return of the party discovering by sea. Nino had
coasted three hundred and fifty leagues north-westerly, reaching, according to
some estimates, the very southern limit of Cortds’ conquests. Hardly any
details, however, are given beyond the statement that he discovered a large bay
which Gil Gonzalez named Fonseca, in honor of his friend and patron the bishop
of Burgos. To an island within this bay he gave the name of his own niece,
Petronila.18 Returning, the
expedition reached Panamd, June 25, 1523,
18 The name of the bay remains; that of the
island is lost. The early name? of the islands in this bay were S. Miguel la Possession,
La Possession, and Esposescim; Amapodla, Amapala, or I del Tigre; y. de
flecker os, Man- gera, or Manguera. Jefferys calls the bay Fonseca or Amapalla.
East of
with gold in value to 112,000 pesos, half of which was of inferior
quality. According to his reckoning Gil Gonzalez had coasted six hundred and
fifty leagues, travelling by land three hundred and twenty-four leagues, and
converting to Christianity thirty-two thousand souls.19
b: de
fomsequa Vaz Dourado places the wood monic. Mercator locates the town Canicol
on the southern shore. Ogilby places the town Xeres, De Laet Xerez, near B. de
Fonseca. On one map there is Xeres or Chuluteca, on the eastern shore, and El
viejo las Salinas river flowing into the bay.
19 Further references to this voyage,
unimportant, however, are made in Oalvano’sDiscov., 148-9, where it is stated
that ‘Nigno’reached ‘Tecoantepec;’ Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col.Doc., i. 440;
Ogilby's Am., 238; Crowe’s Cent. Am., 58; Gordon’s Anc. Mex., ii. 204-8; Peter
Martyr, dec. vi. cap. ii.-v.; Conder’s Mex. and Guat., ii. 301; Juarros, Guat.,
passim; Pirn’s Gate of Pacific, 34; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 18; Andagoya’s
Nar., 31-2.
1521-1526.
European Settlement
on the West Coast of America—Progress of Panama—Laws Respecting Spanish
Settlements in America—Final Abandonment of Antigua—Administration of the South
Sea Government—Piracy upon Principle—Pascual de Andagoya Explores
Southward—Conquers Bntu—Return to Panama—Colonies of Veragua and CHiRiQui—The
Chieftain UrracA Takes up his Abode in the Mountains and Defies the
Spaniards—Pizarro, Espinosa, Pedrarias, a_ntj CompaSon in vain Attempt his
Overthrow—Building of Nata—CompaSon as Governor—Hurtado Colonizes Chiri- qui—Conspiracy—Capture and Escape of
UrracA—Several Years more of War.
At length we find on
the Pacific seaboard a European settlement, in the aboriginal fishing-station
of Panamd the germ of a Spanish city, the first on the western side of the
American continent from Patagonia to Alaska, the first on the Isthmus which
remains to the present day. And there was much about it which the befogged but
in many respects far- seeing adventurers of the time could foretell. There was
wealth on this shore, but to what extent they knew not, as Peru stood yet
unrevealed. Unless some strait should be found, or some narrower thread of
Tierra Firme offering superior advantages, Panamd would become the great
entrepot of South Sea traffic; but wild as were their speculations in some
respects, in others the imagination was as far behind the facts. Even in their
wildest dreams they had not seen resting on their broad-stretching beach ships
from the north and the south, and the far western east, laden
(195)
with the wealth of half a world, and in the streets of their sun-beaten
city gold and silver stacked in bricks; and spices, and precious merchandise
waiting transportation over the cordillera to Nombre de Dios, where cargoes of
European goods in like manner waited carriage southward.
To the importance of this city, even at this early day, the Council of
the Indies was by no means blind; and beside the regulations1 of a
general nature regard-
1 In making settlements, as in all things
relating to the New World, it was the aim of the Spanish government to reduce
details to law. At p. 19, vol. ii. et seq., Recop. de Indias, we find the
ordenanzas de la poblacion de ciudades y villas begun by Charles V., in 1523,
and continued by Philip II., Felipe III., and Felipe IV., down to 1656. Therein
it was ordered that in choosing a site for settlement, which always implied the
building of a town or city, care must be taken that the place be suitable in
every respect. It should be ascertained if it was a healthy locality, if the
young natives were well and strong, if many of the people attained old age, if
the country was favorable to agriculture or mining, and of easy access by land
and sea; if by the sea, there should be a good harbor, and, if possible, the
town must be placed by a river. Open pueblos must not be built on the seashore
because of corsairs. The site being chosen, a plan of the place must be made,
the squares formed, and the streets and lots laid out, and measured by cord and
rule. The location of the plaza, or public and official square, was of primary
import, since from it to the
principal entrances
ran the most important streets. After the land had been set apart for town lots
and ejidos, or commons, the country adjacent was to be divided into four parts,
one of them for the person making the settlement, and the remainder to be
assigned by lot to the settlers. In inland settlements, the church should be
loeated at a distance from the plaza, and on the street running from the plaza
to the church were to be placed the casas reales> or
ing settlement and city-building which began now to be enacted, Panamd
was the recipient of special royal favors.
offices and dwelling
of the crown officials, the cabildo, consejo, or the eity- hall, the aduana, or
custom-house, and the atarazana, or arsenal. Or the church was placed on one
side of the plaza •, the royal houses and the municipal house on another; the
custom-house on the third; while the remaining side might be devoted to
business houses or dwellings. Thus a stranger entering any Spanish town could
find without direction all the principal places. Mar- kcting-stalls, usually
with an awning, were admitted in the plaza. If a seaboard town, the church
must be so placed tliat it could be seen on entering the harbor, and so
constructed as to serve for purposes of defence. In this case the plaza must be
at the landing; if inland, in the ccntre of the town. In form it must be a
parallelogram, the length to be at least one and a half times the width, as the
best shape for feats of horsemanship; its size should be, according to
population, not less than 200 by 300 feet, nor more than 800 by
532 feet, a good size
being 600 by 400 feet. From the plaza, whose comers stood toward the four
cardinal points, issued four principal streets, one from the middle of each side,
and two smaller streets from each comer. In cold countries the streets had to
be wide; in hot countries, narrow. Houses not to be built within 300 pasos or
750 feet, of the walls or stockade. Town lots and lands not distributed to
settlers belonged to the king, and were reserved for future settlers. Then the
law states how first settlers must hasten with their house-building, after
having planted and assured themselves of food for the season, building with
economy and strength, and throwing round the town palisades and intrenchments.
The houses must be uniform, and with good accommodations for horses.
Any ten or more
married men might unite to form a new settlement, and might elect annually from
among themselves alcaldes ordinarios and other municipal officers. When it was
possible to establish a villa de Espahoks with a council of alcaldes ordinarios
and regidores, and there was a responsible Hiax. Cen. Am., Vol. I.
32
We have seen how Pedrarias, by fair means and foul, labored to depopulate
Antigua; and it was a good work, though at the time he was not fully aware
person with whom to
make an agreement for settlement, the agreement was to be as follows: Within a
time specified there must be from ten to thirty settlers, each with one horse,
ten milch cows, four oxen, one brood mare, one sow, twenty ewes of Castile, six
hens, and a cock. A clergyman must be provided, the first incumbent to be
named by the chief of the colony, and his successors in accordance with the
royal right of patronage. A church must be built, which the founder of the
settlement supplied with ornaments, and to which were granted lands. Any one
agreeing to form a settlement, and conforming to the regulations, had given
him land equivalent to four square leagues, distant at least five leagues from
any other Spanish settlement; and he was himself to enter into agreement with
each enrolled settler to give a town lot, lands for pasturage and cultivation,
and as many peonias, or shares of foot-soldiers,and caballerias, or shares of
cavalrymen, as each would obligate himself to work, provided that to no one was
to he given more than five peo- nias or three, caballerias. The principal with
whom an agreement for settling was made, to hold civil and criminal
jurisdiction in first instance, during life, and for that of one son or heir,
and from him appeal might lie to the alcalde mayor or the audiencia of the
district. He might appoint alcaldes or- dinarios, regidores, and other
municipal officers. Those going from Spain as first settlers were exempted from
the payment of almojarifazgo, or export duty, or other crown dues, on what they
took for their household and maintenance during the first voyage to the
Indies. Bachelors should be persuaded to marry.
When a colony was
ahout to leave a city to make a settlement, the justicict and regimiento should
file with the escribano del consejo a list of the persons migrating; and lest
the mother city should be depopulated, those only were eligible who had no town
lots or agricultural lands. The numher of colonists being complete, they were
to elect officers, and each colonist to register the sum he intended to employ
in the enterprise. And even after the settlement had heen hegun, whether as
colonia, that is, colonists in voluntary association, or adelantamiento,
alcaldia mayor, corregimiento, enterprises headed respectively by an
adelantado, alcalde mayor, or corregidor, or villa, or lugar, the fathers of it
were forbidden to wholly leave the people to themselves.
Discoverers,
pacificators, first settlers and their immediate descendants, possessed
advantages over others. They were made hijosdalgo de solar cono- cido, with all
the honors, according to law and custom, of hijosdalgo and gentlemen of Spain.
They might bear arms, hy giving honds, before any justice, that they would use
them solely in self-defence. And that it might be known who were entitled to reward,
viceroys and presidents of audiencias were directed to examine into the merits
of cases, and see that a book was kept hy the escribano de gobernacion, in
which were recorded the services and merits of every person seeking preferment.
For the government of
the settlement, the governor in whose district it might he, had to declare
whether it was to he ciudad, villa, or lugar, that is to say, a town less than
a villa, and greater than cddea. A ciudad metropolis tana, or capital of the
province, to have a juez with the title of adelantado, that is to say, a
military and political governor of a province; or alcalde mayor, governor of a
pueblo not the capital of the province; or corregidor, a magistrate with
criminal jurisdiction only; or alcalde ordinario, mayor with criminal
jurisdiction. This juez was to have jurisdiction in solidum, and jointly with
the regimiento. The administration of puhlic affairs was vested in two or three
treasury officials, twelve regiclores, or members of the town council, appointed,
not elccted; two jieles ejecutores, or regidores having charge of
of it. Fortune had favored him in many ways of late, and the rewards of
his rascalities were truly gratifying. Not to mention the deaths of Vasco Nunez
and Lope de Sosa, the successes of Espinosa
• and other gold-hunting
captains, or the discomfiture of Gil Gonzalez, it was a fine stroke of policy
making the licenciado Alarconcillo his lieutenant at Antigua; for the
fraudulent residencias taken by him, under the artful management of the
governor’s wife in Spain, did Pedrarias and Espinosa good service at court. Nor
was there any practical inconvenience to the governor in the royal orders
prohibiting complex legal proceedings, that the truth might be simply and
inexpensively arrived at in cases of dispute, and permitting appeals from
Castilla del Oro to the audiencia of Santo Domingo; for the one gave his power
a wider range, while the other could be easily regulated so as to work him no
prejudice. Las Casas likewise had failed in his effort to displace Pedrarias,
the privileges granted in Tierra Firme limiting him to territory outside of the
jurisdiction of this governor.
The abandonment of Antigua began in 1521, and was consummated in
September, 1524, Diego Ribero, the last survivor, being massacred with his
entire family by his own Indians, who afterward burned the town. Thus the
streets wherein had been acted so many stirring scenes were vacant, and the
country, after a struggle of fifteen years and the loss of thousands of lives,
lapsed into its original savagism. By royal decree issued at Btirgos September
15, 1521, Panamd. was made a city, and received royal priv-
weights; in each
parish two jurados, who saw that people were well provided, especially
with provisions; aprocurador general, attorney with general powers; a mayordomo,
having charge of public property; an escribano de consejo, notary of the
council; two escribanos publicos; one escribano de m in as y regis- tros;
upregonero mayor, official vendue-master; a corredor de lonja, merchants’
broker, and two porteros, or janitors of the town council. If the city
was diocesana, or su/ragdnea, it must have eight regidores, and the
other officers in perpetuity; villas and lugares only to have an alcaldc
ordinario, say, four regidores, an alguacil, or bailiff, an escribano de
consejo y ptiblico, and a mayordomo.
ileges and a coat of arms, in further ennoblement.2 The
regidores should enjoy the title of veinticuatros, as in Seville and C6rdova.
For the first ten years the city had to pay only a tithe on gold; the eleventh
year, one ninth; the twelfth, one eighth, and so on to the fifteenth when the
usual fifth would be due. Hitherto the currency consisted of pieces of gold cut
into various weights; now silver and copper money were employed.
The first regidores of Panamd, were Gonzalo de
Badajoz, Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares, Rogel de Loris, Pascual de Andagoya,
Martin Estete, Benito Hurtado, Luis de la Rocha, and Francisco Gonzalez. The alcalde mayor, Hernando de Salaya, was made lieutenant of Pedrarias
in Panamd, with a salary of 150,000 maravedi's, Espinosa having, turned his
attention almost exclusively to military matters. The royal officers formerly
at Antigua as a rule held their places in Panamd. These were Alonso de la Puente, the treasurer;
Diego Marquez, the contador; Miguel Juan de Ribas, factor. To some of these Pedrarias was obliged to give repartimientos as an
inducement to move.
More difficulty was experienced in having the episcopal see transferred
to Panamd, but it was
2 The title
was ‘ Xueva Ciudad de Panamd.’ Dtcadas, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc.,
viii. 16. A second decree, dated from Lisbon December 3, 1581, added to the
title ‘ muy noble y muy leal. ’ Panamd, Descrip., in id., ix. 80. Ahalf-page
representation of the arms is given in Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., ii.
56—shield on golden'field divided; on the right a handful of gray arrows with
blue points and silvery feathers, and a yoke, the device of the Catholic
kings. On the left three caravels, significant of Spice Island or other
commerce, over which shines the north star. Above the golden field a crown, and
round the field a border of castles and lions. ‘ Tam- bicn le dio los Honores, y Titulos de muy Noble, y muy Leal, y que
sus Regidores gozen del Titulo de Vein- tiquatros. ’
finally accomplished; the royal order to move it, with the clergy and
paraphernalia of the church as well as the vecinos and the hospital, bearing
date the same as the order making Panamd a city, namely, September 15, 1521. On
the death of the first bishop of Darien, Juan de Quevedo, a successor was
appointed in the person of Fray Vicente de Peraza. Salaya and the Archdeacon
Perez came out together in 1522; Peraza came later, Salaya being commissioned
to superintend ecclesiastical affairs until the bishop’s arrival. And when he
did arrive he appeared in no haste to move, and was still at Antigua in 1524.
There, finally, Pedrarias went and exercised upon him his softest
blandishments. The governor could make himself quite pleasing to one who did
not know him. The bishop had not been long in Panamd before his eyes were
opened, and then, indeed, forever closed; for one day, while the bishop and the
governor were at cards, they had a quarrel, during which the latter was treated
badly with words, and soon after the bishop died. Then with Salaya the governor
employed sharp words, saying, if he did not mind he would cut off his head. “
More than one head you have wrongfully cut off,” Salaya retorted, “but he who
cuts off my head must have a better head than mine, and that you have not.”
Then they were friends again. Nevertheless Salaya died. Both these men were
poisoned; suspicion pointed to Pedrarias, though he was never formally charged
with the crime.
For the building of churches in Castilla del Oro, the king gave large
alms; his annual donation to the hospital was three hundred pesos,3
while the royal
3 The prior of Lora, chaplain of the king
in 1522, was proposed to the pope for the office of bishop of the country lying
between Nombre de Dios and Higueras. ‘SinienlacincoDignidades,ydos
Canonigoa, tresCapellanes: yocho Colegiales del Colegio. Tiene Sacristan Mayor
con carga de Sochantre en el Coro; ytiene vnasolaParroquia en ella, y su
comarca. ’
Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 56. This author, as well as Alcedo in Die.
Univ., iv. 33, gives a list of bishops, but both are incorrect. It was somewhat
later, the time of which is written in Purchas, His Pilgrimes, iv. 882. ‘ The
limits of the Counsell of Panama, whieh was first called Castilla del Oro, and
afterwards Terra Firme, are very small; for the Counsell is principally
resident there, for the dispatch of the
treasury covered the cost of an organ and a clock for the Panamd
cathedral. About the time of the removal, Francisco de Lizaur, procurador of
the new settlement for providing the Indians as well as the Spaniards with
food, procured an order requiring the governor to attend to planting; likewise
barter must be opened with the natives, and negro slaves were not allowed to
accompany expeditions. The boundaries of the municipality extended about forty-
five leagues in every direction from the three leagues of city lands in the
centre.
The natives of the New World, and they alone, were expected to support
the new city, and through Panamd to send great wealth to Spain. The object of
the Spaniards was not agriculture, except to save themselves from hunger; nor
even mining, except as they could force the natives to dig; it was unadulterated
robbery, with only the lame excuses of civilization and Christianity, and
Panamd was but a pirates’ nest.
By no means the worst of the band was Pascual de Andagoya, who but for
the bad company he kept might have been pronounced an honest man. He assisted
Pedrarias, and acted as the forerunner of Pizarro, but when it came to
wholesale infamies he had no zeal for them.
A faithful retainer of the governor, he was in 1522 sent by him to
explore the southern coast beyond the limits of the discovery of Vasco Nunez.
Landing at the gulf of San Miguel, Andagoya visited a province called Chochama,
where he was informed that during the periods of the full moon, a fierce people
infested its shore, driving the inhabitants from their fisheries, slaying them
if they resisted, and spreading terror
Fleetes and
Merchants, which goe and come to P6ru: it hath in length East and West abont
ninetie leagues. ’ Further reference, Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 96;
Oviedo, iii. 57-117; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xvi.; Carta de la
Audiencia de Santo Domingo, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col, Doc., i. 413; Enciso,
Suma de Geografia, 57.
generally. This people came from a province called Biru, which name was
corrupted by the Spaniards into Piru, and finally into the Peru of Francisco
Pizarro. Chochama begged Andagoya to protect his subjects from this scourge,
and having obtained reinforcements from Panamd, Andagoya set out in company
with his host and his warriors for the dreaded region. Ascending a large river
for twenty leagues, the Spaniards found a number of villages and caciques, and
on the outskirts of the province, near the junction of two rivers, they
discovered a strong native fortress, well garrisoned, which on being attacked
was defended with skill and bravery. But superior tactics soon prevailed, and
after a struggle the stronghold was reduced and the inmates were brought to
terms.
The subjugation of Biru being thus effected, Andagoya continued his
voyage, the ships keeping well off shore, while the commander reconnoitred the
coast in canoes navigated by friendly Indians. It happened one day, while thus
employed, that his boat was caught in the surf and overturned. He was saved by
the brave efforts of one of the natives whose cause he had espoused; but a
rheumatic fever which followed determined him to abandon the discovery, and on
the following day he turned his face toward Panamd, where he arrived in safety
with a few captives.*
* As a discoverer, his talents were unequal
to the attempt. As a writer, Andagoya figured with Oviedo, Enciso, and other
noted men in the retinue of the unscrupulous Pedrarias. Bom in Alava province,
he came to the Isthmus in 1514, and took an active part in the various
expeditions for its subjugation and settlement. Through the favor of Pedrarias,
whose wife’s maid he married, he rose to encomendero, to regidor of Panamd,
and, in 1522, to inspector-general of the Isthmus Indians. The present expedition,
which brought back wonderful reports of the Inca empire, might have gained him
the glories of that conquest, or at least he might have shared them with
Pizarro, had his health not broken down. As it was, he merely acquired wealth
as agent for the Peruvian hero, and although he rose afterward to adelantado
and governor of New Castile, his integrity and comparative want of audacity
prevented him from reaping the benefits within reach of less scrupulous rivals.
The original of his well-written narrative, relating the history of the Isthmus
and adjoining region in connection with his career, was found by Navarrete in
the Seville Archives, and published in his Col. de Viages, iii. 393-459, from
which source Markham made the translation issued in 1865 by the Hakluyt
Society. Oviedo’s account of Andagoya’s career, from a different source, iv.
126-32, con-
Permission was then given to Juan Basurto to continue the discovery of
Andagoya; but his sudden death cut short the preparations, and there the
matter rested until taken up by Francisco Pizarro.
Leaving for the moment affairs to the southward, let us return to the
western side of Panama Bay. There was a cacique named Urracd, whom the Spaniards
sought to kill, whose domain was the sierra of Veragua, and whose crime was the
love of liberty. Indeed so villainously depraved was this savage that he would
not accept Spanish salvation and domination when offered him in return for his
gold; he even thought to kill the good men who invaded his territory to kill
him. Urracd was fierce and strong; his mountains were rugged, and his home
almost inaccessible to the hostile invader. Therefore he must be approached
with caution, and his conversion intrusted only to picked men. As he was
reported rich, and worth the trouble, two companies were fitted out against
him, one by water under Espinosa, and one by land under Francisco Pizarro. The
former embarked at Panamd in two vessels, and, after touching at the island of
Cebaco, passed over to the mainland of Veragua and began his march on the
redoubtable mountaineer. Urracd, was not afraid of him, and after placing the
women, the children, and the aged of his people in safety, with his warriors he
marched boldly out against the enemy. He first encountered the Indian vanguard
of Espinosa, and falling on them slew them to a man. Then he fiercely attacked
the horsemen, of whom there were two or three, and the foot-soldiers, fighting
with such determination that but for Hernando de Soto, who with thirty men had
been sent forward by Pizarro to seek a pass, the licentiate would have been cut
to pieces. Pizarro,
firms the general
exactness of his narrative, although Acosta, Comp. Hist. Nueva Granada, 383,
declares it colored with a view to advocate his claim to the governorship of
New Castile. Helps' Span. Conq., iii. 426, and March y Labores, Marina
Espanola, ii. 121, give Andagoy&’s voyage.
who was near at hand, had not reached the place without hard fighting.
And now Urracd defied them all. With every advantage of a rugged and well-known
country on his side, he rallied his men and attacked the combined force with
such desperate energy that when night came the Spaniards endeavored to withdraw
secretly to the open plain. To this Urracd objected. He permitted them to break
up camp, it is true, and to begin their march; but, when within the darkest
pass, he was on them again like a trap, and from the black craggy defile they
could not move, except against the lances and war-clubs that hemmed them in.
With morning the question faced them, whether they should die there or escape?
And thus the captains placed the matter before the men. Summoning all their
strength, they threw their united force against the living obstructions at the
opening toward the sea, and, treading down the enemy, escaped to their ships,
and spreading sail directed their course toward Panamd. But it would not do to
return empty-handed. So landing at Borrica they plundered the town, and took
the inhabitants captive, though the licentiate finally released the women.
While Espinosa with the main body of his troops proceeded to Natd, Francisco
Companon with fifty men surprised by night a peaceful village in the
neighborhood. It was palisaded, and the Spaniards were repulsed. Hiding
themselves, they waited until the inhabitants had come forth in the morning,
and had scattered themselves about the fields. At a signal they sprang upon
them. The poor natives ran for shelter from the merciless steel, and arriving
at the gateway in a body they so blocked it as to be easily butchered. Those
not killed were carried captives to Natd.
The native village of Natd was situated on an open plain, most beautiful,
with a fertile soil and wholesome air. We have seen how on former occasions it
had attracted the attention of the Spaniards. They
had long desired to found there a settlement, and, the present expedition
having proved a failure, Espinosa sent messengers to Pedrarias asking
permission to remain and form a colony. The governor acquiesced, but ordered
Espinosa with the ships to Panamd, leaving at Natd only fifty men under
Companon.
The new seaport lay nearer to Urracd than the island of Cebaco, although
Espinosa began his march against this province at a point on Azuero Peninsula,
opposite the island, more than thirty leagues from Natd,, by sea.
It was near enough, at all events, for the wary Urracd to follow the
Spaniards with his vindictive eye. The chieftain, by his emissaries, knew when
Espinosa landed there, what he and the others did, when they went away, and how
many remained. Peeping in on Companon he thought he could manage fifty men. He
would try it. Collecting his forces he made preparations to attack the
Spaniards by night. On approaching their quarters he came to a house at some
distance from the others, in which three men were sleeping. One of them the
savages killed with a spear; one they captured; the third eluded them until he
had secured his arms, when he sprang up and shouted as if to some companions
near. Singlehanded he then attacked them and put them to flight; after which
he released his captive comrade, and the two sought their commander. Companon
immediately sent messengers to Pedrarias, informing him of the attack.
It was not praiseworthy on the part of Urracd to allow his multitude of
brave warriors to be defeated by a single Spaniard; probably he never knew how
easily he was beaten; and now confederating with his neighbors he confined the
Spaniards so closely in their quarters that they began to suffer for food. The
opportune arrival of Hernando Ponce de Leon with forty men, and shortly
afterward of the governor himself with one hundred and fifty men, placed
Companon at ease again.
It is true; the old governor is in the field again! War, at home or
abroad, is his natural element. This bold mountain chieftain must be put down;
and who so fitting to do it, who so capable, as the governor? Appointing
Francisco Pizarro as second in command, with his entire available force, among
which are some horses and small cannon, Pedrarias sallies forth.
Urracd is ready to receive him. He has joined forces with a neighbor
named Exquegua, and awaits the Spanish governor just beyond the strongest pass.
He hopes a second time to entangle the enemy amongst the craggy steeps to him
so familiar. The fox enters the trap. The governor must choose either to fight
at great disadvantage, or retire and leave the country to its aboriginal lord.
Urracd is powerful, sagacious, and brave. Occupying in his retreat the most
elevated part of the cordillera where it cuts Veragua, and being about midway
between the two oceans, he can draw supplies and reinforcements from either
side. So pernicious is the influence he exerts that he can prevent the
pacification of western Castilla del Oro: hence' the importance of his
extermination.
The old governor harangues his army. After the stale fashion of Xerxes
and the Scipios he sneers at the enemy, and praises his own men. It is not common
to hear Pedrarias praise any one. “You see the necessity of this chieftain’s
death,” he concludes; “let it never be said of Spaniards that they left alive a
rich heathen.” A charge is then ordered. The battle lasts till nightfall. It is
renewed the next day and the day following. Before such unparalleled obstinacy
the Spaniards grow faint. Even the fire-belching cannon, with its
reverberating roar and its balls sweeping down men, splitting rocks and trees,
and tearing up the earth, confounds them but for a moment. For five days the
engagement continues, much of the time in a desultory manner, the Spaniards
fighting from under cover like the Indians.
Urracd, at length resorts to stratagem. Withdrawing his forces as if in
abandonment of the fight, he retires toward the river Atra, the rendezvous of
the confederates from both sides of the cordillera. Pedrarias follows,
thinking in some open spot to scatter the foe and kill them. Seeing which,
Urracd calls to him several wise warriors, and instructs them to play the part
of men of the country, and when captured by the Spaniards to direct them to
their ruin. Through this ruse Diego de Albites falls into ambush, at one time
with forty men, at another with sixty, narrowly escaping destruction.
Determined never to abandon the country until his purpose is
accomplished, Pedrarias sends out parties against the villages of the confederates
individually. Two caciques, Bulaba and Musa, are captured, but on accepting
terms of peace are set at liberty. Urracd avoids another general engagement,
and Pedrarias returns to Natd. The lands and captives are divided among such
soldiers as are willing to remain as colonists under Diego de Albites, who is
left there as the governor’s lieutenant. Sixty elect to remain, who begin to
build and plant. Thus is established the town and settlement suggested by
Espinosa, which is called Natd after the cacique, and which name it still
retains, and next after Panamd on the Pacific seaboard, Natd assumes importance
as a Spanish settlement.
All the same it is exceedingly hard on the poor aboriginal, drudgery or
death. Those enslaved under the fatherly-protection system endeavor by every
means to escape; failing in which, if they do not kill themselves, they soon
die from hard treatment. Urracd never ceases narrowly to watch the Spaniards,
attacking them as opportunity offers. Albites retaliates with frequent
incursions; but unable to overthrow Urracd, he finally makes peace with him.
This displeases Pedrarias, who thereupon recalls Albites and appoints Francisco
Companon governor of Natd. Under the
new regime hostilities are yet more vigorously pressed, but in almost
every instance to the discomfiture of the Spaniards.
Beyond the domain of Urracd., toward the west, in Veragua, was the
province of Chiriqui. Thither Pedrarias sent Benito Hurtado to establish a
colony. The country being thinly populated was easily taken and held. Indeed,
the caciques of Chiriqui, Vareclas, and Burica, the chief rulers within an area
of one hundred leagues, obeyed without resistance, and for two years the
colony of Chiriqui was unmolested. But the more submissive the people, the more
exacting the conquering race. The crushing weight of servitude becoming
unbearable, the men of Chiriqui at length rose to arms. They were joined in a
general revolt by Urraci. Unable to vanquish this chieftain, Com- panon
determined to capture him by fair means or foul. Overtures were begun by
presents and fair promises, and at length, under the most solemn assurances of
liberty and safety, Urracd. was induced to visit the governor at Natd. No
sooner had he entered the town than he was seized and ironed. I am disposed to
praise the perfidious Companon for not burning his captive, or giving him to
the dogs; he only sent him, in violation of his sacred pledge, a prisoner to
Nombre de Dios, with the intention of shipping him off to Spain. Before the
sailing of a ship, however, the brave cacique managed to burst his fetters and
escape. Breathing vengeance he roused the mountains, organized a yet more
powerful confederation, and marched against Natd. Long and bloody warfare
ensued, with alternate success. One of the most disastrous conflicts occurred
early in 1527, in an expedition against a rebel chief named Trota, under
Captain Alonso de Vargas, with forty soldiers, principally men newly arrived
from Spain. The protestations of some of Trota’s adherents, who entered the
camp with humble mien but active eyes, induced
the captain, at the recommendation of a veteran comrade, to send Pocoa,
an allied chief and guide, with offers of peace. The fellow was no sooner out
of sight than he cast the olive branch to the winds, and joining cause with
Trota, advised him to seize so advantageous an opportunity for glory and
revenge, when the force before him was weak and inexperienced and the
commander ailing. Four days later five hundred warriors fell upon the camp, led
by Pocoa in a glittering breastplate of gold. Although taken by surprise, the
soldiers fought desperately, but the numbers were overwhelming, and Vargas
succumbed with half his men. This blow was one more incentive for the Spaniards
to exert themselves in retaliation and conquest. The country adjacent to the
settlement being open and level, horses and cannon could be used with
advantage; while on the other hand, to make up for lack of skill, were numbers,
drawn from a great distance around, with the protecting mountains in which to
nurse declining energies. Thus for nine years the war continued, until the
chieftain Urracd yielded up his life, though not, after all, to arquebuse or
bloodhound: he died in bed, among his own people, but lamenting, with the last
breath, his inability to drive out the detested Christians.
THE WARS OF THE
SPANIARDS.
1523-1524.
Oviedo en- Spain—He Secures the
Appointment of Pedro de los Rios as Governor of Castilla del Oro—Pedrarias
Determines to Possess Nicaragua — He Sends thither C6rdoba, who Founds
Bruselas, Granada, and Leon—And Carries a Ship across the Land from the Pacific
to Lake Nicaragua—He Makes a Survey of the Lake—Informed of Spaniards Lurking
thereabout—Development of the Spanish Colonial System—Gil Gonzalez Escapes
with his Treasure to EspaSola—Despatches Cereceda to Spain with Intelligence of
his Discovery—Sails from Santo Domingo to the Coast of Honduras—Arrives at
Puerto Caballos—Founds San Gel de Buena vista—Encounters Hernando de
Soto—Battle— Crist6bal de Olid Appears—Founds Triunfo de la Cruz.
Scarcely were the
fair provinces of the Southern Sea brought under the yoke of the Christians,
when the conquerors began contending among themselves. For it must be confessed
that neither their culture nor their religion prevented them from behaving very
much like the wild beasts and the wild men to whom they regarded themselves
superior. In following these disputes we will now accompany, in a second visit
to Spain, the author and veedor, and withal the maker of governors, Fernandez
de Oviedo, whom we left in July, 1523, fleeing the wrath of Pedrarias.
At Cuba the veedor was entertained by Diego Velazquez, the governor; at
Espanola he was invited by Diego Colon to take passage with him for Seville,
where he arrived in November. After presenting himself to the Council of the
Indies, at Biirgos, he went to Vitoria, where the court was residing. Vested
(511)
with full power to act for the city of Antigua, Oviedo set forth the
affairs of the colony, entered his complaints against Pedrarias, and urged the
appointment of a new governor. In this measure he was opposed by the bachiller
Corral, whom he had made an effort to send in chains to Spain, and by Isabel,
wife of Pedrarias. Through their influence he was involved in litigation which
lasted two years; and for his treatment of the bachiller he was fined one
hundred thousand maravedis, which he was obliged to pay. But in the end the
veedor triumphed in displacing Pedrarias, and in securing the appointment of
Pedro de los Rios, of C<5rdova, as governor of Castilla del Oro, and of the
licenciado Juan de Salmeron as alcalde mayor and judge of residencia.
The prospect of speedy displacement in office, no less than the success
of Gil Gonzalez at the freshwater sea, determined Pedrarias to secure a
footing in Nicaragua before the arrival of the new governor of Castilla del
Oro. No one knew better than himself that by the customs of discovery and
occupation, which were now fast becoming laws, he had not the slightest right
there, having neither contributed to the discovery of Gil Gonzalez, nor even
sanctioned it. As an act preliminary to taking possession of this discovery,
Pedrarias despatched thither his lieutenant, Francisco Hernandez de C6rdoba—not
he who discovered Yucatan, though of the same name—and captains Gabriel de
Rojas, Francisco Companon, and Hernando de Soto, who embarked from Panamd, in
1524.
Landing at the gulf of Nicoya C6rdoba founded a settlement at Urutina, on
the east side, which he called Brus^las, but which existed only three years,
being dismantled by order of Diego Lopez Salcedo in 1527. Thence Cordoba
proceeded northward thirty leagues, to Nequecheri, on the shore of Lake Nicaragua,
where he founded a city to which he gave the name Granada, building there a
fortress and a church.
In the province of Nagrando1 he established another city which
he called Leon. While at Granada Cordoba drew one of his brigantines ashore,
and taking it apart conveyed the pieces overland to Nicaragua
Lake. After rebuilding he made a circuit round the shore of the
Freshwater Sea, and discovered its outlet in the Rio San Juan, though he did
not descend the stream, on account of the rocks and rapids. With
1 Called by Herrera, Ymabite, and by
Juarros, Quat., following him, Imabite. * Y poblo en
medio de la pro- vincia de Ymabite, la eiudad de Leon, con templo, y
fortaleza.’ dec. iii. lib. v. eap. xii. See also Relacion de Andaooya, in
Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 413; Exposition d S. M. por la justkia y
regimiento de la ciudad de Granada, in Pachero and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc.y
vii.
555-G; Relation de lo que escribm los oidores, in id., xiv.
39; Rcmesal, Hist. Chyapa, 164; Oviedo, iii. 113-14,119, iv. 100-1. Fray Gil
Gonzalez Davila, in Teatro Ecles., i.
233, gives a
representation of what he calls the ‘armas de la civdad de Niearagva, ’ consisting
of a shield bearing in its field a rampant lion with the left paw resting on a,
globe. The shield is surmounted by a crown. In view of the usual remote ness of
this writer from the truth, we may apply the term city of Nicaragua to any city
in Nicaragua, notwithstanding he affirms it to be the place discovered by Gil
Gonzalez in 1522, and peopled by Hernandez and Pedrarias.
Hist. Cen. Am., Vol. I. 33
this leader had come many friars and religious men, some of whom were
quite expert in performing miracles, and by this means was excited among the
natives a furor for baptism scarcely inferior to the divine manifestation under
the swift instructions of Captain Gil Gonzalez. C6rdoba sent Pedrarias a full
account of his proceedings thus far. He also informed him that a band of
Spaniards was lurking thereabout, though as yet he had not encountered them,
but he had sent Hernando de Soto to learn who they were.
The colonial system of Spain as it unfolded in the New World seemed at
this time to assume the form of a political tripod whose three props were the
subjugator, the sovereign, and the executive vicegerent, each contributing to
the support of the others, though in a manner oppugnant and contradictory. It
was something wholly new in the polities of nations for royalty thus to
delegate so much and so varied power at such a distance; and royalty was
troubled for itself in consequence, and regarded with jealousy and mistrust
such of its servants as it was obliged to confide in. Ashamed of his
suspicions, the sovereign attempted to cover them by the application of chicane
to a system of balancing, placing one agent to watch another, and counteracting
the power of one deputy by the power of another deputy. The discoverer on
returning from his perilous voyage must wear away the remainder of his life
importuning for the promised recompense; and often he was compelled to lose
beside his services the costs advanced by himself. The conqueror must be
frowned upon in the moment of his triumph, lest he should forget himself, or
rather forget his master. He, without whose adventurings the monarch’s realm could
scarcely find enlargement, must immediately on the attainment of new territory
be diverted by the intrusion of some professional governor, who between law,
selfishness, and despotism usually managed to defeat
the aims of both king and conqueror, and attain his own end in ruin and
disgrace. Thus it was on Espanola, and thus it is again on Tierra Firme. Had
Columbus been less incompetent as the beginner in this colonization, and as
governor; had he with wise statesmanship founded one New World colony on firm
and liberal prineiples, the whole Spanish-American colonial system during the
following throe centuries might have been something quite different. Had the
monarch found on trial that his deputies were trustworthy, he would have
trusted them. Had he not, they would have compelled him. As it was they compelled
him to treat them as unreliable and unjust, as indeed they were, that is to say
such of them as were competent. While the monarch was far less blamable than
his representatives, while as a rule he sought with honest and pious purpose
the best welfare of his subjeets, civilized and savage, it seemed his fate
thus far to keep the colonies always in a ferment, every man’s hand against his
neighbor, and under such poisonous and perverting stimulus, that the vilest
elements attained suecess, while the noblest were consumed to cinders. Witness
Christopher Columbus and Bartolome his brother as against Bobadilla and
Ovando; Vasco Nunez beside Pedrarias; and now Pedrarias and Gil Gonzalez.
Upon the return to Panamd, in June, 1523, of Andres Nino and Gil
Gonzalez, from their discovery of Nicaragua, Pedrarias undertook, as wo have
seen, at once to secure for himself every benefit of their adventure. And this
without a shadow of right or reason. The pilot and the contador had acted under
authority direct from the king; they had imperilled their lives and had
exhausted their private fortunes; while the governor had not only contributed
nothing, but actually disobeyed the king in refusing to deliver the ships of
Vaseo Nunez, and in withholding men and means for the expedition. A grand
achievement
had been consummated by a handful of men, poorly equipped and in small
unseaworthy vessels, whose consequent sufferings were in a measure caused by
the inherent wickedness of the governor, now the first of all to clutch at the
gold. He would have the honor of paying the king’s fifth into the royal
treasury, for he could make it advantageous for himself.
Gil Gonzalez would cheerfully have turned over the treasure to the king’s
officers, for his blood was up, and he wished to return immediately and
chastise the impudent caciques, Diriangen and Nicaragua.. But, when under his
letters patent he demanded aid for that purpose, the governor promised it only
on condition that he went as his lieutenant, and that the war should be
conducted in his name. This the contador refused to do. Pedrarias then said
that he would undertake the further pacification of Nicaragua on his own
account, and plant a colony, perhaps, at the gulf of Fonseca; that a southern
expedition which he had planned would be directed north, in view of the
superior attractions appearing in the reports of the late discoveries. Upon
this Gil Gonzalez determined to hasten from Panamd with the king’s gold, which
had been melted down by the assayer, and lay the matter before the audiencia at
Santo Domingo, thence going to Spain if necessary.
There was a caravel lying at Nombre de Dios, which Gil Gonzalez purchased
for one thousand Castellanos, and stealing from Panamd, he escaped with the
gold, and set sail for Espanola just as Pedrarias in hot pursuit appeared upon
the shore with a requisition and order of arrest.
The royal authorities at Santo Domingo listened with favor to their
former contador; on comparing his actions with his instructions they found that
he had acquitted himself creditably. They deemed it unnecessary for him to go
to Spain, ancl thought he could better serve the king by continuing his important
discovery. He might proceed at once to the
eastern shore of Tierra Firme, and search for the strait communicating
with the Freshwater Sea, or its outlet, which was sure to exist; or, failing in
that, enter the territory, pass over to the Freshwater Sea by land, found there
a colony and build a town. To ■ this end the audiencia promised to aid him in raising three hundred men
and fifty horses, which, with the ship he had brought from Nombre de Dios,
would give him a fair equipment. Distributing, therefore, the royal share of
the treasure2 among five ships lying
at Santo Domingo, according to the royal regulations, Gil Gonzalez despatched
by Antonio de Cereceda, treasurer of the Nicaraguan expedition, the famous
letter which I have so frequently quoted, and a map of the coast from Panamd,
to the Gulf of Fonseca, made with great care by the pilots of the expedition.
In this letter, after giving an account of the discovery and presenting his
plans, the writer begs the sovereign that his pay as captain be made over to
his wife at Seville, for the support and education of his children; that the
limits of his discovery may speedily be defined, and other conquerors and
rulers forbidden to intrude; that letters patent may be granted him with the
title of Admiral of the Freshwater Sea, together with a tenth of the king’s
revenue within the territory. Were it not that his majesty might deem it a
desire on the part of the discoverer to call attention to himself he could tell
much more; but this he would say of five things done by him, namely—no other
Spaniard ever before discovered so many leagues on foot with so few men
-Consisting of gold
from 12 to 18 earats by aetual assay, amounting to 17,000 pesos de oro; of an
inferior quality, known as hachas, 15,363 pesos; in rattle-shaped pieees, said
to be of no standard value, G, 1 Si2 pesos. Oil Gonzalez Ddrila, Carta al
Rey, MS. There were likewise 14.3 pesos worth of pearls, of whieh 80 pesos’
worth were obtained from the Pearl Islands. Relacion del viarje que hizo Gil Gonzalez Davila, in Pacheco and
Cdrrfenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 20-24. This doeument gives in detail, beside
the quantity of pearls seeured, the distanee journeyed, the dimensions of the
islands, the names of the provinces through whieh they passed, with their
eaeiques, the gold taken from each, and the souls baptized. There are also here
given, 5-20, id., Andr6s Nino, Relacion del asiento, or agreement with the
kiug; Relacion de lo que vd en la armada, with the eost of outfit, ete.
so poorly equipped; no man ever converted so many souls to Christ in so
short a time; no discoverer as yet had brought so much gold; none had fought so
many Indians without the loss of a man; and, finally, no one before him had
ever returned from a voyage of discovery without having lost to the adventurers
the cost of the outfit. Cereceda and the letter were graciously received by the
emperor, who ordered Gil Gonzalez to continue his discoveries.
But without waiting instructions from Spain Gil Gonzales had hastened to
occupy what he had discovered, before others should arrive to dispute possession
with him. He sailed from Santo Domingo in the spring of 15243 for
the eastern coast of Nicaragua,
3 The 10th
of March, 1524, the royal officers at Espanola, Miguel de Pasa*
intending to eross to the Freshwater Sea, by way of its outlet, and
thereby avoid collision with the governor at Panama; but he steered too far to
the right, and struck the eontinent on the north side of Honduras, about
twenty leagues east of Golfo Dulce. Obliged by a storm to throw overboard some
horses to save his ship, he gave the name of Caballos4 to the port from which he had under the circumstances to turn away. From
this point he was driven by the wind westward to Golfo Dulce. Finding himself
in a strange mountainous country, and at a loss whither to proceed, he deemed
it safe in any event to take possession and plant there a colony, and to this
he gave the name San Gil de Buenavista. Leaving there a portion of his men he
coasted eastward, to a point between eapes Honduras and Camarones, and although
still far from his destination he disembarked the troops and marched southward
in seareh of his Freshwater Sea.
Continuing on this eourse Gil Gonzalez in due time approached the
territory of Nicaragua, but only to encounter Hernando de Soto, sent by Cordoba
to ascertain who were the rival settlers. Gil Gonzalez first learned of the
presence of Cordoba in that quarter while passing through the valley of
Olancho. There was but one way to settle rival claims under such circumstances,
the old brutal way, practised by both savage and civilized from the beginning,
and in vogue to-day among our most Christian and cultured nations—the weaker
must give way to the stronger.
The two companies met at a place ealled Toreba. The savage method of
warfare was adopted. Just
monte and Alonso
Ddvila, write tlie king tliat Captain Gil Gonzalez Davila is there about to
embark ‘ to seek the strait from north to south ’—‘ Toma agora 4 busear cl
Estreeko de Norte <i Sur.’ Pacheco and Cardenas,
Col. Doc., i. 440.
4 * El mal
tiempo echo a la mar algunos de los cavallos que llevava, de donde lc quedo el
nombre.’ Herrera,
dec.
iii. lib. v. eap. xii. Oviedo mentions the death of a horse whieh was buried
with great s'ecreey, lest the natives should learn they were mortal. Fernando
Colon, in 1527, writes a: de rauallos; Ribero, in 1020, C:. de caw dios-; Vaz
Dourado, 1371, p■■ d<> caualos,
with the name tri- (jiteste next west; DeLaet, 1G33, P° de Cavallos;
Ogilby, IG71, Ptad. Cavallos; Jefferys, 1776, Pt° Cavallos;
and to-day as in the text.
before dawn, as Soto lay wrapped in slumber, Gil Gonzalez, with a portion
only of his command, crept into the enemy’s camp, and raising the war-cry, “
San Gil! kill the traitors!” began a furious onslaught upon his countrymen.
Soto commanded the superior force, and although taken at a disadvantage he was
soon disputing for the victory with every prospect of success. The engagement
lasted some time, and several Spaniards on both sides were killed. At length
Gil Gonzalez, fearing defeat, cried out, “Peace! peace, Senor capitan, in the
emperor’s name!” And although Soto was urged by his associates to follow up
the advantage, he ceased hostilities and prepared for an amicable adjustment of
differences.
Thus matters remained for several days. But Gil Gonzalez had no intention
of abandoning the field, as his actions and words implied. He only wished to
gain time and bring up the remainder of his force. This effected, he again
suddenly sprang upon the enemy, and after a short but severe engagement drove
him from the field, securing his treasure, to the value of one hundred and
thirty thousand Castellanos.5
Satisfied with this success, and unprepared to meet a superior force
under C6rdoba, Gil Gonzalez disarmed the enemy, and retired to Puerto Caballos,
where he was informed that a fleet had arrived from Mexico in command of
Cristobal de Olid, one of the captains of Hernan Cortes.
After the defeat of Soto, Cordoba took measures to strengthen his
position at Leon, building there a strong fortress. Crist6bal de Olid, of whom
I shall speak presently, founded a settlement on the north coast of Honduras, fourteen
leagues east of Puerto Caballos, to which he gave the name of Triunfo de la
Cruz.0 Thus for the territory now embraced within
5 Oviedo, iii. 114, says that two or three
days afterward Soto and his companions were released upon parole, and their arms
restored them.
c Town,
port, and cape, Some English charts still retain the name Cape
the boundaries of Nicaragua and Honduras, there appeared three
claimants—Gil Gonzalez, who, under the auspices of the crown, claimed for
himself as the discoverer; Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba, who claimed for
Pedrarias; and Crist6bal de Olid, who claimed for Cortes and himself.
Triunfo.
Ribero writes t'ufo de. la cz; Vaz Dourado, triumfo dellai, the next name west
being pitta cle la call, and next to this, no de pochi, which Ribero calls Ii:.
d' pechi. Next west of this name Ribero places jr.0 de hellados.
Ogilby, De Laet, Jefferys, and others give Triumpho or Triumfo de la Cruz.
COLONIZATION IN
HONDURAS.
1524-1525.
Cortes ix Mexico—Extension of his Conquests—Fears of
Encroachments on the Part of Spaniards in Central America—Crist6bal de Olid
Sent to Honduras—Touching at Habana, He is Won from Allegiance to Cortes —
Triunfo de la Cruz Founded — Olid as Traitor — Meeting with Gil Gonzalez — The
Wrath or Cortes—Casas Sent after
Olid—Naval Engagement in Triunfo Harbor — Casas Falls into the Hands of Olid,
Who is soon Captured by the Captive — Death of Olid — Return of Casas to
Mexico—Trujillo Founded — Interference of the Audiencia of Santo Domingo.
While
certain of the Spaniards were settling themselves in
possession of the Isthmus and parts of Central America, others were engaged in
like manner elsewhere. Among the latter was Hernan Cortes, who sailed from
Cuba, in 1519, for the conquest of Mexico, which was accomplished in 1521. So
great was the glory of this achievement, complete details of which will be
given in a later volume of this work, that fresh hordes flocked to the banner
of its hero, whose further efforts toward conquest in different directions were
little more than triumphal marches. On nearly every side his captains found
rich provinces and populous settlements which promised flattering rewards in
tributes, plantations, and submissive slaves; or their ears were filled with
reports of still greater cities, still richer territories, further on. From
such substance rumor blew its gaudy bubbles, which danced in iridescent hues
and ever increasing size before the eyes of the conquerors,
( 522 )
luring t.he’m on into the depths of mysterious regions beyond. Insatiate,
a world apiece would scarcely satisfy them now.
Of the several points toward which expeditions were sent out from the
Mexican capital by its conqueror, the southern regions seemed in some respects
the most alluring. Information came to Cortes of the high culture of the
inhabitants in that quarter, of their manifold wealth, their palaces and great
cities, all magnified by mystery and distance. Further than this, the
possibility, nay, the certainty that Spaniards moving northward from the
Panama, region would soon be in possession there if not forestalled, made delay
seem dangerous. Hence it was that Oajaca and Chiapas were quickly made to open
their portals; and now the redoubtable Pedro de Alvarado, second only to Cortes
himself, was entering Tehuantepec to rend the veil which enfolded the Quiche
kingdom, and to disclose the splendor of Utatlan.
Likewise the northern seaboard to the south of Yucatan claimed attention.
This could scarcely now be called an undiscovered country, for Spaniards as
well as natives poured into the conqueror’s ears the sure truth of what might
be expected. There were pilots whose course had led them along the coast of
Hibueras, or Honduras,1 and who charmed their hearers with tales of gold so abundant that
fishermen used nuggets for sinkers. In this there was nothing startling to
Cortes, however, for since his first entry into Mexico he had received such
information touching this Honduras country, particularly two provinces, that
were but one third true, “they would far exceed Mexico in wealth, and equal her
in the size of towns, in the number of inhabitants, and in culture.”2
These reports could not be disregarded. An expe-
1See
chapter iv., note C, this volume.
2_‘Una que llaman Hueitapalan y en otra lengua Xucutaco...
.ocho 6 diez jomadas de aquella villa de Trujiilo.5 CorU'S, Cartas,
409. * Higueras y HOdu- ras, que tenian fama de mucho oro y buena tierra.’ Gomara,
Hist. JSIex., 233.
dition to this region would also be able to meet that of Alvarado, and
crowned with success the two could then carry conquest onward, till sullen
ocean, east, and west, and south, alone might bar the progress of their arms.
Great would be also the reward in wealth and souls. Another wish, the discovery
of a strait, ruled Cortes with equal strength. It was now known how short a
distance lay between the two oceans, and this long narrow strip of intervening
land might in some one of its many inlets hide the passage, though it was
toward the north that the conquistador looked chiefly for it. The subject had
been specially commended to him by the emperor. “Knowing the desire of your
Majesty,” writes Cortes, “ to discover the secret of this strait, and the great
benefit which your royal crown will derive therefrom, I shall leave all other
interests and gains to follow this course.”1’ As an earnest of his
intention Cortes had begun to build vessels at Zacatula, on the South Sea, as
early as 1522, and with these he would explore the coast northward till the
passage was found, or proved not to exist. In the North Sea also fleets were
prepared to coast northward to Newfoundland, and southward to the Isthmus.
The expeditions were all delayed, the first by conflagration, the others
by incidents at Panuco which for a time diverted all available forces. The
latter difficulty over, Cortes reverted to his pet project, and the Atlantic
fleet, which had been for several months at considerable expense waiting orders
for sailing south, was now reinforced to muster six vessels fully equipped,
with nearly four hundred Spaniards and thirty horses.4
So important an expedition called for a lieutenant not only brave and
able, but trustworthy. Amongst
5 Cartas,
315, letter of 13 Oct., 1524. The letter of the emperor commanding him to
search both coasts is dated 6 June, 1523.
4 Soldiers, 370, including 100 archers and
arquebusiers, and 22 horses, says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad176. ‘Por todos finco navios gruessos 6 caravelas
6 un bergantin. ’ Oviedo, iii. 459.
the three or four thus esteemed by the great eonqueror was Crist6bal de
Olid,5 before mentioned, who, owing to his prominent position under Governor
Velazquez of Cuba, had been appointed eaptain under Cortes when he set out for
the subjugation of Montezuma’s empire. His devotion, eourage, and ability had
made him a favorite, and at the fall of Mexico he had been rewarded with an
ample share of the treasures and encomiendas. While lacking in sincerity and
depth of thought, and being less fit for the eouneil, he possessed qualities
whieh made him an admirable executive offieer. He was at this time about
thirty-seven, of powerful physique and stentorian voice, whieh contributed not
a little to his suceess as a leader.6
Several of the old campaigners, but lately enseoneed in snug plantations
where they were enjoying a post- bellum repose, were ealled to aid Olid. This
they did, though not always consenting with cheerful faces. Among the number
was Captain Briones, a turbulent fellow, who had brought some sears from the
wars in Italy, and, after airing his profane voeabulary as eom- inander of
brigantines during the siege of Mexieo, had nursed a hatred against Cortds for
serviees that he fancied to have been ill paid.7 Two priests, with crosses and images, were added to the expedition.
Olid was instructed to direet his course to Cape Hibueras, and after
founding a fortified settlement to despateh the three largest vessels to Cuba
for supplies, while the three smaller, under command of Hurtado de Mendoza, the
cousin of Cortds, were to seareh for a strait as far as Darien, exploring first
the gulf there-
5 Also written Oli, Olit, Olite, Dolid,
Dolit. A hidalgo of Baeza. Oviedo, iii. 188. See chap. vi. vol. i., Hint.
Mexico, this series.
G Bernal
Diaz describes him as a well-formed, strong-limbed man, with wide shoulders and
a somewhat fair complexion. Despite the peculiarity of a groove in the lower
lip, which gave it the appearance of being split, the face was most attractive.
‘ Era un Hector en el esfuerijo, para combatir. ’ He was
married to a Portuguese, Felipa de Araujo, by whom he had a daughter. Hist.
Verdad., 176, 177, 240. Further references in chap. vi. vol. i., Hist.
Mexico, this series.
7 The lobes of his ears were shorn by
captors, he said, of a fortress which lie had aided too obstinately in defending.
Bemal Diaz appears to doubt this explanation. Hist. Verdad., 176, 177.
about, that is the Bahia de la Ascension, as the instructions read, from
which “many pilots believe a strait to lead into the other sea.” The fleet left
San Juan de Chalchiuhcuecan, the present Vera Cruz, January 11, 1524, for
Habana, where an agent of Cortes was then purchasing additional arms, horses,
and stores, for Olid.8
Let traitors beware of treachery. Cortds had been untrue to Governor
Velazquez: by what law of compensation could he expect subordinates to be true
to him ? Scarcely was the fleet adrift before Briones was whispering his
commander treason. And when on landing at Habana the Cuban governor, with all
the hatred of foiled ambition, joined the foes of Cortes to work upon tho
fidelity of his captain, Olid was shaken. “ Mexico by right is mine,” argued
the governor. “ It is I who am your rightful chief, and I absolve you from the
miscreant you follow. Strike out from him, as did he from me; I will furnish
men and money, and the king shall know of your conduct and reward it.”9
Ere the fleet left Cuba Olid had decided on his course. He had learned
prudence, however, under his wily chief, and resolved to do nothing decisive,
until he found himself strong enough, and had learned whether the country was
worth the risk.10 On land-
8 The agent, Alonso de Contreras, had
reeeived 8,000 pesos de oro for the purpose, in order that the expedition
should not be hampered for want of means, nor be obliged to prey at onee upon
the natives. Oviedo, iii. 459. Cortes estimates the total eost of the
expedition at over 50,000 dueats. Mem., in Doc. 1tied., iv. 227; Inslruc., in
Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 5; Gastos, in id., xii. 386, with
details of expenses. The purchases were made ere the presenee of the fleet
should raise priees at Habana, and yet a fanega of maize eost two pesos de oro,
a sword eight pesos, a erossbow twenty, and a fireloek one hundred; while a
shipmaster reeeived eight hundred pesos a month. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 243.
9 * Se liabia
eonfederado el tal Cristobal Dolit eon Diego Velazquez, y qne iba eon voluntad
de no me obedeeer, antes de le entregar la tierra al dicho Diego Velazquez y
juntarse eon <$1 eontra mi.’ Cortes, Cartas, 337. ‘Coeer- tarO . . q entre
61, y Christoval de Oli, tuviessen aquella tierra de Higueras.. . y q el Diego
Velazquez le proveeria de lo q huviesse menester.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 177; Oviedo, iii. 113; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 243.
10 If not, he would return to Mexieo to his
wife and estates, and affirm before Cortes that his agreement with Velazquez
was subterfuge on liis part to obtain stores and men. Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 177.
ing, therefore, some fourteen leagues east of Caballos, the 3d of May, he
not only took possession in the name of Cortes, but appointed the officials
named by him. The papers of possession, however, bore Olid’s name.11 To the town here founded was given the name of Triunfo de la Cruz, from
the day of landing.12
Olid was not long in openly deelaring his intentions. Most of his
company aequieseed; a few did not. These latter to the number of three score,
under an offieer named Valenzuela, after robbing the town during the absenee
of the men in the interior, seized one of the vessels and set sail for Mexieo,
but only to meet shipwreek and starvation at Cozumel Island.13 All thoughts of searching for a strait had been abandoned, and Olid
determined to hasten forward, make himself aequainted with the eountry, and
seeure possession. It was not many days before he eame upon the bands of
Spaniards whom we have seen there fighting eaeh other, and Olid’s presence
among them tended in no wise to lessen complications.
Gil Gonzalez was not in condition to meet so powerful an opponent as
Olid, espeeially with a threatening avenger in the near west; and so he
thought it prudent to retire until he might seeure to his own interests at
least one side by an alliance. Nor was Olid just then strong enough openly to
brave a well known Spanish leader. He therefore met the advances made him by
Gil Gonzalez in a friendly spirit, and sought by artful letters to lull
suspicions regarding his true motives.
Surely they were not in vain, the lessons he had learned under the astute
Cortes. Watching an op-
11 ‘ Con que
coraenijo a entender que se yua apartando de la obediencia de Cortes.’ Herrera,
dee. iii. lib. v. eap. xii.
yl Juarros, Guat., 42-3. It was
soon abandoned. See chap. xvi., note 5, this volume.
13 This according to Gomara, Hist. Mex.,
269, and CorKf, Cartas, 4G7, who do not, however, elearly indicate that
Valenzuela was one of Olid’s officers. Informed of the wreek, by Casas
probably, Cortes sent a vessel for them, which was also wreeked, on the Cuban
coast. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. 208, alludes to this party as twenty-five men
sent to kidnap Indians.
portunity, when Gil Gonzalez had confidingly divided his forces, he sent
Briones, his maestre de campo, to surprise them in detail, while he himself
prepared with another body to descend in two caravels on the coast settlements.
Early next morning, as Olid awoke pluming himself over his well laid plans, a
page rushed in, announcing, “ Two sails in the offing, senor capitan!” Olid
hastened to the shore not without misgivings that this might be a Mexican
expedition, bearing perhaps his injured chief.
It so happened that while the renegade Olid was at Habana, the royal
factor, Salazar, had arrived there en route for Mexico to assume office, and
learned only too clearly what was brewing. Nor was he the only one to carry the
news. Cortfe heard it with distended nostrils, and the characteristic swelling
of his veins14 indicated the
anger which the next moment found utterance. “ Villain! whom I have reared, and
honored, and trusted; by God and St Peter he shall rue it!”15 Unable to enter in person upon the determined chastisement, the general
sent Francisco de las Casas, a resolute man of no mean ability, married to a
cousin-german16 of his, and
therefore regarded with greater confidence. He relied also on the many warm
adherents in the rebel camp who could require no very strong appeal to return
to their leader. For this reason four vessels, two of them quite small,17 and
14 * Cum narium et venarum gutturis summo
tumore prse ira, ssepe dedit de tanta animi perturbatione signa, neque a,
verbis id signifieantibus ab- stinuit.’ Peter Martyr, dee. viii. cap. x.
15 Cortes did not overlook the application
of the aet to his own escapade with Velazquez. In complaining to the emperor,
he assumes that many will regard it as a pena peccati, but explains that Olid
had no share in this expedition, as he himself had had in the one from Cuba.
With respect to the present fleet, he regretted not so much the loss of 40,000
pesos de oro as the injury the rebellion must cause the imperial interest, in delay
of exploration and settlement and in exeesses against Iudians. Further, he
remarks pointedly, such revolts will deter loyal and enterprising men from
embarking their fortune in the service of the crown. Cartas, 337.
1G Herrera,
dee. iii. lib. v. eap. xiii. Cortes, Cartas, 336, ealls him *primo,’ which may
bear the same interpretation. Oviedo, iii. 517, ealls him brother- in-law.
17 Fitted out with sails and rigging of
vessels seized from traders, and
one hundred and fifty men were deemed a sufficient forcc to subjugate the
usurper.
As the fleet approached Triunfo a boatman was captured who gave
information of the state of affairs, and on entering the harbor Casas hoisted a
flag of peace with the hope that friendly overtures might bring about a
revolution of sentiment, among a portion of the rebels, in favor of his chief.
Olid, however, who had at once suspected the character of the arrival, knew
the danger of a parley, particularly since the greater part of his force was
absent. Brave and resolute, he ordered his two caravels to be manned, and
opened fire to prevent a landing. Finding his overtures disregarded Casas
replied with equal spirit, covering at the same time the operations of the
boats which he sent off. It was an original spectacle in these parts, Spaniards
fighting Spaniards, in regular naval engagement; and as the hissing projectiles
flew out from the smoke over the still waters, followed now and then by a
crash, the noise of battle reverberating over the forest-clad hills, the dusky
spectators who lined the shore should have been exceedingly grateful for this
free exhibition of the wisdom and power of European civilization that had come
so far to instruct them in such a fashion.18 Presently, amidst the
boom of cannon and dimly belching flames, cries of distress were heard,
followed not long after by shouts of victory. Olid’s gunners had found their
with pressed crews;
the fleet was ordered to intercept any communication and aid for Honduras.
Testimonio, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 274-7. They were all the
vessels that could be obtained, it seems. One or both of the small craft
deserted and took refuge in Cuba, there to leave testimony. See also Relacion de los Oidores, in id., xiv. 43; Cortis, Cartas, 336. Bernal
Diaz places the number of vessels at five and the soldiers at 100, naming
3 conquistadores. Hist. Verdad., 194. Out
of the 150 the soldiers probably did number 100, and there may have been five
vessels, for Herrera states that Cortes sent a ship with stores under Pedro Gonzalez
to follow Casas. Off the very coast of Honduras he was overtaken by a storm
which drove him back to Pinuco with the belief that the fleet must have
perished, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiii. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 343, mentions only
two vessels.
18 ‘ Assi estuuieron todo aquel dia,’ says
Herrera, loc. cit., who leaves the reader to suppose that at one time the
advantage leant to Olid’s side and caused Casas to hoist a flag of truce which
was disregarded; but other authorities do not take this view.
Hist. Cjbh. Am., Vol. I. 31
match. One of his caravels was sinking, and the attacking boats were
approaching the second. Hurriedly sounding the recall he sought the shore,
with the loss of a few men,19 sending meanwhile a boat to the victor
with a proposal for truce, on condition that no landing should be effected till
the negotiations for surrender were completed. Casas consents; and Ares dons
the mask of Pallas. The first act of Olid on sighting the fleet had been to
despatch a messenger to his lieutenant Briones, summoning him in all haste to
his assistance. Time might now be gained by parley. But to the same lieutenant
went another messenger from Casas with the most alluring promises for active or
passive aid. And in this Casas was so far successful that Olid waited in vain
for succor, while his opponent, under further prospect of support in the camp
itself, lay confidently at anchor waiting the dawn.20
It was a golden chain of treachery thus lengthening itself from the
capital of the Indies through Mexico and into the wilderness of Central
America; Velazquez revolts from Diego Colon, Cortes from Velazquez, Olid from
Cortes, and Briones from Olid. But what avails the cunning of man against the
gods! That night a storm burst upon the harbor, and within an hour the late
victor found himself, with the loss of his vessels and some forty men, upon the
shore swearing allegiance to the enemy.21 Buffeted to exhaustion
by the waves, and without arms, Casas was thus fished in by the exultant Olid.
The next step was to secure the fleeing Gil Gon
19 Four soldiers. Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 194; -without loss, says Herrera.
20 ‘ 0 esperando con intenciO de se ir a
otra baia a desembarcar,’ is ons of the suppositions of Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad. ,194. ‘ Briones. . . en teniendo auiso de Francisco de las Casas,
se aparto de Christoual de Olid, y tom6 la voz de Cortes. ’ Herrera,
ubi sup. It appears that Briones had by this time gained an advantage over Gil
Gonzalez, capturing over 50 of his men; but he now released them under certain
conditions. Gortis, Cartas, 459. Bernal Diaz assumes that Briones’ revolt
occurred later and that he set out for Mexico.
81 After
convincing him by means of two or three days of exposure and starvation, as
Bernal Diaz and Gomara seem to intimate. Herrera assumes that he won him by
kind treatment.
zalez, who was surprised at Choloma and brought to headquarters,22
which had meanwhile been removed to Naco, a fertile and salubrious valley about
twenty leagues from Caballos, occupying a central position and abundantly
supplied with means of subsistence.
Olid was a generous jailer. He was haunted by none of the suspicious fear
which resorted to manacles and shackles. Casas and Gil Gonzalez were treated
rather as guests than as prisoners; they were given seats at Olid’s own table,
and allowed to share in every conviviality. They enjoyed in fact every liberty,
except that of crossing the limit fixed for their movements. Finding the host
so lenient Casas began to plead also for release. He wished to present himself
before Cortds and justify his conduct. Olid of course would not consent. “You
are too pleasant a companion for me to lose,” he smilingly said to his captive.
“Ah, well! your worship,” Casas replied, “ pray God I prove not so pleasant as
some day to kill you.” The prisoners had not failed to improve the
opportunities which their trusting host provided, and finding that Briones held
out as a rebel, they gained sufficient confidence to form a conspiracy. On a
certain evening seats at table were secured for two accomplices, while near at
hand were others awaiting the appointed signal. Ever a most agreeable
companion, on this occasion Casas outdid himself; and had not Olid been of so
unsuspecting a nature he would have seen through the veil of affectation that
enveloped the conversation. When the table was cleared and the attendants had
withdrawn, the conspirators exchanged glances; whereupon one of them, Juan
Nunez de Mercado, passed behind
“After the defeat by
Briones, Gil Gonzalez seems to have become bewildered. Leaving a few followers
at Nito under Diego de Armenta, he embarked in three vessels, touched at San
Gil to hang Francisco Riquelme and a clergyman for having led a revolt, and
thence proceeded to Choloma. Owing to Briones’ defection his capture was
intrusted to Juan Ruano. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiii. The seizure was
effected with the loss of his nephew Gil de Avila and eight soldiers. Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 194; Cortes, Cartas, 459. Oviedo assumes that Gonzalez was
entrapped by false promises, iii. 188.
Olid, and seizing his head pulled it back, while Casas, who was seated
beside him, rose and grasping him by the beard, began to slash at his throat
with a pocket knife,23 crying, “Tyrant! the earth shall no longer
endure thee.” Gil Gonzalez was instantly on the other side of Olid stabbing him
in the breast. Yet with all their advantage they made slovenly work of it,
cutting up the old hero. He was a powerful man, and in a moment had recovered
himself and was hurling his assailants right and left. He called to his guard,
but these were quickly secured by the conspirators. Olid made his escape,
however, and sought a thicket where he fell, fainting from loss of blood. The
conspirators shouted lustily, affirming that he was dead, and called on all
present, in the name of the emperor and of Cortds, to rally round Casas.M
None cared to refuse.
Meanwhile Crist6bal de Olid, one of the proudest of Mexico’s proud
conquerors, felt that the knives of these assassins had been too much for him.
He who had so many times faced death for mighty cause must now die of dastardly
blows inflicted by countrymen. True, he was a rebel. But so was his master.
And who of those present would not cast off any allegiance the moment their
interests demanded it? The cold grasp of death was on him. Of what avail at
this moment were the hardships endured, and the infamies so lately inflicted in
the crushing of Montezuma and his people ? Crawling to an Indian hut he begged
shelter and secrecy, offering all his wealth for these favors, and for yet
another, that a priest should be summoned. How maliy of this race had begged of
him, and begged in vain ! The owner of the hut went out upon his mission. It
was almost impossible that the dying conquistador should not thereby be
discovered, but to die unshriven was death thrice
23 ‘ Con un cuchillo de escribanias, que otra arma no
tenia. . . diciendo: “ Ya no es tiempo de sufrir mas este tirano.” ’ Cortis,
Cartas, 460.
21 ‘ Aquia del
Rey, e de Cortes contra este tirano, que ya no es tieinpo de mas .sufrir sus
tiranias. ’
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 195.
over. Closely upon the priest’s heels like thirsting bloodhounds
followed the assassins, who, now that their noble quarry was stricken, plucked
up the courage to cut off his head by law. Dragging forth the dying man, a
court was formed, which that night declared him traitor, and doomed him to
death. As if to favor them, life lingered with the prisoner until morning, when
he was brought into the plaza, his eyes half closed in death, to receive his
sentence. There and then the hideous mockery was completed; and as the head was
severed not one voice was heard, not one hand moved in sympathy for the gallant
soldier who had so often led his men to victory, and whose hand had been as
free to give as was his voice to cheer.25
Being now master of the situation, Casas made some necessary changes
among the officials to insure the fruits of victory. Triunfo having proved
unsafe, it was decided to form a settlement in a more secure harbor. Nearly
four score enrolled themselves as settlers and a municipality was appointed,
with the recommendation to select a site at Puerto de Caba- llos, if found
suitable, and to name the town Trujillo, after the native town of Casas.26
Eager to relieve the anxiety of Cortes and to consult with him, Casas did not
stay to see this carried out, but selecting Juan Lopez de Aguirre, originally
treasurer, as his lieutenant, aided by the new alcaldes, Mendoza and Medina,
the latter also contador, he set out on his return to Mexico. A large number
accompanied him, leaving but a little more than a hundred adherents of
/5 According to Herrera, the confcssor, awed by the
proclamation, revealed the hiding-place, after exacting a promise that no harm
should befall his protege. The promise was disregarded 011 the principle that ‘
dead man wages no war,’ and although Olid ivas dead when the
hour came for execution, yet the corpse was
publicly beheaded, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xii. Other
authorities do not state how he was discovered or arrested. ‘ Otro dia por la manana, hecho su proceso contra
el, ambos los capitanes (Casas and Gonzalez) junta- mente le sentenciaron A muerte.’ Cortes, Cartas, 460. ‘Assi fcnecio su vida, por tener en poco su contrario.’ Gomara,
Hist. Mex., 244. His brother, Antonio
de Olid, sought justice before the Consejo de Indias against Casas and Gonzalez
for the murder. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. x.
cap. xi.
26 In
Estremadura,
Cortes in the province.27 Among those who went was Gil
Gonzalez, too dangerous a man to leave behind, who must appear before Cortes
and arrange with him as to what share in the province he might keep, if any.
Meanwhile his men appear to have been left in possession of the Nito district.28
The route taken led through Guatemala, the later highway to Mexico. On the
road they came upon Briones, who fancied that his desertion of Olid entitled
him to consideration on the part of Olid’s enemy. But nobody liked the man,
and regarding him, furthermore, as dangerous to the peace of Honduras, they
took the precaution of hanging him.
Lieutenant Aguirre conducted his party to Ca- ballos, as instructed, but
the site did not meet with general approval, and a vessel arriving with a
glowing description of Puerto de Honduras, it was decided to go there. The
vessel was chartered and Aguirre went on board with nearly forty men, a number
of native servants, and the stores and other articles which the party
proceeding by land could not conveniently carry. When the land expedition
reached the port no vessel was there. An anxious search being instituted for
the possible evidence of a shipwreck, an inscription by Aguirre was found
bidding the men not to grieve; he had sailed on for supplies
27 ‘ Halldronse ciento y diez hombres que dijeron que querian poblar, y los
dem&s todos. dijeron que se querian ir con Franciseo delas Casas.’ Cortes, Cartas, 460. See also Informe, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col.
Doc., ii. 131, 141. These did not comprise Gonzalez5 followers, but
may have been all of Olid’s and Casas’ men who eared to remain in Honduras; yet
it seems strange that the latter should have allowed so large a number to
abandon a province which they had been sent to occupy.
25 Oviedo assumes that Casas would brook no rival
after his triumph, and made Gonzalez a prisoner, c 6 llev6lo en
grillos & la Nueva Espana.] iii. 188-9, ( 518. The last
assertion is even less likely. Affairs had meanwhile changed in Mexico, and
like Casas he fell into the hands of Cortes’ enemies, who were at first intent
on their execution, but ultimately sent both to Spain for trial. One of the
charges was the murder of Olid. Gonzalez was wrecked on Fayal Island, but
reached Seville in April, 1526, only to be confined in the atara- zana, or
arsenal. Released on parole, as a knight commander of Santiago, he returned to
his home at Avila, and there died not long after, says Oviedo, deeply repentant
of his sins. Ddvila, Testimonio, in Pacheco and Cdrderm, Col. Doc., xii. 362-7.
and would soon return. The mockery of this message was only too
apparent, and bitterly did they denounce the deserters who had carried off not
only treasure and effects, but abandoned them on a strange shore with but
scanty armament. The horses were now their main reliance. Although poorly provided
they remained, and electing Alcalde Medina to the captaincy, proceeded on May
18, 1525, to found Trujillo and install officers.29
One morning, not long after, a caravel was seen approaching, and eagerly
the officials set out to meet her. But it was not theirs. The audiencia of
Santo Domingo had heard of the threatened collision of rival factions in
Honduras, and of the fuel Casas was bringing to the flame. They were desirous
that their authority should be felt in these parts. They would bend the spirit
of these turbulent governors. On this occasion Fiscal Pedro Moreno, a better
trader than judge, had been sent by the grand tribunal to Honduras to order
away Casas, to enjoin Cordoba and Alvarado not to meddle, to impose on Olid and
Gil Gonzalez the authority of the audiencia, with injunctions to peaceably
occupy only that part of which they had been the first to take possession, and
to surrender to the fiscal the royal fifth. To cover the expenses of the
commission the chartered caravel had been loaded, for account of the crown,
with arms and stores, which were to be distributed among the needy colonists at
a profit. If the adventure proved successful the judges might make a part of
the profit their own; if unfortunate, jvho so well fitted to bear the loss as
the sovereign!
Medina related to Moreno the troubles of the colonists, including the
desertion of Aguirre, and appealed to him for redress. He also asked for arms.
Moreno offered to relieve the wants of the colony
29 Gomara, Hist. Mex., 245. A minority
soon after attempted to replace
Medina by the alguacil Orbaneja. Pacheco and Cdrdena8y Col. Doc., ii. 133-5. Testimony on the foundation of
Trujillo, in id., xiv. 44-7.
only on condition that it should transfer allegiance from Cortds to the
audiencia, as agents for the emperor, and accept for captain Juan Ruano, one
of Olid’s officers, as had been done by Gil Gonzalez’ men.30 Pressed
by necessity the colonists acquiesced. One of the first acts in connection with
the transfer was to change the name Trujillo to Ascension. After a kidnapping
raid on a neighboring pueblo, Moreno departed with about forty slaves,
promising soon to return with a force strong enough to hold the province.31
Hardly had his sails disappeared when the colonists restored the standard of
Cortds, and sent Ruano to follow his patron, with the reminder that his
moderation and efforts in their behalf had alone saved his neck.
80 Herrera
states that Ruano, who captured Gonzalez, had gone to Cuba after Casas’
triumph, but the testimony in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc.,
ii. 127, etc., shows that he
had been picked up by Moreno at San Gil.
81 He
himself being the probable captain. Some sixteen slaves were kidnapped here,
and the rest at San Gil. The account of Moreno’s proceedings, by different
witnesses, is to be found in Informacion heckapor 6rden de ffernan
Cortts sobre excesos por Moreno, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., ii.
127-79; and in Relacion de los Oidores, in id., xiv. 39, etc. When the emperor
learned of the kidnapping, he angrily ordered
the release of the slaves, and their good treatment pending an investigation. Herrera,
dec. iii. lib. x. cap. xi. Cortes intimates that Ruano had used persuasion with
Moreno to obtain the command. Cartas, 462-3.
MARCH OF CORT&S
TO HONDURAS.
1524-1525.
Doubts concerning
Casas — Cortes Tired of Inaction—Determines to Go in Person to Honduras—Sets
out with a Large Party— Arrives at Goazacoalco—The Gay Army soon Comes to
Grief— The Way Barred by Large Rivers and Deep Morasses—Scarcity of
Provisions—Sufferings of the Soldiers—The Trick of the Merchant-cacique—Killing
of the Captive Kings—Apotheosis of a Charger—Fears of Rebellious Spaniards
Dissipated on Nearing Nito.
Inordinate
covetings had never been characteristic of Cortes;
but when a man attains eminence in wealth, power, or fame, it seems natural, it
is rather expected, that he should bccome sordid, grasping, callous to human
sympathy, indifferent to noble sentiment, the slave of avarice and ambition.
Greed constitutes no small part of grandeur.
Northward from the Mexican capital were limitless lands; Cortes could
not tell how much there might be to the west; hence one would think he might
well leave to his countrymen in the south something for their pains; that he
might even give his captains independent governments without diminution of his
manliness.
But insignificant to Cort&s as was this Honduras country, and petty
as were the bickerings of its occupants, they were nevertheless objects of
solicitude to the great chief. No sooner had Casas left the Chalchiuhcuecan
shore, than Cortes began to doubt the wisdom of his course in sending one
servant after
( 537 )
another. The more he reflected on the popularity of Olid and the number
of his men, the comparatively untried ability of his opponent, and the reputed
wealth of the country, the more he feared for the result, and wished to be
present there in person.1 Not to mention the itching palm for power,
this desire was increased by the petty espionage to which the imperial officers
subjected his every movement. He longed to roam with kindred spirits in the
wilds of the south, wherein native tradition located stately cities and
treasure-filled palaces. He longed to meet a worthy foe. As he nursed the
dream, the glow increased within him at the prospect of penetrating unknown
regions, overcoming toil and danger, and discovering something new, something
startling; perchance he might find the long-sought strait.
A hint in this direction was sufficient to rouse the anxiety of friends
and enemies alike. He was the guiding spirit of all undertakings, and the
protecting shield. All would return to chaos were he to withdraw; and the
still wavering natives who respected and feared Malinche, as Cortes was called
by the Mexicans, above any host of soldiers, might rise and overwhelm them.
So urgent and general were the representations to this effect that he
yielded, or pretended to yield.2 But the spirit of the Castilian
explorer once aroused could not be repressed. He felt that he had been too long
idle, so he wrote his sovereign, and must do
1 Herrera
assumes stronger reasons, the arrival of the supply vessel sent after Casas
with the report that the latter could not have escaped the storm which drove
her back to Mexico, and the rumored victory of Olid over both his opponents.
But it is pretty certain that Cortes heard nothing of the latter affair, at
least while he was in Mexico, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiii.
2 The
safety of Mexico was above other considerations; the road to Honduras was
unknown and full of danger; the emperor would punish Olid. Such were the
arguments used. Cortes replied that unless prompt chastisement was inflicted
others would follow the example, and disorder must follow, with loss to himself
of respect and territory. The crown officials demanded in the emperor’s name
that he should remain. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 245. Cortes yielded, and wrote to
the emperor that he had intended to march through Guatemala but would remain,
especially since he expected news from Honduras within two months. Carta,.
Oct. 15,1524 A few days later he began his march.
something in the service of his Majesty.3 Preparations were
accordingly resumed under pretence that a disaffection in the Goazacoalco
region required his personal attention.
He set out from Mexico in the latter part of October, 1524,4
leaving the government in charge of men whose flattery had blinded him to their
insidious designs. The party consisted of about one hundred horsemen, half of
them with extra animals, some forty archers and arquebusiers, and three
thousand native warriors and servants,5 the latter chiefly-under the
leadership of the three deposed sovereigns, Quauhte- motzin the last emperor of
Mexico, Tetlepanquetzal king of Tlacopan, and Cohuanococh king of Tezcuco, and
five or six captive caciques, whom it was regarded unsafe to leave behind.6
Among the leading officers in the train were the alguacil mayor,
Sandoval, Ocampo, Ircio, Saavedra, Grado, and a number who acted as household
officials and gentlemen in waiting to the leader. There were also a retinue of
pages, youths of good family, among them young Montejo, later conqueror of
Yucatan, and a number of musicians, jugglers, tumblers, and
3 Cartas,
Sept. 3, 1526, 395-6.
* In the letter from Honduras he says
October 12, but this very generally accepted date must be a misprint, since in
one of the two letters dated at Mexico within the following three days, he
writes to the emperor that he would not leave. He could hardly dare to reveal
that he had gone, while writing that he was still at Mexico; but he was on the
way before November.
5 ‘ Sacd de aqui ciento y
veinte de caballo y veinte escopeteros y otros tantos baUesteros y gente de
pi6,’ besides 4,000 to 5,000 Indians. Carta de
Albomoz, in Icazbalceta, Col. hoc., i. 485. A number of Spaniards at least were
added on the way to Goazacoalco, where review was held, showing, according to
Bernal Diaz, upward of 250 soldiers, beside arrivals from Spain, 130 being
horsemen, and 3,000 warriors from different parts of the country, beside
servants of caciques. Hist. Verdad., 195-7. This agrees with Gomara’s 150
cavalry, 150 infantry, 3,000 warriors, and a number of servant-women. Hist.
Mex., 251. Cortes, at this same review, mentions only 93 horsemen with 150
horses, and 30 and odd foot-soldiers. Carton, 398.
6 Prescott,
whose account of this famous expedition and its connecting incidents, indicates
both a want of authorities and an imperfect study, mentions only the sovereigns
of Mexico and Tlacopan. Helps follows him. But Gomara names also the king of
Tezcuco, besides a number of caciques, and gives their tragic fate, as does
Ixtlilxochitl with greater detail. Horribles Cruddades, 79.
clowns.7 Cortes had a natural bent for pomp, the pomp that
gracefully adorns the truly great. The church was represented by a clergyman
and three friars; chief among interpreters was Marina, the Mexican maiden,
whose clear head and devoted heart had more than once saved the Castilian
invaders, and preserved their leader to her love.
The march was directed to Espiritu Santo, the place of review, not far
above the mouth of the Goazacoalco. On the way the party was made the object of
a series of demonstrations, and the settlers of Goazacoalco, including the
‘true historian,’ Bernal Diaz, came forth in procession, with fireworks and
masquerade, to conduct the mighty conqueror under triumphal arches and amid salvos
to his quarters. The joy was mingled with misgivings, however, for the small
force and still smaller equipment awakened a fear that a levy might be made.
This proved only too true, and while some joined of their own will, dazzled by
the lustre of the leader’s name, others, happy with a repartimiento of Indians,
who existed only to attend their wants, were not so quick to fall into line.8
The chiefs of the neighborhood were summoned to give information, and showed a
surprising acquaintance with the country as far south even as the domain of
Pedrarias. They also prepared a map on cloth, depicting minutely the different
rivers, mountains, and pueblos on the route to Nito,9 some of them
ravaged by Spaniards, and now deserted. The manuscript representation of this
vast region, filled with great cities and rich provinces, determined Cortes to
advance toward Honduras direct, and aban
7 Bernal
Diaz names a number of the officers and staff servants, as Carranza, mayordomo;
lasso, maestresala, or chief bn tier; Salazar, chamberlain; Licen- ciado Pero
Lopeza, doctor, a vintner, a pan tier, a butler, etc.; 2 pages with lances, 8
grooms, and 2 falconers; 5 musicians, etc.
8 Bernal
Diaz relieves his feelings in a loud grumble, which softens as he recalls the
consolation to his pride in being given for a time a petty command. Hist. Verdad., 197. #
nY aun hasta Nicaragua... .y hasta dQde residia Pedrarias.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 250.
don the idea once entertained of going through Guatemala.10
Both the map and the imagination failed, however, adequately to picture the
vast morasses and miry sloughs alternating with and bordering the countless
rivers which served for highways to the natives. The lithe, unencumbered Indian
could not clearly grasp the difficulties herein presented to the heavy cavalry,
for in his light canoe he could speed along the mighty streams, pass up the
tributary branches, and penetrate far and wide by means of the more shallow
creeks into the primeval forests.
After a week’s stay the expedition advanced. Tumbler and fiddler led in
the van a merry dance, perhaps to death; in the rear was a herd of swine, kept
at a safe distance, however, lest its presence should too greatly tempt the
appetite of the hungry soldiers. The artillery of four guns, a quantity of
small arms, ammunition, and stores were sent by a vessel to Rio Tabasco, to be
followed by two small caravels from Medellin laden with provisions. From this
point it was intended to let one of them follow the coast, west of Yucatan,
still regarded as an island, so as to be able to furnish supplies when called
upon by the land force which also expected to follow the shore. The rainy
season was not yet over, and the very brooks had swollen into rushing rivers.
Two streams, nine and eighteen leagues respectively from Espiritu Santo, had to
be crossed in canoes, the horses swimming,11 and beyond flowed a
still wider watercourse which required a bridge of nine hundred and thirty-four
paces in length. The difficulties of the march may be understood from the statement
that while traversing Copilco province, fully fifty bridges had to be constructed
within a distance of twenty leagues.12 It
10 See Cortis, Carlas, 337, 397.
11 The pueblos at the crossing-places are
called respectively Tonalan and Agualulco, written in different forms even by
the same authority.
12 Cortes calls the province Qupilcon, 35
leagues from Espiritu Santo, a figure which may be correct by the line of
march. It was 20 leagues in length, and its extreme eastern pueblo was
Anaxuxuca.
was a rich department with half a score of head pueblos, and having an
abundance of provisions they were ordered to send tribute in kind to Espfritu
Santo. After crossing a steep range a wide tributary of Rio Tabasco was
reached,13 where the troops were cheered by the arrival of a score
of canoes laden with provisions from one of the vessels. Natives of the
province also appeared in obedience to a summons, and assisted in crossing the
river and in opening a path along the thickly wooded bank to the capital of
Cihuatlanu province, twelve leagues up the river. As they approached
it the guides and sappers suddenly disappeared in the close-knit jungle. A few
steps further the path opened at the junction of a tributary river, and on the
several banks was disclosed a large pueblo, silent as the grave; but the smoke
yet curling from the ruins showed that it had only recently been abandoned. In
the nearest suburb, which contained some two hundred houses, they remained for
nearly three weeks. Meanwhile a bridge of three hundred paces was built across
a marsh, and expeditions were sent out in vain search for reliable guides, and
to explore the neighborhood.15 ,
The next objective point was Chilapan, capital of a province bearing the
same name; this they also found burned and deserted, but well provided with
food. The crossing of the river here, which detained the army for over a week,
was effected on rafts, but despite the care taken the rushing torrent played
havoc with the baggage. Beyond this lay a marshy tract only six leagues in
extent, but so troublesome as to detain them two days. The horses suffered
severely, sinking many times up to the ears, as Cortes expresses it, and
endangering the safety of the men in their struggles, so much so that three
13 Guezalapa,, or Quetzatlapan.
14 Zagoatan, Zagutan, etc.
15 Ocumba was one of the pueblos discovered
up the river.
Spaniards were lost, beside a number of Indians.16 After a
week’s rest at the ruined yet well-stocked Tamacaztepec, they made another
marshy journey of three days before reaching Iztapan, a fine large pueblo on
the banks of the Usumacinta, burned and deserted like the preceding. The
Cihuatlatecs had, it seems, in their wild scamper spread the most
blood-curdling stories of the fierceness and cruelty of the Spaniards. The
timidity of the natives was proving inconvenient, and guides were sent out to
assure the inhabitants of the peaceful intent of the invaders. The caciques
were encouraged to tender submission in person, and were rewarded with presents,
accompanied by a grandiloquent discourse about “the greatest prince on earth,”
and the mission he had given Cortds to remedy evils, bestow benefits, and point
the way to salvation.17
A week’s rest was taken, during which half a dozen Spaniards were sent up
the river in canoes to receive the submission of chiefs, not to mention the
accompanying presents that were to indicate the wealth of the district. Three
soldiers were also sent down the stream, to Tabasco, with orders for the fleet
to sail to Ascension Bay,18 after sending boats with provisions and
stores to Acalan. It was to follow the shore so as to be near the army, if
possible, for “ it is believed,” writes Cortds, “ though not for certain, that
the natives pass through the Bay of Tdrminos to the other sea, leaving Yucatan
an island.” One of the three soldiers bearing the instructions was Francisco de
Medina, an ill-tempered, violent, but able man,
16 ‘ Estuvieron muy cerca de se ahogar dos 6
tres espafioles, ’ is the prudent form in which Cortes disguises this and other
unpleasant facts to the emperor. Cartas, 404.
17 An anthropophagous Mexican was here
burned alive, as a warning against such indulgences; and a letter was given to
the leading cacique to inform other Spaniards that he was a friend to the white
man. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 252; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vii.
cap. viii.
Ascension is the name
applied by Cortes to the Gulf of Honduras. While on the way to the capital of
Acalan, a messenger came up with letters from Mexico, not of very late date,
however, and he was sent back from Izancanac. CorUe, Cartas, 421-2.
with some knowledge of the country and the language, who had managed to
ingratiate himself with his chief so far as to be commissioned to share the
command of the fleet with the actual captain, Simon de Cuenca, one of Cortds’
mayordomos. On reaching the vessels at Xicalanco he assumed an overbearing
manner, and quarrelled with Cuenca about the command till it came to blows.
Perceiving the state of affairs the natives watched their opportunity, attacked
and killed the crew, pillaged the vessels, and burned them to remove the
evidence. The news spread until it reached the capital, although in a distorted
form, which gave the impression that Cortds and all his force had perished. The
anxiety became so great that Ordaz, one of the favorite officers of Cortds, set
out among others to ascertain the truth of the report. Following the coast by
water, he reached the scene of the slaughter, and received such evidence as to
lead him to declare that the great leader must indeed be dead. Obsequies in his
honor were accordingly held at Mexico, after which but a trusting few
entertained hopes of ever seeing him again.19
Proceeding to Tatahuitlapan Cortds found the place partly burned, and
deserted by all save a score of native priests, who inspired by duty had
resolved to stay and die with the idols as ordained by the oracle. To show
their impotence the images were destroyed, while the keepers were exhorted to
devote themselves to the adoration of the cross, to whose merciful inspi
19 The fate
of the crew and vessels appears to have been mixed up with the invented
narrative of the general disaster, and it was not till after Cortes’ return to
Mexico, two years later, that inquiries were made which revealed their fate.
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.f 196, 210. Albomoz, one of the rulers appointed by Cortes over Mexico,
relates in a letter to the emperor, dated 15 December, 1525, that according to
reports from Xicalanco traders to Ordaz, the party of Cortes had been killed
seven to eight moons before, in an island city, seven suns distant from
Xicalanco, called Cuzamelco. They had been surprised by night and slaughtered
with sword and fire. A number of captives had been reserved for the table, but
the flesh being found bitter of taste it had been cast into the lake.
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 485-6.
ration they owed their safety. It was a sacred duty with Cortes to erect
the Christian emblem in all pueblos and camping-places, and where ceiba-trees
grew they were fashioned into crosses which, blooming anew, stood as living
symbols of the saving faith. On the crosses were fastened notices of the
expedition. In this region exists to-day a village called Las Tres Cruces, from
three crosses said to have been left by Cortes. The place is barely thirty
miles from the famous ruins of Palenque, yet no allusion is made by the
conquerors to the stupendous structures, the matchless palaces, and the curious
sculptures there existing. Once the object of admiration and worship to countless
pilgrims from far-off districts, the city now lay wrapped within the secure
folds of dense forests, and only tradition spoke of her past glories. Perhaps
it was well for the fortune-hunters, at least, that vegetation had obliterated
the highways which in times past must have led to the shrine of the ‘tree of
life’ from the malarious lowlands of the Usumacinta region, for a sight of such
grandeur might have awakened hopes never to be realized, and prompted
expeditions ending only in disaster.
They now struck across to Huetecpan,20 higher up the river,
and, after wading through a slough, plunged into a forest whose close growth
shut out the very light of heaven.21 Here they groped for two days
along the sappers’ path, till they found themselves back on the route already
traversed. Pressed by the troubled leaders the guides cried out that they were
lost. This admission was not without danger, for the provisions were exhausted,
and the men filled with gloomy forebodings, which found vent with many in
curses on their leader for having brought them to such a pass. They demanded
that the swine be slaughtered, but the mayordomo, who had prudently
20 Zaguatapan, Huatipan, etc.
al ‘Trios arboles tan alto3 que no ee podia subir en ellos, para atalayar
la tierra.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 253.
Hist. Cen. Am., Vol. I. 35
let the drove fall behind, intimated that the alligators had eaten them.
They must be content with the scanty sustenance of roots and berries. Meanwhile
Cortes had recourse to his maps and compass, and determined on a north-east
course as the most likely to lead to his destination. This calculation proved
correct, and although the place was in ruins, there was enough of food to bury
gloom in feasting. Soldiers being sent in search of guides, found a little
beyond the river a lake where the inhabitants had taken refuge in canoes and on
islands. Finding themselves discovered the natives came fearlessly forth,
stating that the Spanish boat expedition from Iztapan had reassured them, so
much so that a brother of the cacique had joined the party with four armed
canoes for convoy. The boats being recalled, brought evidence of the submission
tendered by four or five pueblos in a cargo of honey and other delicacies, with
a little gold. Similar contributions flowed from different pueblos whose
inhabitants came to gaze at the bearded men.22
Explorers were sent forward as on previous occasions, to report on the
road, but finding it comparatively easy for some distance they neglected to
examine the remainder,23 and misled the army as to the nature of the
route. Beyond lay a large province bounded by the Laguna de Terminos, the
broad Usumacinta, and the ranges of Vera Paz, a low-lying country abounding in
morasses, miasmatic inlets, and winding rivers tributary to the Terminos. The
fertility of this naturally irrigated tract, not inaptly known as Acalan, 1
land of boats,’ was evident in the rank growth of the vegetation, and the
great variety of products. No roads existed, but
22 Cortes names Uzumazintlan, below, and
Petenecque, six leagues above, with three other pueblos beyond. Cartas, 412.
CortSs gave presents in return, and made so forcible an appeal in behalf of his
creed, that many returned to bum tlieir idols. Gomara, Ilist. Mex., 254. Bernal
Diaz states that four foragers were killed on this river. Hist. Verdad., 198.
23 The natives reported two rivers, one very
large, and bad marshes, on the three days’ road to Acalan. Bernal Diaz, Ilist.
Verdad., 198.
the numerous streams provided a series of highways which the enterprising
natives had not failed to utilize in carrying their surplus products to arid
and less rich provinces, especially to the north-east and south, and in
bringing back slaves and compact treasures. It was quite natural for a people
engaged in traffic to choose as ruler the richest trader, and such a one was
the present, Apochpalon2* by name. To him were sent a number of
Spaniards and Indians25 with a reassuring message and an invitation
to meet Cortes.
After a three days’ march over a rough mountain track, the army suddenly
found the path obstructed by a deep channel five hundred paces wide, with slimy
borders. The passage was shown to be practicable only by means of a bridge
which required patient labor, since the depth of water and mud proved to be
fully six fathoms. G-reat was the dismay, for there were hardly any provisions
left, and to recross the mountain was a formidable task under the circumstances.
The murmurs of the worn-out soldiers were loud enough at the first sight of the
obstruction, and when Cortes with his usual audacity gave orders to build a
bridge, they rose almost into mutiny. The leader had been in worse troubles
however. He knew every trait of a Spanish soldier’s character, and he was
versed in blandishments. He showed the futility of retreat, since apart from
the mountain road, so long and severe, freshets must by this time have washed
away the means of recrossing rivers, and no provisions were left in the
deserted pueblos. Before them, on the other hand, lay a land of plenty, seamed
with gold. He would guarantee the completion of the bridge within five days,
or, this failing, he would follow their wishes. Wily Cortes! Could he induce
them to begin the work, he would trust his wits to secure its completion. But
the men
a‘Apoxpalon,
Apaspolon, etc.
25 Bernal Diaz states that he and Mejia led
the party.
remained sullen. They would die of hunger before the bridge was finished.
Hibueras would never be reached. “Very well,” said Cortes, “be spectators, I
will build the bridge with the aid of Indians alone.” Brief persuasion was
needed with the latter, for the chiefs were in the tyrant’s hands, and their
word was law to their followers. Timber was felled, and with the aid of rafts
the piling began. Shamed by this measure the Spaniards joined in tho work, and
to cheer them the solitary musiciaii who had not fainted beneath the hardships
of the march was ordered to play some cheering airs. But the men cried, “Peace!
we want bread, not music.” The gnawings of hunger could not be appeased with
empty sound.
While some thus worked diligently on the bridge, others went in search of
roots and berries, but with poor success. Overcome by famine and fatigue numbers
lay down to die, while, to add to the catalogue of horrors, several of the
Indian guides were seized by native auxiliaries and cooked. Among the victims
to the adventure thus far, says Torquemada, was Fray Juan de Tecto, who,
exhausted by hunger, leaned his head against a tree and surrendered his spirit;26
Before the expiration of a week the bridge was completed, a painful work
indeed for fainting men, ill- furmshed with the means, to perform within so
short a time. It was composed, says Cortes, of a' thousand trees, nine to ten
fathoms long, the smallest almost as thick as a man, besides a quantity of
small timber, secured with wooden pegs and withes.' For years this and several
other ‘bridges of Malinche’ remained a source of utility and wonder to the
natives, who declared that nothing was impossible to the white man.27
Hunger and toil were for the moment forgotten in congratulations over the
completion of
26 He was one of three
Flemish monks who formed the first special mission of friars to New Spain,
arriving a year before the famous twelve. Torquemada, iii. 424-5. His proper name was De Toit. ]
27 ‘Algunas oy
permanezen (1701), y se Hainan las Puentes de Cortes. Villaguiierre, Hist.
Conq. Ilza, 40.
the structure, but their joy was of short duration. Hardly had the rear
of the army crossed the bridge when the van came to a slough which surpassed in
difficulties any yet encountered. The horses sank almost out of sight, and it
was only by the united efforts of the army that the beasts, on which their
success so greatly depended, were finally extricated. This trouble over they were
cheered by the arrival of Bernal Diaz, who had been absent foraging. It was not
always that he returned so well laden, for now he had one hundred and thirty
loads of maize and a quantity of fowl and other provisions. Sometimes he could
find nothing; sometimes what he found he hid, lest with the starving army he
himself should starve. He was sure it would be snatched from his hands the
moment he entered camp; and so it was on the present occasion; the soldiers
pounced upon and devoured it like famished wolves. During the scramble were
seized also the stores intended for the officers, so that the general himself
could not obtain a crumb. Fortunately Bernal Diaz had with his usual foresight
placed in cache a portion of these very provisions, and suspecting this Cortes
so petted and praised the old soldier28 that he had no longer the
heart to withhold the food.
With Bernal Diaz came also messengers from the cacique bringing presents,
including a little gold, and offering the hospitality of his realm. The following
day Tizapetlan was reached, where food had been prepared. There the expedition
remained a week. The attentive natives were awed no less by the number of the
invaders than by their strange appearance. The horses were a perpetual source
of wonder, and offerings of roses were made to allay the anger dis-
as Bernal
Diaz relates at length, with swelling pride, how the great leader humbled
himself to him. Hist. Verdad., 199. Sandoval dared not trust his own attendants
with a secret whereon depended his supper, hut went in person with Diaz to
convoy it. The friars received liberal contributions from the men, but the
Indians were neglected, says Ixtlilxochitl, the kings and caciques alone being
given aa a favor a little of the maize set aside for the horses. Horribles
Crueldades, 87.
played by their fierce pawing. The merchant-chief had thought it prudent
to be obsequious to men so formidable; but, when he saw how food disappeared
before them, and how greedily every valuable was appropriated, he trembled with
apprehension. If they were content to stay and feast for a week in one of his
miserable border towns, how long might they not tarry in the central cities of
the richer districts? To rid the province of the cormorants, the cacique
pretended to have died, directing his son to lead them quickly in upon the
lands of a neighbor. After the funeral rites and interchange of presents, the
young man addressed the Spaniards. “You would reach the settlements of your
countrymen in Honduras. They are quite near; hardly eight days distant is
Nrto, where are floating houses, and bearded men on giant deer.”
This he could affirm, for there was an Acalan factory, and at its head
Apochpalon’s own brother, who had told him of these things. This news was more
to the cacique’s purpose than any artifice, and eagerly the expedition hurried
to Teotilac,29 five or six leagues off, guided thither by the
dutiful young chief over a circuitous route.30
The ruler of Teotilac was by no means pleased to find thrown upon him
this hungry host; and he revealed to Cortes the trickery of Apochpalon.
Thereupon Cortds ordered the dead man immediately to appear. Two days later,
accordingly, the sovereign-cacique arrived, looking most sheepish. He proffered
innumerable excuses, and tendered as amends the hospitality of the capital. The
offer was too tempting not to procure his forgiveness.
29 Cortes writes Teutiercas,
Tentacras; Gomara, Teuticaccac; Herrera, Titacat.
30 Bernal
Diaz’s rather confused account states that Cortes demanded bridges to be built,
but was told that the caciques of the different pueblos had first to be
consulted. Supplies being needed, Mazariegos was sent with 80 men in canoes to
different settlements to obtain supplies, and found ready response. The next
pueblo reached by the army was deserted and without food. Hist. Verdad., 200.
The above seems doubtful.
One of the two temples serving for army headquarters at Teotilac was
occupied by a goddess, whose fierce passions could be appeased only with the
blood of beautiful virgins. To insure the genuineness of the vestal offering,
so that a mistake might not render it fruitless, girls were selected in infancy
and brought up in strictest seclusion within the temple walls, till came the
time for yielding their fair forms to the sacrifice. Cortds sought to impress
on the people the absurdity of so atrocious a superstition, and destroyed the
idol.
This place is remarkable for one incident which concerned the safety of
the Spaniards, according to their account, and left an indelible impression on
the natives of New Spain. Among those who followed the expedition as hostages,
as we have seen, were three deposed kings, two of whom were now accused of
treachery, Quauhtemotzin, and Tetlepanquetzal. These patriots were criminal in
the eyes of the Spaniards; they had dared to regard the invaders as the
enemies of their country, and bitterly to oppose them. It seemed now convenient
to Cortds that they should die, and excuse was not wanting for killing them.
Suffering every hardship of the march, the royal captives had found some
consolation in observing how heavily it bore on their keepers, toiling, starving,
discontented, blundering along an unknown and dangerous route. But this was not
their onty feeling. Quauhtemotzin, the sovereign, the general, the tactician,
could not fail to observe the disparity between his followers and the hated
white men. The latter were reduced in strength by famine and hardships, in the
midst of a strange country, far from relief, while the Mexicans, if also weakened,
and not so well armed, were tenfold more numerous, and more at home in these
wilds. Inspired by a deeply rooted devotion to their traditions, to their
princes, to their country, the merest whisper of revenge, of
freedom, could not fail to find response. Yes, sweet was the thought of
revenge; equally sweet the prospect of a triumphal return to Mexico, there to
be greeted as a liberator ordained to restore the ancient grandeur of
Montezuma’s court; finally, perhaps, to be exalted by a grateful people to the
pantheon of the gods, a dream so worthy the soldier and patriot, how oft may it
not have smiled upon his fancy! What more natural, what more commendable
indeed, than projects for the liberation not alone of the auxiliary host, but
of their country and kindred? Treachery had been used to reduce them, and
treachery must be met with treachery. This was justifiable, although the
Indians probably weighed not the moral aspect of the question. As for the risk,
one blow, one death, was preferable to the daily death which they were
suffering on this journey. Yes, they must take advantage of the opportunity presented,
and while the Spaniards were engrossed by the difficulties of some mountain
pass, or engulfed in some morass, fall upon them, especially upon the feared
Cortes, and then, with the prestige of victors, return to Mexico, where their
compatriots would meanwhile, under advice, have risen simultaneously against
the now disorganized and squabbling colonists, reduced as they were in
numbers.31
How long the plot had been brewing is not stated,’ but during the stay at
Teotilac Cortes was startled by a revelation from a prominent Mexican,32
who gave
31 The plan is said to have been imparted to
sympathizers in Mexico, with the recommendation to rise on a certain day
against the colonists. ‘Y de aqui creyeron muchos que nacib
la fama de la muerte de Corte3.’ Herrera, dec. iii. lib. vii. cap. ix. For
this uprising there was opportunity enough, says Gomara, during the anarchy
prevalent during Cortes’ absence; but the Indians were waiting further orders
from Quauhtemotzin. Finally their preparations aroused the suspicions of the
colonists, and they took precautions. Hist. Mex., 250, 258. According to Cortes
the Indians, after killing the Spaniards, were to rouse Honduras and the
intermediate country ere they passed on to Mexico. All vessels were to be
seized, so as to prevent alarm from being given. Cartas, 420.
32 Mexicaltzin, afterward baptized as
Cristobal, to whom the conspirators, says Cortes, had promised a province for
his share of the spoil. Cartas, 420-1. Bernal Diaz states that the revelation
was made by two prominent caciques,
him a paper with the names of the conspirators in hieroglyphics. Several
were seized, and under separate examination confessed to the existence of the
plot, although disclaiming for themselves of course any actual participation.33
Quauhtemotzin was also questioned, and admitted, says Bernal Diaz, that the
hardships and dangers had aroused rebellious sentiments among the Indians, but
claimed that he was not the author, and judging from his own feelings he regarded
the whole thing as mere talk. A quick secret trial was held, and the sentence
of death by hanging pronounced against Quauhtemotzin and Tetlepan- quetzal,3*
who were dragged forth during the stillness of the night to a ceiba-tree, where
they met their fate. Cortes was present at the execution, and to him
Quauhtemotzin addressed himself, writes Bernal Diaz. “Malinche, many a day have
I suspected the falsity of thy words, and that thou hadst destined this end to
my life. Why dost thou kill me without
Tapia and Juan
Velazquez, the latter captain-general under Quauhtemotzin when he was ruler.
Hist. Verdad., 200. According to Ixtlilxochitl, the Indiana were imitating the
Spaniards in the festivities which precedc Lent, but in such a manner as to
arouse the suspicion of Cortes. One cause for the enjoyment was a statement by
Cortes that here they would turn back to Mexico. The general called his spy
Costemexi, of Ixtapalapan or Mexicaltzinco, and bade him ascertain what was
going on. He soon returned to report that the three kings and six courtiers had
been engaged in a humorous dispute as to which of the trio the now conquered
provinces should helong to. Tlacatecatl, one of the chief lords, thereupon
observed that if discord had brought about the fell of the native empire, they
had gained instead the supreme happiness of instruction in the true faith.
After this came tales and songs. When tortured some years after by Prince
Ixtlilxochitl, the spy insisted that he had represented the case only as above
stated, but that Cortes chose to interpret it as a malicious plot. Horribles
Crueldades, 90-3. This version is doubtful in its details, and for the reason that
the author’s chief effort is to vindicate tLc natives. The cause for the
rejoicing at a return to Mexico from Acalan savors rather of a promise from the
conspirators than from Cortfe.
33 The kings
had formed it, and although they had not been j artics to it, yet as subjects
they naturally desired the lihcrty and weal of their lords. Gomara, Herrera,
Cortez, Bernal Diaz. The two former implicate the three allied kings, the
latter only the two of Mexico and Tlacopan.
31 The rest
being spared, since they had been guilty chiefly of listening to the plot, says
Cortes; ‘pero quedaron procesos abiertospara quo.. .puedan ser castigados,’ if
required. The execution took place within a few days of the disclosure. Cartas,
421. Bernal Diaz, Herrera, and Gomara agree. Hie latter adds that king
Cohuanacoch, of Tezcuco, who had also plotted, died some time before of bad
food and water. Hist. Mex., 274. Torqucmada adds five caciques to the three
royal victims, according to the native version, i. 076.
justice? God will demand of thee thy answer!” Tetlepanquetzal calmly
expressed himself content to die with his royal companion, and together they
listened to the exhortations of the friars, dying like true Christians.35
The execution took place during the carnival days preceding shrove-tide, and
appears to have created no excitement either among Indians or Spaniards.36
Most Spanish authorities are of course inclined to uphold the act as a
necessary punishment for a proven crime. Yet certain men, like Torquemada, a
champion of the natives, and modern Mexican writers, side with the Indians in
stamping it as a foul murder, carried out merely to be rid of the kings whose
presence was becoming a burden to the conquerors. Others, like Bernal Diaz,
soften the deed into a mistake, based on insufficient evidence, and prompted by
a desire to smother a conspiracy which some imaginary spirits had conjured.87
But Cortes would hardly have removed so valuable a hostage without good reason.
35 Hist. Verdad., 200.
36 ‘ Por camestollendas. ... en
Izancanac. ’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 258-9. On February 26,1525,
specifies Vetancurt; on a Tuesday, three bours before dawn, adds Ixtlilxochitl,
who also declares that the native songs and versions place it at Teotilac, and
it certainly appears to have been carried out before the capital was reached.
The Mexicans were so oppressed by hardships, says Bernal Diaz, that they seemed
to be quite indifferent; still, the Spaniards hastened the departure for fear
of an uprising. He places the occurrence at a pueblo beyond Acalan.
Ixtlilxochitl tells another story. The kings were brought out three hours
before dawn for fear of a tumult.. The two of Mexico and Tlacopan had already
been hanged, and Cohuanacoch was about to be, when his brother, Ixtlilxochitl,
being advised, rushed forth and called upon the Indians. Perceiving thedanger,
Cortes cnt the rope and saved the half-strangled king of Tezcuco. He thereupon
proceeded to explain to Ixtlilxochitl the just reasons which had brought about
the execution. The prince appeared convinced, and dismissed the auxiliaries,
who stood ready to fall upon the Spaniards. The chief motive, however, for
sparing them, was not the justice of the deed, for he regarded it ever as a
treacherous one, but the fear of wars that might result from a revolt and carry
desolation over his country, checking the progress of the saving faith.
Cohuanacoch, whom Cortes accused as the chief conspirator, was carried with the
army in a hammock, suffering severely from the wrenching of the noose. His grief
brought about an intestinal hemorrhage, from which he died within a few days. Horribles Grueldades, 93-4.
* y
sin auer mas proua^as, Cortes mandb ahorcar al Guatemuz, y al senor de Tacuba.
... Y fue esta muerte que les dieron muy injustamente dada, y pare- ci6 mal a
todos los que ibamos aquella jomada.5 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 200. But his account of all this expedition is questionable, and
his testimony loses force through the evident fact that he is carried away by
sympathy for the kings, who had often favored him, and for the natives to whom
his later con-
The reason being admitted, and this to some extent even by native
records, the precarious situation of the Spaniards demanded that Cortes should
take measures commensurate with the apparent danger.38
dition in life bound
him rather closely. He certainly admits the strong accusation and the
confirmatory admission of the victims, the king of Tlacopan stating, for
instance, that he and Quauhtemotzin had declared one death preferable to the
daily deaths suffered. Torquemada adopts the version of a Tozcucan manuscript,
which relates that Cohuanacoch on one occasion remarked to his royal confreres
that, if they chose to be disloyal, the Spaniards might have to regret past
injuries. Quauhtemotzin hastened to silence him by observing that walls had
ears, which might misunderstand such expressions. A plebeian native reported
them, and that very night those who had been present at the conversation, three
kings and five caciques, were found hanging from a ceiba-tree. Torquemada will
not believe that the Indians intended to revolt, especially since their country
was now divided, but that Cortes regarded the kings as a hurden, i. 575-6.
Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 46-8, agrees, and Gomara even intimates something to this
effect in saying that Cortt'-s ought to have preserved so prominent and brave a
captive to point the triumph of his victories, but that the dangerous
circumstances must have prevented him. Hist. Mex., 259.
‘Es notorio, que Quauhtemoc y los demds seuores murieron sin culpa, y que les
levantaron falso testimonio. ’ Indeed, continues Ixtlilxochitl, when the
Indians complained to the kings of maltreatment, they counselled submission.
But his story is so full of glaring misstatements and absurdities, and so
evident is the desire to relieve his kinsmen from the traitor’s brand, that he
cannot be relied on. Horribles Orueldades, 82, etc.; Id.,
Relaciones, JCingsborough’s Mex. Antiq., ix. 440, etc. Brasseur de Bourbourg
follows him implicitly of course, as he does almost any record from native
source. There was no witness except the spy, and the princes were not allowed
to defend themselves. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 608. He evidently pays no attention
whatever to the Spanish versions. Bustamante acccpts even more implicitly the
records of those whom he prefers to regard as his ancestors. See his edition of
Gomara, Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 135-6. Cano, who married the cousin and
widow of Quauhtemotzin, calls the execution of the three kings a murder, as may
be expected from his dislike of Cortes. Oviedo, iii. 549. Carried away by
hyperbolic flights of fancy, wherein he surpasses even Solis himself, Salazar
condemns the deed as based on false testimony, and blames Cortes for irritating
the natives by resorting to so rash a measure. Conq. Mex., 240-3. Father Duran
emphasizes this with well-known sympathy for the native cause. ‘ Y levantandose contra {51 algunos testigos falsos le mandd i. horcar.’ Hist.
Ind., MS., ii. 522. On imperfect evidence and without a trial, says Robertson,
Hist. Am., ii. 138. Prescott sympathizes with Quauhtemotzin and regards the
testimony as insufficient, while Helps, Cortis, 208-9, doubts the statements of
Bernal Diaz, and refers to the act as cruel practical wisdom. The chief ground
for this view is that Cortes, as an hidalgo, would not lie, and can therefore
be relied upon. It has not been my fortune to acquire such faith, and I fancy
that a closer study of his hero might have changed Sir Arthur Helps’ views.
Alaman, a Mexican with Spanish sympathies, believes in the conspiracy, but
regards the execution as a blot on Cortes. Quauhtemotzin, at least, should
have been sent to Spain after the fall of Mexico. Disert., i. 214. This
certainly would have been the best way to secure and make use of him. Pizarro y
Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 114-16, regards the evidence as clear and the
execution as just; so does Revilla, although his reasons are not the best.
Solis, Conq. Mex. (ed. 1843), 508.
38 It is not
improbable that suspicions as to the thoughts and acts of the kings may have
created a prejudice against them, but the suspicions existed already before
they left Mexico, as proved by their being taken not only as
Many of the natives, particularly those now encountering the Spaniards
for the first time, regarded the discovery of the conspiracy with superstitious
awe. The idea of treachery by an accomplice did not seem to so occur to them,
but with mysterious shaking of the head they pointed to the compass and chart.
Instruments which had so unaccountably, and better than any guide, pointed out
the road and saved the army from destruction, could of course reveal a simple
conspiracy. Nothing could be hidden from the owner of that needle. Conscious,
perhaps, of some stray unfriendly thought, many hastened to Cortes to protest
their devotion. “ Look into the mirror, and you will find it so,” they said,
alluding to the compass, yet quaking the while lest a suspicion should there
hostages for the loyalty of their subjects, but as a precaution against
their own possible disloyalty. Quauhtemotzin was evidently not the most submissive
of men, for he had always been regarded as requiring a close watch, and Cortes
brought him chiefly because of his £ bullicioso ’ character, as he
expresses it. It may not be considered unpardonable for the Indian auxiliaries
to relieve their feelings in mutinous expressions against the taskmasters and
despoilers who were taking them away from home to meet an unknown fate, to
endure toil, hunger, and danger. But such sentiments could not be overlooked
in the kings. They, as captured leaders, existed only by sufferance, the
condition being good behavior. For them even to listen was to encourage, and
they were consequently guilty. Not that I blame them. Nay,
I would rather blame them for
not being more prompt and determined in the patriotic effort. But in resolving
to listen, and to act, no doubt, they accepted, a risk with a penalty well
defined among all peoples. Cortes was not the man to hesitate at almost any
deed when private or public interests demanded it; and it needed but little to
rouse to blind fury the slumbering suspicions of the soldiers regarding Mexican
loyalty. But here we have evidence—not groundless even from a native point of
view—to justify the Spaniards in assuming that a conspiracy, or, at least,
mutinous talk, whs wide-spread, and this among a horde tenfold superior in number; a horde
known ever to have cherished unfriendly feelings, and now doubly embittered by
suffering. Under the circumstances even saints would not have disregarded
testimony however doubtful; and the Castilians were but human.
.Self-preservation, ay, duty to king, and country, and God, whose several
interests they were defending, demanded the prompt suppression of so ominous a
danger. What were the best measures? A long campaign in Mexico had impressed
Cortes with the belief that a people so trained to abject subservience as the
Aztecs, and so bloody in their worship, could be controlled by severity alone,
and that the lesson must fall on the leaders. Situated as they were the
soldiers could not be expected to guard a large number of captives. ,, Hence no
course remained, cxcept capital punishment. According to Bernal .Diaz, Ilist.
Verdad., 201, Cortes’ distress, of mind at the sufferings of the expedition was
so increased by this deed that he became sleepless, and, in wandering around
one night in a temple forming the camp, he fell from a platform a distance of
ten feet, hurting his head severely.
stand depicted. Apochpalon was so affected that he hastened to tender
allegiance and to bum idols. So convenient a belief was not to be disturbed,
and the natives were allowed to nurse it.
The army now proceeded to Izancanac,89 the populous capital
of Acalan, conducted by Apochpalon in person. He was mounted on a horse, and
the first apprehensions over, he strode his steed with childish delight. The
soldiers were treated with sumptuous hospitality, and Cortes was gratified with
presents of gold and women. Meanwhile, to facilitate the further march, the
road was improved, a bridge built, and guides were provided, besides an advance
corps laden with provisions. In return for all this Apochpalon asked merely for
a letter to prove to other white comers that he had been faithful.
There was every inducement to prolong the stay at Izancanac, served and
feasted as they were, but the nearness of the Spanish settlements, as alluringly
depicted by the calculating Apochpalon, was an incentive for all to proceed.
Laden with rations for a week, they departed on the first Sunday in Lent from
the fair province of Acalan, over which, the protective letter notwithstanding,
the withering influence of Spaniards was soon to fall. On the third day they
entered the prairie-studded province of the Mazatecs,40 so called
from the abundance of deer. These animals were here regarded with veneration,
and the consequent immunity from pursuit had made them not only numerous, but
tame. The soldiers, being restrained by no scruples of native superstition,
could not resist the temptation of a chase over the verdure-clad fields, and
soon a score of deer were added to the larder. The following day they came to a
frontier fortress, built on a rock, and bounded on
89 On a
watercourse falling into T6rminos. Cords, Cartas, 419.
40 ‘ Pueblos, 6
Tierras de Venados. ’ Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 43. ‘ Provincia de Mapatlan, que en su lengua dellos se llama Quiacho. ’ Cortis,
Cartas, 422.
one side by a lake, on the other by a river, and with only one means of
access. Besides this natural strength it was protected by a double stockade
with moats, surmounted by towers, and the houses were also provided with
shot-holes. The place was in fact impregnable, and every precaution was taken
to meet the resistance for which the attack of some lately captured scouts had
prepared them. Cautiously they advanced toward the entrance. Not a sound, not a
movement. An ambuscade must have been formed, since no gate barred the entry.
But within reigned silence, and it was only on reaching the plaza that some
chiefs appeared with humble obeisance. This was one of the asylums erected by
the Mazatecs for refuge against the wild Lacandones. But what availed walls and
arms against the irresistible bearded men who controlled the lightning. Them
the inhabitants dared not resist. They had fled to mountain fastnesses,
leaving their wealth of provisions and arms at the disposal of the invaders,
with the sole request that the place be not destroyed. The chiefs were reassured,
and after replenishing their stores the Spaniards proceeded for seven leagues
to a larger and similar pueblo called Tiac, situated on a plain, within a stockade,
each of its three wards being provided with separate palisades. The caciques of
this and several other pueblos of the province, each independent and
quarrelsome, sent messengers with presents and offers of allegiance, but could
not be prevailed upon to come in person with their people. The guides here obtained
gave the cheering information that the white men were not far off, and conducted
them to Ahun- cahuitl, the last pueblo of this province, also fortified, and
amply provisioned, so much so that rations were taken for the five days’ march
which intervened before reaching the province of the Itzas.41
Four nights were spent in the mountains, in which
41 Called by Cortes T&ica, Tahica, and
Taiija, the latter not incorrect perhaps, although Atitza or Tayasal may be
better.
was a bad pass, called Alabastro from the appearance of the rock. They
now came to a small lake with an island pueblo, from which the inhabitants fled
as the soldiers waded over.42 The following day they were surprised
to behold the gleaming walls and lofty temples of a large pueblo, situated on
an isle several miles from shore, in a large sheet of water, which Cortds
assumed to be an arm of the sea.43 But his ordeal was not yet over.
It was the lake now known as Peten, and the pueblo was Tayasal,*4
the capital of the Itzas, which recalled in a measure to the old conquerors
the first and never to be forgotten view of the famous queen city enthroned in
the lake of Mexico.
The natives had taken to their canoes on the approach of the Spaniards,
and heeded no signs or appeals, but with the aid of a dog a solitary boat-
42 This is
probably Lake San Pedro, from which all the fish were caught, over 1,000 in
number. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.,
201,
43 ‘ Parescia brazo de mar, y
aun asi creo que lo es, aunque es dulce.’ Cartas, 427.
44 So write
Bernal Diaz and Villagutierre. Pinelo, Relacion, 1, 2, has it Taiza or Atitza.
Two leagues from shore, says Cortes, on an island known as Peten Itza, Peten
signifying island. Its present name is Remedios, and on the ruins of the old
pueblo has risen the town of Flores. The name of Peten lives in that of the
province. A romantic account is given of the rise of this lake people. The
Itzas were a branch of one of the most ancient nations of Yucatan, whose name
had descended on them as followers of the hero-god Itzamnd. Chichen Itza, their
capital, was once a centre of power and wealth in the peninsula, but with the
changing fortunes of war came disunion, and in the beginning of the 15th
century the feared Itzas had dwindled into a nnmber of petty principalities
ruled by caneks. ‘El Cazique k quien comun-
mente llaman Canek. ’ Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 54. It so happened that one of these fell in love, but found an
obstacle in a fattier, who awarded the object of his affections to a more
powerful chief. The canek was not to be thus easily balked. He watched his
opportunity, and on the wedding-day broke in upon the festive assembly and
carried off the bride. Gathering his warriors, the disappointed rival prepared
to weak vengeance and recovcr the prize. The Ilium of our hero was not fitted
to withstand such hosts, and he had no other alternative than flight. Nor could
his subjects hope to escape desolation, and taking up the cause of their
leader, they followed him southward in search of a new home, safe from the
avenger. Guided by craggy ranges, the refugees came to the smiling valley of
Tayasal, with its island-studded lake, bordered by verdure-clad slopes, beyond
which rose the shielding forest. Here indeed was a land of promise, where,
guarded by Itzamnd, they might rear new generations to perpetuate the name and
traditions of their race. So runs the story as related by chroniclers, although
with their devout frame of mind they give preference to another account, which
attributes the migration to the prophecies of their priests, foretelling the
coming of a bearded race, with a new faith, to rule over the land.
Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 29-31; Cogolludo, Hist, Yucathan, 507. See
also Native Races, ii. v., etc. The Itzas will be again spoken of in a later
volume.
man was captured. A friendly message was now despatched to the eanek
inviting him to a conference, and offering hostages. It was not long ere six
large canoes approached the shore, and some thirty persons stepped fearlessly
forth. At their head came one whose commanding figure and quiet dignity announced
the ruler. A flowing white robe disclosed an elaborately tattooed skin,
relieved by an embroidered maxtli. The braided hair was surmounted by a
head-dress of feathers, and the face, also tattooed with black lines, was
further ornamented with gold pendants in nose and ears. He bade Cortes welcome,
and expressed himself secure in his company without the proffered hostage.
It was the hour for mass, and with a view both to please him and to teach
a pious lesson, the ceremony was held with chant and instrumental accompaniment.
The faith was thereupon explained by a friar, with so good an cffect that the
chief promised to destroy his idols and adore the cross till teachers should
arrive to give him full instruction. As an earnest of his intention presents
were produced, consisting chiefly of provisions, with a few strings of red
shells highly valued by the natives, and other trinkets; and though the gold
was small in quantity, yet it encouraged Cortes to give in return a shirt, a
velvet cap, and some cutlery. News had reached the island city of the doings of
the Europenns, not only at Naco and Nito, but in Tabasco, where the natives
some years before had been conquered in three battles. Cortds hastened to
assure the canek that he saw before him the hero of those famed encounters, and
finding that an impression had been produced, he warmed with a description of
the power and grandeur of the greatest princc on earth. The canek was not
merely impressed but awed, so much so that he at once tendered allegiance.
With new guides the main body proceeded round the lake southward, while
Cortes entered the canoes
with a score of archers to visit the island city. The officers sought to
dissuade him from risking his person in the hands of a perhaps treacherous
enemy, but the general did not wish to be surpassed in fearlessness and
confidence.15 He was greatly admired by the islanders who thronged
round his mailed followers with mingled curiosity and awe. On leaving he commended
to their care a black horse which had been disabled by a wound in the leg.
Ignorant of the treatment required by the animal, and eager to do reverence to
the strange charge, they are said to have offered it flowers and fowl, on which
diet it died. The grief of the Itzas was equalled only by their fear. What
would the white chief say when he returned? Nothing now remained but to do
homage to the carcass. They had seen the flash of the fire-arm as the mounted
hunter chased the deer on the prairie, and fancied that this as well as the
report issued from the horse. What more appropriate apotheosis of a charger
than into a god of thunder? As Tziminchac it was accordingly adored. The bones
were kept as sacred relics while an effigy sejant of the animal, formed of
masonry, attracted direct worship.16
The next resting-place of the army was at Tlecan. a deserted pueblo some
seven leagues from Tayasal, where the Spaniards stayed for four days and provided
themselves with a week’s rations. Six leagues further a halt was made at a
hamlet, in honor of the virgin’s festival.17 Nine leagues beyond, a
rugged pass was entered in which the rough sharp stones tore from the horses
feet their very shoes. The next station bore the name Ahuncapun where a two
days’
iD ‘ Y que veria quemar los idolos.’ Cortes,
Cartas, 30. Which was done, adds Gomara; but this Villagutierre will not allow.
Idolatry rather increased, he goes on to show. Hist. Conq. Itza, 50. Here three
Spaniards, two Indians, and one negro deserted, tired of the constant hardship.
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 202.
<6 When the
conquerors entered a century later to occupy the district, they found more than
a score of stone temples on the island alone, and in one of the principal ones
this idol. Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 100-2; Cogolludo,
Hist. Yueatlian, 55; Native Races, iii. 483.
41 Nuestra
Sefiora de Marpo. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. i.
Hisi. Ceh. Am., Vol. I. 36
halt was made. Five leagues beyond lay Tachuy'tel, after which began an
eight league ascent of the roughest mountains yet encountered, called de Peder-
nales, Mountain of Flints. The horses could hardly move a step without
slipping, and cutting their legs and bodies most dangerously. On any other
occasion the sight of suffering among the prized animals, the chief reliance of
the army, would have touched the men deeply, but now they were too much
absorbed by their own sufferings to think of them. Many of the soldiers were
also becoming disabled, and the provisions were giving out in the midst of the
mountains, which in many places offered not even a root. Days passed by in slow
and toilsome advance; none could tell how much longer this long journey would
last. A heavy rain added to their torment, and past sufferings were forgotten
in the present. Many fell from exhaustion and hunger, or slipped from the rocks
into the abyss; and so extreme was the need, says Herrera, that one confessed
to having eaten of the brains and entrails of three men who had died of hunger.48
Cortds did his utmost to encourage the men. With pike in hand he would
lead the march over the difficult parts of the road; he cheered and consoled
them, and divided what he had with the sick and famished. This energy, this
sympathy and generosity did wonders and animated the men to repress their
murmurs. Finally, after twelve days of toil, says Cortds, the terrible flint
road ended; but it had cost the lives of several men, and sixty-eight horses
had fallen over the cliffs, or had been fatally disabled, wbjle the rest did
not recover from the strains and bruises for three months.49 Now the
men began to
48 This was Medrano; ‘Chirimia de
la yglesia de Toledo. * The victims are
named. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. i. Cortes also admits that great
hunger was suffered, yet the swine were only sparingly used.
49 ‘ Murieron sesenta y ochocaballos despenados y dejarretados,’
etc. Cortts, Cartas, 433. Bernal Diaz is less clear on
this incident. Gomara follows Cor16s, although he says that the passage took
only eight days, Hist. Mex., 263, and Herrera is the only one who enters into
the losses sustained in men, a number dying also of diarrhoea from
palm-cabbage. Ubi sup.
breathe easier, but, as once before, the dawning joy was abruptly checked
by a formidable obstacle. They found themselves on the banks of a wide river
whose waters tore by with a rapidity that made even rafting impracticable.
While the soldiers stood gazing in mute despair at the barriers behind and in
front, praying for deliverance, Cortes sent out parties
to search for an outlet, and soon reports were brought of a ford. It was
as a reprieve from death. Te Deum was solemnly chanted, and tough old soldiers
shed tears of joy. When the nature of the passage was observed, it seemed
indeed as if heaven had decreed a miracle in their behalf. The ford, two thirds
of a league wide, consisted of a smooth ledge
stretching across the whole river, and intersected by over twenty channels,
through which the water rushed with deafening roar. But even the channels could
not be crossed without bridges, and fully two days were spent in felling timber
for the twenty passages.60
It was Easter eve61 when the ford was crossed by the infantry,
followed by the disabled horses. Again came a check to their joy. Tenciz, the
pueblo at which they now arrived, a league beyond the ford, had been evacuated,
and nearly all the supplies carried off. For over ten days the men had eaten
hardly anything but palm-cabbage, and very little of that, owing to the
trouble in obtaining it.62 Fortunately, some natives were found who
guided a foraging party back across the river a day’s journey into the Tahuy-
tal province, where an abundance of provisions was obtained, and which
furnished the army with good cheer during the five days’ stay at Tenciz, and
with some rations for the journey into Acuculin province.
The guides here obtained ran away, and the Spaniards had to advance with
the aid of native maps alone. The route was level, and eleven leagues were
easily covered in two days by crossing two rivers. This brought them to a small
settlement of Acalan traders, who had been driven from Nito by the Spanish
excesses, and found refuge here. Soon after the capital of the province was
reached, but it was deserted and almost devoid of provisions. This was most
discouraging, and to advance without guides appeared dangerous. Notwithstanding
the scanty sustenance obtained from palm-cabbage, cooked with pork, and
50 Cortes describes even these crossings as
quite dangerous. The horses swam below the fall in the still water. Three days
were passed ere all the horses could crawl into the camp, a league further. Cartas, 434.
61 ‘A 15 dias del afio de 1525.’ Id.; that is, April 15.
52 ‘ Habia diez
dias que no comiamos sino cuescos de palmas y pahnitos.
• Aun de aquellos palmitos sin
sal no teniamos abasto, porque se cortaban con
mucha dificultad de unas palmrs muy gordas y altas, que en todo un dia dos
hombrcs teuian que hacer cortar uno, y cortado, le comian en media hoia.
Cortts,
Cartas, 434, 439.
unsalted, a week was spent in searching for guides. Finally a boy was
found who led them a day’s journey to a river in Taniha province, evidently Rio
Sarstoon. Following the stream downward for a couple of days they came to
Otulizti pueblo, where the natives reported that Nito lay only two suns away.
In proof of this assertion two women were brought who had served the Spaniards
there. Hunger and fatigue were forgotten in the rejoicing over this news, and
the men impatiently begged to be led onward.
But there was need for prudence, since nothing was known about the
condition of affairs in Honduras, and the troops were not at present in a
position to meet a well-equipped foe, particularly if led by the redoubtable
Olid. Sandoval was accordingly sent forward with a few chosen men to
reconnoitre. It was not far to the shore of the Amatique Bay, beyond which lay
the object of their journey. The bay was skirted till they reached the wide
stream which forms the outlet of Golfo Dulce. Here they captured a trader’s
canoe, and then hid themselves to see what next should happen. It was not long
before a canoe approached with four white men, who were outflanked and
secured. They proved to be soldiers of Gil Gonzalez stationed at Nito, to
which site the old settlement at San Gil de Buenavista had been transferred.63
On the whole the account of affairs was cheering to Sandoval, the main point
being that the province was quiet, and thoroughly devoted to Cortds, although
without a regular governor since the departure of Casas. A messenger was at
once despatched to relieve the anxiety of the general, and the soldier to whom
the commission was intrusted reaped a rich harvest from his overjoyed chief and
comrades.
53 Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 202, 204;
Jvarros, Chat., 326. Most authors confound Nito and San Gil, and Prescott
actually Joes so with Naco.
CORTFS IN HONDURAS.
1525-1526.
He
is Master of all the Miseries there—Miasma and Deep Distress— Exertions of
Cortes in Behalf of the Colonists—A Vessel Apfeaes with Provisions—Cortes Sends
out Foragers—He Seeks a better Locality—Sandoval at Naco—Others Settle at
Caballos—Cortes at Trujillo—Vessels Sent to Mexico, Cuba, and Jamaica—
Troubles in Mexico—Cortes Irresolute—Starts for Mexico—Is Driven back by a
Storm—Pacification of adjacent Pueblos—Cortes Sends Presents to C6rdoba—Shall
Cortes Make himself Master of Nicaragua?—AiSrival of Altamirano—Return of
Cobtes to Mexico.
Cicero says that a man’s best adviser
is himself. A wise man can find no better counsellor than his own cool,
impartial judgment. Cortes was a wise man, and he could calmly judge. Had he
counselled with himself before setting out on this adventure? He had led into
Honduras, amidst great sufferings, an army. The end of his perilous march
brought to him no great achievement, no great reward. There was no Olid to
punish; Casas was not a traitor. Might not the proud conqueror with more
advantage have remained at home? The assurance of a ready welcome, instead of a
campaign against a formidable rebel, was a relief to the way-worn soldiers; but
what thought the commander of it? It is not satisfying to a sane man’s pride
to beat the air, or charge on a windmill. A traitor to crush, or a fair city to
conquer, would have been refreshing pastime to Cortes at this juncture. .
In advance of the army, and almost alone, he set
(566)
out for Nito. If he entered not as a conqueror with sword in hand, he had
at least the satisfaction of being welcomed as a savior. Malaria was there, and
had so reduced the settlement that the frown of the natives loomed over it like
Erinnyan phantoms.. There were but three score Spaniards with a few women,1
the greater number so reduced by fever and other ailments as hardly to be able
to move, and all suffering from poor and insufficient food—zapotes, vegetables,
and fish. Without sufficient arms and without horses, they did not venture
abroad to forage, and seeing that death would surely overtake all if they
remained, the able-bodied men under the leadership of Diego Nieto were
repairing a vessel in which to depart.2 The disappearance of the
four men captured by Sandoval created no small alarm. Were they after all to be
overwhelmed by avenging natives ? Amidst such troubles no wonder that the
appearance of Cortes was greeted as a descent from heaven, and that even men
wept as they thronged round to kiss his hand.
The army was not a little surprised at the destitution of the famed
Honduras. While ministering consolation, Cortes sent out bands of foragers. One
of the parties ascended the Rio Yasa,3 and coming to a deserted
hamlet, six leagues from the mouth, took refuge from the rain. But it was not
long before a band of Indians set upon them, and badly wounded they were driven
to the boats, glad to escape with life. Another party found a path leading to a
well- provided pueblo called Lequela, but it was eighteen leagues away, and too
far for carriers. A third division met with better success.4
1 Sixty
men and twenty women left by Gonzalez. Cortes, Cartas, 440. Forty Spaniards and
four women, says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 204.
2 *
De todos ellos no habia ocho para poder quedar en la tierra. ’ Cortes,
Cartas, loc. clt. Their captain, Armenta, having refused to return with them
to Cuba, they had hanged him a few days before, and had elected Nieto, who was
ready to execute their wishes. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 204.
3 Montagna
probably.
4 Captain
Marin found eight leagues off, on the Naco road, a number of well-supplied
villages, from which provisions were forwarded. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad204.
Meanwhile a vessel appeared in the harbor, having on board thirty
Spaniards, beside the crew, and laden with a dozen horses, over seventy hogs,
and provisions. It seemed a miracle. And the whole equipment Cortes bought for
four thousand pesos.® Welcome as this was to the starving settlement, the
sudden change in diet cost the lives of several persons. The site of Nito
being so unhealthy and ill- provided, it was resolved to abandon the place, and
Sandoval was sent with the greater number of soldiers, settlers, and Indians,
to the fertile valley of Naco, Olid’s abandoned headquarters, twenty leagues
off, on the road to which several well-supplied pueblos offered good halting-places.
With the newly arrived vessel, a repaired caravel and a brigantine, built
from some wrecks, Cortes prepared to take the remainder of the party by sea to
a better locality. But first he would aseend the wide outlet lately crossed for
food, for in this direction some captives assured him he would find rich settlements.6
Exploration also impelled him to this quarter, for it was reported that, when
Gil Gonzalez first arrived here he had detached a vessel for the examination
of this entrance; which had traversed two fresh-water gulfs; but the ascent of
a tributary beyond had been prevented by strong currents and warlike natives.7
Manning the new brigantine with forty chosen Spaniards and a number of
Indians, and attended by boats; Cortes ascended the Rio Dulce, and speedily
entered a sheet of water some twelve leagues in circumference, without
settlements. Continuing south-west, he went through a long passage into another
larger sheet of water lying amidst lofty ranges and most bewitching
5 Bought on credit from the owner, Anton
de Carmona or Camargo, says Bernal Diaz, who reduces the stock to seven horses
and forty hogs.
6 A party had already been sent in this
direction, but they returned within ten days disheartened, throwing discredit
on the informants, who on their side accused the men of being faint-hearted.
CorUs, Cartas, 441-2.
7 Eighty Spaniards had attacked a. pueblo,
but the Indians returned in greater force and drove them off with some wounded.
Cortis, Cartas, 444.
scenery. Inspired by the wild grandeur around him, he already fancied
himself the laurel-crowned discoverer of the long-sought strait. But the dream
was brief, for the water proved to be a gulf, some thirty leagues in
circumference, and called Apolochic in the vernacular. Leaving the vessel at
its western end, near the mouth of a stream, he proceeded with most of the men,
under a local guide, over a rough route intersected by innumerable creeks.
After a march of twelve leagues, during which only one village of any
importance was seen, he came to a pueblo in which loud singing with
instrumental accompaniment indicated a festival. Waiting till a late hour,
when all was quiet, he fell upon the sleeping natives, and but for the excited
exclamation of a soldier the place would have been taken without a blow. As it
was, the cacique had time to rally, and in the melde which followed he with
several others lost his life. Forty captives were here secured. Cortds was now
guided to a larger pueblo, called Chacujal, eight leagues further, and again
resorted to a night attack, but did not gain the place without considerable
resistance. By morning the Indians had fled. The buildings, particularly the
temples, resembled very much those of Mexico, but the language differed as well
from the Mexican as from that of the pueblos hitherto met with. Among the
captives was an Indian from the Pacific slope, who reported that only threescore
leagues intervened between Nito and his country, where Alvarado was
conquering.
The place was abundantly provided with cotton goods, maize, the
much-needed salt, and other articles, and since it lay near the Polochic River,
which entered the gulf twenty leagues from where the vessel lay, messengers
were sent to bring it as far up the stream as possible to receive supplies.
Meanwhile four rafts were made, and loaded each with forty fanegas of maize,
besides beans, cocoa, and other provisions. These operations occupied nearly
three weeks, during
which time none of the natives could be induced to return and aid in the
work.8 Cortds now embarked with ten men on the rafts, sending the
rest down by land. The current carried them rapidly past the winding banks,
with their alternate forest and prairie land, relieved here and there by
hamlets and plantations, half hidden amidst cocoa groves and fruit-trees.
Nothing unusual occurred till night, when Cortds, who occupied the last raft,
was startled by cries of alarm from the one before him, followed by Indian
yells. It was too dark to distinguish anything, but the men prepared for what
might come. The next moment, the raft struck violently against a projecting
rock, and a shower of arrows fell. Several warriors now attempted to board, but
they either miscalculated the distance, or were pushed overboard by the crew.
The Indians had foreseen the opportunity which the rock would afford for an
attack, but the rafts escaped them, although most of the Spaniards were
wounded, including the general, and half a cargo was damaged. So rapid was the
current that the twenty leagues were made by morning. More supplies were
obtained from other settlements, and on returning to Nito after an absence of
five weeks, sufficient food was brought to fairly supply the fleet.
The whole colony, including Gonzalez’ men, now embarked in the three
vessels and proceeded to San Andrds Bay, or Caballos, where a number of Sandoval’s
soldiers had just arrived. The site seemed to be all that could be desired,
“with the best port on the entire coast from the Pearl Islands to Florida,”
with fine indications of gold in the tributary rivers, and with a beautiful and
well-settled neighborhood. A colony
8 It was
sought to allure the natives back to aid in carrying supplies, but- none came.
Cortes, Cartas, 450. Bernal Diaz relates that the warriors returned to the
attack, after the flight, only to lose eight men. They now came to sne, and
Cortes offered to release the captivcs if they sent down provisions to the
vessel. This they did, but Cortes nevertheless insisted on retaining three
families, whereupon the Indians attacked and wounded twelve Spaniards,
including the general. Hist. Verdad., 205. This writer was not with the expedition,
however, but at Naco, so that his account is doubly doubtful.
was accordingly founded there under the name of Na- tividad de Nuestra
Senora, from the day of founding, and fifty settlers were left, chiefly
Gonzalez’ men and late arrivals from Spain, Diego de Godoy being appointed
commander, with the necessary officials. A church was also built and placed in
charge of a clergyman. Soon, however, the unhealthiness of the site became
apparent, and half the settlers died. The Indians grew insolent and refused
supplies, and threatened the destruction of the settlement. Cortes thereupon
permitted the colonists to join the prosperous establishment at Naco. Here the
Indians had been gradually reassured and conciliated by Sandoval, whose armed
incursions had already reduced a number of pueblos of considerable size and
wealth.9
Cortes had meanwhile sailed to Trujillo, where the delighted colonists
rushed into the water to carry the renowned chief ashore. His first and
characteristic act was to enter the church and give thanks for safe arrival.10
Then came the exercise of clemency for which he was humbly besought by the late
adherents of Olid. Matters had been going smoothly since Ruano was exiled, and
the general was too prudent to , stir up animosity. With some slight
reconstruction, therefore, the orders and arrangements of Casas were confirmed.
An impulse was given to the town, and with the enforced aid of native laborers
lots were cleared and buildings erected.
The four vessels now in port were not allowed to lie idle. One was
despatched to Mexico with the invalids, and with letters for the officials,
wherein Cortes commended their zeal for the government, and promised soon to
return. Juan de Avalos, his cousin, was placed in command, and ordered to pick
up at Cozumel Island the party of Spaniards left there
9 ‘ Quimistlan
y Zula y Cholome, que el que menos destos tiene por mas de doa mil casas.’ Cories, Cartas,
456. Bernal Diaz also names some places. Hist. Verdad., 207.
10 He had been buffeted off the coast for
nine days, while the land party arrived long before him, over a good road.
by Valenzuela. This was done, but on approaching Cuba the vessel was wrecked
at Cape San Antonio, with the loss of the captain, two friars, and over thirty
others. Of the rest only fifteen survived to reach Guaniguanico.11
Of the other vessels, the new brigantine was sent to Espanola to report to the
oidores concerning the overland expedition and the state of affairs in
Honduras, and to represent that the kidnapping raid by Moreno was creating
trouble among the natives. The authorities ordered the captives to be returned.12
The two remaining vessels were despatched to Cuba and Jamaica with the plate
and jewels of Cortds to purchase provisions, live stock, and plants wherewith
to improve the colony.
One of these ships, in touching at Cuba, found there a vessel from Santo
Domingo, destined by the oidores for Mexico to gain positive information about
the rumored death of Cortds, and to report on measures against the disorders
that might follow. Learning that the conqueror was alive and in Honduras, the
messenger of the oidores resolved at once to change the route to Honduras, where
his cargo of horses and stores would also find a readier market;
Licenciado Zuazo, the most honorable and trusted of the administrators
appointed by Cortes over Mexico, had been arrested by his colleagues for
opposing their nefarious plans, and sent out of the way-to Cuba. These men had
not only seized on the administrative power for their own advancement, to the
neglect of public welfare, but, believing the mighty conqueror and his
companions in arms to be dead, they had laid hands on their estates, and were
persecuting their
11 ‘ Murieron
ochenta, Espailoles sin algunos Indios en este viaje. ’ Gomara, Hist. Mex.,
269. Licenciado Lopez escaped to spread the news of Cortes’ being alive.
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 208.
12 Together with Moreno ‘ in chains. ’ ‘
Although I fear that he acted by order of the oidores, and that no justice will
be given.’ GorUs, Cartas, 465-6. He praised the wealth of Honduras, and asked
for soldiers. ‘ Y para dar credito que auia oro, embi& muchas
joyas, y 'piepas. . . de lo que truxo de Mexico,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.,
208. But he is by no means to be relied on.
friends and whosoever ventured to protest. The country was in a most
critical condition. Anarchy and spoliation were the order of the day. The colonists
were arrayed in opposition to each other, and the Indians found every
encouragement for rising against their white oppressors and blotting them out
of existence.
All this was reported by Zuazo in a letter to Cortes, with the most
earnest pleading for his immediate return, ere it was too late.13
Cortes was at first furious; then he melted into tears at the thought of the
desolation wrought by his enemies and at the inhuman persecution of his
followers. “ It serves me right,” he said, in a calmer moment, “to be thus
treated for placing trust in strangers and ignoring tried comrades.”14
The news reached him at an unfavorable time. The iron will and nerve which had
carried the leader through the hardships of the march, had begun to yield to
the insidious influence of the fever-infected bottom-lands of the Amatique Bay,
assisted perhaps by disappointment at finding the first aspect of Honduras so
far below his hopes. The letter served to rouse his bodily as well as mental
energies, though not to that point of clear and prompt determination which had
hitherto characterized his acts. He was irresolute. Honduras had been little
explored, and the indication of gold near Caballos, though small, led him still
to dwell on the stories of richer districts to the south. He feared to aban
15 Bernal Diaz assumes, contrary to Cortds’
clear statement, that Zuazo sent a vessel from Habana with the letter, and that
two days before her arrival at Trujillo came two vesseh laden with merchandise
from the oidores and merchants of Santo Domingo, who had learned of Cortes’
whereabouts through a letter from one of the survivors of Avalos’ wrecked ship.
Hist. Verdad., 208. Gomara states that the vessel from the oidores, laden with
thirty-two horses, saddlery, and other useful material, was turned back from
Cuba by the survivors of Avalos’ expedition. She touched at Santo Domingo on
her way to Honduras. Hist. Mex., 270. Cortes shows that the news of Avalos’
shipwreck did not reach him till some time later. Cartas, 468-471.
14 The staff did all they could to cheer
him, and among other efforts to dispel his gloom, Manueco, the maestresala,
made a wager that he would ascend in full armor the steep hill to the new
gubernatorial building. Before he could reach the top he fell dead. Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 211.
don a yet promising field, after the efforts lavished on it, and in view
of the eager advance of his southern rival, him of Panamd.
The fortunate predictions of a soldier-astrologer in Mexico would not
have made him disinclined, in his present frame of mind, to encourage similar
counsellors ; but no Sabean was at hand to interpret the scintillating
oracles. The friars were directed to appeal to the supreme throne, and for
three days services were held, with processions, and masses, and prayers for
divine direction. Already during the progress of these appeals, Cortds felt a
dawning inspiration in a renewed courage to face the treacherous sea, and
stronger inclination to trust the development of the province to another. He
would return to Mexico. Hernando Saavedra, his cousin, was appointed captain-
general of Honduras,15 and Sandoval was directed to proceed with his
company from Naco to Mexico, by the Guatemala route already opened by Casas. He
himself embarked on the government vessel, but at the moment of departure the
wind failed, and hearing of a tumult among the colonists he landed to restore
order. The unruly spirits appear to have been disappointed office-seekers, to
whom the obscurity of official existence in a border province seemed a most
ungracious return for their long toil. The general calmed the leading rioters
by taking them on board to receive their reward in Mexico. Two days later he
set sail, only to meet another check in the breakage of the main lateen yard
just outside the harbor. After three days spent in repairs he again departed,
with a good wind, but this soon increased to a gale, and fifty leagues from
port the mast went overboard and obliged him to return for a third time.
Surely, this was a warning from providence not to proceed. He must have
misunderstood the inspiration, and would seek more correct advice. Upon one
15 ‘ Dej<5 en
aquella villa haata treinta y cinco de caballo y cincuenta peones. ’ Cortts,
Cartas, 470.
thing he was determined, not again to trust himself to the billows. The
last tossings had cured him of nautical aspirations, and threatened indeed to
cure him of all others, for his already weakened body was left in so racked a
condition as to bring him near to death. Bernal Diaz describes him as a mere
shadow of his former self, and states that a Franciscan robe had been prepared
te shroud his body, and by its saving virtues to assist the soul through
purgatory.16 But, although the conqueror of Mexico had filled the
measure of his great achievements, the cup of honors and of disappointments was
not yet full. Masses had again been held to sanctify as inspiration his
changing resolve. The vessel proceeded, however, bearing a trusted servant17
with letters for a number of friends in Mexico, and with orders revoking the
power granted to the usurping governors in favor of more reliable men. A number
of Mexican chiefs accompanied the messenger to testify that Cortes still
lived. They were to proceed to P&nuco after landing the servant in some
obscure haven above Vera Cruz, whence he was to proceed alone and in disguise
to .Mexico, so as to elude any watching enemies. Sandoval was recalled,
greatly to the disappointment of his party, who rose almost in open mutiny at
being kept away from their estates in Mexico, which were by this time exposed
to ruin in hands of strangers and usurpers.18
An additional excuse for the determination to remain may have been found
in the hostile attitude
16He places
this just before the arrival of Zuazo’s letter, Hist. Verdad., 209, but Cortes
now for the first time complains of feeling very ill, from the tossing at sea.
Cartas, 471.
11 ‘ Martin Dorantes su lacayo.’ Oomara,
Hist. Mex., 271. On October 23, 1525, it seems from a letter of Cortes, Cartas,
395. Bernal Diaz intimates that a fear of being seized by his enemies had to do
with Cortes’ disinclination to go in person. Hist. Verdacl., 212.
18 In
concluding the reply to their expostulations, Cortes had observed that he could
find plenty of soldiers in Spain and elsewhere to do his bidding. The men
commissioned Sandoval to plead their cause in person; to urge the leader to
depart, and to hint that they could find governors in Mexico to right them'.
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 212.
of two provinces, Papayeca and Chapagua, some seven leagues from
Trujillo.19 Some time before this Saavedra had been sent to explore
the valley above, and following it for some thirty leagues found a fertile
district with a series of flourishing pueblos. A score of caciques appeared to
offer their allegiance to Cortds, and into Trujillo flowed provisions and
presents. The above-named provinces alone held aloof, pleading not without
reason former maltreatment and the kidnapping of tribal members by Fiscal
Moreno. No excuses could, however, be regarded as valid in refusing allegiance,
and Saavedra marched against them. The people retired to the hills; but three
of the Chapagua caciques being 'captured and peremptorily given a fixed term in
which to repeople their towns, the submission of this province was speedily
effected. Papayeca was now entered, and Pizacura, one of the two principal
caciques, was captured. He threw the blame of resistance on his more powerful
colleague, Mazatl, offering if released to secure and hang him, and thus bring
the people over. Once free, the cacique cast the promise to the winds as
readily as any Spaniard. Mazatl was cap-, tured, nevertheless, and given the
alternative of re- peopling the towns or dying. The chief disdainfully rejected
an offer to purchase life with what he regarded as the enslavement of his
people, and calmly accepted death.
This severity was thought to be prudent, and it certainly had the effect
of bringing the inhabitants back to all the pueblos save the capital. Here Pizacura
held forth, supposing, no doubt, that since his escapade no pardon was to be
expected. He was soon captured, however, together with over a hundred followers.
The latter were enslaved for their obstinacy, while he, with two other
caciques, and a youth who
18 ‘ 6 dos
leguas el uno del otro... el de Papayeca tiene diez y ocho pue
blos subjectos, y el de Champagua diez. ’ Oortis, Cartas,
465. The names are also given as Chapaxma, Fapaica, etc.
appears to have been the true chief of the province, were kept as
prisoners.20
This success, as well as the comparatively kind treatment of the natives,
tended greatly to promote the pacification of the country, and the name of Cortes
became feared and respected far and wide.21 One instance of this was
the arrival of a deputation from the Gulf Islands, appealing to his power and
clemency for protection against a slaving party which was raiding Guanaja.
Cortds at once despatched a caravel which brought in the vessel with its
slaves, destined for the mines of Cuba and Jamaica. The commander, Rodrigo de
Merlo, exhibited a license for his expedition, so that severe measures could
not well be taken, but means were found to persuade the captain to settle at
Trujillo with his crew. The kidnapped islanders were restored to their
grateful friends. They sent in their allegiance and received letters of
protection, together with a number of swine which soon multiplied on the
islands.22
Another instance of the influence of Cortds’ name was afforded by the
entry, from Nicaragua into Olan- cho23 province, of an expedition
under Gabriel de Rojas, consisting of sixty men with twenty horses. The natives
resisted, no doubt, whereupon Rojas began to enslave and pillage. A deputation
arriving at Trujillo to implore protection, Sandoval was instructed to
interfere on behalf of the natives, as subjects of Cortds.24 His
force was insufficient, it
20 The two colleagues had been usurping
guardians. They were to be taken to Mexico to be impressed with the extent of
Spanish power, and to learn submission from its natives. Pizacura died before
leaving Honduras. Cortis, Cartas, 473; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 272.
21 ‘ Era temido,
y acatado, y llamauanle en todas aquellas Provincias: El Capitan Hue, Hue de
Marina, q quiere dezir el Capitan viejo que trae a dofia Marina.’ Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 207.
22 They asked for a Spaniard to settle on
each island, as a guardian, but this could not be granted. Gomara, Hist. Mex.,
273. Bernal Diaz says that the vessel escaped, and that she was commanded by
Moreno.
23 Huilancho, Huilacho, Huyetlato, etc.
u Cortes
claims that the province had submitted to him some time before, but he probably
received the proffer only now, though pleading a previous allegiance to excuse
the interference.
Hist. Cen. Am., Vol. I. 37
seems, to drive out the intruders, but Rojas nevertheless retired by
order of C6rdoba.2S
One reason for this withdrawal wafe that Cordoba could not afford to
place himself in hostile attitude to any neighbor. One of the acts of Moreno
during his arbitrary proceeding in Honduras had been to urge upon him to
transfer his allegiance and province to the audiencia. This prompting found a
willing ear. Blind to the accumulative evidence of failure, and untaught by
disappointment, C6rdoba allowed the few instances of successful revolt to
overshadow every failure. He looked upon the force around him, and measuring
the distance between himself anrl the grim Pedrarias, his dread grew fainter as
the leagues increased; meanwhile hope kept whispering, might he not also become
another Cortds, borne aloft by fame, or at least a Velazquez safe upon his
usurped island? He wavered, and yielded. In maturing his plans for a step so
full of risk, he resolved to learn further from Moreno what authority he
possessed, and perfect arrangements with him. Pedro de Garro26 was
accordingly sent with a party of forty men to Honduras, bearing also petitions
to the emperor and audiencia, and with instructions to explore the best route
to a port in that province through which supplies and war material might be
procured. Sandoval, on hearing of their approach, captured them, together with
their retinue of beautiful women and numerous servants, but allowed a few under
escort to proceed to Trujillo. Cortds received them with good-will, and as a
proof thereof ordered four pack animals to be sent laden with horseshoes,
mining tools, and other
25 To assist him against two officers who opposed his
attempt to become independent of Pedrarias. Cortes, Cartas, 476. According to
Herrera, Sandoval returned without achieving anything, pleading that he had not
enough men, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. vii. Bernal Diaz, who was present,
states, on the other hand, that Sandoval appeared against Rojas with sixty men,
but made friends with him. Just then came letters from Cortes ordering him to
join in returning' to Mexico, and he hastened back, Rojas departing at the
same time. Hist. Verdad., 208. Gomara, following Cortes, assumes that Rojas
obeyed a mere message from Trujillo to leave Olancho. Hist. Mex.y 272.
2{i Cereceda writes Gaona. Carta,
in Squier18 MSS., xx. 61.
articles, as a present to Cdrdoba. But he could not countenance the
overthrowal of a chief by a subordinate officer; for had not his present
expedition been made to punish a similar attempt? He -wrote him accordingly,
advising fidelity to Pedrarias, and promising his aid in procuring supplies
through Honduras, since Panama was regarded as too distant.27
This intercourse had served to enlighten Cortes in regard to the
condition and resources of the country to the south and south-west. He had
learned that it was fertile and populous, filled with flourishing towns, and
giving great promise of mineral wealth; facts confirmed by the splendid
retinue of Qarro and the demand for mining implements. Perhaps in this very
country lay the rich provinces which had stirred his imagination, even before
the fall of Mexico, and for which he had come in search this long way. Should
he allow an interloper to deprive him of what his fancy had claimed all these
years, and what had enticed him to superhuman efforts? But a valid excuse was
needed for seizing a province already held by another, a king’s lieutenant
like himself. Cortes was too astute, however, not to find a way to prevent so
rich a prize from eluding him. Was it out of friendship for a stranger that he
had sent valuable presents to Cordoba, and offered to forward supplies through
Honduras? No, he knew where to sow in order to reap. He had also written, as
he admits, to some officers in Nicaragua whom he knew, and what subtle poison
may not have been diffused by craftily worded advice. Cordoba understood the
hint for himself, and was confirmed in his resolve. But his fellow-soldicrs
had also a word to say. The idea of risking life and fortune for the ambitious
plans of a captain who was little,
27 ‘Escribi al
dicho Francisco Hernandez y A toda la gente que con cl estaba en general, y
particularmente & algunos de los capitanes de su corn- pania que yo
conoscia, repreridiendolos la fealdad que en aquello hacian,’ etc. Cortin,
Cartas, 474. Bernal Diaz states, on the other hand, that he promised to do his
best for him, Hist. Verdad., 211, and in this was probably a little truth, as
will be seen.
if anything, more than themselves, was by no means to the liking of all
the officers. Several objected, and since it was now too late to retreat
C6rdoba must even persuade them by arms. Civil war threatened, and the news was
not long in reaching Trujillo. Indeed, it seems that the rebel leader, on
finding what a tempest he had invoked, sent to tender allegiance to Cortes.28
And then the latter reasoned with himself. Could he, an imperial officer, stand
calmly by and see his Majesty’s interests sacrificed and his subjects, his
countrymen, slaughtered? No, certainly not; and he congratulated himself upon
the success of his plans. Here was the loqged-for pretence, cast in his way by
fortune. He must pounce upon the prize while the claimants were absorbed in
contention.29 The first step was to direct a large force of natives
to open a road to Nicaragua, and Sandoval received orders to prepare for the
expedition.30
Again it seemed as if the great leader had misinterpreted the signs of
providence.
His messenger to Mexico had safely arrived, and with prudent management a
reaction had been started in favor of Cortes; the evidence that he was alive
was half the battle; but his enemies, though checked, were not overthrown, and
believing that everything depended upon his presence it was decided to recall
him. The commission was intrusted to his cousin, Fray Diego Altamirano, an
ex-soldier who had doffed the helmet for a Franciscan cowl, and a man of honor
and business talent.31 He fell like a bomb-shell on the manifold
projects of Cortes for conqucst and
28 ‘
Hernandez. . . sent to invite the Marquis to come and receive the province from
him.’ Andagoya’s Narrative, 37; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. vii. Cortgs
became a marquis a few years later.
29tQuise luego ir & Nicaragua, creyendo poner en ello algun remedio.’ CorUs, Cartas, 476.
30 Bernal
Diaz assumes that when Sandoval was setting out for Mexico, shortly before
this, as stated, he received orders to pass through Nicaragua, ‘para demandalla
a su Magestad en Gouemacion.’ Hist. Verdad., 212.
31 Id.,
215. ‘Para este efeto flet6 un navio en la Villa de Medellin.’ Oviedo, iii. 523. He came in the vessel which had carried the messenger.
Cortes, Cartas, 476. '
aggrandizement, which, if encouraged by one success, might have borne the
victor triumphantly southward, perhaps to the realms of the Incas. Altamirano
was not a man to let the stern present be obscured by the glowing fancies of
enthusiasm. His visions turned alone toward Mexico, and his coloring was
reserved for painting the sad condition of its affairs. This he did, boldly,
yet with loving discreetness, and convinced his kinsman that return to Mexico
was absolutely necessary to save himself, his friends, and the country from
ruin. He also insisted that in order to succeed in controlling followers he
must assert his dignity, and impose on the vulgar by an intimidating and
awe-inspiring pomp. The familiarity grown out of the fellowship of the camp and
the toil of the march might answer in a border province, but not in the
well-settled districts of New Spain, or at the court of Mexico. More dignity
should be assumed at once; here and now must he teach his followers the
distance between the governor and the subject, and demand reverence as his due.
There was not much need for exhortation in this respect, for pomp came
naturally to Cortes. Readily, therefore, did he mount the gubernatorial seat
with its imposing daiis, and receive with a complacent smile the seaoria32 from the lips of the deeply bowing suite. In church, even, he occupied
the higher level of the raised sitial,33 while abroad the cannon
belched forth in his honor.34
His distrust of the sea remained, and he determined to return through
Guatemala. The laborers, therefore, were taken from the Nicaragua road to
prepare the way for him;35 but finally the pilots con-
32 Lordship,
a title which pertained only to the higher nobility and to the highest offices,
and which Cortes, even as governor and captain-general, had not the slightest
right to assume.
33 Seat of
honor for princes and prelates and for the ruling men in a province.
Sl Gomara,
Hitt. Jfex., 273; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. vii.
’ Messengers were sent to the pueblos en route ordering them to put the
road in order and prepare for his reception. Some of the Mexican auxiliaries
were also appointed for the work, says Ixtlilxochitl, but their remaining
prince stayed with Cort<5s. Horribles Crueldades, 110.
vinced him that at this season of the year the winds and currents were
favorable, while the land route must be long and full of obstacles. He
accordingly embarked in three vessels with twenty Spanish followers and their
horses, and some two hundred Indians under Prince Ixtlilxoehitl, setting sail
April 25, 1526.36 Sandoval joined him, but his company went
overland. Saavedra remained as his lieutenant, with instructions to maintain
native loyalty by good treatment, and to promote settlement. The general’s yet
wavering confidence in the sea received another shock off the very coast of New
Spain, whence a gale drove him back and compelled him to seek refuge in Cuba.
On the 16th of May he again set sail, and landed a week later near the present
Vera Cruz. The news of his arrival spread rapidly, and soldiers, colonists, and
natives hastened forward in throngs to bear the beloved leader, the mighty
Malinche, in triumph to the island city which he had won and refounded. Doubts
were dissipated and past disappointments forgotten as he gazed once more on the
scenes of his brilliant achievements, and drank the plaudits of the multitude.37
30 ‘ Recibi6 al
cuerpo de Christo vna m a nan a porque como estaua tan malo, temia morirse.5
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 215. Prescott ignores the friar, and assumes
that Sandoval persuaded him to leave. But this is only one of the many errors
into which he has fallen concerning this expedition. Mex.,
iii. 302. '
1)7 The
natives were to be punished for persevering in idolatry; although Indians must
not be enslaved, yet slaves held lawfully by them might be purchased as such by
the colonists. The instructions contain a number of minor rules for the good
government of province and towns. Cortes, Escritos Sueltos, 75-95. Saavedra did
not perhaps relish the idea of being left with a comparatively small force, for
Bernal Diaz complains that he purposely withheld for some time the order
permitting the Naeo company to leave for Mexico. Hist. Verdad., 215, 219. The
leading authorities for Cortes’ different expeditions to Honduras are: Cor Us,
Cartas, 338, 351, 369, etseq.; Id., Escritos Sueltos, 70-95, 318; Id., Carta
al Rey, in Icazbatceta, Col. Doc., i. 481-2; Albomoz, Carta, in Id., i. 484-6;
Peter Martyr, dec. viii. cap. x.; Oviedo, iii. 188-9, 448, 458-9, 517-18;
Oornara, Hist. Mex., 233-4, 243*6, 250-74; Bernal Diaz, Hint. Verdad., 159,
176-7, 193-216; Letters and Reports by Cortes and other officers to the Emperor
and Council, in Dor. hied., i. 521-4, iv. 226-7, et seq., and in Pacheco and
Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 268-77,362-7, 386-403; xiii. 46-7,108-9, 293-4, 397;
xiv. 25-43, et seq.; Cerezeda, Carta, in Squier’s MSS, xx. 61; Ixtlilxoehitl,
Horribles Crueldodes, 7S—110; Chimalpain, Conq. Mex.,ii. 106-53; Herrera, dec.
iii lib. v. cap. vii.-viii. xii.-xiii.; lib. vi. cap. x. xii.; lib. vii. cap.
viii.; lib. viii. cap. iii. —vi- i lib. x. cap. xi. Less important books, which
add little or nothing to the preceding, are: Torquemada, i. 574-6;
Rem?ml, Hist. Ohi/apa, 1G4; Cogolltido, Hist. Ywatlian, 44-58; Villagutierre,
Ilitt. Oonq. Itza, 39-50; Duran. Hitt. Ind., MS., ii. 521-2; Pinelo, Relacion,
2; Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 18-20; Cortes, Hist. N. Espana, 351-2, 367-9; Pizarro
y Orellana, Varonesllvstres, 108-16; Galvano’s Discov., 160-4; TweeOnderschey-
dene Togten, f)- -80,9.3- 107, in Aa, Nnau’rk urrjt: Versameling, xi.; Twee
Ver- scheyde Togten, 19-76, 94, in Id.; Gottfried, Reysen, iv.; Ogilby's Am.,
91-2; Salazar, Conq. Max., 154-8, 211-311; Revilla, in Solis, Hist. Alex. (ed.
Mad., 1843), 463-9; Beaumont, Cron. Mich., iii. 189-92; Juarros, Guat., 55,
123, 324-7; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 29-30, 46-8; Veytia, Hist. Ant. Mfj., iii.
420; Laet, Nov. Orb., 318; Voyages, New Col., i. 347; World Displayed, ii. 251;
Lardner's Hist. Discov., ii. 62; Gordon’s Hist. Ant. Mex., ii. 203,
209-15,240-1; Fan court's Hist. Yuc., 39; Squier’s States Cent. Am., 66;
Rivera, Hist.Jalapa, i. 44; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 42; Alaman, Disert., i.
196-7, 203-23, 234-5; append., 129-37; ii. 17-18; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 17;
Zamacoit, Hist. M(j., iv. 178-9, 236-326, 349-53, 369, 739-56; Cortes, Aven. y
Conq., 285-9; Prescott’s Mex., iii. 276-302; Helps' Cortes, ii. 183-228; Id.
Span. Conq., iii. 30 01; Fran- seur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 573-617;
Bussierre, Mex., 339-49, 380; Larenaudi&re, Mex. et Guat., 136-7; Monglave,
Resume, 138; Armin, Alte Mex., 351-61; Mayer’s Mex. Aztec., i. 86; Abbott's Cortes, 305-29; Wells’
Honduras, 449-57; Pelaez, Mem. Gnat., i. 53-4.
PEDRARIAS REMOVES TO NICARAGUA.
1525-1527.
C6kdoba
Meditates Revolt — Soto and ComtaSon Object—Theik Flight—Pedrarias Nurses his
Wrath—Secret Motives for, his Departure for Nicaragua—C6rdoba Loses his
Head—The Governor Covets Honduras, and Comes to Blows—The Indians Follow, the
Example—Bloody Scenes—Pedrarias Interrupted in his Reverie—Pedro de los Rios
Succeeds as Governor at Panama— His Instructions and Policy—Residencia op
Pedrarias—Triumphant Result.
With the departure of Cortds
in drooping plumes, his pretentious projects for dominion in the south received
a check, and the portentous clouds which had before loomed over Honduras again
darkened the sky, extending over the adjoining lake province, there to threaten
C6rdoba’s bright visions of independence. One can hardly blame the lieutenant
for indulging his imagination with the alluring prospects of power, wealth, and
fame, when kept in subjection on the one side by so unlovable a master as
Pedrarias, and when prompted on the other by the powerful audiencia of Santo
Domingo to cast off the unrighteous allegiance. With his mind thus predisposed,
C6rdoba saw clearly that Nicaragua could not permanently pertain to the
jurisdiction of Panamd. It was a distinct province, conquered and abandoned by
Gil Gonzalez, and now brought into resubjection by his own efforts and talents.
If any one disputed his position he could point to the authorization of the
audiencia. True, the fleet and men, the means and influence, used in effecting
the reconquest pertained to his late chief. What of
(584)
that? The ships did not belong to Pedrarias; the old governor had taken
them in direct disobedience to the orders of the king. As for the money and the
men, all had been obtained by vile indirection, and might as well be made to
serve one traitor as another. But he was no traitor to the king who responded
to the will of the king’s audiencia.
There was much in common between the revolts of Olid and C6rdoba, but the
motives of the leaders differed. The former, bold, brave, and in the main true,
had felt aggrieved that so broad a portion of the earth should fall to the lot
of one man, whose pretensions thereto grew out of his accidental position as
commander, while he, a Captain who had shared every danger and hardship in the
grand conquest, must be content forever to serve. The sole command of a small
portion of disputed territory he had deemed a recompense small enough beside
the imperial reward of his commander. Hernandez de Cordoba viewed matters from
a somewhat different stand-point, though with an abundance of plausible
excuses. He was an instrument chosen by Pedrarias to wrest a fair domain from
the rightful conqueror. In this selection Pedrarias had been governed by his
usual narrow policy. Throughout his whole career he could not abandon the vain
attempt to accomplish great results by small means, and noble results by base
means.
With such incentives and precepts C6rdoba found little difficulty in
disposing of the moral obstacles to his scheme, and on turning toward the
material he saw nothing insurmountable, since most of the men were favorably
disposed. In this there was nothing strange, for C6rdoba was generous and
confiding, and by the side of Pedrarias such qualities shone with double
lustre. As a first step he called on the settlers, particularly of Leon and
Granada, to petition tho king for his appointment as independent governor.1
1 The
reader will remember how, in the last chapter, Cortes treated the messengers
bearing this petition.
None objected save a dozen men headed by the captains Soto and Companon.
Loyalty had probably nothing to do with their opposition, but rather jealousy.
They would not risk their liberty and prospects to raise so much above
themselves a fellow officer who could never be in their eyes more able and deserving
than themselves.
The remonstrances of these few persons were not to be regarded, however,
and retreat for Cordoba was in any case too late. Soto, the first to object,
was cast into the fortress of Granada, but Companon, with a few faithful
comrades, broke open the prison and liberated him. The little band, well armed
and mounted, then took the field against C6rdoba and openly bade him defiance.
Cdrdoba recognized that prompt action was indispensable, and set forth in
pursuit. Though Soto and Companon failed to gain more adherents, as they had
expected, they nevertheless took a stand near Granada against the usurper’s
formidable force, warning him that all their efforts, in case of attack, would
be concentrated on killing him.2 The lieutenant hesitated. He well
knew the determined character of his late officers, and pictured himself the
target of their unerring missiles. The golden visions of his hopes became
dimmer. He would like to be a governor, but he did not wish to be killed; and
not possessing the spirit of greatness, he readily found an excuse for
returning whence he came, while Soto with his gallant ten thought it profitable
to acquaint Pedrarias and receive from him the reward of loyal servants. The journey
back to Panama was not easy, with its rugged mountains, impetuous streams, and
pathless forests, while hostile natives, venomous animals, and gnawing hunger
added to the hardships serious danger; nevertheless they would undertake it,
and make a portion of their way by sea. Soon after starting they found their horses
2 ‘ No los os6
acometer porque tenia por cierto qne liabian de matar £ 6l £ntes que &
nadie.’ Andagoya,
Melin Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii, 417.
an encumbrance rather than an aid, and therefore they abandoned them.
Barefooted and dilapidated they reached the town of Fonseca,3 in
Chiriquf, where Hurtado, the founder, relieved them, and provided a canoe in
which to pursue the journey.
After the departure of Soto southward, the good Hurtado pondered over the
situation. The rebel C6rdoba, in common with Soto and the others, he held in
low esteem. If with his small force he could not conquer him, he believed he
could frighten the man greatly; at all events, here was an opportunity to gain
favor with Pedrarias. He accordingly armed all the able-bodied men at his
command and marched against the rebels, leaving the sick and helpless to ward
off famine and the natives as best they might. After waiting some time in vain
for the return of Hurtado, the abandoned remnant deserted the post and set out
in search of him, directing their steps toward the gulf of Nicoya.
In the mean time Soto and his party reached Natd, and sent their report
to Panamd. Rage in the breasts of some men consumes both body and soul; but
such was the nature of Pedrarias that the essence of his life appeared to be
drawn from inexhaustible wells of vindictive spleen. Although approaching the
time when most men die, the castigation of a traitorous lieutenant was too
choice a morsel to intrust to another; and so, belting in his wrath, he
prepared at once to march against him. To this he was impelled also by a desire
to forestall any attempt on the part of the conqueror of Mexico, whose projects
were even then casting a portentous shadow over the smiling shores of the
Freshwater Sea. A still deeper impulse, however, was the looming spectre of a
new governor, with orders for a residencia, which once instituted might prevent
his departure.
3 Within
the bay formed by Punta de Burica, into which flows, among other small streams,
the river known at present as Fonseca. Cartography Pac. Coast,, MS., ii. 79.
To defray the expenses of the expedition Pedrarias was obliged not only
to employ his own fortune but to borrow large sums from the house-holders and
merchants. This he did, agreeing to share with them the profits of the
adventure. He was shrewd enough to conceal how much a prospective successor and
resi- dencia had to do with his departure; and believing that the object was
solely to secure for the benefit of Panamd, from a strange invader and rebel,
the gold-seamed Nicaragua with its budding colonies and trade, the people were
quite eager to aid him in so promising and loyal a scheme. Panamd and Natd had
already been drained of able-bodied men by the expeditions under Pizarro and
Almagro which were to yield such brilliant results, and Pedrarias was obliged
to draw upon Acla and Nombre de Dios for soldiers. This additional levy so
nearly depopulated the province that its four cities together could hardly
muster occupants enough for ‘ a mediocre hamlet,’ as Oviedo expresses it. A
large number of Indians were also taken. The departure of the fleet took place
in January, 1526.
C6rdoba had not been comfortable since Soto’s escape. The more he
pondered the shorter to his mind grew the distance between himself and the grim
Pedrarias. In his fear he bethought himself of Cortes, and sent to offer him
the province on condition that he should retain the command as his lieutenant;
for it was far better to be subject to the magnanimous conqueror of
An&huac, whose name would prove a safeguard against his old master, while
his distant residence in Mexico might leave a lieutenant almost wholly
independent. This scheme received an encouraging acceptance, as we have seen,
only to be abandoned before the urgent appeals from Mexico.
The more than peculiar conduct of C6rdoba on meeting Soto has prepared us
for almost any pusilla
nimity on his part. Either a blind reliance in Cortds made him careless,
or the arrival at Leon of the hoary-headed Pedrarias was unexpectedly sudden;
it seems at any rate that he did not even attempt to defend himself. Probably
the settlers had become disgusted with his want of courage and failed to support
him. All we learn is that he and his friends humbly met the governor and sought
to deny their guilt, pleading, as in the case of Vasco Nunez, that had mutinous
intentions been entertained they would not thus have dared to come forward
unarmed, but would have fled or defended themselves. The case was too clear,
however, and Pedrarias never forgave: the head of C6rdoba was required as a
lesson to similar aspirants.4
Having thus removed his rebellious subordinate, Pedrarias looked about to
secure the permanent government of the province and extend his jurisdiction as
best he might. If Nicaragua belonged to Castilla del Oro, as he of course
maintained, so must the eastern and north-eastern extension of this region, as
far at least as the gulf of Honduras, clearly the natural boundary. The efforts
of Gil Gonzalez to secure Honduras showed that he had also regarded this
province as pertaining to Nicaragua. But above all, was not the dreaded Cortes
away, and was not his lieutenant, Saavedra, in command of a mere handful of
men? What more convincing evidence of his right could there be? But even under
these circumstances caution was necessary, and he resolved to secure at first
only the adjoining border territory. With this object captains Hurtado and
Rojas were sent to occupy Olancho Valley. The natives had too vivid a
recollection of the former invasion under Rojas to feel
* It certainly appears strange that
C6rdoba, knowing so well the
character of his master, should so tamely have delivered himself into his
hands. The chroniclers sympathize with any victim of the abhorred governor. ‘ Estal'a muy bien quisto comunmente, ’ says
Oviedo, ‘ de todos los espafioles... cul- paban.. ,d Pedrarias de inconstante 6
a^elerado 6 mai juez.’ iii. 165-6. His rebellion
‘parecio siempre incierto,’ is the unstudied qualification of Remesal, Hist.
Ohyapa, 164.
safe, and hastened to Trujillo with their complaints.
Saavedra, who saw the danger of countenancing1 eni n
croachments from such a quarter, sent two envoys6 to demand
the immediate withdrawal of the Nicaraguan
> O
troops. Pedrarias was not unprepared for this, and smooth and evasive was
his answer. For the sake of peace he would come to an understanding with Cortes
regarding his pretensions in that quarter, and submit the whole matter to the
decision of the audiencia. Meanwhile there must be no fighting or attempted
overreaching among countrymen.
The tone and manner of the old courtier would have convinced more
experienced men than the Honduras envoys, and with satisfied hearts they turned
to bear the peaceful message to their chief. Pedrarias gained his point. He
never entertained the idea of 'writing to Cortes or submitting any question to
the audiencia.
Fresh instructions were at once despatched to Hurtado and Rojas, and
while the envoys were lulling Saavedra into fancied security they fell upon his
adherents in Olancho, routed them, and secured their effects. The victors then
proceeded northward with a view to occupy Natividad and secure for their chief
a much needed port on the North Sea, through which to receive supplies and
maintain communication with Spain and the Islands, for the Panamd route was too
long and costly. Informed of their movem«nts Saavedra sent a force to
intercept them. The captains were not just then prepared to resist so strong a
body, and like their master they resorted to fair words, both sides promising
to return peaceably home. But neither believed in these assurances, and each
resolved to watch the other. Rojas, for that matter, proceeded on the march to
Natividad, while Hurtado returned to Olancho to protect his interests there.
The Trujillo party pursued the latter, and a fight ensued wherein they proved
victorious, after losing two men. These broils
5 Juan Carrasco and Christ6bal de la
Torre. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. vii.
the natives observed, and saw therein their opportunity. They attacked
Natividad, and the Spaniards, driven forth after a fight in which several fell,
took refuge in a natural stronghold, there to remain until aid could arrive.6
Rojas appears to have learned of this uprising in time to retreat to
Olancho; but here also the caciques had mustered in force7 to avenge
the injuries which Pedrarias’ soldiers were inflicting. Ordered by them to
bring in maize and material for houses, they seized the opportunity to
introduce within the bundles a quantity of arms. These were to serve the
natives who remained in or near the camp waiting the approach of their
regularly armed compatriots. All prepared, the word was given, and stealthily the
dusky foe crept upon the unsuspecting Spaniards. Living in the midst of
treachery, it seems impossible that they should have allowed themselves to be
thus lulled. Suddenly forest, hill, and dale were ahve with Indians, and the
silence was broken by a piercing yell as the first victim met his fate. The
signal was taken up, and from thousands came the avenging shriek, reverberating
along the wooded slopes and rolling back upon the doomed band. Resistance
seemed to avail them little. Sixteen were slain; a few escaped to a friendly
cacique, named Guatucanola; and twenty horses were lost. The settlement was
sacked and burned. Among the fallen were Captain Hurtado, who had rendered so
many eminent services as explorer, leader, and founder, and Juan de Grijalva, a
man who, as captain of a Cuban expedition, had achieved the honor of
discovering the Mexican mainland, and who might even have gained the glory of
that brilliant conquest but for his fine sense of honor and other manly
qualities. Often a too strict integrity impedes the path to greatness. At all
events, these
6 News coming of the approach of a royal
governor, Saavedra would send nothing but advice.
7 ‘Estando de
acuerdo ciento y cincuenta Caziques.’ Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ix. cap. x.
qualities lost him the favor of his master and governor, Velazquez, and
despite his faithful services, his courage and talent, he was sent forth in
disgrace, to die ignobly in this wilderness.8
Rojas arrived soon after and sought to restore peace, but the natives
were too strong for him, and for years they held their ground. Saavedra charged
Pedrarias with being the cause of the disaster, and not without reason, for the
treacherous conduct of his captains had encouraged the uprising. Quarrels and
recriminations followed, but without any attempt on the part of Saavedra to
take active steps against the Nicaraguan invaders. Finding his adversary so
tame, the old governor felt emboldened to take the step he had so long been
meditating, to secure possession of the remainder of Honduras. To this effect
he despatched Captain Diego de Albites and Sebastian de Benalcdzar, regidores
of Leon, with Notary Espinosa, to demand the submission of Saavedra and the
cabildo of Trujillo to his jurisdiction. The envoys were hardly on their way,
however, before tidings came from Panamd. which sent Pedrarias in all haste
back to the Isthmus, leaving the government in the joint charge of several of
his most trusted officers, among whom Martin Estete figured as lieutenant-
general.9
The new governor of Castilla del Oro, Pedro de los Rios, had arrived with
his fleet at Nombre de Dios July 30, 1526,10 attended, as was common
in such cases, by many followers, among whom were Licenciado Juan de Salmeron,
alcalde mayor; Bachiller Diego de Corral; Diego Gutierrez de los Rios, a
nephew, and
8 His achievements are
related in vol. i. chaps, ii. and iii. of the History of Mexico, this series. _
9 Herrera, who is somewhat contradictory
on this point, names Gabriel de Rojas, Garabito, and Diego Alvarez among the
ruling men. dec. iv. lib. i. cap. vi. Salcedo, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col.
Doc., xiv. 47 et seq., gives also a list of the Leon city officials.
• 10 The two months’ voyage had
proved pleasant, being marred only by the death of two men during an attack by
the natives of Dominica Island, where they had entered to repair a leaky
vessel. Oviedo, iii. 116.
Egas, the half-brother of the governor. Oviedo was also of the party,
bearing as his reward for procuring the change of rule the appointment of
captain-general and governor of the province of Cartagena. The day following
the arrival the new officials were sworn in, and within four weeks they had
taken up their residence at Panamd. The jurisdiction of Rios covered the same
territory as had that of Pedrarias, excepting Paria and Veragua. As usual, he
had been particularly enjoined to look to the good treatment of the Indians and
promote the formation of towns on healthy sites. In all matters of importance
he was to consult with the alcalde mayor, as a man learned in the law, and a
faithful servant of the king. The governor was empowered to settle all disputes
and punish all crimes according to his judgment and the laws of the country,
and with regard to thieves and robbers he was recommended to go even somewhat
beyond the law. This was a power admirably suited for a reformer as Rios came
heralded, but the rising rejoicings of the people at the removal of the old
governor began quickly to calm on finding, as Oviedo says, that in the place of
one hydra head cut off two others had appeared.11
Pedro de los Rios was quite a different man from Pedrarias; indeed we
shall scarcely again in this history meet the equal of the old governor of
Darien. Though possessing more bulk of body the new governor lacked the
strength of mind of the old one; he lacked the cunning, indomitable energy, and
the vindictive pertinacity of Pedrarias. He loved gold, however, in which predilection
he was joined by his wife, who even surpassed him in this respect. In
accordance with royal orders, among his first acts were to seize the effects
and estates of Pedrarias, including his encomiendas, to secure control of the
Pearl Islands and their revenues, and to hold all
11 ‘ Por manera
que estas mudancas de gobemadores es saltar de la sarten en las brasas.’ Ociedo,
iii. 123.
Hist. Cen. Am.. Vol. I. 38
until the residencia of the outgoing governor was taken. Pedrarias knew
that his authority at Panamd was lost, but he did not like to lose his
property. It was a pecuniary disaster alone that could have taken him from
Nicaragua at this critical moment.
The news of his coming was brought by a vessel laden with kidnapped
Nicaraguans, to be sold by auction in the Panamd market. He himself reached
Natd in December, and after writing to Rios made his appearance at the capital
February 3, 1527. Three days later the residencia was proclaimed by Salmeron.
Not knowing who the judges might be, Pedrarias had taken the precaution
to petition the India Council for power of appeal in any decision which might
be rendered against him. And this had been granted, with the order to pay at
once any judgment under ten thousand maravedis, and to make a deposit which should
cover all amounts of larger claims. Further than this, he had taken with him to
Nicaragua, and had left there, those who might most trouble him in his
residencia. The greater part of the aggrieved were thus out of the way, and
their opportunity lost.
He had also despatched Enciso to Spain, to represent his interests at
court and neutralize the machinations of his enemies. The result was the
arrival of a c^dula from the king just in time to provide that no questions
were to be raised in the present residencia touching matters disposed of by the
pretended investigations under Alarconcillo. This reduced still further the
complaints against Pedrarias, and as he at once made overtures to his judge,
sparing neither money nor humility, and as he still had influence, his feebly
presented crimes were lightly regarded. Oviedo deemed himself exceedingly ill
used in these proceedings, and loudly chronicles his complaints. After
presenting a long list of claims, which were denied, the historian was glad to
escape assassination at the hand of his
ancient enemy.12 Charges of course were sent to Spain,13
citing instances of abuse of power, and of private frauds. Among the more
serious accusations was the embezzling of royal moneys, which had helped to
swell a remittance of seventy thousand
gesos de oro, sent secretly to a safe receptacle in pain. So pressing and
puzzling were these charges that the India Council held repeated consultations
on the case.
But Pedrarias had not been idle. He had requested his powerful relatives
to hold forth to the king himself, to the best advantage, the many valuable
services he had rendered in Africa as well as in the Indies. The words of the
agent Enciso were likewise powerful, and made these records stand out
resplendent, backed as they were with the dazzling treasures of the Pearl
Islands.1* Not only was Pedrarias acquitted and reinstated in his
rights and possessions, but new favors were showered on him. Yet the government
of Panamd could not be restored to him; indeed the crown itself had not been
so blinded as some of its satellites to the many evils that had characterized
the government of Pedrarias in Castilla del Oro. At all events it was
considered timely to allow the oppressed province to recover from the selfish
tyranny of his rule under a more fatherly supervision. His shrewd foresight and
usual good fortune were paving a new way, however. It to happened that Gil
Gonzalez, the rightful claimant to Nicaragua, died about the time that
Pedrarias sent in to the king a glowing report on the resources of this
province, together with promises of great revenues. Not only was he now
entitled to the first consideration for the post of governor, but it was
12 ‘ E como era
hombre ydiota 6 sin letras, el se movi6 por consejo de aquel bachiller Corral,
para me haper matar k tray<?ion. ’ Oviedo, iii. 122.
13 See, for instance, CastiUay
Carta, in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col, Doc., xii. 85.
u Sandoval,
indeed, speaks of the governor as a meritorious servant of the king, traduced
by envious persons. Hist. Carlos Vi. 218.
probably considered advantageous to tbe royal purse that a man of sucb
natural proclivities for extortion should be given a field where watchful
energy alone was needed to develop untold wealth. Again was the star of
Pedrarias emerging from behind the Hyper- borei Montes, but with lustre dimmed
by clouds rising, this time in the direction of Honduras.
1526-1530.
Colonial
Policy—Salcedo Displaces Saavedra in the Government of Honduras—Saavedra’s
Escape—Pedrarias’ Envoys Trapped— Salcedo Invades Nicaragua—His Cruelty and Extortion—Distress among the
Colonists—Rios also Presents Claims, but is Discomfited—Pedrarias Follows
Triumphant—Salcedo’s Ignominious Fate—Estete’s Expedition—Slave-hunting
Profits and Horrors—Gladiatorial Punishment of Revolted Natives—Pedrarias’
Schemes for Aggrandizement—He Grasps at Salvador and Longs for Peru—Both Elude
Him—Further Mortification and Death—Character of the Conquerors.
One of the chief causes
which gave rise to the disputes of rival leaders for the occupancy of
Nicaragua and Honduras was the policy which governed the Council of the Indies
in regard to the colonial possessions of Spain. Gradually the discovery of
Columbus had assumed gigantic proportions, and the indefinite and unknown
limits to the territories which had been given to the first governors were
becoming more fixed and determined. The immense extent of the discovery and
the vast dominions which had been allotted to each colony was then first
ascertained. It was deemed wise and prudent by the court of Spain that such
broad possessions should be divided into smaller states, and governed by many,
rather than that the whole should be under the jurisdiction of a few arrogant
viceroys. Thus checks could be more easily placed on individuals, and the
distant provinces of the New World could be more readily held in subjection.
With this in view it was that Hernandez de C6rdoba
(697)
had been urged by the audiencia to throw off allegiance to Pedrarias,
and that the enterprises not only of Gil Gonzalez but of Olid had been
encouraged by the Spanish government.1
But a resort to arms as a method for settling their differences was by no
means desired; and when the emperor became aware that hostilities had broken
out among the colonists of Honduras and Nicaragua he peremptorily forbade any
Spaniard to draw his sword against another, under penalty of his severe displeasure.
The better to curb the encroaching conquerors on either side, and to further
his policy, he resolved to appoint new governors for these provinces; and thus
it was that Pedrarias, owing in a great measure to his wife and to family
influence, had obtained the long desired lake region, even before the result
of his residencia was known; while Honduras was given as early as 15252
to Diego Lopez de Salcedo, regardless of the great efforts and means expended
by Cortes in its colonization, wholly from his own resources.3
Salcedo was at this time residing in Espanola, and on receiving the
appointment, together with instructions to inquire into the late trouble and
punish the guilty, he at once prepared to set out. The audiencia
1 The bitter complaints of Cortes against
his rebellious lieutenant evoked from the king merely instructions for Olid to
maintain friendly relations with Cortes, and to report to the crown regarding
the progress of his conquest. ‘El Rey.. .no hizo mas
demostracion que escriuir a Christoual de Olid, que con Cortes tuuiesse toda
buena correspondencia, y fuesse dando cuenta a su Magestad, dc lo que passaua
en aquella tierra, pareciendo que no era mal consejo, la diuision de tan gran
gouiemo como tenia.’ Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiii.
2 His commission is dated November 20th.
Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 52.
3 Cortes’ complaints were numerous and bitter,
as may be imagined. In a letter of 1532, for instance, he represents to the
king the many valuable services rendered, and the hardship and danger
suffered. He had discovered the province of Honduras at his own expense,
amounting to over 30,000 Castellanos, and the expedition to suppress the
revolt of Olid had cost him over 50,000 Castellanos, a like amount being also
expended by his followers. He had conquered, pacified, and settled over 200
leagues of territory, founding three towns on the best parts of the coast; he
had expended over 25,000 Castellanos for horses, arms, and provisions, imported
from Espanola and Cuba, and before leaving the country had left a competent
captain in charge of the new colonies. Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 6-7.
also took the instructions to heart, and, regarding Cortds as implicated,
they seized one of his ships at Santo Domingo, with its cargo of merchandise.4
Salcedo found the settlers at peace on reaching Trujillo. Saavedra and Alcalde
Figueroa set the example to the other officials in doing reverence to the new
ruler, who was solemnly inaugurated on the 27th of October, 1526.® The first
act under the new regime was to make an investigation into the late political
disturbances, and the result was the arrest of Saavedra, regidores Garnica and
Vega, and two settlers named Martin Cortes and Morales, who were placed on a
vessel for transmission to the judges in Espanola. Their safe-keeping was
intrusted to Diego Morillo, who was installed with a staff of justice, to give
him greater authority. But the emblem of the law failed to impose upon the
prisoners, who were in this respect hardly less imbued with the spirit of the
times than Pedrarias and his followers. They had too wholesome a fear of the
quality of mercy dispensed by the pompous rulers at Santo Domingo, and
determined to make an effort for liberty. The mainland had barely been lost to
sight when they appealed to the master’s sympathy. Their argument was
sufficiently weighted to be convincing, and the shackles were not only
transferred to Morillo, but he was relieved of all his effects. The vessel’s
course was thereupon changed to Cuba, where the mutineers dispersed in search
of wider spheres of operations.6
Shortly after Salcedo’s installation the three envoys of Pedrarias
arrived at Trujillo. Finding a royal governor instead of the intruder Saavedra,
they did not venture to present their demands for the submission of the
province, but sought instead to regain
* For this they were afterward censured. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. xi.
5 The royal commission, with the
ceremonies attending its reception, is given in Traslado de una Cidula, in
Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 47 et seq.
6 Oraers came for investigation and
punishment, Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. vi., but the distant Indies
possessed as yet too many loop-holes and comers for blind justice.
Nicaragua and warn their master. Salcedo had them arrested, however, as
concerned in the disorders in Nicaragua and Olancho, and turned the tables by
declaring Pedrarias an arraigned culprit, answerable to the residencia judge
at Panamd, and Nicaragua as falling within the jurisdiction of Honduras,
instead of pertaining to Castilla del Oro. He intended, in fact, to take
possession at once, and in this course he was encouraged by petitions from the
anti-Pedrarias faction of that province. The limits of Salcedo’s government
had not been fixed, and what more natural than to base on the claims of Cortes
and Gonzales the pleasing illusion that Nicaragua must belong to bis
jurisdiction? An additional excuse was to be found in the late political
disturbances in that province, which it behooved him as a royal officer to
stop. The captive envoys should accompany him as guides and hostages.
Preparations were soon concluded, and Salcedo departed with nearly one
hundred and fifty horsemen, leaving the small remnant at Trujillo under command
of Francisco de Cisneros.7 He sent forward Alonso de Solis, one of
his captains, and a priest, the one to capture Indians for beasts of burden and
the other to convert them, so that when the savages miserably perished under
the cruelties of the soldiers their souls might find rest in the world whither
they were' sent. Solis speedily came back with the information that bands of
Spaniards were prowling about the Olancho Valley. Salcedo advanced upon them,
and a skirmish ensued in which two men were lost. Suspecting that Albites and
his companions might be connected with this untoward check, he sent them back
to Trujillo with instructions for their immediate transmission to Santo
Domingo, on the charge of inciting native revolts and other disorders. These
charges were not
7 Oviedo, iii. 189, states that Diego
Mendez de Hinestrosa was left in charge at Trujillo, that Salcedo had already
marched out of Trujillo for Nicaragua when the envoys of Pedrarias came up, and
that he sent them at once to the audiencia. But he is not well informed.
sustained, however, and the prisoners soon returned fully exonerated.
Still another check came to dampen the ardor of the party, and Treasurer
Castillo, among others, urged the abandonment of the expedition; but the fair
shores of the Freshwater Sea had taken too deep a hold upon Salcedo’s fancy,
strewn as they were by rumor with much gold. No; he knew his duty as royal
officer, and would extend his beneficent rule to this region. As for his losses
and disappointments, he would look to that universal source of redress, the
natives. Caciqucs were summoned to furnish Indians for carrying burdens and gathering
food, and soldiers went forth to enforce the order. A number of those suspected
of complicity in the disturbances at Na- tividad were hanged and others
enslaved, to be eventually sent out of the country and sold. Great were their
woes. Those who lost their relatives or near friends fled to the mountains,
preferring starvation and death to the cruel oppression of the strangers. This
feeling extended also to the district of Comayagua, and created a distrust
which was at once magnified into revolt. The Spaniards immediately fell upon
them, and a terrible havoc ensued. The natives resorted to the passive
retaliation of withdrawing supplies, and even of destroying the crops, so as to
leave the Spaniards without food, and compel them to devour horses and dogs.
This heightened the feeling against them, and even the carriers were made to
suffer so severely that many threw off their loads and sought to escape, only
to be overtaken and slaughtered. The panic spread, and tribes distant from the
soene burned their villages and fields to seek refuge in the mountains, lest
they should be exposed to similar outrages on Salcedo’s return.
In Nicaragua the rumor of these doings had impelled the natives to
assume a threatening attitude, so that when the Spanish party finally arrived
at the city of Leon they were hailed as saviors. This
helped to pave the way for Salcedo, and when he submitted his commission
to Martin Estete, the officer in charge, and to the municipal body, they gave
one glance at the sturdy forces by his side and then recognized it as valid.
The new governor was sworn in May 7, 1527. Once in undisputed possession the
humanity of Salcedo underwent a change. He would no longer carry panic into
native villages by means of raiding parties; nay, he would even relieve the
Indians from the oppression of their present masters, the late subjects of
Pedrarias, and place them under the experienced control of his friends and
followers. Without more ado the choice repartimientos were transferred to the
hands of himself and his adherents, with not even an attempted excuse to the
late holders. Such high-handed proceedings created general dissatisfaction,
not only among the despoiled settlers but also among the enslaved, who were
regarded as cattle, and treated with a severity paralleled only by the Honduras
atrocities. More spirited, however, than the former victims, they retaliated
with sullen stubbornness, and refused to gather gold or perform agricultural
labor. The distress increased, and many could not procure the common
necessaries of life. The rupture between the two races developed into open
warfare, in which rights, grievances, and passion often figured only as minor
impulses by the side of the cravings of hunger.8
To these distressing straits was the country reduced when a new claimant
to the government presented himself, in the person of Pedro de los Rios.
Invested with the same power and authority over Castilla del Oro as his
predecessor, he thought himself entitled to jurisdiction also over Nicaragua,
since it had been occupied and settled under the same auspices. He
6 Herrera would have us believe that
starvation was over the whole country, in all its ghastly horrors, making it a
question of life and death between Spaniard and Indian, who devoured each
other, dec. iv. lib. i. cap. vii. But this is clearly exaggeration.
had deferred his departure from Panamd till Pedrarias should have been
securely entangled in the meshes of his residencia, and therefore unable to
object. But the latter was desirous to see him leave, in the hope that a change
in his own favor might be effected, perhaps by some friendly ingulfing wave,
some devoted assassin, or some native treachery; for the road was new and Rios
inexperienced. As a proof of his friendly interest in the project Pedrarias
counselled him to invest heavily in merchandise, which must pay a large profit.
Such advice was not to be disregarded, and, as circumstances would have it, the
gubernatorial trader was received with open arms by the sorely pressed settlers
of Nicaragua. But Rios had not the foresight which characterized Fiscal
Moreno’s proceedings in Honduras, two years before, and on presenting his
claims to the supreme office the colonists returned a cold stare. They saw
nothing in his commission which expressly included Nicaragua within Castilla
del Oro, and although much afflicted by the avaricious and oppressive measures
of Salcedo, they determined to support a governor whom they might call their
own rather than submit to one residing at such a distance, and evidently intent
on enriching himself and Panamd, at their expense.
It is not improbable that the cause for the change lay partly with
Pedrarias, whose emissaries hoped by this means to embroil the new aspirant
with his proposed subjects. Salcedo was strong enough, however, with his own
troops to dictate terms to his rival, and he peremptorily ordered him to leave
the province within three days, under a penalty of ten thousand pesos. Rios had
too much respect for his portly person to expose it to profane usage. Still he
would have lingered had not the threatened fine urged him away. As it was, in
the flurry of departure he even forgot his gout, with which he was just then
severely stricken, and his groans were not resumed till the vessel had turned
prow for Panamd. He carried one
consolation, however, to soothe his ruffled spirit; he had made these
boorish colonists pay tenfold for his cargo of merchandise. After all, the trip
had not proved unprofitable, and he laughed within himself at the thought. On
his way back he stopped at Bruselas, in the gulf of Nicoya, where a friendly
reception was accorded him. Informed of this, Salcedo with vindictive jealousy
sent a troop of sixty horse under Garabito to destroy the hospitable town.
The rankest despot could hardly deport himself with more capricious
severity than these petty upstart lieutenants in the Indies. Salcedo was
evidently a fitting successor to Pedrarias, as far as displaying his jealousy,
greed, and cruelty; but he lacked some of the commanding characteristics which
had so often enabled the latter to weather the storm raised by his tyrannous
impulses. His rule was to be brief and ignoble. One of his last acts, which
bore the relieving stamp of a public measure, was to order Gabriel de Rojas to
explore Rio San Juan, the outlet of the lake, and to found there a settlement.
This order was disregarded, for just then came the rumor that Pedrarias
was about to return as governor. This sufficed to bring the general
dissatisfaction with Salcedo to an issue. At first he treated the news as
absurd; but, when the report came that Pedrarias was actually on the way with a
royal commission, he resolved to collect his scattered followers and make his
escape. The step was fatal, as it encouraged the still wavering Estete with his
friends to pronounce in favor of the expected chief. The officials of Salcedo
were arrested, which rendered the executive powerless to act, and his horses
were seized, so that he might not escape a reckoning. So ominous became the demonstration
against the deposed governor, that he abandoned the building which had
hitherto given him shelter, and sought the protecting walls of the church.
There he remained, closely guarded by the rebels, till Pedrarias arrived.
Several persons had re
monstrated with Estete with regard to these arbitrary proceedings, based
as they were on a mere report from Panamri,; but this officer, who had
everything to gain by the movement if the report proved true, declared that
Pedrarias should be supported even if he came without a royal commission. In
any case it would be suicidal now to restore the relentless Salcedo to power.9
All doubts were solved by the arrival of the old governor at Leon in
March, 1528, and the timely turncoats were liberally rewarded; Estete receiving
the command of Leon, and Diego dc Tejorina that of Granada. Immediately on
receipt of his appointment Pedrarias had hastened to Nicaragua, leaving an
agent at Panama to finish his residencia, and to collect the property and
effects which had been attached. In connection with the new government the
king had appointed Licenciado Castaneda alcalde mayor, and Diego de la Tobilla
treasurer, both of whom arrived eight months later.10
Salcedo’s case claimed the first attention of the new ruler, and claims
and charges began to pour in, the chief accusation being that he had stationed
spies to watch for the arrival of Pedrarias and native assassins to despatch
him. An investigation was ordered, to embrace also the question whether Salcedo
had royal authority for his entry into the territory. The accused denied the
charges, of course, and protested that he had come merely to pacify the
country, in accordance with his instructions. He demanded liberty to depart
for Honduras, where the king required his presence as governor. Any other
•According to
Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii., Gabriel de Rojas was offered the
government, but declined to hold the province except for the king direct;
whereupon he was arrested and Garabito given the command. He seems confused,
however, while Cereceda’s account is most clear on all these points. Carta,
MS., 3-6. Oviedo is quite brief, iii. 190.
10 The present treasurer, Rodrigo del
Castillo, was under indictment by the inquisition at Panama. With Pedrarias
came a friar empowered to try his case, by whom he was acquitted, and he
thereupon resumed office till Tobilla arrived. Cerezeda, Carta, MS., 10-11.
person might have felt awed by a demand coupled so plausibly with the
royal name, but Pedrarias had too often mocked even the direct commands of his
sovereign to care for indirect requirements. He flaunted in the face of the
accused the royal order lately received forbidding him to meddle in Nicaraguan
affairs, and declared that since he had done so there was every prospect for a
residencia. The order for it might arrive at any moment, and he must give bonds
to answer the claims against him. The bonds not being forthcoming he was placed
under restraint, and on his attempting to escape, close confinement was
imposed.
Ten weary months Salcedo lay in durance. Finally Treasurer Tobilla and
Osorio, afterward bishop, intervened and brought about a peaceful settlement.
But the conditions extorted from him as the price of liberty were so
humiliating that shame and vexation preyed upon his mind, and destroyed his
health, already weakened by imprisonment. He was obliged to renounce his claims
to the south, and promise to confine himself to a triangular section of
territory bounded on the east and west by Cape Gracias & Dios and Puerto de
Caballos.11 The three envoys of Pedrarias, whom he had sent to
Espanola to answer false charges, and who had returned acquitted, were to be
compensated, and he must give security for twenty thousand pesos to appear in
case a residencia should be instituted against him. On Christmas eve, 1528, the
prison doors opened before him, and the once dashing Salcedo tottered forth,
pale and emaciated, weighed down with infirmities of body and mind, an object
of pity even to the down-trodden Indians. It had been a game of rogue against rogue,
11 Herrera’s
lucid definition of the limits reads: ‘ Desde Leon al puerto de Natiuidad, cien
leguas Nortesur, y desde Chorotega, por otro nombre Foseca, hasta puerto de
Cauallos, Nortesur, que auia setenta leguas, y cien leguas de costa por el mar
del Norte, y otras tantas por el Sur con mas lo q se le cenunciaua, y lo que
para adelante pudisse ensancharse descubriendo,’ including Nequepia province,
or Salvador, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii.
and Pedrarias as usual was the winner. Salcedo felt that he deserved
little sympathy, either from the oppressed colonists or from the cruelly
treated natives, and within ten days he set out for the shielding precincts of
his own government.
Pedrarias had long before this taken steps to secure for himself the
large tracts of country which he intended to extort from his prisoner, chiefly
because they were reported to be rich in gold. For this there were also
additional motives. The report of mineral wealth in the province had induced
the king to inquire regarding the desirability of erecting smelting works, and
similar measures, and although the avaricious old governor required no
incentive to gold-hunting, yet the communication was welcomed as a good
pretence for his preparations. The already projected expedition by Rojas to the
river outlet of the lake was therefore ordered to proceed, reinforced to more
than one hundred and fifty men, but the chief command was intrusted to
Estete, with instructions to explore the country, particularly for minerals, to
take possession for Pedrarias, and to found settlements on the river and along
the sea-shore, as desired by the king. On the river, where it receives the
waters of the lake, was formed the settlement of Nueva Jaen, flushed at first
with brilliant anticipations of a vast entrepot trade and a flourishing colony,
but doomed to speedy abandonment. From the mouth of the San Juan the party
followed the coast northward, blazing their way with branding-iron and sword,
and finding good mines at Cape Gracias 'k Dios, as rumored. There they established
another colony, of which Rojas was left in charge, while Estete returned to
Leon.
Their pathway thither had been stained sanguine by the most abominable
cruelty against the natives, in the form of wholesale enslavement and wanton
bloodshed, and this in face of the repeated and stringent orders from the king
for their good treat-
ment.12 Of what avail were orders which suited not the taste
of Master Pedrarias! On setting out for Cape Gracias & Dios, Estete
received from the chest, in which it was kept under three locks by order of the
crown, the branding-iron, which was intended to be used only on rebels and
criminals, and pursuing his circuitous route, he captured and branded
indiscriminately all natives who fell into his hands, and sent them as slaves
to Pedrarias at Leon. Captives were secured by iron collars around the neck,
chained together in gangs, and forced to carry heavy burdens. When one fell
from exhaustion, in order to save time and trouble, his head was severed from
the body, and this released the collar so that the others might pass on.13
This and other kidnapping expeditions, made chiefly in the interest of
Pedrarias, fairly glutted Leon and Granada with captives; but if they could not
be used here there was another means of utilizing them. The native population
of the Isthmus, as we have seen, had already been so greatly reduced by the
ever dripping sword, by the hardly less speedy measures of relentless
taskmasters, and by the flight of panic- stricken border tribes, that the
settlers found it difficult to fill the constantly occurring gaps in their
labor gangs. A slave market had accordingly been opened at Panamd, where
natives were sold by auction. Its origin was with Pedrarias, and with a
fatherly regard for his former government he felt it a duty to sustain an
institution so useful to the colonists and so comforting to his coffers. A
regular trade thereupon
12 Besides the usual humane injunctions it
was ordered that towns should be founded near the Indians, so that they might
be brought by example and gentle means to a knowledge of the true faith, and be
led to adopt the manners and customs of Christians. To promote this desirable
end the royal officers were enjoined to watch strictly over the moral and
economic features of the Spanish settlements. The revolted Chorotegas were to
be pacified by kindness, and the native slaves brought from Panamd were to be
returned. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. i. cap. viii. See chap. v., note 5, this volume.
13 ‘Lleuando los
Indios cargados, y encadenados, cS argollas, porq no se boluiessen: y porq vno
se canso, por no quitarle el argolla le quitaron la cabe9a, y lo dissimulo.’ Herrera}
dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii.
sprang up in Indian slaves, and several ship-loads were taken down to
Panamd about this time by different persons.14
The supply of unfortunates was drawn not only from the outlying
districts, but from the very centre jf the lake settlements, and their capture
assisted the sword and lash to no small extent in decimating the population.
When Gil Gonzalez first entered the country it was densely populated, and the
city of Managua alone contained forty thousand souls, it was said. A few years
of Spanish rule sufficed to turn whole tracts of flourishing country into
uninhabited wilds, leaving here and there only small communities of terrorized
natives groaning under extortionate and cruel masters. On appealing to their
idols they were assured that a flood could be called forth, but in it would
perish Indians as well as Spaniards. Such was the comfort derived from their
religion. Although they had not courage enough to adopt this remedy, women
widely formed the resolution not to perpetuate a race foredoomed to slavery and
cruel death.
At first, when numbers still gave self-reliance, they ventured to renew,
the hostilities which under Salcedo bad led to such bloody results. Soon after
Estete’s departure for Cape Gracias a general revolt broke out. In the
districts of Leon and Granada bloodshed was averted, but in the interior the
slaughter of natives was great, and if the Spaniards lost comparatively few,
the loss was increased by the horrors of cannibalism.15 Among the
victims were Alonso Peralta, the royal treasurer, an hidalgo named Zurita, and
two brothers of the name of Balias, who in 1528 set out from the city of Leon
to visit the Indians that had been allotted to them respectively. None ever returned;
all were slain by their vassals. Pedrarias
14 Ponce de Leon and Hernando de Soto, for
instance, took two cargoes at me time, according to Pizarro, Relation, in Col.
Doc. Indd., v. 209.
15 ‘Elios mataro
a los Castellanos q acertaron a hallar fuera del lugar, f los comicron. ’ Herrera,
dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. ii.
Hist.
Cen. Am., Vol. I. 39
despatched a band of soldiers, who captured eighteen caciques supposed to
be implicated in the murders.
The Indians becoming daily more bold and troublesome a new method of
striking them with terror was invented. As in the conversion of the natives to
Christianity strategy was frequently made to take the place of logic, so in war
and punishment a refined cruelty, in the exercise of which the aged Pedrarias
Ddvila stood unexcelled, was deemed the most effectual means of pacification.
The governor of Leon determined on a grand spectacle, modelled somewhat after
the gladiatorial exhibitions of Rome. An inclosure was made in the public
square of the town, and on a fixed day the Indian chieftains were brought
forth. One of them was led into the arena and given a stout stick or club with
which to defend his life against the dogs to be let loose. At first five or six
young and inexperienced animals were set upon him, which he could easily keep
at bay with his stick. After witnessing this sport until it grew tame, and
just as the unfortunate captive began to rejoice in the hope that through his
skill and bravery his life was saved, two fierce bloodhounds rushed in, seized
.him by the throat, brought him to the ground, tore into shreds the flesh, and
devoured the entrails, assisted by the still yelping whelps. On the authority
of Oviedo, an eye-witness, this horrible scene was repeated seventeen times.
Pedrarias ordered the dead bodies to be left on the ground as a warning to
others, but soon the stench became insupportable, and the Indians were allowed
to remove them.16
Thus did the effort to open a transcontinental route by way of San Juan
not only fail, but it carried a host of evils with it, as we have seen.
Pedrarias was not content, however, to abandon to Panamd so fruitful a project
without another struggle, and since the strip of land between Leon and Caballos
was well
16 ‘ Los quales
eran del valle de Olocoton & de su comarca.’ Oviedo, iv. 100.
suited for a road, he prepared to open one. But orders came from the king
forbidding the work. The Isthmus was regarded as sufficient for present
traffic, and it was also feared that too many lives would be lost in
constructing the new road.
One of the objects of Pedrarias in connection with the undertaking was to
secure possession of the western territory wrested from Salcedo, and in this,
at any rate, he resolved not to be defeated. Estete was accordingly despatched
northward with a strong force, accompanied by Rojas. He was first to explore
the northern lakes to determine their outlet, and then to occupy the district
between Golfo Dulce and the South Sea, north of Fonseca Bay. This province,
known as Salvador, had already been conquered by Alvarado, the lieutenant of
Cortds; but Pedrarias knew that the settlers left in possession were not
numerous, and that the king would be more apt to favor the annexation of the
province to the adjoining small government of Nicaragua than to the distant and
too extensive New Spain. Besides, Honduras had claimed it, and that claim was
now his. Estete advanced into the heart of Salvador and occupied the town there
founded by Alvarado. Few as they were the settlers refused to recognize the
authority of the Nicaraguan governor, and his lieutenant retired to the town of
Perulapan, upon which he bestowed the high-sounding title of Ciudad de los
Caballeros, together with a batch of officials who were to aid him in the
congenial task of oppression and enslavement. His sway was not of long
duration, however, for Jorge de Alvarado, then in charge of the Guatemalan
government, receiving notice of the intrusion, came down upon his settlement
and compelled him to evacuate the province in hot haste, with the loss of half
his force, which deserted to the enemy.17
17 Despite his want of success, says Oviedo,
iv. 61, Estete received from Pedrarias another important command, to the
prejudice of another officer. The details of the expedition will be
given in connection with Salvador.
Pedrarias’ schemes for aggrandizement were ev dently not succeeding
according to his desire, and 1 grieved at the thought of the many heavy ducats
lo on this last expedition. It was the more deplorab in view of the failure to
direct through Nicaragi the transcontinental traffic, which would have yield*
so rich a harvest for himself. But above all hoverc a deeper grief than any of
these. Peru, with its gli tering wealth, was now dawning on the world, ar none
would have been more dazzled by the sight the Pedrarias, had not the agonizing
fact intruded itse that he had been tricked out of these very treasure or at
least a large share of them.
When the first expedition was organized for tb conquest by Pizarro,
Almagro, and Luque, Pedraria then governor at Panamd, had stipulated for a
fourl interest, in return for which he bestowed the weighl sum of his
patronage. But the opening events prov< to be less flattering than he had
expected, and wh< demands came for pecuniary aid toward the ente prise, he
shrank from the prospect, and allowed hir self to be bought off for the paltry
consideration < one thousand pesos de oro. Soon came glowing r ports,
however, and bitter were his denunciatio: of the folly which had permitted so
rich a prize escape him; and deep his feeling rankled against tl late partners,
whom he never ceased to suspect duplicity and of having beguiled him with
misrepr sentation.
While he was thus brooding, it happened that Ni olds de Ribera arrived in
Nicaragua, commissioned 1 the Peruvian conquerors to procure reinforcemen' He
sought in particular to win for this purpc Hernando de Soto, Hernan Ponce, and
Francis Companon, all men of means, who had two vessels the stocks, nearly
finished and available for the vc age. By revolving before their eyes, in
kaleidoscoj harmony, a few specimens of the Inca’s treasun illustrated by tales
no less alluring, he secured t
active sympathy not only of these men, but of a crowd of beggared
adherents.
Not least dazzled was Pedrarias. Indeed, he could not sleep for the
visions that crowded upon his brain. Finally the idea struck him that he might
here retrieve his folly by securing an interest in the vessels and
reinforcements, and obtain a fair proportion of that gold-enameled region,
perhaps the whole. Pizarro and Almagro had already prepared the way, and it
might even be his fortune to secure the results of their victories. In order to
lull the Peruvian emissaries he promised to do everything to aid Pizarro and
Luque; as for Almagro, he had been deceived by him, and deceit his confiding
nature could not endure. He thereupon entered secretly into negotiation with
the owners of the vessels, but overreached himself by demanding the lion’s
share in command as well as returns. Feeling himself in duty bound to spare
his own purse, he looked about for victims to furnish means, and bethought
himself of Ribera’s vessel. An alguacil was sent to seize it, but Ribera
received timely warning and escaped, after prevailing on Ponce, Soto, and their
adherents, to sail away to Panamd and there arrange with Pizarro for a liberal
share in the conquest, leaving behind the foiled Pedrarias.18
The governor’s mortification was increased by local troubles, as might be
expected from his arbitrary rule and irascible temper, which had now reached
octogenarian crabbedness. A most distasteful feature had been the arrival of
Alcalde Mayor Francisco de Castaneda, appointed by the king to take charge of
the judicial affairs of the province. This division of authority was
intolerable, and, on the prctence that disorders must result where different
persons cxercised judicial and gubernatorial powers, he urged his friends in
Spain to obtain for him the privilege to appoint and
18 Soto alone brought about 100 men to Peru.
Pizarro, Bel., in Col. Doc. Ined., v. 211-15; Herrera, dee. iv. lib. vi. cap.
iii.; Oriedo, iii. 119-20. This conquest will be spoken of in a later volume of
this history.
remove at pleasure alcaldes may ores and lieutenants^ Meanwhile he made
an effort to exercise this power, alleging the possession of a royal cedula
authorizing him to do so; but Castaneda, who was not so easily imposed upon,
challenged him to produce the document, and this not being done, he added to
his chagrin by ignoring him.
There was little likelihood of any arbitrary powers being conferred on
the governor, for complaints of abuses were fast pouring in against him, headed
by the influential ayuntamiento of Leon. A grave charge was peculation. When
Rodrigo del Castillo surrendered his office to the formally appointed
treasurer he took the opportunity to inform the king that large sums in gold
had been taken from the Indians by Cordoba. All this the governor had laid
hands upon without any accounting therefor to the crown. He had also managed to
appropriate the confiscated estate of C6rdoba, and to defraud a host of
others, besides perpetrating outrages and cruelties of every description.19
In the midst of the brewing troubles, in the year 1530,20 this
Timur of the Indies died at Leon, nearly ninety years of age. His body was
buried in the same church with his victim Hernandez de Cordoba, and his spirit
went to meet the spirit of Vasco Nunez, and the spirits of the hundreds of
thousands of slaughtered savages whose benighted souls he had sent on before.21
Not that he quailed at the thought. No; the faith of the pacificators in their
religion was
19 In 1527, as has been intimated, there was
an outcry for his removal, but with the aid of influential frien ds he managed
to retain his seat. Castillo states that one expedition alone, under C6rdoba,
had brought over 100,000 pesos de oro into Leon, none of which reached the
crown. After beheading Cordoba he had conjured up a partner for him, named
Tellez, into whose hands was placed the confiscated estate, so that it might
with better pretence be appropriated. Carta, in Pacheco
and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., xii. 84-6.
20 ‘ En fin de
Iulio. ’ Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.
21 Oviedo, iii. 172, attributes to Pedrarias
the release of two millions_ of souls from dusky bodies during a period of
sixteen years. ‘Ni han tenido m&s largas jomadas que caminar dos
millones de indios que desde el afio de mill £ quinientos y cator^e que lleg6
Pedrarias k la Tierra-Firme hasta qu6l muri6. ’ Two million
murders!
unbounded, a faith comforting beyond measure, for the performance of a
simple rite, at the close of an infamous life, launched the murderer of
countless multitudes at once into the joys of bliss.
A disposition so ready to find solace is to be envied, the more so since
it forms a redeeming feature. No man is, for that matter, wholly depraved, nor
are any faultless. In the worst there is much that is good; in the best much
evil. And the difference between the best and the worst is, in the eye of the
Creator, much less than in the eye of the creature. For a period of sixteen
years, during the most important epoch in the history of Darien, an irascible
old man, cruel and vindictive, plays a prominent part. His name is infamous,
and so it deserves to be. Some of his misdeeds may be attributed to inherent
wickedness, others to infirmities of temper; but many to peculiar conditions
incident to the colonization of a new country, and to the teachings of the
times. Spanish colonists of the sixteenth century, reared under the influences
of excessive loyalty, and suddenly withdrawn from the presence of their august
sovereign to distant parts, were like children for the first time freed from
the arbitrary rule of injudicious parents. While the safeguards of society
were removed, and free scope thus given to passion, there yet remained the
grossest superstition, the fruit of early teachings. That strange fanaticism
which blended avarice and deeds diabolical with exalted piety and the glory of
God, not only permitted but demanded blood and vengeance. Under the
circumstances, therefore, the wonder is, not that we find so much that is wicked
in these Spanish adventurers, but that men so taught and conditioned display
so many qualities noble and magnanimous. Farewell Pedrarias! Few there are who
came to these parts of whom so much of evil, so little of good, may be
truthfully said. And thou Death, almighty leveller! who by thy speedy
compensation hast brought this rusty, crusty old man, these several centuries,
and for all the centuries time shall tell, to be no better than Vasco
Nunez, than CtSrdoba, than the meanest of the multitude of savages he has
vilely slain, we praise thee I22
22Additional
authorities for the preceding two chapters are: Various documents in Col. Doc.
Inid., v. 209, 211-12, 215; also in Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., vii.
556-7; xii. 84-6; xiv. 54; xvi. 324; Squier’s MSS., iv. xx. 2-5, 11-43;
Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 164; Andagoya, Narr., 32-9; Chimal- pain, Hist. Conq.,
ii. 181; Navarrete, Col. de Viages, iii. 416-17; Las Casas, Hist. Apolog., MS.,
29; Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 54-9; Beaumont, Crdn. Mech., MS., 322-3; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 616; Belly, Nicaragua, i. 171-2.
MARCH OP ALVARADO TO
GUATEMALA.
1522-1524.
Rumors
in Mexico concerning the Country to the South-eastward— Pacification in that
Quarter—The Chiefs of Tehuantepec and Tututepec—At the Gate of
Guatemala—Summary of Aboriginal History—Allegiance and Revolt—Preparing of an
Expedition— Delayed by the Troubles at Panuco—A Second Army Organized— The
March—Subjugation of Soconusco—The Taking of Zapotitlan.
Some time before Olid
entered Honduras the attention of Alvarado was directed toward Guatemala.
Lying between Mexico and Nicaragua, this country was one of the first links in
Cortes’ chain of projected conquests; it was the foreground in the glowing
picture which rumor had painted of the regions to the south. Here were the
greatest of cities and the finest of palaces, maintained by a people as
numerous and cultured as any in Andhuac. A vast table-land, with an Italian
climate, made bright with meandering streams, studded with verdure-fringed
lakes, produced in abundance the choicest of products, while the mountains and
river-beds, in the ardent imagination of the conquerors, at least, were veined
with gold. Soft sensuous pearls were distributed by an equally lavish fancy
along the shore bathed by the southern sea.
On first touching the borders of New Spain vague stories had reached
Cortds to this effect, and while captive Montezuma still held sway at
Tenochtitlan he had sought further information. The reports poured into his
ears served only to magnify the mystery
[617]
and render the allurement irresistible. As soon, therefore, as the
contest with the empire was over he despatched two small parties southward, and
once again the drama of Vasco Nunez was performed, once more was discovered and
claimed the boundless ocean, emblem of infinity, incentive to ever greater
deeds, to ever grander discoveries, “ for within it,” writes Cortes to the
emperor, “must be found islands rich in gold and pearls, and precious stones
and spices, and many other secrets and wonderful things, as men of experience
and learning affirm.”1
There was more than speculation in this statement, for the explorers
returned with native envoys bearing gold and pearls and other specimens of
riches. Nor had they failed, in accordance with the Catholic doctrine of
appropriation, as I have intimated, to take possession of the new shores in the
royal name and to erect the cross, emblematic indeed of what the natives would
soon have to bear. With doubled impulse the conquerors now advanced along the
new route opened, and speedily the vast provinces of Michoacan and Oajaca were
overrun. About the same time Pilot Andres Nino had stretched the limit of
discovery by sea from the gulf of Nicoya to very near this parallel,2
disclosing to the world the vastness of the sea baptized with the blood of
Magellan, and by him endowed with a new name.
Native envoys were meanwhile entering into Mexico to lay homage and rich
gifts at the feet of the bearded white chief. Made happy in return with
Castilian trumpery and the gracious condescension of the demi-gods, they went
back to pour into the ears of their princcs the tales impressed upon them by
the strangers, of the power and grandeur of their king, and of the kindness and
vast benefits to be derived from a submissive alliance with them. Among the
first of the meek and friendly spirits to act upon
1 Cartas, 259.
2 See p. 493, this volume.
these reports was the lord of Tehuantepec. Less credulous was his
neighbor of Tututepec, who had great wealth, and by no means relished the idea
of throwing open his gates to rapacious invaders. He expostulated with his
neighbor, saying that the course meditated would be ruinous to them all. The
two chieftains had quarrelled before on a less momentous issue than the
present, and it was quite easy for them to quarrel now, and fight. If the silly
lord of Tehuantepec wished to throw away himself and all his belongings, it
were better they should fall into a neighbor’s hands than to strangers; so he
of Tutu- tepee attacked him and pressed him hard, until the ruler of
Tehuantepec called to Cortes for help.
In answer to this request Pedro de Alvarado was sent to his aid. Leaving
Mexico early in 1522, with a strong force, he swept southward like a whirlwind,
and within a few weeks entered the doomed capital of Tututepec, captured the
chieftain and his heir, and held them subject to heavy ransom. Nor was this
all. There were rich mines thereabout, so he was told; and at the sea, into
which he entered with brandished sword to take possession, his eyes feasted on
lustrous pearls. This sealed the fate of the ocean-bordered realms, and
permanent footholds were established, to serve as nuclei for radiating
conquest, and as retreats for booty-laden raiders. It was on this occasion that
Soconusco was peaceably occupied by the Spaniards.3 Still more
dazzling was the confirmation received of the wonderful kingdoms of the Quiches
and the Cakchiquels, hitherto invested by distance with the charm of mystery,
but now by proximity disclosing glimpses of no mean splendor. He found himself,
in fact, not far from the border, and guides being at hand, he resolved to send
two soldiers to investigate, with instructions to spy out the land and speak of
their king and their religion.
3 Cortis, Cartas, 289-90. But this state
of things did not last long. Ixtlil- xochitl includes Soeonusco in a list of
provinces which were in revolt in 1023. Horribles Craeldades, 65.
And thus are opened the portals of Guatemala,4 a region within
whose parallels centuries rocked the cradle of American civilization, now
disclosed bymonuments the most imposing of any on the continent. The history
of their origin is hidden in the remote past, of which only an occasional
glimpse is permitted the investigator. A mighty Maya empire looms forth under
the name of Xibalba, founded perhaps by "Votan, the culture-hero, and
centring round the famous Palenque. A golden age was followed by long struggles
with a growing power, which brought about its downfall toward the beginning of
our era. The Nahuas now rise into prominence, but some five centuries later
disaster falls also on them, and a general breaking-up ensues, leading to
mighty migrations and the formation of smaller independent nations, such as the
Toltecs,Chichimecs, and Quiches. After this even tradition ceases to speak,
save in alluding vaguely to a later foreign immigration. With this come also
certain Toltecs, who, after the downfall of their empire in the more northerly
An&huac, seek here an asylum where once again may bloom the culture that,
cradled in this very region, now returns with invigorating elements. Mingling
with the natives, they stir anew the progress paralyzed by civil wars, infuse
fresh spirit into tottering institutions, and, combining with the aboriginal
culture, develop the new era apparent in the art relics of this western
plateau.
A series of struggles soon ensues, out of which rises in the twelfth or
thirteenth century the Quiche empire. Subordinate tribes gradually acquire
sufficient strength, however, to cast off a yoke which has
'According to Fuentes
y Guzman, derived from Goctecmcdan—that is to say, Palo de leche, milk-tree,
commonly called Yerba mala, found in the neighborhood of Antigua Guatemala.
See also Juarros, Guat., ii. 257-8. In the Mexican tongue, if we may believe
Vazquez, it was called QuauMimali, ‘rotten tree.’ Chronica de Guat., 68. Others
derive it from Uhaiezmalha, signifying ‘ the hill which discharges waterand
Juarros suggests that it may be from Juitemal, the first king of Guatemala, by
a corruption, as Almolonga from Atmulunga, and Zonzonate from Zezontlatl. The
meaning of the word would then be ‘the kingdom of Guatemala.’ Guat., i. 4; ii
259-60.
grown burdensome, and foremost among the new nations figure the
Cakchiquels, who in the early part of the fifteenth century are dividing
domination with the Quiches. The Cakchiquels themselves divide soon after, the
northern and weaker branch forming the Zutugils, their respective capitals being
Patinamit and Atitlan. These, with their former masters, are the three rival
monarchies of Guatemala in the beginning of the sixteenth century. The Quiches,
who govern at Utatlan, nevertheless maintain a certain preeminence, both in
political standing and culture. There are, besides, a number of minor
independent peoples only too eager to stimulate enmity between the leading
powers, and to ally themselves with that which is likely to favor their own
interests. This condition of things, so favorable to foreign intrigue, has not
escaped the attention of the ambitious Aztecs, who are already masters of the
Soconusco border province. Their agents are in fact scattered throughout the
country, laying plans for further conquests, when the Spaniards step in to lay
their iron hand upon the country, which here as in other parts they find too
well prepared for them by ambition and misrule.
Nor do we fail to find foreshadowed here, as elsewhere upon the pages of
history, the momentous event. There were startling occurrences, such as conflagrations
and locust ravages; there was a ball of fire, which for many evenings rose in
the east and followed the path of the sun; and there were other like omens.
When the troubled priests went to seek an explanation from the oracular black
stone at Cahbaha, their awe was increased by finding it broken in twain. In
1520 cholera swept the Cakchiquel country, followed in 1521 by the small-pox,
which, after desolating Mexico, fell upon these southern provinces and carried
off half the population, including the two kings and the flower of the
nobility, leaving gaunt famine in its trail by way of remembrance. Amid such
presages it was that the news came of the achievements of the
white men in Montezuma’s realms, of their wonderful war enginery and
invincible prowess. Less awed by these reports, the Quiches, who had probably
suffered less from epidemics, prepared to resist the prospective invasion with
the same determination that they had formerly shown against the Aztecs; but the
Cakchiquels were more broken in power and spirit, and more inclined to welcome
the new-comers, particularly since the Quiches were again becoming dangerous.6
Thus stood affairs when the two messengers of Alvarado appeared at
Patinamit. On their arrival at the capital they were peaceably received. When
admitted into the presence of King Belehe Qat6 they were asked if
they had been sent by Malinche,7 and whether they had come on great
sea monsters similar to those that had been seen off the coast the year before,8
and whether they were accustomed to tell the truth; whereupon they made answer
that they had come from the emperor of the world, and from his invincible
captain, who, though no god,9 had found his way hither to show them
the path to paradise. Their journey had been by land, they said, and they would
by no means lie, their truthfulness being as unvarying as the polar star. Then
one of them10 drew an enormous carac with six masts, and, Peter
Martyr adds, as many decks, which was indeed a fair specimen of Spanish
veracity. The Indian nobles gazed in wonder
6 See
Native Races, v., passim.
6 There were two royal families among the
Cakchiquels. The succession alternated between them. The king’s title was
Ahpozotzil, while that of the heir of the other branch was Ahpoxahil. The
eldest sons of these had respectively the titles of Ahpop Qamahay and Galel
Xahil. Native Races, ii. 640.
7 This Mexican name of Cortes was already
known to the natives from sea to sea, and from the far north to the far south;
in fact, to them it was almost his only name.
8 Gomara surmises that the ships of Andres
Nifio were referred to, Hist. Ind., 266, while Peter Martyr believes them to
have been those of Gil Gonzalez, seen off the coast of Yucatan.
9 ‘ El qual
pregun to, si eran de Malinxe,.. Dios caydo del cielo. ’ Gomara, Hist. Ind.,
266.
la A carver
in wood, and no ordinary pilot, Peter Martyr says, dec. viii. , cap. v., while
Gomara’s words are, 1 Treuino, y era carpintero de naos. ’ Hist.
Ind., 266.
at the enormous vessel, with its sails, and spars, and countless ropes,
and thought it must indeed be a true representation, since there were so many
adjuncts.
At length the king spoke. “ How is it that the Spaniards are so
invincible, being no larger than other men ?” “ In the God of heaven our
strength lies!” came the answer; “ He whose holy law we proclaim, he gives us
victories, lending us courage sharp like iron, and intelligence powerful like
caged thunder, and beasts withal, which are in themselves a host.” And the
diplomatic Apelles drew a colossal horse, of fierce aspect, mounted by a man.
The spectators were awe- stricken. Right willingly now would the king enter
into an alliance with these wonderful beings. He would supply them with fifty
thousand warriors if they would overthrow the neighboring foes who were
devastating his land. Alas! for ready friendship, the humble offer of
vassalage, and open hand; peaceful policy or bold defiance alike led to the
oppressor’s yoke. The embassadors were dismissed, promising to report the ruler’s
wishes to their commander, and gayly they went their way, accompanied by five
thousand slaves, laden with the products and manufactures of the land, with
cacao, maize, and poultry, besides raiment, and vases, and jewelry to the value
of twenty thousand pesos de oro.11
On receiving this earnest of advantage Alvarado hastened back to impart
the news to his chicf and to assist him in plans for conquest. It was
determined to advance at once by sea and land. A force of forty Spaniards,
mostly carpenters and seamen, was despatched to Zacatula, on the Pacific
coast, to engage in ship-building, as an aid to proposed conquest and
colonization. We find, moreover, that during this
11 One of the messengers sought to
appropriate to himself a quantity of the gold, while his comrade, disapproving,
first admonished him, then held his peace, dissembling, and accused him to
Cortes of theft. The culprit was convicted, publicly flogged, and banished from
New Spain. Peter martyr, dec. viii. cap. v, ‘ Esta fue la primera
entrada, y noticia de Quauhtemallan.’ Gomara, Hist. lnd.y
267.
same year, 1522, two Spanish envoys, with certain natives of Mexico and
of the province of Soconusco, were sent to XJtatlan and Guatemala,12
and on their return they met Cortds at Tuxpan,13 on his way back
from Pdnuco, where he had been engaged in pacification. About one hundred14
embassadors accompanied these messengers, sent by the rulers of those cities
to tender friendship and service to the king of Spain. Nothing could be more
courteous and dignified than the bearing of Cortes while accepting this
allegiance, as he terms it, and the costly offerings of gold ware, rare plumes,
and feathered tapestry brought by the Indian envoys; and again were produced
and presented with imposing mien the gewgaws of Spain. Especial favor and kind
treatment, the embassadors were assured, should be extended to these princes
and their subjects, inasmuch as this tender of friendship was voluntary and in
good faith. An appropriate display of warlike power was made before the
visitors, who were then dismissed.15
About the beginning of 1523, however, rumors reached Cortes that these
allies were scarcely to be relied on, and that the settlers in Soconusco were
12Cort6s, Cartas, 289; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 267; Vazquez, Chronica
de Gvat., 4; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 2-3. Gomara erroneously gives
1523 as the year of this embassy, as well as Alvarado’s expedition to
Tututepec.
13 Or Tuzapan, on the coast of Vera Cruz,
some leagues south of Tampico.
14 Gomara says 200 men, to ratify the treaty
of peace with a reasonable present. Ilist. Ind., 266-67. Remesal states that
the embassadors from Guatemala found Cortes at the port of Villa Rica [Vera
Cruz] in high good humor, having received the news of his appointment as
governor and captain- general of New Spain. Hist. Chyapa, 3.
15 Vazquez makes no mention of embassadors
from the lord of Utatlan; on the contrary, he states that the king of the
Cakehiquel nation had invested with independent sovereignty over a portion of
his kingdom his brother Ahpoxahil, who held his court at Teepanatitan
[Tzolola]; and that these two rulers, without informing the neighboring lords
of their intention, conjointly sent embassadors to Cortes, with offers of peace
and submission. Chronica de Gvat., 68. Brasseur de Bourbourg takes this view,
and states that when the secret alliance became known the indignation was
general. A confederation for the destruction of the Cakchiquels was formed, and
a struggle of fearful bloodiness had been carried on for some months when the
confederates received the news that the Tonatiuh was advancing through
Soconusco against them. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 630. But
Cortes distinctly states that he both sent messengers to Utatlan and received
envoys from that city. Cartas, 2S9. See also Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap.
viii.; Bernal Diaz, Hist.Verdad., 174.
molested by inroads from the southern provinces.1® Although
the truth of the reports was doubtful, Cortes deemed it not adverse to his
interests to regard them as true, for there were advantages in the conquest of
rich provinces which peaceful possession could not give.17
The subjugation of the districts being thus resolved on, naturally the
leadership fell to Alvarado, who had already taken some steps in that
direction, as we have seen. He had probably stronger claims upon Cortes than
any captain in the Mexican conquest, having shared with him, as second in
command, many desperate battles and many brilliant triumphs. Perhaps more so
than with any of the others, his character was apparent on the surface:
reckless, impetuous, merciless, lacking in veracity if not in common honesty,
he was still zealous and courageous; and with his native dexterity, and past
experiences under Grijalva and Cortes, he may now be called an able commander.
If less staid and regular than Olid, his loyalty was regarded as above
suspicion. At all events, the general could not himself undertake the work, and
the best proxy was this captain.18
Preparations were begun early in 1523. A force was quickly organized, but
operations were diverted by the inopportune arrival at Panuco of the adelantado
Francisco de Garay, who endeavored to supplant Cortes in that quarter. Alvarado
was therefore despatched against the interloper, and it was not until the Gth
of December that the expedition set out for Guatemala. It was a gallant array,
as finally formed, the very flower of New Spain chivalry, one hundred
16 Gomara states that at the time of their
overtures to Cortte the Guatemalans were at war with Soconusco, and now,
encouraged by their alliancc, pressed hostilities with increased vigor. Hist.
Ind., 2G7. Ixtlilxochitl claims that in 1523 the Mexican princes Ixtlilxochitl
and Quaulitemoctzin learned that the provinces of the south coast, among which
he includes Soconusco, had risen against those who were friendly to the
Christians, and they straightway informed Cortes. Horrible* Cru< blade*, 65-6.
17 ‘ Y porque ya
yo tenia mucha costa hecha.. .y porque dello tengo creido que Dios nucstro
Seiior y V. S M han de ser muy servidos. ’ Cartas, 304.
18 For more concerning his character see
Hist. Mex., i. 73-5, this series.
Hist. Cen. Am., Vol. I. 40
and twenty horsemen, three hundred infantry, of whom one hundred and
thirty were cross-bowmen and arquebusiers, and over twenty thousand picked
native warriors.19 Spiritual guides were present in the persons of
two friars and two army chaplains.20 And it
19 Cort6s, Cartas, 304. With regard to both
date and number authorities differ. Bernal Diaz assigns December 13th as the
day of departure; Ixtlil- xochitl, December 8th. Horribles Crueldades, 71;
Fuentes, Noyeniber 19th, and Vazquez, November 13th. Vazquez states that this
last is the date given in the original manuscript of Bernal Diaz, though the
printed copy gives December 13th. Chronica de Gvat., 523. The number of forces
at the second mustering is stated by Cortes to have heen 120 horsemen, with 40
spare animals, and 300 foot-soldiers, of whom 130 were cross-bowmcn and
arquebusiers. There were also several persons of high rank from Mexico and the
neighboring cities with the native troops; but the latter were not numerous, on
account of the distance of the proposed scene of action. A park of four pieces
of artillery completed tbe equipment. Oviedo follows Cortes. Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 174, gives the number of arquehusiers and cross-howmen as 120,
and that of the horsemen 135, with above 200 Tlascaltecs and Cholultecs,
hesidcs 100 picked Mexicans. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii., assigns 300
Spaniards, 100 of whom were arquebusiers, with 160 horses. Vazquez, Chronica de
Gvat., 4, says the force consisted of 300 Spaniards with Tlascaltec, Mcxican,
and Cholultec allies. Without making any mention of the guns, which the above
authorities do not omit, Fuentes says the force was composed of 750 homhres de
calidad, as follows: 300 foot-soldiers, arquebusiers, and cross-bow - men, 135
horsemen, and four guns under the artilleryman Usagre, written in Bernal Diaz
as Viagre; hut 750 must be an error, since the artillerymen would thus number
315; 450 is probahly the intended number. To these were added 200 Tlascaltec
and Cholultec bowmen, and 100 pickcd Mexicans. This author, moreover, gives a
list of the names of nearly 200 conquistadores. Recordation Florida, MS., 25-7.
Gomara has 420 Spaniards, with 170 horses, four pieces of artillery, a great
quantity of stores, and a large numher of Mexican troops.
‘ Mucha gente Mexicana. ’ Hist. Ind., 267. Brasseur de Bourbourg
gives the forces as 300 foot-soldiers, 120 of whom were arquebusiers or
cross-howmen, 135 horsemen, with four pieces of artillery, 200 warriors of
Tlascala and Cholula, 10,000 each of Mcxico and Acolhuacan, besides » large
number of porters and carriers. Hist. Nat. Civ., 632. This last author is supported
by Ixtlilxoehitl, who states that Ixtlilxoehitl and Quauhtemoctzin supplied
Cortes each with 10,000 warriors, under the command of able captains.
Horribles Crueldacles, 65-6. And with regard to the native contingent troops,
we have additional evidence that they were far more numerous than Cortes chose
to represent them to the Spanish monarch. The Xochimilco Indians, whose city
lay five leagues from Mexico, sent in a petition for redress of grievances,
dated 2d May, 1563, in wbich they claim to have furnished Alvarado, their
encomendero, with 2500 warriors for the conquest of Honduras and Guatemala.
Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 298—i. By royal edict the employment of
natives heyond their own borders had been forbidden; hence, to diminish the
magnitude of the disobedience, the number was diminished.
20 The former were Franciscans, named Juan
de Torres and Francisco Martinez de Pontaza, according to Vazquez, Chronica de
Gvat., 524. This writer enters into a long argument to prove that Bartolome de
Olmedo, of the order of Nuestra Senora de la Merced, could not have accompanied
the expedition, as stated by Bernal Diaz, Ilist. Verdad., 174. Vazquez, with
tbe aid of two other friars, compared the original manuscript of Bernal Diaz
with the printed work published in 1632, and found the last mention of Olmedo
was a proud moment for Alvarado as lie marched out of the Mexican capital
the chief commander of that brilliant company, the panoplies of the cavalry
glittering high above the flashing helmets of the infantry, while the long
sombre line of swarthy allies was broken here and there by the colored insignia
and gaudy plumes of some great chieftain. For a little way Cortes himself rode
beside his subordinate and friend, reiterating his instructions, charging him
specially to render punctually his report, and such a one as would be
acceptable to his majesty. Nor was the parting devoid of pleasure, for one
would be rid of sometimes unpleasant interference in affairs at the capital,
while the other would be independent of any superior.21
It was about the middle of the dry season; and the time of year, the
weather, and the condition of the roads all were favorable, so that the
southward march promised to be an easy one. After turning aside to quell an
insurrection in the mountains of Tehuantepec22 Alvarado continued
his course, and on the 12th of January, 1524, wrote to Cortes from Tc-
huantepec city, where he had been received in all friendship and with
reiterated expressions of allegiance. He then entered the province of
Soconusco, upon whose people the Spanish yoke seemed to rest a little heavy.
The shadows which flit behind substantial record in Soconusco’s history
represent the people as indein the manuscript to be in chapter clvii. He had a
suspicion that the passages in later chapters where Olmedo’s connection with
the expedition i3 mentioned may be interpolations by the Friar Alonso Remon, w
ho was of the same order as Olmedo, and who first published the II:
toria Verdadera. The two clergymen were Juan Godinez, Remesai, Hist. C/tyapa,
4, and Juan Diaz, Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 128.
21 Remesai, Hist. Chyapa, 3. This authority
also states that Cortes conferred on Alvarado the title of lieutenant-governor
and eaptain-general. Cortes, in his letter to the king, expresses great
confidence in tho expedition, and regrets that inopportune circumstances in
conncction with the fleets had retarded the discovery of many secrets, and the
collection of gold and pearls for the royal treasury. Cartas, 305.
22 In some rocky fastnesses, petioles,
called the Pcfioles de Guelamo, being in the encomienda of a soldier of that
name. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174; Fuentes, Conq. Guat., MS., 1.
pendent for ages and in the usual state of ehronie warfare with their
neighbors,23 by reason whereof they beeame so weakened as to fall
under the sway of the Olmecs, who oppressed them almost beyond enduranee.
Numbers indeed abandoned their homes, leaving many traets nearly depopulated.
Under Aztee domination, however, they regained somewhat their strength, and
when the Europeans came the distriet was quite populous and advaneed in
civilization. And now, when the purposes of the Spaniards were made known to
them, they turned and joined the nations of Guatemala confederated for resistance.
At no great distanee from the Tehuantepee border Alvarado first
eneountered serious opposition, and before the Guatemalan border was reaehed
many patriots had been punished and many freemen made slaves. The subjugation
of the Soeonuseans was decided by a pitehed battle at Tonald, a town of fifty
thousand inhabitants,24 where a large army under a Quiche prinee was
defeated.25 At the border of Guatemala proper the army entered,
early in February, the dense forests of Zapotitlan,213 now Costa
Cuca and Costa Grande. For three days they marched in the shadow of lofty
evergreens, through uninhabited wilds, skirt
23
Larrainzar finds no difficulty in looking beyond the myths to a time when this
people was included in the Chiapanec nation. Ilist. tioconitMco, 7.
Bernal Diaz assumes
that the province contained only 15,000 families, estimated by Fuentes to
represent a population of 60,000 inhabitants. Ilist. Verdad., 174.
2iPelaez,
Mem. Guat., i. 45; Gomara, Hist. 31 ex., 229; Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 4;
Herrera, dcc. iii. lib. v. eap. viii. Bernal Diaz, followed by Fuentcs, states
that in Soconusco Alvarado was peaeeably received, and that the natives
presented offerings of gold. Ilist. Verdad., 174. This idea may have arisen
from the faet that some towns did submit without activc opposition, as
recorded or implied by Gomara and Herrera., Remesal says that Alvarado passed
on like a thunderbolt, conquering by force of arras and cx- citing great terror
by reason of the carnage at Soconuseo. That the destruction was great is
evident from the ruins to be seen at the entranee into Guatemala, in the
locality called the Sacrificadero. Hist. Chyapa, 3. Brasseur de Bour- bourg
affirms that Alvarado, as he passed through this district, founded a Spanish
colony at Iiuehuctan, whieh was long the capital of the territory after the
destruction of the eity of Soeonuseo. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 633-4. This could
have been only a eonecntration of the already resident Spaniards, for Alvarado
would scarcely have left behind him, at this juncture, many of his own men.
2G Fuentes
and Guzman, MS., 2, give the later name of Zapotitlan as Suchitcpcquc, which
signifies Hill of Flowers.
ing pestiferous swamps or plunging into snake-infested canebrakes; now
hacking their way through thickets, now fording high-banked streams or scaling
rugged hill-sides, while painted macaws sereamed at them, and poisonous insects
left their sting. Amidst the eustomary prayings and eursings they struggled forward,
and finally emerged from the forest and entered cultivated lands. •
Messengers had been sent forward summoning the provinees in due form to
allegiance. And now were eaptured three natives, believed to be spies from the
eity of Zapotitlan,27 who were despatched with a seeond requirement,
to whieh there was no reponse. The Spaniards then advanced along a broad open
27 Plaee of
zapotes, » plum-like fruit abounding in the neighborhood. NitUa, Mem.
ZapolMayi, MS., 7-8. Its ancient name was Xetulul. It is now abandoned, and the
inhabitants are dispersed among the neighboring villages. Brasaeur dc
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 635.
highway, and soon after entered a narrower road, which they found
barricaded; whereupon they pitched camp in an open plain near by. On a height
beyond a deep ravine, through which flowed a river,28 stood the
city, bathed in the bright rays of the setting sun, like a beautiful maiden
arrayed for the sacrifice. Between the plain and the city the ground was
thickly covered with plantations of cacao, which would materially impede the
action of cavalry.
The Spaniards had not long to wait attack. In the dusk of evening a small
band sprang from cover and slew a number of the allies. The cavalry were
thereupon ordered to sweep the plain. They came upon a large force, and a
skirmish ensued in which some of the horses were injured. Alvarado’s blood was now
up, and he ordered an immediate march on the city. No serious opposition was
encountered until the army came to the ravine, spanned by a narrow, rudely
built wooden bridge, the crossing of which was fiercely contested by a large
body of warriors. The artillery was accordingly brought into action and did
efficient service. The doomed natives fought well, rallying again and again
under the frightful havoc of the guns, until a great breastwork was formed of
their slain. At length the cavalry, under cover of a heavy fire, succeeded in
forcing a way across the stream and began to climb the height to a bench
overlooking the ravine. The infantry followed. The passage was made in the
midst of the fiercest attacks; but Alvarado protected his rear with consummate
skill, and soon he had the satisfaction of drawing up his troops on the open
ground above, safe from molestation. In the streets of the city, which the army
now entered, the natives made another desperate effort to save themselves; but
without avail. Those terrible guns! those terrible horses! that life-compelling
steel, falling
25 The Zamald, bearing at its source the
name Seguild, and lower that of Oliiitepee. Near the village of this latter
name it is joined by the Tziha, from which junction down to the sea it is
called the ZamalA. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 635.
with a force and precision worthy the death-dealing enginery of the godsl
For half a league beyond the town the allies were permitted to pursue and slay,
after which the victors took up their quarters in the abandoned market-place,
where for two days they rested and reconnoitred.29
25) The loss
to the natives was of course severe. Of the Spaniards two only were killed, but
many were wounded. The allies were greater sufferers, and a number of the
horses were badly injured. See further A Ivarado, Relacion, in Barcia, Hist.
Prim.,i. lo7—S; Oviedo, iii. 475-6; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174; Salazar,
Conq. Mex., 125-6; Ixtlilxochitl, Horribles Crueldadesf 66;
Fuentes y Gvzman, Recordation Florida, MS. 2; Juairos, GucUii. 250.
CONQUEST OF GUATEMALA
BEGUN.
February-
March, 1524.
Overtures
of Kicab Tanub to the Lords of the Zutugils and Cakchiquels—Death of the
Quiche King—Tecum Umam his Successor— Gathers a Great Army—Intrenches Himself at
Zacaha—Passage of Palahunoh by the Spaniards—A Skirmish—A Bloody Engagement—Quezaltenango
Established—The Army Advances on Xelahuh—The City Deserted—Battle of
Xelahuh—Tecum Umam Slain—Forcible Proselyting.
As we may well imagine, the presence of the conquering army created a
profound sensation throughout the whole Quiche dominion. They were a warlike
people, rulers and subjects, and proud withal. It is stated that while Alvarado
was yet in Soconusco, Kicab Tanub, king of Utatlan, had endeavored to bring the
lord of the Zutugils and the lord of the Cakchiquels into a combination which
he was forming for purposes of defence against the approaching army. But they
haughtily declined the overtures; one because the Quiche king had secretly
aided a rebellious vassal of his, and the other because he felt sufficiently
powerful to defend his gates against all comers. The ruler of the Cakchiquels,1
indeed, declared openly for the Spaniards, while the king of the Zutugils was
so insulting in his rejection of the proposed confederation that King Kicab
Tanub was deeply humiliated. His chagrin, added to the anxie-
1 With whom the king of the Quiches was
actually at war, and who with sneers and insults affirmed that without aid he
could defend his kingdom against a greater army than that which the strangers
were bringing against the Quiches. Juarros, Chiat., ii. 247.
ties attending preparations for defence, brought on a fever, from which
he died in a few days. He was succeeded by bis son, Tecum Umam.
Meanwhile all the forces of the kingdom were placed under arms, and a
general muster of allies and tributaries was appointed to be held at
Totonicapan. Thither marched Teeum Umam at the head of sixty thousand warriors,
and he was soon joined by a still larger force. With this army he occupied the
tableland on which stood the strong eity of Xelahuh,2 and which
overlooked the ravines of the Tziha and the Olintepec. Ten lords governed this
city, and with all their armies brilliantly equipped they went to the
assistance of the Quiche monareh. Never since the days of the great Kicab3
had there been seen on the Central American plateau a military display so imposing.
Redoubtable warriors were there, made fierce of aspect by the skins of wild
beasts, the lion, the jaguar, and the bear, and a vast array of fighting men,
two hundred thousand and more/ while conspicuous above them all in military
splendor was the Quiche king and the royal retinue. On one side of the elevated
plain was Zacaha, a line of fortifieations commanding the defile through tlic
mountains by which the invading army had to enter. The plaee was now
strengthened by throwing up round many of the hills stone walls, along the
sides of which a ditch was carried, set with poisonous stakes. A num-
2 That is to say, ‘ Under
the government of Ten. ’ The city was ruled by ten lords, each having under him
a xhjuipi/, or 8000 dwellings. Fuentes estimated that this city contained
300,000 inhabitants. So strongly was it fortified that it had never been
takeu, though attempts had often been made. Juarros, Guat., ii. 240.
8 The most powerful of the Quichd
monarchs, said to have reigned about the time of Julius Caesar. For list of
Quicli6 kings see Native Races, v. 56G.
4 Juarros states that Tecum Umam set out
with 7-,000 fighting men. At Chemequena, now Totonicapan, the number was
increased to 00,000 by the forces of eight fortified places and eighteen towns;
ou the plains of Xelahuh ten lords joined him with 24,000 men, and 40,000
arrived from other quarters, so that in all his army amounted to 232,003
warriors. Juarros, Hunt., ii. 248. Vazquez affirms that these forees came from
more than 100 populous towns, which owed allegiance to the Quiche monareh, and
that no aid was given by the Cakchiquels or Zutugils. Chronica de Gvat., 5.
CONQUEST OP GUATEMALA
BEGUN.
February-
March, 1524.
Overtttr.es
of Kicab Tanub to the Lords of the Zutugils and Cakchiquels—Death of the
Quiche King—Tecum Umam his Successor— Gathers a Great Army—Intrenches Himself
at Zacaha—Passage of Palahunoh by the Spaniards—A Skirmish—A Bloody Engagement—Quezaltenango
Established—-The Army Advances on Xelahuh—The City Deserted—Battle of
Xelahuh—Tecum Umam Slain—Forcible Proselyting.
As we may well imagine, the presence of the conquering army created a
profound sensation throughout the whole Quiche dominion. They were a warlike
people, rulers and subjects, and proud withal. It is stated that while Alvarado
was yet in Soconusco, Kicab Tanub, king of Utatlan, had endeavored to bring the
lord of the Zutugils and the lord of the Cakchiquels into a combination which
he was forming for purposes of defence against the approaching army. But they
haughtily dechned the overtures; one because the Quiche king had secretly
aided a rebellious vassal of his, and the other because he felt sufficiently
powerful to defend his gates against all comers. The ruler of the Cakchiquels,1
indeed, declared openly for the Spaniards, while the king of the Zutugils was
so insulting in his rejection of the proposed confederation that King Kicab
Tanub was deeply humiliated. His chagrin, added to the anxie-
1 With whom the king of the Quiches was
actually at war, and who with sneers and insults affirmed that without aid he
could defend his kingdom against a greater army than that which the strangers
were bringing against the Quiches. Juarros, Gnat., ii. 247.
ties attending preparations for defence, brought on a fever, from which
he died in a few days. He was succeeded by his son, Tecum Umam.
Meanwhile all the forces of the kingdom were placed under arms, and a
general muster of allies and tributaries was appointed to be held at
Totonicapan. Thither marched Tecum Umam at the head of sixty thousand warriors,
and he was soon joined by a still larger force. With this army he occupied the
tableland on which stood the strong city of Xelahuh,2 and which
overlooked the ravines of the Tziha and the Olintepec. Ten lords governed this
city, and with all their armies brilliantly equipped they went to the
assistance of the Quiche monarch. Never since the days of the great Kicab3
had there been seen on the Central American plateau a military display so imposing.
Redoubtable warriors were there, made fierce of aspect by the skins of wild
beasts, the lion, the jaguar, and the bear, and a vast array of fighting men,
two hundred thousand and more,4 while conspicuous above them all in
military splendor was the Quichd king and the royal retinue. On one side of the
elevated plain was Zacaha, a line of fortifications commanding the defile
through the mountains by which the invading army had to enter. The place was
now strengthened by throwing up round many of the hills stone walls, along the
sides of which a ditch was carried, set with poisonous stakes. A num-
2 That is to say, ‘ Under the government
of Ten. ’ The city was ruled by ten lords, each having under him a xiquipil, or
8000 dwellings. Fucntes estimated that this city contained 300,000
inhabitants. So strongly was it furti- fied that it had never been taken,
though attempts had often been made. Juarros, Guai., ii. 240.
3 The most powerful of the QuichiS
monarchs, said to have reigned about the time of Julius Cmsar. For list of
Quichd king3 see Native Races, v. CGo.
4 Juarros states that Tecum Umam set out
with 7-,000 fighting men. At Chemequena, now Totonicapan, the number was
increased to 90,000 by the forces of eight fortified places and eighteen towns;
on tlie plains of Xelahuh ten lords joined him with 24,000 men, and 40,000
arrived from other quarters, so that in all his army amounted to 232,000 warriors.
Juarros, (hint., ii. 248. Vazquez affirms that these forces came from more than
100 populous townB, which owed allegiance to the Quichd monarch, and that no
aid was given by the Cakchiquels or Zutugils. Chronica de Gvat., 5.
ber of military machines were constructed, such as towers on wheels, and
catapults for hurling missiles, which would have done honor to the man-killing
profession of any European nation of that day. There King Tecum Umam
intrenched himself and awaited the incoming army.
And to this inland plateau, in the very heart of the Quiche country,
Alvarado was now with difficulty making his way through a narrow gorge of the
sierra, leaving the people of Zapotitlan quite subdued. After crossing two
rapid rivers a steep ascent six leagues in length was begun, leading to
Palahunoh, as the pass was called. It was indeed a rugged way, more in the
nature of a height to be scaled than an opening in a chain of mountains. So
severe were the struggles with nature and Satan, to whom these soldiers of the
cross ascribed most ills, that their former troubles seemed to them as pastime
now. The place was so steep and rough that it was with the utmost difficulty
the horses, plunging and struggling, could make their way up. It was impossible
to accomplish the whole distance in one day, and the panting and foot-sore
army, too exhausted to proceed farther/ was ordered to encamp when half the
ascent had been made. The next day through similar efforts they reached the
summit, where a woman and a dog were found sacrificed, in token of defiance and
challenge to war, as the interpreters explained.
During the descent to the plain, at no great distance, in a narrow part
of the pass, a strong breast
5 Vazquez describes both the natural
difficulties and the artificial defences of this pass as offering the greatest
obstacles to the invaders. The gorge had been protected by palisades and
ditches, and only by the most indefatigable exertions, now destroying trenches
and stone barricades, now climbing rugged steeps by help of feet and hands,
were the Spaniards able to reach the plain above. Moreover, the devil was at
hand to help his own, and he wrought against the good Spaniards by means of
diabolical transformations in lightning and whirlwinds, and otherwise
convulsed elements; and by fearful apparitions and transformations into wild
beasts. Chronica de Gvat., 5. This, from Fray Francisco’s description, will
enable the reader to form some opinion of the religio-historical narration
representing this achievement.
work of undefended palisades was discovered, quite incomprehensible to
the Spaniards, as a few men properly disposed could have held the place against
any invading army.
The nature of the ground was still so unfavorable for cavalry that
Alvarado sent forward the infantry, and presently the enemy was encountered. A
body of three or four thousand fell upon the allies and threw them into
confusion. The cross-bowmen, however, came to their support, and soon the
entire infantry were engaged in the contest, which was carried on along the
hill-tops and down the slopes until the ravine of Olintepec River was reached.
There the Spaniards were drawn into an ambuscade, formed by over six thousand
warriors from Utatlan, from whom they received some wounds.6 The
troops were soon collected on the other side of the ravine, however; but none
too soon, for presently was seen advancing with bold front a detachment of the
grand army, thirty thousand strong, as if to annihilate them at 'one blow.
Fortunately the ground here was level and favorable for the cavalry. The horses
being greatly fatigued, Alvarado determined to wait till the last moment before
charging. After permitting the enemy to amuse themselves with the allies during
a brief breathing space, their confidence momentarily increasing, the commander
at length gave the order to the impatient horsemen, who swept forward instantly
like an avalanche, and as if the hills indeed had fallen on them the affrighted
Quiches scattered. Mad Ajax among the defenceless sheep took not more lives
than did each Spaniard on that day. Like sheep the poor natives scattered, and
like sheep they were pursued and slaughtered.7
A league farther brought the thirsty troops to some
6 Bernal Diaz states that the Spaniards
had three men and two horses wounded in this struggle. Puentes say? six men and
two horses were wounded. Fuentea y Gutman, Recordation Florida, MS., 3.
7 Alvarado,
Relation, in Barcia, i. 158; Oviedo, iii. 476; Bernal Dim, Hist. Verdad., 174;
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 229.
springs, but the period of refreshment was short. At hand was a yet more
formidable native force, led by Prinee Ahzumanche, one of the highest among the
relatives and officers of the king.
The engagement whieh followed was exeeptionably bloody. The Quiehes
approaehed over the extensive plains, and when they had arrived at a position
favorable for the Spaniards to make the attaek the horsemen charged upon
them. But the Quiehes were better on their guard than before. Reeovered from
their panic, and animated by the example of their leader, they displayed
greater bravery this time, standing the shock unflinchingly,8
fighting foot to foot, or banded two and three together, endeavoring by their
own strength to overthrow the horses, seizing them by mane and tail, and trying
to pull them down, and laying hold of the riders to unhorse them. The Spaniards
were indeed closely beset, and for a time it seemed by no means certain that
vietory would finally deelare for them. But what naked power eould, long
withstand the steady fire of arquebuse and eross- bow, the steady fall of
sword-blow and lanee-thrust!
Relaxing their efforts for a moment, the natives were charged by the
eavalry with deadly result, and were trampled under foot by hundreds, and
speedily routed. For a league they were followed wTith great havoe,
till they took refuge in a stronghold of the sierra. By pretending flight,
however, Alvarado drew them from their position to the open plain, and then
wheeled and fell upon them. The earnage for a time was dreadful; the ground was
covered with the mangled bodies of the dead and dying, and the waters of the
Olintepee ran crimson with blood. And heneeforth the stream was ealled
Xequiqel, that is to say, River of Blood.9 '
8 ‘I aqui
hicimos otro alcance mui grande, donde hallamos Gente, que esperaba vno de
ellos k dos de Caballo.3 Alvarado, Relation, in Barcia, i. 158. See also
for a description of this engagement, Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ix.
9 * La mucha
sangre de Indios que avia corrido en Rios en Xequikel (que por esso se llam6
assi).’ Vazquez,
Chronica de Gvat., 524. ‘ Xequigel, que quiere
Among the fallen was Prince Ahzumanche, and a number of the nobility and
chiefs. The contest being over, the army encamped for the night at the springs
before mentioned. The loss to the Spaniards, as usual, was insignificant.10
Let us pause for a moment to review the position of the invaders. They
had surmounted with irresistible progress the coast range, had crossed the
summit, fought their way down the corresponding slopes, and were within a
league of Xelahuh, the great stronghold of the Quiches, on their western
confines. All the defences to it had been won, the Zacaha fortifications had
been carried, passive nature’s majestic guardianship had been overcome, and
human opposition had proved futile. Far behind them stood the deadly forest
through which they had struggled; over the golden-edged hills, the rugged steep
by which they had made their way hither. Around them now were open pine woods,11
and at their feet the wide cultivated plains of the table-lands on which the
sun shed its uninterrupted rays. Dotted with towns and particolored with
maize-fields and orchards, silver-threaded by streams, the landscape displayed
before the Spaniards the picture of a paradise. And this beautiful realm now
lay helpless in the conqueror’s grasp, its very air12 becoming
traitorous by refreshing and in-
decir rio de sangre.’ Juarros, Ouat., ii. 250. This last
author states that from the river Zamald to the Olintepec six battles were
fought, but that this was the most strongly contested and the most bloody.
Compare At oar ft do, Relation, in Barcia, 158; Brrnal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 174; Fuentes y Guzman, Recordation
Florida, MS., 3-4; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 229.
10 ‘Muri6 vn
senor de quatro que son en Vtatlan.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 229.
Besides Prince Ahzumanchc, two principal lords of Utatlan were slain in the
battles of the pass—the one Ahzol, a great captain, and a relative of the king,
and the other Ahpocoh, his shield-bearer, whose office in the army was of the
highest. Juarros, Guat., ii. 250; Bernal Diaz, Hint. Verdad174. The words
Ahzol and Ahpocoh are not, however, patronymics, but titles.
11 The district
is called El Pinar by Juarros, Guat., ii. 248; and El Pinal by Vazquez,
Chronica de Gvat., 524.
12 ‘ Corriendo
la Tierra, que es tan gran Poblacion como Tascalteque, i en las Labran9as, ni
mas, ni menos, i friisima en demasia.’ Alvarado, Relation,
in Barcia, i. 158.
vigorating the invaders, bracing their nerves and inspiring their hearts
to new enterprise.
At dawn the Spanish camp was astir; and while the voices of Christian
priests chanting praises to God for past victories floated over the hideous
battle-field, Christian soldiers were buckling on their armor for the further
butchering of helpless human beings who had done them no harm. A hermitage and
a town were established at Zacaha, the former under the charge of Friar
Francisco Martinez de Pontaza,13 whose memory was ever after
fragrant in those parts, the latter under the direction of Juan de Leon Cardona.14
The natives of the subjugated neighborhood finally came in and helped to swell
the numbers of the town, which was called Quezaltenango.15
These measures taken,16 the army advanced on Xelahuh,17
only to find it abandoned. The inhabitants, terror-stricken at the success of
the invaders, had fled to the mountains. Alvarado took up his quarters in the
deserted city, where for six days he remained, resting and reconnoitring.18
13 Vazquez visited this hermitage at Zacaha
in 1690, and there saw a picture of the virgin, which had been brought by the
conquerors, and was known as La Conquistadora, for a description of which the
reader can consult Chronica de Qvat., 9. In his time the shrine was a place
greatly revered. It was a current belief that some member of the priestly
order, the object of devotion, was interred there, a strong supposition
prevailing that the remains were those of the first bishop of Guatemala; but
this is wrong, for Bishop Marroquin died in the Episcopal palace at Guatemala.
The remains were probably those of the priest Pontaza. Chronica de Cvat., 8-10,
526.
14 The descendants of this conquistador were
still living in the same locality in the time of Vazquez, who describes them as
raisers of small stock, as poverty-stricken as the descendants of the conquered
natives. Id., 8-9.
15 Four years later the town was removed to
the present site. Id., 7-8; Juarros, Guat., ii. 241. The meaning of the term
Quezaltenango is the ‘place of the quetzal,’ the American bird of paradise,
called ‘trogon’ by the naturalists. The name was of Mexican origin, and was
probably applied not only to the district but to the city of Xelahuh.
10 During a stay of two to three days. Fuentes y Guzman, Xecordaeion Florida, MS.
u Four
years later the inhabitants were removed to the new town of Quezaltenango,
which the Indian population still call Xelahuh.
18 On the authority of a manuscript of
sixteen leaves found at San Andr6s Xecul, a town not far from Quezaltenango;
Juarros states that on the second day four caciques humbly surrendered
themselves, and owing to their influence the inhabitants peaceably returned
and tendered allegiance. Guat., ii. 240-1. No mention of such an event is made
by Alvarado, Bernal Diaz, or
Tecum Umam was an ambitious prince and a brave commander. With no small
concern he had seen defeated one after another the forces sent against the
foe, and he now resolved to take the field in person. About noon on the seventh
day of their sojourn at Xelahuh the Spaniards saw converging to that point from
every quarter dense masses of warriors.19 Well aware that his great
strength lay in the cavalry, Alvarado with a large part of his force20
hastened to occupy an open plain, three leagues in length, at no great distance
from the city. Tecum Umam was shrewd enough to comprehend the manoeuvre, and
before the last Spaniard was a bow-shot from camp the Quiche army in two
principal divisions was upon them. Alvarado had divided his cavalry into two
bodies, commanded respectively by Pedro Puerto- carrero and Hernando de Chaves,
who were directed to assail at different points one of the opposing bodies when
well in position, while the infantry, commanded by himself, were to engage with
the other. The onset was terrible. Through and through the dense columns rush
the horsemen, heedless alike of the flint-tipped arrow, the javelin with
fire-hardened point, and the slung pebble. Resistance was not possible. Plunged
through and hurled to earth, crushed beneath the horses’ hoofs, the broken
ranks of this division sought the protection of the other. Thus half of Tecum’s
last hope was lost, while the other half was fast dwindling. Early in the
combat the Quiche king had recognized
Herrera; and Vazquez
distinctly states that these four chiefs were won over, with some difficulty,
after the final battle and the death of Tecum. Though Brasseur de Bourbourg
follows Juarros, I inclinc to the opinion that the pacification of Xelahuh was
subsequent to the battle which is yet to follow.
I9Twelve
thousand of whom were from the city of Utatlan. Relation, i. 15S. Juarros says
the first contingent contained 16,000 men. Gucit., ii. 251. Bernal Diaz gives
the whole number as more than 16,000. Hist. Ve.rilml., 174. Herrera uses the
indefinite but safe expression ‘ vn gran excrcito de Quazal- tenalco.’ dec.
iii. lib. v. cap. ix.
20 The numbers are differently given.
Alvarado says there were 90 horsemen; Juarros, 135 horse; Herrera, that the
whole force consisted of 80 horse, 200 infantry, and a strong body of Mexicans.
Bernal Diaz uses the general expression, ‘with his army.’
the conspicuous figure of the mounted Spanish commander, and as Tecum
now saw his forces broken by the cavalry, he determined upon one last desperate
effort. Gathering around him a few chosen warriors, he threw himself in person
upon Alvarado, and with his own hand so wounded his horse that the Spaniard was
obliged to fall back and mount another. A second and a third time the undaunted
warrior assailed his superior foe, till pierced by Alvarado’s lance he fell, staining
with his life-blood the ground he had fought so bravely to defend.
It was not often that the heavenly powers deigned to help the poor
natives in their dire struggle with the steel-clad Europeans, as was so
frequently the case with the Spaniards. The gods usually prefer fighting on the
strongest side; but here we find an exception. It is my duty to relate, as a
truthful historian, that during the mortal combat between these two leaders an
eagle with great pinions was observed by the Quiche army circling, round and
round the Spanish commander, ever and anon swooping down upon him, and with
beak and claw attacking him about the head. It was the nagual, the guardian
spirit of Tecum Umam. But less strong than Santiago or the virgin, it was
discomfited at the moment of the monarch’s death, and disappeared from the
sight of the vanquished Quichcs.21
Contrary to the usual course pursued by natives in warfare, the fall of
their commander did not immediately disperse the Quiche warriors, but seemed
rather to enrage them; for the moment after there fell upon the Spaniards such
a blinding tempest of javelins as would have delighted the Spartan Dicneces. It
was but for a moment, however; it was their last expiring effort, for soon the
cavalry came thundering on their flanks, dispersing and slaying after the usual
fashion. For two leagues along the plain they were pursued by
21 Such is the legend long retained among
the Quiches. Guatemala, Chronica de la Prov., i. 13; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 641.
tlie horsemen, who then turned and rode back, repeating the carnage over
the same field. The slaughter was particularly bloody at a stream on one side
of the plain, and the commander proudly refers to it in his despatch.22
The infantry captured a vast multitude which had taken refuge from the
insatiate horsemen on a hill near by.
Thus ended another day in the annals of the grand extermination, a day
dark indeed for the noble Quiche nation, but of which European progress and
propagandizing might well be proud.23
The religion of Christ being thus revealed to these heathen, opportunity
was now offered them to come forward and join the fold. Indeed, four captive
chieftains24 of Xelahuh received the intimation that it would be as
well for them to cast their lots with the saintly crusaders. Being promised
their liberty they submitted to baptism at the hands of the priests Torres and
Pontaza. Christian raiment with swords were then given them and they were
entertained at the table of Alvarado.25 After this they were sent
out as missionaries to their affrighted brethren, bringing quite a number to a
knowledge of the Savior. They also aided in erecting a more suitable hermitage
at
m m , O O
Zacaha, and in building houses for the Donati's.26 Nay
22 ‘ I nuestros Amigos,
i los Peones hacian vna destruieion, la maior del Mundo, en vn Arroio.’ Alvarado,
Relacion, i. 158.
2Z Vazquez
asserts that this eugagement took place on the 14th of May, 1524, while the
despatch by Alvarado reporting the event to Cortes is dated more than a month
earlier, April 11th.
2i It is difficult to
arrive at any approximation to the number of slain during the series of
engagements on the Pinar. Vazquez is the only authority who ventures to put
down figures. ‘ Viniendo sobre el Exercito Christiano... de trece mil,
cn trece mil, cada dia, aquellos.. .Barbaros tan imperterritos & la muerte,
y al estrago que las Catholieas armas hacian en su numeroso Exer- eito,
quedando muertos mas de diez, y doze mil iufieles, eneendiendo en los que quedauan
viuos... que a^oradas con la vertida sangre de sus compaQeros avivaban mas su
rabia, para embestir con irraeional despecho d las Espanoles. * Chronica
da Gv<it., 5. See also Bernal Diaz, Hint. Verdad., 159.
23 The names of these caciques, given by
Juarros, were Calel Kalak, Ahpop-
queham,
Calelahau, and Calelaboy, as supplied by the manuseript previously
mentioned
in note 17, this ehapter.
26 So they called the Spaniards, as the
soldiers of Alvarado, generally known by the name of Tonatiuh, the initial‘T’
being ehanged by the Quieh^s into {D.’ Vazquez, Chronica de
Gvat., 524.
Hist. Cen. Am., Vol. I. 41
more; in their growing enthusiasm they suggested that the place where
Tonatiuh had gained his crowning victory, and over which still hung the odor of
corruption and blood, the blood of their slain countrymen, should be called by
the name of Esplritu Santo.
DOWNFALL OF THE
QUICHti NATION.
April,
1524.
Utatlan,
Capital of the Quiches—Its Magnificence—The Royal Palace and Pyramidal
Fortifications—Private Apartments and Gardens—Plan to Entrap the Spaniards—A
Feast Prepared—The Enemy Invited—The Treachery Discovered—Masterly Retreat of
Auparado—The Quiche King and Nobles Entrapped—They are Made to Gather Gold—And
are then Destroyed—Utatlan Burned and the Country Devastated—Subjugation of the
Quiches Complete.
Upon the central
plateau, near the present town of Santa Cruz del Quiche, stood Utatlan,1 the ancient capital of the Quiche nation. It was surrounded by a deep
ravine, and could be entered only at two points. To one of these entrances over
thirty stone steps led up an almost perpendicular cliff; to the other a narrow
artificial causeway, connected at one point by a bridge which could be easily
destroyed. The city was further strengthened by the grim fortress of Atalaya,
four stories in height, and the pyramidal fortification of El Resguardo,2
one hundred and twenty feet high. In wealth and splendor Utatlan, in which
twenty generations of the present dynasty had reigned, vied with the city of
the Aztec kings
1 Also called Gumarcaah. It is represented
to-day by the town of Santa Cruz del Quich6, which is situated so near the
ruins of the ancient city that it might be considered an outlying suburb. About
the middle of the sixteenth century Utatlan was entirely abandoned and the
inhabitants removed to Santa Cruz. Juarros, Guat., i.
66; Brasseur de Bourbourg, HUt. Nat. Civ., iv. 647.
zJuarro8, G-uat., i. 66-7; Alvarado, Relation, i. 159; Ramirez, Proceso contra
Alvarado, 32. See also Native Races, ii. 744, 788-9. Atalaya and
Resguardo are Spanish terms, the first signifying ‘Watch-tower’ and the other
and the gardened capital of the Incas. In its centre stood the royal
palace, surrounded by the imposing residences of the nobles, and beyond, the
humbler dwellings of the common people. The palace was one of the most
magnificent structures of Central America. It was built of hewn stone of
various colors, mosaic in appearance, and its colossal dimensions, and elegant
and stately architectural form, cx- cited mingled awe and admiration.3
Within the lofty portals the quarters of the household guards,
surrounding a spacious barrack yard, were; first presented to view.
Dusky warriors, lancers, and archers, clad in wildly picturesque garbs of
dappled tiger-skins or sombre bear-hides, in brilliant plumes and polished
arms, with silent tread measured the well paved court. In the principal
apartments near at hand the various arms and paraphernalia of battle lay ready
for immediate use, while on the walls hung hard-won trophies of war. Next lay
the residence of the unmarried princes, and beyond this the palace proper,
containing besides the apartments of the monarch the council-chamber, with the
gorgeous throne canopied with costly tapestry of feather work of rare designs
and wrought with cunning skill; also the royal treasury, the hall of justice,
and the armory. Three separate suites of rooms, for morning, afternoon, and
night, were each day occupied by the monarch, and all these more private
apartments looked out upon delightful gardens, with trees, and flowers, and
fruits, and in their midst menageries and aviaries, with rare and curious
collections. Beyond lay the separate palaces of the monarch’s queens and
concubines, with their baths, and gardens, and miniature lakes; and lastly the
maidens’ college, in which were reared and educated the female offspring of
royal blood.
3 Torguemada, i. 311. The frontage of
the palace was 376 paces, while its depth rcached 728 paces. The chronicler
Fuentes visited Santa Cruz del Quiche for the purpose of investigating the
ruins, from which, as well as from, manuscripts, he gathered much information.
And all this was but one pile of buildings, the largest, it is true; but
there were others of no mean pretensions, the residenees of the nobles and of
the wealthy trading elass. Of a truth Utatlan was a fine city, and a strong and
noble one. And must it now be yielded to the spoiler? Is there no hope? None.
Then perish all, for who would live with king and eountry gone; and with its
oeeupants, also this fair eapital whieh so long has harbored kings. Ah! if this
strong trap eould but be baited, and the white foxes entieed thereto and
strangled. Rare thought! It were worth dying a dozen times to see these braggarts
but onee die. And so the Quiehd cunning ones determined. In general eouneil it
was agreed that the Spaniards should be invited to a feast, and while there the
city should be burned and brought down upon their heads!
By the death of Teeum Umam his son Oxib Quieh4 sueeeeded to
the throne. His situation was not an enviable one. The best troops, in faet the
very flower of the nation, had been destroyed or scattered. His father, with
numbers of the first men of the land, had fallen, without having in a single
in- stanee gained a battle or baffled the foe. Their puny efforts were as gnats
stinging or destroying a band of wild boars.
Yet the grandson of the great Kieab Tanub would not abandon the field
without a struggle. The eouneil might burn the eity if they ehose. And though
their hopes and the prospeets of sueeess were great, the king and his nobles
relaxed none the less their efforts to raise fresh troops. Should the plan
fail, they would again take the field. Not only did Oxib Quieh draw all the
forees possible from his own provinees, but he adopted every means to smooth
the differences that existed between himself and the neighboring provinees. By
these exertions at length a strong league was formed, and again the natives in
4 Juarros
calla him Chignauivcelut.
formidable numbers were ready to do battle for their gods and their
country at the proper moment.
These preparations completed, an embassy with presents of gold was
despatched to greet the conqueror, to sue for peace, and to tender their
king’s submission as vassal to the king of Spain. Alvarado was also invited to
the court of Utatlan, where the king was waiting to offer in person his
allegiance and entertain with all due honor the redoubtable Spaniard. Alvarado
graciously accepted both the presents and the invitation, and made presents in
return, and on the following day set out with his army to pay the promised
visit. It was quite natural on both sides, the invitation and the acceptance.
Here were war and a conquered country; here the conquered with overtures of
peace; and so the Spaniards marched into the trap without suspicion.
But as they passed along the narrow causeway and came to the bridge,
certain soldiers5 fancied they saw where it had been recently
weakened. When the attention of Alvarado was called to it he made no alarm, nor
did he turn a moment from his course. He relished the flavor of such an
adventure, and grasping his sword the tighter he commanded the strictest
caution and the closest observation. On entering the city the suspicions of the
Spaniards were confirmed. The men were armed; the women and children had been
withdrawn; there were few provisions at hand and little valuable merchandise
in the storehouses; in many buildings throughout the city brush and firewood
had been deposited, while the anxiety displayed in the uneasy deportment of the
natives themselves could not be disguised. It was observed, too, that the
streets were so narrow and the houses so compact that it would be impossible
for the cavalry to move; and lastly, the Quezalte- nango allies who accompanied
the Spaniards obtained
5 Francisco Flores claims that he and Juan
de Oriza made the discovery. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 32, 34.
and brought to Alvarado positive information of the intentions of the
Quichd chiefs.6
Not only are prompt measures now necessary, but they must be such as will
not arouse the suspicions of a most suspicious foe, whose keen eyes are
watching every movement. Without formally summoning a council Alvarado moves in
holiday mien among his officers, dropping here a hint and laying there a stern
command; meanwhile, outwardly undisturbed, he rides forward into the nest of
nobles awaiting him and greets them with a frank smile amid renewed
protestations of friendship. This done he looks about for the disposal of the
horses. They are worshipful brutes, in some respects the equals and even the
superiors of men; they are not given to feasting like men, but they must not be
forgotten at the feast. Their greatest delight will be to feed upon the open
plain; he will conduct them there and return without delay. Greatly
disconcerted the nobles press the Tonatiuh to immediate entertainment, which
even now awaits him; under the direction of the soldiers they will provide the
best care for the noble animals. By no means, Alvarado intimates; the horses
will never forgive him if he neglects them on so important an occasion. Thus
all the Spaniards return over the causeway, and the weakened bridge, and with a
feeling of intense relief reach the plain in safety.
Now for a sweet morsel of revenge. While gathering grass for the horses
the soldiers are fired on from the ravines and thickets, and one Spaniard, a
servant of the commander, is killed. The king and his nobles, who remain near
the city entrance, on witnessing the outrage from this distance are distressed,
and take measures to prevent hostile demonstrations on the part of their
people. Alvarado pretends to regard it all as
6 Bernal Diaz states that some Indians of
Quezaltenango warned Alvarado that they intended to kill them all that night if
they remained there, and that they had posted in the ravines many bands of
warriors, who, when they saw the houses in flames, were to unite with those of
Utatlan and fall on the invaders at different points.
of no moment, and continues his attitude of confidence and cordiality
with the chiefs. It is unfortunate, this accident of the servant; but after
what has happened probably the feast had better be postponed. As a further mark
of friendship and esteem, will Oxib Quieh and his companions look in upon the camp
of the Spaniards ? Poor boy! So easily caught, and in a trap, a steel one,
quite different from the bungling bridge-drop at Utatlan. Now may all men open
their eyes and judge as gods, for these present must die!
The mask is thrown aside, and the avenger in his wrath stands revealed.
Oxib Quieh and his caciques are seized and charged with their treacherous intentions.
Their condemnation is a matter predetermined, but execution is delayed a little
that the tiger may sport with his prey. Little gold has been gathered on this
expedition, and it may be well to put upon the scene in Guatemala the grand
drama of Montezuma not long since performed at the Mexican capital. The
prisoners shall have their lives if they gather much gold. This done, they
shall have their lives if they gather more gold. And when the kingdom is
stripped of its gold and the Spaniards become impatient,a great fire is built,
into which those of the prisoners who are not hanged are thrown alive; and the
smoke ascends to heaven as grateful incense to their god.7
7 It is possible that Oxib Quieh was
hanged, and not burned, though Alvarado makes no mention of such weakness on
his part, but states distinctly ‘ Yo los quemg.’ Relacion, i. 159. Bernal
Diaz, however, asserts that through the intercession of Fray Bartolom6 Olmedo a
respite of two days was planted the unfortunate king, during which time he was
converted and baptized, and that his sentence was commuted to hanging. Hv-t.
Verdad., 175. This view is taken by Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Hex., 125-6, and
Juarros, Guat., ii. 253, but not by Iifctlilxochitl, Horribles Crueldades, 67.
At the trial of Alvarado this act of barbarity constitutes one of the charges,
and the testimony tends to prove that no exception was made in favor of any one
of the victims. The witness Francisco Flores, mentioned in note 5, this
chapter, states that one of the nobles was spared, becausc he had disclosed the
plot. His testimony may, however, be founded on a respite granted to Oxib
Quieh, incorrectly understood by Flores. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 32.
Alvarado informed Cortes that the victims made full confession of the plot
before they were put to death, and his use of the expression ‘ Como pareeera
por sus eon- fesiones5 would seem to indicate that the confessions
were taken down in writing and forwarded to Cortes. Relacion, i. 159. In
conclusion, Brasseur
Notwithstanding these merciless lessons, during which three of the Quiche
kings, of three several generations in direct line of succession, had been
sacrificed, hostilities were speedily renewed. A fierce attack was made on all
sides, the natives issuing in great numbers from the many ravines which intersected
the neighboring ground, and the assault was obstinately maintained for some
time; but the artillery8 committed such dreadful destruction,
opening through their dense masses lanes strewn with mutilated bodies and
torn-off limbs, that they speedily recognized the futility of their attempts,
and fled back to the gulches. Keeping ever to inaccessible ground, and avoiding
open engagement,9 they harassed the army incessantly, by cutting off
stragglers and inflicting harm in any way that they were able. At length
Alvarado determined upon the plan of burning their city and devastating the
country; and he sent to the friendly king of the Cakchiquels, requesting a
contingent of troops to assist him in dislodging the Quiches from their
fastnesses. Four thousand warriors were at once sent10 by the
submissive lord, with
dc Bourbourg says
that only tho monarch and the heir presumptivo were burned, which is at
variance with Juarros’ expression, ‘ Ni las muertes dc sus primeros capitanes,
ni las de sus dos Reyes, executadas por los Castellanos,’ Gnat., ii.
253, and also with the testimony of Flores, who says, ‘ E los prendio a todos..
.c despues los quemo.’ Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 32. Las Casas
affirms they were burned alive without any form of trial, lirr/io. Ind.
Deras'a!.. 35.
BJuarros,
Guat., ii. 253. Alvarado never alludes to his artillery in this or any
future campaign of the year, though he repeatedly speaks of the arque- busiers.
Juarros, so far as I can discover, is the only author except Bras- seur dc
Bourbourg who mentions artillery.
9 ‘ I cs la
Tierra tan fuerte de quebradas, que ai quebradas que entran docientos cstados
de hondo, i por estas quebradas no pudimos haccrles l:i Guerra.’ Alvarado,
lielaciov, i. 150.
10 Ilia object in making this demand was
twofold: he wished to test the Cakchiqucl king’s feelings toward him, and at
the same time to increase his native forces, who would be useful in this work.
Alvnrai/o, I’elac!on,i. 139. According to Brasseur de Bourbourg tho princes of
the Cakchiquel nation met with much opposition from their subjects in
supporting tho Spaniards, and the nobles refused to supply the troops demanded
by Alvarado. In this embarrassment the Ahpozotzil raised 4000 warriors in his
capital. Hint. Nat. Civ., G48. Bernal Diaz, followed by Juarros, gives a
different account from that of Alvarado, which is followed in the text. It is
to the effect that the people of Guatemala, hearing of Alvarado’s repeated
victories, and learning that ne
which, additional force, and the energetic measures he pursued, Alvarado
earned on the process of subjection with effect. The warlike Quiches, their
city burned,11 their crops destroyed, hunted from one retreat to
another, driven from their lands, at length were forced to yield. Alvarado
received their overtures with generosity. He pardoned the repentant in his
great mercy, and promised them their lives, at the same time ordering them to
return and occupy their lands. He moreover released two captive sons of the
royal line and put them in possession of their father’s realm, the leading
monarch being named Sequechul.12
Thus was terminated for a time the struggle of the Quiches for
independence—a struggle that ceased only with the destruction of their
principal nobility and all the bravest warriors of the nation. To their
obstinate valor the conqueror himself bears testimony,13 and
recognizing the difficulties of his position, and how man of himself can do so
little, he begs Cortes to order in the Mexican capital a procession of all the
clergy, so that the virgin might help him. And further, would he “ please take
care to inform his Majesty how we are serving him with our persons and means,
and at our own cost, in order that his Majesty may reward
was stationed at
Utatlan, sent an embassy with presents of gold, offering their services against
the Quiches, with whom they were at enmity. These were accepted by Alvarado,
who, to test their sincerity, and also because he was ignorant of the road,
asked and received assistance across the many gullies and through the difficult
passes. Hist. Verdad., 175.
11 ‘ Mamie
quemar la Ciudad, i poner por los cimientos.’ Alvarado, Relacion,
i. 159.
12 Derived from d, ‘one,’ and ‘quechutl,’ a
bird similar to the flamingo, for a description of which see Native Races, iii.
374. His native name was Tepe- pul, Id., v. 566, but I have preferred to use
his Mexican name in order to avoid confusion, as another Tepepul, king of the
Zutugils, 'will appear later in the narrative. The date of this submission of
the Quiches must have been a day or two before the 11th of April, on which day
Alvarado wrote his despatch to Cort6s, stating that he would leave for the city
of Guatemala on the same day, which was a Monday. Juarros states that Alvarado
remained eight days, Bernal Diaz seven or eight, in Utatlan, occupied in the
pacification of the surrounding tribes. Chiat., ii. 254. Herrera states that
the war terminated on the 25th of April, which can only be explained by
supposing that Alvarado did not leave Utatlan on the 11th, as he intended. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.
13 ‘Estamos
metidos en la mas recia Tierra de Gente que se ha visto.’ Relacion,
i. 160.
us?” Nor did the lieutenant fail to report that his majesty’s interests
had been carefully attended to, all captives taken in the war having been
branded and reduced to slavery.14 The royal fifth of these captive
Quiches had been delivered to the treasurer, Baltasar de Mendoza, who sold them
at auction for the better security of the revenue.
11 Relation, i. 159; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad,., 175.
April-May,
1524.
Mabch
to the Cakchiquel Capital—With a Brilliant Retinue King Sinacam Comes forth to
Meet the Spaniards—Description of Patinamit—Occupation of the Cakchiquel
Capital—Expedition
AGAINST TEPEPUL, KlNG
OF THE ZUTUGILS—The CLIFF ClTY OF
ATIT-
lan—A
Warm Battle—Entry into the Stronghold—Reconciliation and Return to
Patinamit—Love Episode of Alvarado.
The
lieutenant-general was now ready to advance, and on
the 11th of April, 1524, he left Utatlan for Patinamit, the capital of the
Cakchiquels.1 The weak and yielding Sinacam,2 king of the
Cakchiquels, had already sent with his troops a present of gold to Alvarado,
and renewed his assurances of allegiance. He now prepared to meet him with such
stately pomp as would be sure to gratify his future master. By this means he
hoped his tottering throne might be secured to him. Servility and profuse
hospitality would surely win their hearts, he thought; and then, with the powerful
strangers on his side, he might laugh at his enemies.
1 Alvarado’s line of march on this
occasion seems to have been confounded by different authors with routes
followed by him at later dates. Juarros says that he did not pass through the
towns of the coast, but along the Itzapa road; for in a land title possessed by
the Indians of Par ram os, extended in the year 1577, on the 10th of November,
in a reference to a plain on said road, this expression occurs: ‘ Where they
say the camp of the Spaniards was pitched when the Adelantado I). Pedro de
Alvarado came to conquer this land.’ Guat.s ii. 255. By these
remarks Juarros supports Puentes’ opinion that the capital of the Cakchiqucl
nation was situated on the slopes of the Volcan de Agua.
I am, however, persuaded that the
encampment mentioned in the land title took place later, on the occasion of
Alvarado’s campaign southward.
2 Vazquez calls this ruler King
Ahpotzotzil, Chronica de Gvat, 68, which was only his title. His proper name
was Sinacam, by which he was called in the books of the cabildos of Guatemala.
Juarros, Guat., ii. 256. Brasseur de Bourbourg gives his name as Beleh6 Qat.
As the Spanish army approaehed his eapital he issued forth with native
pageantry to meet it. He was borne aloft by his nobles on a litter, beneath a
canopy which dazzled the eye with blazing ornaments of gold and changing hues
of quetzal feathers, and round him were the members of the royal family in
litters scarcely less conspicuous than his own, while a large body of warriors,
with their plumed head-dresses and warlike apparel, marehed in the rear and on
either side. Alvarado’s greeting was not of that unalloyed eordiality which
Sinacam had hoped. The Spaniard was suspicious. He had but just escaped
destruction, and the late danger had taught him discretion. What he had
observed on the march had not tended to inspire confidenee or promote peaee of
mind. All along the route despoiled corpses of slain Indians had met his sight,
and the ground was diseolored with human blood. Large bands of armed warriors
were everywhere seen, and it was evident that the whole eountry was in arms.
But fear was no part of Alvarado’s eharacter; therefore, when the king eame
near, he calmly dismounted, approached him with courteous mien, and with
expressions of esteem placed in his hands a rare and eurious pieee of silver
jewelry; then he asked with sombre brow, “ Why dost thou seek to do me harm,
when I eome to do thee good?” Informed of the meaning of the words so seriously
addressed to him, and conseious of his own faithful intentions, Sinacam, with
calm yet somewhat severe dignity thanked him first for the present, replying, “
Quiet thy heart, great captain, scion of the sun, and trust in my love.” It was
then explained to Alvarado that the warlike demonstrations he had discovered
were directed against a rebellious vassal, who, with the aid of the kings of
the Quiehes and the Zutugils, had revolted and attempted to make himself a
ruler.3
8 Juarros, Guat., ii. 254-5. The account
given by the Cakchiquel manuscript of this conversation differs somewhat from
the above, stating that it
took place in tlie
palace; that the martial aspect of the population, and the number of warriors,
excited the suspicions of Alvarado; and that on the night after his arrival,
agitated by his apprehensions, he suddenly entered the royal apartments,
followed by his officers. His unexpected presence caused great confusion, and
the nobles in waiting rallied round their sovereign. The conversation then followed,
when Sinacam spoke thus: ‘ Would I have sent my warriors and braves to die for
you and find a tomb at Gumarcaah if I had such treacherous intentions?’ In his
explanation, also, the king states that the armed troops were intended to be
directed against the provinces of Itz- cuintlan and Atitlan, with which nations
the Cakchiquels were at war. Bras- seur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., 650-1.
* Bernal Diaz, or his
editor, here introduces Friar Bartolom6 de Olmedo. His story is this: When the
Spaniards arrived at Guatemala, Alvarado told the friar that he had never been
so hard pressed as when fighting with the Indians of Utatlan, describing them
as most brave and excellent warriors, and at the same time claimed to himself
the merit of having done a good work. The friar chided him, and said it was God
who had wrought the deed j and in order that he might regard it as good, and
aid them in future, it would be well to give thanks to him, appoint a holiday,
celebrate mass, and preach to the Indians. This injunction was carried out, and
resulted in the baptism of more than 30 natives in two days. Others also
were'anxious to be baptized when they perceived that the Spaniards held
intercourse more freely with the converts than with others. Hist. Verdad., 175.
5 Patinamit, or Iximchd, called by
Alvarado the city of Guatemala. Juarros is in doubt as to the site of the
ancient Cakchiqnel capital. Remesal makes no mention of it, though he speaks of
the founding of the Villa, de Guatemala. Fuentes argues that it was not
Patinamit, but a city on the slope of the Volcan de Agua, occupying the same
position that San Miguel Tzacualpa occupied when he wrote. His reasons are,
first, the preservation of the Indian name Guatemala, indicating that the
Spaniards did not found a new town, but occupied the existing city; the custom
of the Spaniards being to give Spanish names to cities founded by them, as
Trujillo, Granada, Cartago, and others, while those cities which were already
founded retained their native names, as Mexico, Cuzco, Tlascala, and the like.
Again, as observed elsewhere, the word Guatemala is derived from Coctecmalan,
which means Palo de leche, milk*tree, commonly called Yerba mala. This is found
only at Antigua Guatemala, and within a league around, in which space,
therefore, the capital must have stood. But it was not situated where Antigua
Guatemala stands, because that place was always called Pan- choy, or Great
Lagoon; nor where the Pueblo of Ciudad Vieja stands, which locality was called
Atmulunca, meaning Gushing Water. Therefore it must have been on the spot where
stood the city of the Spaniards, which was destroyed in 1541, and where now
exists the little village of Tzacualpa, which name in itself is an additional
argument in favor of this supposition, inasmuch as its meaning is Old Town. The
third argument of Fuentes is based on the improbability that the Spaniards
would found a city in an unpopulated district when the court and capital of
the Cakchiquels were at their command. Consequently the court of King Sinacam
was situated where the Spaniards first established themselves, that is where
Tzacualpa stands. See also Juarros, Guat., ii. 255-9. Vazquez maintains that
this capital was the city Patinamit, antonomastieally so called, meaning the
‘metropolis9 or ‘the city’ par excellence. The locality on which it
was built was called ‘ Iximch6, * and in his own time Ohertinamit, which means
Old Town. The Mexicans who came with the Spaniards called it Quauhtemali,
meaning rotten tree, from an old
impregnable position. It occupied an elevated plain, surrounded by
ravines, the side of which nearest the city was perpendicular to a depth of
five or six hundred feet. Across this chasm, at one point only, could entrance
into the capital be gained, by means of a narrow causeway, which was closed by
two gateways of stone,6 one on each side of the city wall. This
isolated plateau was about three miles long and two broad. The chronicler
Fuentes describes the remains of this city with much minuteness, leaving vivid
impressions of its former grandeur. On one edge of the natural platform,
according to that writer, were the ruins of a magnificent building one hundred
paces square, of extremely well hewn stone. In front of this edifice extended a
plaza, on one side of which were the remains of a splendid palace, and in close
proximity the foundations of many residences.
worm-eaten Iximch£
tree. To distinguish it from the Ciudad de Santiago founded by the Spaniards,
it was afterward named Tecpan Guatemala, that is, Palace or Royal House of
Guatemala, a meaning different from that given by Fuentes, who says that Tecpan
means ‘above,’ eurlma, as Tecpan Atit- lan, a town situated on a more elevated
site than Atitlan. The city Tecpan Guatemala still exists about half a league
distant from the old site. Vazquez, moreover, supports his opinion on the
extent and magnificence of the palace and public buildings indicated by the
ruins, which he visited in person; and also on the fortified position of the
place. Chronica de Ovett,, 7, 10, 68, 73; Juarros, Gnat., ii. 243, 256-7.
That the arguments of Fuentes are fallacious, and that Vazquez is right,
Alvarado’s own despatches prove almost to a certainty. In his report to
Cortes, dated 11th April, at Utatlan, he says, * Embik & la Ciudad de
Guatemala, queest&diezLeguas de esta,’and afterward informs Cortes that on
that day he will leave for the city of Guatemala, ‘ Yo me parto para la Ciudad
de Guatemala Luncs once de Abril.’ At the commencement of
the next despatch he writes, ‘ Yo, Seiior, parti de la Ciudad de Uclatan, i
vine en dos Dias & esta Ciudad de Guatemala.’ Now this ‘city of
Guatemala’ was the capital of the king of the Cakchiquels, aud where Alvarado
was entertained by him, as will be told in the text, and it was ten leagues
from Utatlan, a distance which would occupy the army two days, as stated
by Alvarado; for it was difficult ground to march over, being intersected by
numerous ravines. Vazquez, Chronica de Gvnt., 7. The site proposed by
Fuentes is nearly twice the distance from Utatlan, and could not have been
reached by the Spaniards in the short period of two days, except by very exhausting
and forced marches, to which it is most improbable that Alvarado subjected his
men when on a visit to a friendly power. Again, Alvarado reports that when on
his expedition against Atitlan he left the city of Guatemala and by a forced
march entered that territory the same day—‘ I anduve tan to, que aquel Dia
llegudi a su Tierra’—a distance that could be accomplished from the existing
ruins of Patinamit, but apparently not from tho Volcan de Agua.
6 Juarros calls it 1
chay.5 *
The city was divided by a ditch running north and south, more than eight
feet deep, and surmounted by concrete breastworks three feet high. This was the
dividing line between the dwellings of the nobles and those of the commoners.
The streets were straight and wide, and extended in the direction of the four
cardinal points. To the west was a mound dominating the city, on the summit of
which stood a round building five to six feet high, resembling the breastwork
of a well. Around this the judges held courts; but before their sentences could
be executed they had to be confirmed by the sacred oracular stone, which was
preserved in a shrine in a deep gulch. It is described as of a black diaphanous
material, more precious than the ordinary building material. In its gloomy
transparency the demon made visible the judgments that were to be passed. If
110 manifestation occurred, the accused was released; otherwise the sentence
was carried into effect on the same mound where the judges sat in deliberation.
This oracle was consulted also in matters of war.7
King Sinacam’s reception of the guests in this his capital and court
fully equalled his promises. Sumptuously lodged, and bountifully supplied with
all the luxuries the land could produce, Alvarado himself admits that they
could not have met kinder treatment in their own land.8 For eight
days the Spaniards feasted,9 and in return Sinacam succeeded in
obtaining the aid of his powerful friends against his hostile neighbors.
Frequent conversations were held relative to the subjugation of the Zutugils,
and to
1 Juarros, Guat., ii. 243-4.
This author adds that Bishop Marroquin, having heard of this stone, caused it
to be cut into a square and consecrated as part of the high altar in the church
of Tccpan Guatemala. Stephens saw it and says that it is a piece of common
slate. lucid, of Travel in Gent. Am.,
ii. 150.
8 ‘ Donde fni
mui bien recibido de los Senores de ella, que no pudiera ser mas en Casa de
nuestros Padres; i fuimos tan proveidos de todo lo necesario, que ninguna
eosahovo falta/ Alvarado, Relacion, i. 161.
9 On this occasion Friar Juan de Torres
converted and baptized many.
Vazquc::,
Chronica de Gvat7.
insure this happy consummation Sinacam expatiated on the contemptuous
pride of Tepepul, king of Atitlan,10 and his further wickedness in
not tendering allegiance to the Teules.11 It seems that the Zutugil
ruler had incurred the hatred of Sinacam by giving assistance to his rebellious
vassal, Acpocaquil,12 and making nocturnal incursions into the
Cakchiquel territory by means of canoes. These outrages were prompted partly
by his reliance on the impregnable position of his city, situated on the
hanging cliffs above Lake Atitlan, seven leagues from Patinamit. Alvarado
required little persuasion to engage in his favorite pastime of gold-hunting
and blood-letting. He was well aware of the supercilious nature of Tepepul, and
had already determined to visit him in person. While at Utatlan he had sent
four messengers to the court of Atitlan, bearing the usual requirement; but
the haughty monarch, instead of paying the respect due to so important a
demand, put the messengers to death. This ruffled Alvarado, though it did not
dishearten him. “ I think,” he writes to Cortes respecting this city, “ that
with the help of our Lord we shall soon bring it to the service of his
Majesty.”13
Alvarado would help King Sinacam, but first he would like some money for
travelling expenses. This reasonable request could not be refused; not only was
the treasure house of Patinamit emptied, but the entire district, so far as
possible, was stripped of its gold, jewels, a$d whatever the Spaniards regarded
as
10 Atitlan, in the Pipil language ‘ Correo
de Agua,’ or ‘Water Courier.’ This ia according to Juarroa, who eta tea that
the place waa also called Atziqui- nixai, which in the Quiche language
signifies ‘ House of the Eagle, ’ from the device of the kings, who wore as
their royal emblem an eagle fashioned from the plumes of the quetzal. Quat.,
245. Temaux-Compans wrongly interprets it ‘watercourse,’ ‘cours d’eau.’ Voy.,
s<5rie i. tom. x. 416.
Its real meaning,
however, is ‘ heroes’ or ‘ demigods.’
12 An insurrection of the principal cities
of the monarchy had been promoted by this cacique. These cities, according to
Vazquez, were Tccpan Atitlan and others of that province, while Fuentes
believes them to have been Tecpan Guatemala and its dependencies. Juarros, Guat., ii. 277.
Alvarado, Relacion, i. 160.
Hist. Ckn. Am., Vol. I. 13
desirable.14 After this the Spaniards were ready to pass into
the next district and levy like tribute, with or without bloodshed.
In order to proceed with regularity, Alvarado again sent envoys to
Atitlan, demanding that Tepepul should cease hostilities against the
Cakchiquels, who were the allies of the Teules, and again the ruler displayed
his contempt by putting to death the messengers.15 Thereupon
Alvarado set out with sixty cavalry, one hundred and fifty infantry, and a
large body of Cakchiquels, commanded by their chiefs.16 Meeting no
opposition he advanced with thirty horse to the height above the lake, and
descended over difficult ground to a level plain that lay in front of a
fortified' rock in the water. This was approachable only by means of a narrow
causeway, intersected at different points by wooden bridges. Near by the enemy
were now discovered drawn up in two bodies, each eight thousand strong. They
advanced at once to the attack, armed with lances, bows and arrows, and other
weapons, protected, moreover, by cotton corselets.17 As the rest of
his forces were not far behind, Alvarado did not hesitate to charge, and when
the in
14 ‘ Le dieron
muchos presentes de oro y plata y joyas en gran cantidad.’ Ramirez, Proceso
contra Alvarado, 7, 25, 28 et seq.
15 ‘A los quales
mataron sin temor ninguno.’ Alvarado, Relacion, i. 161. Bernal Diaz
states that Alvarado sent messengers on three several oeeasions. HisL Verdad.,
175.
16 Berual Diaz affirms that Alvarado took
with him more than 140 scildiers, of whom twenty were cross-bowmen and
arquebusiers, and 40 horsemen, with 2000 Guatemalans. It must, however, he
concluded that the statements of the ‘true historian’ with regard to the
conquest of Guatemala cannot be relied on as exact, since lie admits that he
was' not present: ‘ Y esto digo, porque no me halle en estas Conquistas.’ Hist.
Verdad., 175-6. Brasseur de Bour- hourg also states that 2000 Cakchiquels,
commanded hy the Ahpotzotzil and the Ahpoxahil, accompanied the Spaniards.
Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 652. Juarros, gives the forces as consisting of 40 horse,
100 foot, and 2000 Guatemalans. It is quite evident that this author never
consulted Alvarado’s despatches, judging from the many instances of
chronological, numerical, and other differences. Alvarado says he marched so
rapidly that he reachcd the territory of the Zutugils the same day on which he
left the city of Guatemala. Juarros writesj
1 Caminaha ii
convenientes jomadas.’ Guat., 278. Salazar follows Bernal Diaz. Cong.
Mex., 131.
17 Juarros states that these forces were
stationed upon the peuol, or insular rock, but were so harassed hy the
cross-bowmen that they sallied and gave fight to the Spaniards on the plain.
Guat., ii. 278.
fantry soon came up the engagement became general. For some time it was
most obstinately maintained, and numbers of the Spanish soldiers were wounded.
The cavalry, however, succeeded as ever in breaking the enemy’s lines,
relieving the hard-pressed foot- soldiers, who thereupon rallied and renewed
their efforts so vigorously as soon to send the enemy rushing for the
stronghold. The pursuing horsemen arrived at the causeway as soon as the
fugitives; here they were obliged to dismount, as the place was impassable for
horses; yet they followed the Indians so closely that no time was given to
destroy the bridges, and the Spaniards entered the fort with them. The infantry
soon came up, and though the Zutugils struggled desperately to maintain their
position, the volleys of the arquebusiers made such havoc in their ranks that
at last they plunged into the lake and swam to a neighboring island, whence
many of them escaped before the tardy arrival of three hundred Cakchiquel
canoes.
That evening, after sacking all the houses on the rock, Alvarado pitched
his camp in a field of maize. On the following morning he implored divine
protection and marched against Atitlan. He found the city abandoned, his
capture of what they regarded as an impregnable stronghold in the lake having
so discomfited the Zutugils that they dared not contend with him for their
city. At mid-day he took up position in the capital., and at once set about to
overrun and devastate the country; but it was so rugged that the men could with
difficulty move, and he was obliged to content himself with destroying some
plantations of maize and cacao.18 He succeeded in making a few
captives, three of whom were despatched to King Tepepul with the usual demand
of submission, accompanied by threats in case of refusal. Perceiving the necessity, the Zutugil monarch
gracefully yielded,
18 ‘ I por la
mucha agrura de la Tierra, como digo, no se mato mas Gente.’ Alvarado,
Relation, i. 162.
whereupon the conqueror became gracious. He complimented the Zutugils
for their bravery, pardoned their offences, and exhorted them to remain
faithful, and to make no more war on such of their neighbors as were the
recognized subjects of the king of Spain. To give efficacy to his words he
built a strong fort in a suitable position, and left in it four hundred and
eighteen men, Spaniards and Mexican allies, under the command of Hector de
Chaves and Alonso del Pulgar. Then he returned to Patinamit.19
Within three days the lords of the lake district presented themselves,
with presents of gold and raiment. They expressed joy at becoming vassals of
his majesty of Spain, for wars and woes should thenceforth be unknown among
them. The Spanish commander was extremely affable as he presented his visitors
with some glass trinkets, of great value in their eyes, ^nd dismissed them with
every demonstration of affection.20
Perhaps one reason why the play of Helen of Troy was not oftener
performed by the Spanish conquerors in America was on account of the cheapness
of women there. There might be lacking gold, or pearls, or provender, but
seldom was a people found so poor that they could not furnish the army a
liberal supply of
19 About the middle of May, according to the
Cakchiquel manuscript. Bernal Diaz states that Olmedo preached the gospel to
the Indians, and celebrated mass on an altar which they erected. The friar
also put up an image of the virgin, which Garay had brought and given him when
he died. Hist. Verdad., 176.
20 Alvarado,
Relacion, in Barcia, i. 161-2; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 175; Gomara, Hist.
Mex., 230-1; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Oviedo, iii. 480-1; Juarros,
Guat., ii. 277-80; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
iv. 652-5. In a memorial addressed by the
chiefs of Atitlan to Philip II., and dated February 1, 1571, it is stated that
when Alvarado came into the country he was received in a friendly spirit at
Atitlan; that no one took up arms against him, but that valuable presents were
made, while each town and village paid tribute according to its means. Numbers
of their principal men accompanied him on his future campaigns, and lost their
lives in his service. Temaux-Compans, Voy., serie i., tom. x., 419-20. Though
the Atitlan campaign was less sanguinary than the previous ones, this contradiction
of all accounts, in stating that the Spaniards were peaceably received, must
have proceeded from anxiety on the part of the natives to gain some favor or
obtain some redress.
pretty slave girls. Less is found in the chronicles of this kind of
traffic than of the traffic in gold and the traffic in religion. The
merchandise of morality, or rather of immorality, was less portable than the
other kinds. Women were to use and throw away; gold would keep; while religion
was always a staple article in the Spanish nation.
Now the pious Alvarado, next to his delectable master Cortes the most
pious pirate in all the Indies, had tasted every iniquity condemned in his most
holy scriptures except that invented and acted by the sweet psalmist of Israel.
He had severally broken every commandment of the decalogue, then he had put
them together and had broken them in every conceivable combination. But while
maidens were so plump and plenty he had never felt the desire, like good King
David, to go after the wife of any Uriah the Hittite. But while enjoying the
luxurious hospitality of the Cakchiquel capital, with a world to give for a new
sensation, Alvarado’s eye fell on the beautiful Suchil,21 wife of
King Sinacam. In some respects it was the Israelitish tale reversed, for
Sinacam was by no means a poor man in respect of women, nor was Suchil his only
ewe lamb. The susceptible heart of the dashing commander was smitten by the
graces of this queen, and he resolved to possess her. Being a conqueror, with a
king for a slave, he might have obtained his desire by the simple demand; but
in those days there was something sacred in royalty, even in heathen and
captive royalty. Sinacam was now an acknowledged subject of Spain, and as such
possessed rights; besides, that was not the way set forth by the bright
exemplar of his faith.
Upon some pretext, therefore, Sinacam was arrested and put in irons. Gold
was then demanded, and yet
21 One witness at the trial of Alvarado in
1528-9 states that he heard this person was a sister of the king, but from the
statement contained in the charge, and supported by many witnesses, it can only
be inferred that she was one of the wives of the monarch. Ramirez, Proceso
contra Alvarado, 7, 22, passim. Brasseur de Bourbourg’s version is that Suchil
was the wife of one of the highest dignitaries of the crown. Hist. Nat. Civ,,
iv. 656.
more gold. It was the old method of making the penalty supply the place
of guilt and condemnation. Then Suchil was seized, I do not say unwillingly,
for the Spanish commander was fair and fascinating, and the Cakchiquel queen
was after all but a woman. Above all things on earth, or beyond the earth, Sinacam
regarded her—and for her restoration he offered more jewels, and pretty
maidens, ay, the daughters of chieftains, by the hundred. Alvarado refused the
prayer but not the offering. When love had cooled he released the king and went
his way.22
22 The defence set up by Alvarado when
charged with this outrage is exceedingly weak. He had been deceived by the
Cakchiquel nobles, he said, who, not wishing him to march farther south, made
false representations regarding the difficulties he would meet with. A Spanish
soldier named Falcon reported that a slave girl described the country as fair
and rich; upon which Alvarado commanded her to be brought forward. This was
persistently refused by the chiefs, until he seized one; then an Indian girl of
noble birth was produced, but not the right one. 1 He,
bowcver, importuned them much,’ and finally Suchil was delivered up.to him. The
reader will appreciate tbe probability of tbis story wben he considers how
likely it was that tbe Cakchiquel nobles would seek to deter Alvarado from
proceeding against tbeir national enemies. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado.
See question and charge, xvii. and xix., pp. 7 and 57, Alvarado’s reply, p. 77-8,
and testimony.
EXPEDITION TO
SALVADOR.
1524.
Campaign against
Itzcuintlan—A Rough March—The Town Surprised—
Desperate Defence—Alvarado Determines to Explore STILL FARTHER SOUTH—CROSSING
THE RlVER MiCHATOYAT—The Spaniards Come to Atiquipac, Tacuylula, Taxisco,
Nancintlan, and Pazaco—The Towns Deserted—Poisoned Stakes and Canine
Sacrifice—Enter Salvador—Moquizalco and Acatepec—Battles of Acajutla and
Tacuxcalco—Blood-thirstiness of this Conqueror—Entry into Cuzcatlan—Flight of
the Inhabitants— Return to Patinamit.
•
While
receiving at Patinamit, after the Zutugil campaign,
the fealty of numerous chieftains of the southern coast provinces, Alvarado was
told that the district of Itzcuintlan1 defied him. And with their refusal
to accept the benefits of Christian civilization certain irritating
expressions of contempt were reported to have been uttered by the ruler of the
province. Chiefs of other tribes who wished to pass through it, in order to
tender allegiance to the Spaniards, were deterred and insulted, and the
conqueror was challenged to enter the land.2 Somewhat ruffled by
these bold proceedings, the impetuous commander marched against Itzcuintlan
with all his available force, Spanish horse and foot, and a large body of
Quiches and
1 The native name of the chief town,
Panatacat, was known in the time of Vazquez as hqitintepeque. Alvarado calls it
hcuyntepeque, Relacion, i. 162; Herrera, Yzquintepec, dec. iii. lib. v. cap.
x.; Gomara, Izcuintepec, Hist. Mex., 231. Its modem appellation is Escuintla. See
also Nat ice Races, v. 607.
2 ‘
Diciendoles, qu6 adonde iban, i que eran locos, sino que me dejasen k mi ir
allct, i que todos me darian Guerra. ’ A Ivarado, Relacion, i. 162; Herrera,
dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 231.
Cakchiquels.3 It was a very rough country through which he had
to pass. Roads there were none, other than mere tracks through the thick woods,
for intercourse with Itzcuintlan had been almost entirely closed, owing to
incessant war; but these circumstances favored a secret entrance into the
hostile territory. For three days they forced their way through an
uninhabitable tract almost closed to man by tropical undergrowth, which
required constant application of axe and knife, so that one day they were
unable to proceed more than two leagues. On reaching the province it was found
covered with thick plantations alternating with swamps. Such ground being no
place for horses, the arquebusiers took the front, and advanced upon the town
from three different quarters. It was raining heavily at the time, a shower
preliminary to the season of rain, and the sentinels had retired, so that the
surprise was complete.4 Unable to arm or unite, the inhabitants fled
to .the woods to escape the swords of the conquerors. In the fort, however,
which commanded the town, a considerable body of warriors had gathered, who
offered a determined resistance, wounding many Spaniards and causing great
loss to the Indian auxiliaries. After five hours of unavailing attempts to gain
possession of the stronghold, the enraged Alvarado set fire to the place. The
brave defenders appear to have escaped, thanks to the heavy rain and the
proximity of the surrounding woods. Indeed, according to Alvarado’s own
3 Juarros, followed by Brasseur de
Bourbourg, states that the army, when in Itzcuintlan, consisted of 250 Spanish
infantry, 100 cavalry, and 6000 Guatemalan and other Indians. Guat. (cd.
London, 1823,) 229. Now, Alvarado a little later in this campaign states that
he had 150 infantry, 100 horse, and 5000 or 6000 Indian auxiliaries. This
number of infantry is more probably correct than that given by Juarros.
Alvarado had only 300 infantry when he left Mexico, and, though few had been
killed, numbers were wounded, and he had left garrisons at various places. Relacion,
i. 163. That he should leave Itzcuintlan with 250 Spanish foot-soldiers and
lose 100 of them in a few weeks is a supposition that cannot be entertained.
Juarros appears to have followed Gomara, Hist, Mex., 232, who gives the above
figures.
4 No summons of surrender was sent, which
omission was brought forward as a charge against the commander at a later date.
Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 7, 57 et seq.
statement, he did no harm beyond burning the town.5 The
subjection of the district was not yet accomplished, however, and messengers
were sent to the ruler with the usual summons and threats. If they persisted in
keeping aloof and refusing to submit, their lands and cornfields would be
devastated, and they and their children made slaves. This mcnace had the
desired effect; the cacique and his chiefs submitted and swore obedience, and
during the eight days Alvarado remained in this place a number of the surrounding
towns sent in their allegiance. But the restless spirit of both leader and men
was not to be satisfied with the subjugation of one province only. The lieutenant-general
had heard exciting accounts of immense cities and wonderful palaces, and
discovery was almost as attractive to him as pacification. He had already
informed Cortes that it was his intention to winter fifty or one hundred
leagues beyond Guatemala. As an additional incentive he had received positive
information that a march of twenty-five days from Guatemala would bring him
to the end of the land: if that should prove to be the case he was confident of
finding soon the famous strait, for which so many were searching.6
Besides the strait he desired also to find a harbor where he could construct
vessels for exploring the coast at a later date. Already a great soldier, he desired
to become also a great discoverer. Even the rainy season, which has just set
in, should not deter him, though his difficulties would be greatly increased
thereby.
Starting southward, then, from Itzcuintlan, the first difficulty
encountered by the army was the River
5 Juarros states that this was a night
attack, and that the inhabitants were asleep when the Spaniards entered; J3emal
Diaz says that it occurred in the morning.
6 ‘ Tambien me
han dicho, que cinco Jomadas adelahte de vna Ciudad mui grande, que est&
veinte Jomaaas de aqui, se acaba esta Tierra.. .si asi cs, certisiino tengo que
es el Estrecho.’ Alvarado, Melacion, i. 160. Pelaez erroneously
makes this campaign follow the reduction of Mixco, Sacatepeque, Mazatenango,
etc. Mem. Gnat., i. 45-46. Vazquez thus describes it; ‘Sin
dejar las armas de las manos, ni dia alguno de batallar en los Pueblos de la
Costa, corrio como un rayo, el y su Exercito.’ Chronica de Gvat.s
7*.
Michatoyat,7 which could be crossed only by bridging. The
first town reached was Atiquipac,8where the Spaniards were amicably
received, but at sunset the people abandoned their homes and fled to the
mountains.9
7 Laet, Ogilby, and Kiepert write R.
Michatoya.
8 Called Atiepar by Alvarado; Caetipar by
Gomara; Atiquipaque by Juarros; Aticpac by Brassenr de Bourbourg; and by
Ixtlilxochitl, in Horribles Cmeldades, 69, Cola. Alvarado states that both the
language and race of people were here different.
® Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 7-8 et seq. The account given by
Juarros differs so much from Alvarado’s that I can give the former but little
consideration in the text. It is to this effect: After crossing the river the
Spaniards were attacked by a large body of Indians, and an obstinate battle
ensued, in which Alvarado was dismounted by a chief, who wounded his horse with
a lance. Alvarado then attacked the Indian on foot and killed him. The victory
was for some time doubtful, but passed finally to the Spaniards. On the
following day they entered the deserted town, where before long they were again
attacked by a fresh body of the enemy. Cooped in the narrow streets, the
Spaniards could not act, and retreated to open ground, where they soon threw
the Indians into disorder.
Alvarado’s despatches
to Cortes, Relacion de Alvarado, form the base of that portion of the conqucst
of Guatemala which begins with the departure of the Spaniards from Soconnsco
and terminates with the founding of the Cindad de Santiago at Patinamit. Two
only of these reports are extant; that there was at least one more is certain
from the opening line of the first, wherein Alvarado states that he had written
from Soconusco; ‘ de Soncomisco escrivi k Vuestra Magestad.’ It might be
supposed, from the expression ‘Vncstra Magestad,’ that the letter was addressed
to the king of Spain; the conclusion, however, proves that such was not the
case, as Alvarado requests Cortes to report his services to his Majesty.
‘Magestad’ is probably a misprint for ‘Merced,5 or an incorrect
readiug of the manuscript. These despatches were first published at Toledo,
October 20, 1525, with the fourth report of Cortes to the king of Spam. They
were afterward translated into Italian by Rainnsio and published at Venice in
1565. In 1749 Barcia, a member of the royal council, reproduced them, in Madrid,
in his collcction of the works of the chroniclers, and it may be remarked that
Ramusio’s translation does not always agree with this Spanish edition. Temanx-
Compans translated Ramusio’s version into French and published the letters at
Paris, in 1838, in his Collection of Voyages. Alvarado’s style is clear and
simple, terse and vigorous, and his descriptions are vivid. That he did not
report all his proceedings to Cortes is evident from the Proceso contra
Alvarado, already frequently quoted, in which numerous acts of cruelty,
outrage, and embezzlement are charged against him. Yet there is no just reason
to doubt the truthfulness of his narrations so far as they go, since they are
supported by good authorities. It is suppression and not misrepresentation of
facts that can be charged against him. In these two despatches the writer has
portrayed his own character most clearly. His energy, recklessness, and
indomitable will, his bravery, religious superstition, and ambition, are all
distinctly displayed; but in bold relief, prominent above all other traits, is
recognized his cruelty: whenever the carnage on the battle-field has been
unusually dreadful he delights to report it to Cortes, sometimes even
mentioning the matter twice; and when the natives have managed to escape him
with comparatively small loss, he regretfully enters into explanations and
gives the reasons why so few lives were taken. These despatches are
particularly interesting for their evidence relative to the site of the first
city founded by the Spaniards in Guatemala. They moreover correct many errors #
committed by Remesal,
There was no time to be wasted with them, for the roads might at any time
be rendered impassable by the rains, and so the army pushed forward after
branding a few unfortunates as slaves,10 the commander taking every
precaution in the disposition of his forces for the security of baggage and the
protection of the auxiliaries. The next town reached was Tacuylula, standing
to-day under the same name. The reception here was similar to the former,
except, perhaps, that the natives detected the quality of their visitors more
quickly than did the people of Atiquipac. Within an hour they had all fled.11
From Tacuylula they advanced to Taxisco, where, according to Alvarado’s report,
the inhabitants appeared friendly.12 They passed the night in the
town, with every precaution against attack, for it was strong and populous, and
the Spaniards were under no little apprehension of an assault. They were
unmolested, however, and left on the following morning for the town of
Nancintlan.13 For better security the commander placed ten horsemen
in the rear and an equal number in the centre with his baggage, while with the
remainder of the cavalry he led the van. He had advanced between two and three
leagues when a fierce assault was made upon his rear, wherein a number
♦
Fuentes, and Juarros,
who, strange to say, could never have seen these reports, or eveu Oviedo’s
almost verbatim copy of them. Another narrative of the conquest was written by
Gonzalo de Alvarado, which work Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 47, considers that Herrera must have seen. It was never published
; Juarros thus describes it: ‘ MS. de Gonzalo de Alvarado, que paraba en poder
dc D. Nicolas de Vides y Alvarado, su descendicnte. ’
10Ramirez, Proeeso contra Alvarado, 7-8 et seq.
11 ‘Me
recibierou dc paz, i se alraron dende h, vna hora.’ Alvarado, Relacion,
i. 163.
11 Juarros states that the army halted near
the city, and was almost immediately attacked by three strong bands of natives,
one descending from the heights of Nextiquipac, another from Taxisco, and the
third from Guaza- capan. It required all the skill and strength of the
Spaniards to resist the combined onset. But the division from Guazacapan
abandoned the field, while that which came down from the mountains was broken
and put to flight; whereupon the Taxisco party submitted, and the town remained
in the possession of the Spaniards. Juarros, Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 231.
13 Called by Alvarado Nacendelan, and
Neeendelan by Gomara; iu Mercator’s Atlas, 1574, Nacendelen, and in the
Wcnt-Indische Spieghel, 64, Ara- cedelan. Its modem name is
Nancintla.
of his Indian allies were killed, and, what he deplored still more, a
great quantity of his baggage, stores, and material was carried off.u
This was a grave loss, and the commander immediately sent his brother,
Jorge Alvarado, with forty or fifty of the cavalry to attempt a recapture. On
arriving at the scene of the late disaster this officer fell in with a large
body of warriors15 and put them to flight, but recovered none of the
lost effects. In the mean time the army arrived at Nancintlan, and Jorge
Alvarado having returned with little or nothing accomplished, Puertocarrero16
was sent back with a detachment of foot-soldiers. The second attempt was as
unsuccessful as the first. The fact is, the country was all in arms; the
natives had retired to mountain fastnesses, whence they issued forth to attack
as occasion offered. Nancintlan had also been abandoned, save by the principal
men who were detained as prisoners. During the eight days’ stay17
here, Alvarado sought in vain to induce the people to return, and, as he could
delay his march no longer, out of pure spite the dastardly commander burned
the town and his prisoners.18
The Spaniards now advanced to the neighboring
14 These consisted of cloth, cross-bow
striugs, horseshoes, nails, and other iron article^. Alvarado states at a later
date that the nails and horseshoes were cast with copper by the Indians, who
believed that the iron would melt with it. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado,
79-80. The clothing, he says, could not be recovered, as it had been tom up for
breech-clouts. Relacion, i. 163; Ovicclo, iii. 483.
15 Herrera affirms that they were from
Nancintlan, and had the custom of fighting with little bells, e
sendas campanulas,’ in their hands. Juarros states that all inquiries to
discover the reason of this practice have been useless. Herrera, dec. iii. lib.
v. cap. x.; Juarros, Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 232; also Gomara, Hist. Mex.,
232.
lG Referred
to as Don Pedro, one of Cortes’ most trusted officers. See Hist. Mex., chap.
vi., this series. He is mentioned more than once by Alvarado, and important
commands were intrusted to him. Relacion, i. 163-4.
17 Juarros says this stay was made at
Guazacapan, a town passed on the way to Nancintlan. The army would have been,
thus far, about 25 days on the campaign of discovery; Pour days from Patinamit
to Itycuintlan, eight days at this latter place, four days in passing through
the towns of Atiquipac, Tacuylula, and Taxisco, to Nancintlan, and eight at
this latter place.
18Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 8, 58, 79 et seq. Brasseur
de Bour- bourg is of opinion that only certain of the chiefs were captured
after having fled, and that they were hanged. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 660. I give the
narrative as derived from the evidence in Alvarado’s trial.
town of Pazaco.19 Tlie lieutenant-general had already received
an invitation from the chiefs, with protestations of friendship, which could
hardly have been sincere, for as the Spaniards approached the town their
advance was interrupted by short poisoned stakes, ingeniously hidden in the
ground.20 The roads, also, were found to be closed near the town,
with all possible impediments to an advance. As they entered the place, the
spectacle of a canine sacrifice, a ceremonial significant of hatred and
defiance, met their gaze.21 Nor were hostilities long delayed. At a
signal the natives suddenly appeared, shouting their shrill war-cries, and
threw upon the Spaniards so heavy a discharge of arrows, lances, and stones,
that it was with difficulty they held their ground. Slowly but surely, however,
Spanish weapons and coats of mail prevailed, and the Indians, unable to stand
before them, fled to the surrounding heights, amidst the attendant horrors of
pursuit.22
The army thereupon passed across the La Paz River23 into what
is now the state of Salvador, first entering Moquizalco,24 and then
they went to Acatepec.
19 The present town of Pasaco, called Pacoco
by Oviedo, iii. 483, and Pazuco by Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.,
and Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232.
20 These were placed slantwise, and
projected two or three fingers’ widtb above the surface. They were smeared with
so noxious a, poison that if but a drop of blood were drawn the wounded man
died insane, on the second, third, or seventh day, suffering intense thirst. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Native Races, ii. 744.
21 Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.
On a previous occasion they had met witb this indication of hostility, but in
this instance they seem to have had an opportunity of witnessing the ceremony. Alvarado, Relacion, i. 163.
22 ‘ I seguimos
el alcance todo lo que se pudo seguir.’ Alvarado, Relacion,
i. 1G3. Juarros states
that this victory did not decide the conquest of the district; some towns
submitted, but others retained their liberty. Among tbose wbich sought for
peace was the large town of Tejutla, four leagues from Guazacapan, which was
taken possession of as an arsenal. After tbe conquest it gradually lost its
ancient importance, and was abandoned about the middle of tbe seventeenth
century.
23 Near Bay of Sonsonate. See maps of Colon,
1527, and Kibero, 1529, baving at or near this point r. Ciego; also
Kiepert’s Map of Central America, 1858. R. Paza forms the boundary
between Salvador and Guatemala. Paza is evidently an abbreviation of the
native name Pazaco, and Paz a Spanish corruption of Paza.
21 Alvarado calls it Mopicalco; Herrera and
Gomara, Mojncal&co. Bras- seur de Bourbourg remarks that it seems to
correspond with the present village of Nahuizalco, not far from Sonsonate, in
Salvador. Hist. Nat. Civ.y iv. 661.
Both of these towns received the strangers hospitably, but the
inhabitants soon fled, overcome by terror at the cruelties committed. Angered
by this continual desertion, Alvarado ordered the Indians to be pursued, and
as many of them as could be seized were branded as slaves. He then hastened forward,
directing his march to Acajutla.25 On arriving within half a league
of the town he encountered a mighty host drawn up in battle array to oppose
him, their ranks extending over a wide plain that lay before the city.
25 Mentioned by
the conqueror as Acaxual, ‘ donde bate la Mar del Siir en fel.1
Relation, i. 163. Gomara calls it Acaiucatl; Herrera, Cayacatl; and Oviedo
Acarval, while Ixtlilxoehitl gives it the name of Acayncatl. Its modem appellation
is Acajutla. Juarros incorrectly states that Alvarado did not discover it
before 1534. Guat., i. 254. Fernando Colon, 1527, and Diego de Ribero,
1529, write las matas. Mercator’s atlas, 1574, town and bay
Acaxutla; Ogilby, 1671, Pt0 d’ Acaxutla; Laet, 1633, P° de
Acaxutla; West-Indisclw Spieghel, 1624, Caxulta; Jefferys, 1776, Sonsonate or
Trinidad City, Rio St Jago, and the southern point Izalcos, southern cape Pt de
los Remedios, northern cape Pt Dacaxutla, on the coast near the latter point
Guacapa, and in the interior Chiquimula. A little north river and city las
Esclavos; Kiepert, 1858, B. de Sonsonate, also a like named city on the R. 6’f
Jago. On the coast, Acajutla city, and eastward, P. de los Remedios, Puerto
Libertad, and Pt de la Concordia. The coast is called Cuesta del
Balsamo.
It was indeed an inspiriting sight for an Indian fighter. Times had been
somewhat tame for the last few days, but here was the promise of rare sport,
indeed. Alvarado, who was in advance with the cavalry, approached to within a
cross-bow shot, and then halted for his infantry to come up. As he ran his
experienced eye over the forests of spears, and marked the magnitude of the
hostile array, he felt that all his coolness and all his skill would be
required to save his army that day. War plumes waved from the heads of
thousands, and battle devices were scattered as far as the eye could reach,
while the feathered banners floating above the parti-colored bands threw over
all an air of peculiar brilliance.26 The foe had chosen, too, an
advantageous position. In their rear thick woods offered easy refuge in case of
need. Yet already, before they were his own, Alvarado began to plan that none
should escape him. He stood there like a hunter overlooking a band of antelope,
and thinking how he could best secure them all. Of what advantage was it to
Charles, or Christ, or even to these panting wolves themselves, that this ill
fated multitude to the last man should die ?
As the remainder of his forces27 came up, Alvarado advanced a
little nearer to the enemy. The Indians manifested no inclination to leave
their position; they appeared to be awaiting attack. Alvarado then feigned
retreat, which the army performed in perfect order, though in apparent haste,28
the commander himself having charge of the rear. The result was as he
anticipated. The duped natives eagerly pursued; at
26 * Parecian
bien con los sacos como eran blancos, y de colores, con rauy buenos penachos q
lleuauan en las cabe^as.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232.
27 It is on this occasion that Alvarado
gives the number of his forces. Ixtlilxochitl says there were not more than
7000 Mexicans and Tezcucans... and Alvarado had not more than 250 Spanish foot
and 100 horse, and some few thousand Quauhtemaltecs. Horribles Crueldades, 69.
28 Gomara states that Alvarado dared not
attack them, because they were so strong and well drawn up, but that the
Indians charged the Spanish army as it was moving by. Hist. Mex.t 232. Ixtlilxochitl’s account is similar to that
of Gomara; ‘Pasaron por un lado del ejercito de los enemigos; y como los vieron
d la otra parte, envistieron con ellos.’ Horribles Crueldades,
69-70.
last, they thought, these beings maledict are afraid. And they flew at
them with wild demonstrations of joy at the expected victory, making in their
onset such a roar as would have appalled any but veteran troops. In their blind
enthusiasm they grappled and struggled with the retiring cavalry, seizing the
horses’ tails and the riders’ stirrups. Their arrows rattled thick like
hailstones against the metal armor of the soldiers, or with angry hiss passed
them by, reaching to the farthest end of the Spanish army. For some time this
movement continued over the level plain, on which no obstacle interposed to prevent
its successful achievement.29 After thus drawing the enemy away
from the friendly wood, and to such ground as best suited the purpose, the
order was given; the Spanish army wheeled and fell on the unprepared foe like a
storm of Sodom. Sennacherib’s hosts before Jerusalem met no more complete
destruction than the army of warriors before Acajutla that day. Incased in
cumbersome cotton armor, they could not flee, and when overthrown by the
charging horsemen they could not rise again.30 As they lay helpless
on the ground the infantry and auxiliaries would cut and pierce them as if they
had been swine, following as zealously as possible the example of Alvarado,
who, severely wounded31 and out of humor, vented his malignant
spleen upon these home-defenders. Ah! war is a glorious thing; and that
religion and civilization which refine and ennoble war!
29 Brasseur
de Bourbourg, misled by Ternaux’s translation from Ramusio of Alvarado’s
letter, says: ‘Sans que Pin^galit^ du terrain permit aux Espagnols de leur opposer
beaucoup de resistance.* Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 662. See also Alvarado,
Relacion, i. 164, an & Alvarado, Leitres, in Ternaux-Compans, s6rie i. tom.
x.
30 For armor they wore a sack, with sleeves
reaching down to the feet, of hard twisted cotton, three fingers in thickness.
Gomara, Hint. Mex., 232; Alvarado, Relacion, i. 164; Native Races, ii. 742.
31 He had been pierced through the thigh
with an arrow, which was shot with such force as to penetrate the- saddle. His
leg was shortened in consequence to the extent of four fingers’ width, and he
remained lame for life. Alvarado, Relacion, i. 164. Remesal erroneously states
that Alvarado received this wound in Soconusco. Hist. Chyapa, 7.
The revenge of the chivalrous commander was ample; not one of all that
multitude of warriors was left alive upon the field.32 When the
extermination was finished the victorious army entered Acajutla, and remained
there five days caring for their wounded, of whom there was a great number;
then they passed on to Tacuxcalco.33 Pedro Puertocarrero had been
sent forward to reconnoitre, and succeeded in capturing two spies, ■who reported
that the warriors of this town and its dependencies were assembled in large
numbers to oppose their advance, whereupon the -scouting party proceeded until
they arrived within sight of the enemy. Gonzalo de Alvarado, who led the van,
his brother being ill of his wound, presently came up with forty of the
cavalry, and drew up in order, waiting for the main body to arrive. The commander,
though still suffering severely, mounted a horse as best he could and issued
his orders. The Indians were drawn up in one solid phalanx; he would assail
them on three sides at once. Thirty of the cavalry, under the command of
Gonzalo de Alvarado, were to attack the right, his brother Gomez was ordered to
lead twenty more against the left, while Jorge34 was to charge the
front with the rest of the forces.
These arrangements made, he took his post on elevated ground above the
battle field. Even his stout heart sank somewhat within him as he viewed the
scene. One portion of the plain was covered with a forest of tall spears,35
and the compact body of foemen
32 This is Alvarado’s own statement: ‘I fue tan grande el destroy, que en
ellos hicimos, que en poco tiempo no havia ninguno de todos los que salieron
vivos;’ and lower, ‘I en caiendo la Gente de pie, los mataba todos.’ Rd acton,
i. 164. Gomara says, ‘ Y casino
dexaron ninguno dellos viuo.’ Hist. Mex., 232.
a3 Tacusocalco. Oviedo, iii. 484.
31 The three brothers who accompanied
Alvarado from Mexico are now brought more into notice. There are three other
Alvarados mentioned by Fuentes in his list of conquerors, but their names do
not correspond to those of the other brothers of the lieutenant-general. Fncntex y Guzman, Recordation Florida, MS., 25-7; Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 14.
35 ‘Que verla de lejos era para espantar, porque tenian
todos los mas lan^as do treinta palmos, todas en Arbolcdas.’ Alvarado,
Relation, i. 164. Herrera adds that the spears were poisoned: ‘Las lancas eran
mayores, con yerua.’' dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.
Hist. Cen. Am., Vol. I. 43
told him that they were even more numerous than the army he had defeated
a few days before.30 His apprehensions were in no wise lessened as
he watched his forces draw near the enemy and observed how immovable they
stood, and without sign of fear. But what seemed to him most strange was that
his own men hesitated to charge. He afterward ascertained that between the
opposing lines lay a narrow meadow which the Spaniards mistook for a swamp, and
delayed their onset until they had assured themselves of the firmness of the
ground. Presently the stirring cry of Santiago! was heard, and Alvarado’s heart
swelled within him: his passion for human blood appears to increase with the
slaughter of his tens of thousands, and the lately gay and gallant cavalier-is
becoming a monster delighting in carnage and butchery, killing men for the mere
pleasure of it. With a feeling of fierce delight the wounded man now watched
his army break into the Indian columns. He marked the rout and bloody pursuit,
and noticed with satisfaction how the plain became streaked with dead bodies in
the track of the fugitives and pursuers, which ghastly line was soon over a
league in length.
Taking possession of the town, the Spaniards remained in it for two
days, and then moved on to Mihuatlan.37 All the towns and villages
hereabout were found deserted; the natives seemed to have discovered that
there was no chance of success in the field, and no escape from oppression when
once their liberty was lost. At Atecuan38 the commander was met by
envoys from Atlacatl, the king of Cuzcatlan, bearing proffers of friendship,
which were received with satisfaction, for the delay and fatigue of battle with
the reward of empty towns, however pleasur
30 ‘Peleb despues con otro exeroito mayor, y mas
peligroso.’ Herrera, dec.
iii. lib. v. cap. x.
37 Called by Alvarado, Miaguadan; by
Herrera, Mautlan; by Ixtlilxochitl
and Gomara, Mahuatlan.
38 Atehuan,
Alvarado, Relacion, i. 164; Lechuan, Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v.
cap. x.; Atlechuan, Gomara, Hut. Mex., 232; Athehuan, Oviedo, iii. 484.
able, seemed profitless.39 So far, indeed, Alvarado seems to
have effected little with respect to the actual conquest of the country. His
line of march was marked by heaps of slain, by burned cities and deserted
villages,40 but as for native subjects of his Majesty, or Christian
converts, or colonies, or any permanent advantages, they were few. If, now in
the very heart of the country, he could gain a faithful ally, a second Sinacam,
pacification might become more permanent and profitable. To this end he directed
his march toward Cuzcatlan,41 the capital of that country, a large
and beautiful city, inhabited by a considerable population, and, according to
the report of the conquerors, hardly second to Patinamit.
Although the Indians along the road manifested their friendliness by
supplying the Spaniards with fruits and fresh provisions in abundance, and
although they were cordially welcomed into the city by the chiefs, yet on
taking up their quarters the whole population rushed to arms, and a few hours
after the city was deserted.42 All efforts at reconciliation on the
part of Alvarado were unavailing. Summons to obedience and menaces were equally
disregarded, and a formal requirement was sent, coupled with the
39 1 Yo los recibi pensando que no me mentirian como los otros.’ Alvarado,
Relacion, i. 164. Oviedo, on the contrary, says, ‘ Pensando que mentirian, como
los otros.’ i. 485.
40 ‘Los mas de los
pueblos fueron quemados e destruidos.’ Ramirez, Pro- ceso contra Alvarado, 26
et seq.
41 Written Cuitlachan by Gomara and
Ixtlilxochitl. Cuzcatlan, meaning Land of Jewels, Junrro*, 6'vat., i. 23,
was the ancient name of the province, as well as the city represented by
the modern San Salvador. Native Rarrg,
v. xii. In Ogilby's America, 1671, is
written town S. Salvador, and south of it a town La Trinidad; Laet, 1633,
S. Salvador, and on the opposite side of the river La Trinidad, and in
the interior to the north a city Gratia# a I)ioc<; Jeffreys,
1776, San Salvador or Cuzcatlan, west Nexapa Guaymoco, east Chon- tales, north
Istepec; Kiepert, 1858, San Salvador, state, town and volcano.
42 The Spaniards entertained some suspicions
of treachery. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the prince and all his suite
were seized and kept prisoners. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 664. The testimony of
Alvarado’s letter tends on the contrary to prove that they escaped from the
town with the rest of the population: ‘I mientras nos aposentamos, no quedfr
Hombre de ellos en el Pueblo, que todos se fueron k las Sierras. E como vi esto, Yo embi6 mis Mensageros k los Seiiores de alii k
decirles, que no fuesen malos.’ Relacion, i. 164. Compare, however,
Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 9 et seq.
usual conditions; but no reply came. Then the invaders tried force, but
for once they were baffled. For fully seventeen days the most strenuous
exertions were made to subdue them, during which time several sanguinary
encounters occurred, wherein a number of Spaniards were wounded and eleven
horses killed, the auxiliaries suffering severely. Thus even the occupation of
the capital failed to secure the primary object of the invasion.
Alvarado now perceived that with the present force he never would be able
to save the souls of these Cuz- catecs, and he saw that his position was
becoming critical. The rainy season was now well upon him, the roads were
becoming bad, and every day would render retreat more difficult. The return
march extended over several hundred miles, and he could not expect to meet
with much hospitality or assistance. He decided, therefore, to return to
Guatemala. But before he set out he would make legally secure his claim upon
the vassalage of the Cuzcatecs. With this view he instituted a process against
them in the form prescribed by law, and summoned them to surrender. As no
attention was paid to his proclamation, proceedings were closed after the legal
time had expired and sentence was passed. They were pronounced traitors and
their chiefs condemned to death.43
This solemn ceremony ended,44 Alvarado was ready to depart
from the country, though not till he had branded all he could lay hands upon.
He was some
43 Alvarado, Relation, i. 164^5; Rarturez,
Proceso contra Alvarado, 58-9 et seq. Brasseur de Bourbourg, regardless of
all Spanish evidence, boldly assumes that the king ‘ainsi que tous les
seigneurs de sa cour ’ were in fact put to death, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 666-7,
when in reality they were fugitives in the mountains and merely condemned. It
is absurd to suppose that in the Cuzcatlan charge, No. xxvi., referred to
above, Alvarado’s accusers would have failed to bring against him the deaths of
the king and chiefs.
44 The branding of slaves at Cuzcatlan was
one of the charges brought against Alvarado at his trial. The Spaniards appear
to have seized upon a number of the natives when they first entered the town. Ramirez,
Proceso contra Alvarado, 9-59, passim. Las Casas uses these words: ‘Stigma
enim Regium, iis, qui non evaserunt, inustum est. Ego etiam praBcipuo totius
civitatis viri filio vidi imprimi.’ Regio. Ind. Devastate 38.
what chagrined at his failure to draw the Cuzcatecs into the fold; but he
would return again. Indeed, this was imperative, for the Cuzcatlan campaign had
been quite unproductive45 in securing either wealth or dominion.
From Itzcuintlan to Cuzcatlan there was scarcely a town that would not require
a second subjugation. An additional cause of vexation lay in the statement of
natives that no strait existed toward the south.46 On the other hand
he was gratified to learn of great cities beyond, built of stone and lime, and
inhabited by dense populations, and he promised himself due compensation from
them for his present disappointment. Of his homeward march particulars are
unnecessary. That the way was difficult and that the soldiers suffered much we
may be sure.47 Pinched by hunger, drenched by rain, midst the lightning
and the thunder, they beat their way back over the soft soaked ground, braving
the heavens and the earth which seemed to have risen against them. At night, if
no deserted town afforded shelter, the worn-out men, after partaking of scanty
fare and shivering in wet clothes round feeble camp fires, threw themselves
upon the swampy ground to sleep. Yet with all their sufferings they did not
scruple to destroy fields, burn such villages as fell in their way, and so
reduce others to the same sad plight as themselves. Sweet to us are the
misfortunes of others'
45 ‘Huuo
poco (lespojo.’ Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x. ‘ Poeo oro y riqnezas
hallaron en este viage. ’ Ixtlilxochitl, Horribles Crueldades, 70.
“ ‘I supe de los Naturales como esta Tierra no tiene cabo.’ Alvarado,
Relation, i. 165.
‘Padeeieron hartos trabajos, hambre y calamidades los nuestros, y los
espiuolea.’ Ixtlilxochitl,
Horribles Crueldades, 70; also Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232.
EE VOLT OF THE
CAKCHIQUELS.
1524r-1525.
Return
of the Allies to Mexico—Founding of the City of Santiago— The Cakchiquels
Oppressed beyond Endurance—They Flee from the City—Difficulty in again Reducing
Them to Subjection— Reinforcements from Mexico—Campaign against Mixco—Capture
of that Stronghold—Fight with the Chignautecs—Superhuman Valor of a
Cavalryman—Conquest of the Zacatepec Valley— Expedition against the
Mames—Defeat of Can Ilocab—Entry into Huehuetenango—Siege of Zakuleu—Surrender
of Caibil Rat,am.
Pedro de Alvarado
with his army arrived at Pati- namit from his southern campaign some days
previous to the 28th of July, 1524.1 The Mexican allies were soon dismissed and
returned to their homes, bearing despatches to Cortes. The general was greatly
pleased with the tidings from his lieutenant, and sent him two hundred more
Spanish soldiers, to aid in the colonization of those parts.
Almost immediately after their return to the capital of the Cakchiquels
the Spaniards proceeded to appropriate the territory and make preparations for
its government. A Spanish . city was founded at Patinamit under the name of
Ciudad del Senor de Santiago.2
1 Alvarado’s report of the campaign bears
this date, and as he mentions in it that on his return he founded the ‘ Ciudad
del Senor Santiago,’ he must have arrived at least several days previous to the
above date. Brasseur de Bourbourg, after pointing out a misconception of
Fuentes, exhibits some confusion in his own mind as to dates and time. Hist. Nat. Civ., 667.
2 Vazquez
observes, ‘ Lleg6 a Vulvusya que oy llaman Almolonga; y auiendo eu la falda de
su bolcan assentado el Real a los 25 de Jullio de 1524, di5 su primer ser a la
Ciudad de Guatemala, con Nubre de Villa que le duro muy pocos dias.’ Chronica
de Gvat.} 7. Remesal also states that the city was
( 678 )
The ceremonies were conducted with great pomp. According to Remesal, on
the 25th of July, St James’ day, the army was drawn up in battle-array to the
sound of fife and drum. The morning was unusually fine, and the sun flashing
its rays upon burnished armor added splendor to the scene. The cavalry were
specially conspicuous for the brilliancy of their dress and ornaments. After
repeated volleys by the arquebusiers mass was celebrated by Juan Godinez, the
chaplain, and all joined devoutly in prayer to their patron Santiago, to whom
they dedicated the new town.
The municipal officers were then appointed by Alvarado. The first
alcaldes were Diego de Rojas and Baltasar de Mendoza. Four regidores were nominated,
whose names were Pedro Puertocarrero, Heman Carrillo, Juan Perez Dardon, and
Domingo
founded on the slopes
of the Volcan de Agua, at a, place called Panchoy, which signifies Great
Lagoon, the valley there being surrounded by mountains. The material of which
the first houses were built consisted, he says, of forked posts for the comer
pillars, of canes and mud for the walls, while the roofs were thatched with dry
grass. By the aid of the Mexicans they were rapidly thrown up. A sufficient
number for the accommodation of all the army being completed, they waited for
the day of the Apostle Santiago, in order to found the city on that day and
dedicate it to their patron saint. It fell on Monday, the 25th of July, when
the founding was consummated. Remesal, HL~t. Chyapa, 4. I have
elsewhere shown that Patinamit was the city which Alvarado called Guatemala.
Now there is positive evidence from his own despatch that he founded the city
of Santiago at or upon that same city of Guatemala. * Antes acorde me bolver k esta Ciudad de Guatemala,.. asi que Yo
soi venido a esta Ciudad... hice, i edifiqufc, en nombre de su Magestad, vna
Ciudad de Espanoles, que se dice la Ciudad del Seuor Santiago,5 he
writes. The
use of the expression ‘ esta Ciudad de Guatemala’ in other portions of the
despatch proves that it was written at the capital of the Cakchiquel king,
while at the conclusion it is dated thus: ‘ De esta ciudad de Santiago, k veinte
i ocho de Julio.de mil i quinientos i veinte i quatro Anos.’ Thus it is clear
that the city of Guatemala and the city of Santiago were one, and that Alvarado
appropriated to himself Sinacam’s capital. Alvarado, Relacion, i. 1G1-2,
165-0. It may be here stated that in direct opposition to Alvarado’s application
of the term ciudad to the new settlement, both Vazquez and Remesal assert that
it was a villa, the latter adding that it retained this title eighteen days,
and was erected into a city on the 12th of August. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 4, 6.
Pelaez says the city was called * Ciudad de Santiago de los caballeros,’ but
not till November 22, 1527. Vazquez affirms, Chronica dc Grot., 11, that
it was so called on the 29th of July, 1524, while Remesal gives August 12th of
the same year. Pelaez, in his introduction to vol. i., states that Guatemala
took its name from the expression of Guhatezmalh&, that is to say ‘the hill
which throws out water.’ From the acts of the cabildo we know that it was called
a city on the 29th of July, 1524. A r6mlo>
A clan Ayunl. Guat., S.
de Zubiarreta,3 while Gonzalo de
Alvarado was elected alguacil mayor.4
The municipality having thus been formed,6 the Spaniards for
the next three days devoted themselves to festivities and rejoicing. On the
12th of August0 there was an enrolment of colonists, of whom a list
of one hundred has been preserved.7 To the sacred patron was also
built and dedicated a church, of which
3 Fuentes y
Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 25; Arevalo, Adas Ayunt. Guat., 7;
Zabarrieta, according to Remesal.
4 This right to appoint alcaldes and
regidores was maintained and exercised by Alvarado whenever he was present, as
is proved by the cabildos of 1525 and 1526. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 4. Ardvab,
Adas Ayunt. Guat.y 11-13.
5 The cabildo, as an assumption of its
official prerogatives, entered into session the same day, and arranged legal
prices for provisions. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 4. On July 27th we find that an
act was passed regulating the blacksmith’s rates. Two dollars was to be his
charge for making 100 nails, the iron being furnished to him. The charge for
shoeing a horse one gold dollar, and the same for bleeding. It is curious to
observe that the price of horseshoes in Alvarado’s army in April, 1524, was
$190 a dozen, at which rate they were bought and sold in his camp. Alvarado,
Relacion, i. 160. Remesal says that operatives, knowing the necessity of their
services, charged what they liked. The tailor charged a real a stitch, and
shoemakers worked only at such high wages that while soling other people’s
shoes with leather they might have used silver for their own; and the
blacksmith could have made his tools of gold had he wished. On the 12th of
December, 1524, the cabildo deemed it necessary to establish fixed rates for
labor of all kinds. The measures adopted were punctually carried out by those
in power. The regulations were modified as time required, and every two years,
at most, new rates were adapted to the condition of affairs, with which even
the lords of estates were compelled to comply. The artisans, however, still
contrived to cause the other colonists much inconvenience by refusing all
payment for work except in gold coin, the tailor otherwise retaining his
customer’s clothes, even ou a feast-day, and the shoemaker his shoes. This
state of tilings lasted till 1529, when tlie corporation on the 19th of
February made the aboriginal currency of the couutry, cacao, feathers, and
clothing, legal tender. Hist. Chyapa, 6; Arivalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 8-67,
passim. Another of the first acts of this new corporatiou was the appointment
of a town-crier, his salary being fixed at $100 a year. Id., 7-8. With regard
to this office of crier, Remesal states that it had to be accepted by the
person selected to fill it under pain of death. Hist. Chyapa, 4. On the present
occasion the person chosen was Diego Diaz, who strongly objected to the
calling, but was compelled to accept. Remesal, with his death penalty, goes
beyond the act of the corporation, which says ‘ so pena de cient azotes.’
Arevalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat. ,8. As an instance of the dearness of provisions,
we find an act passed on the 6th of May, 1523, limiting the price of eggs to
one gold real apiece. Id., 12,14.
6ArdvaZo,
Actas Ayunt. Guat., 8. But Remesal, who is continually at variance with the
best authorities, says on the 29th of July.
7 Vazquez says there were enrolled as
settlers at the founding less than 200 Spaniards, for, though very few had
fallen in battle, detachments had been left at Quezaltenango and Patinamit.
With regard to this latter place it must be borne in mind that Vazquez believed
the city to have been founded on the Volcan de Agua. Chronica de Gvat., 10-11;
see also Arivalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 8-19.
Juan Godinez was made eurate, and one Reynosa sacristan with a salary of
sixty dollars a year. The surrounding lands were then distributed in
encomiendas. In making these grants Alvarado must have entertained some
misgivings as to their validity and as to his future position and authority in
the eonquered provinces, for in a despatch to Cortes he complains that according
to reports meeting him on his return from the southern campaign the king had
appointed a governor other than himself of the new territory, and upbraids
Cortes for not having duly reported his serviees to his Majesty, at the same
time begging him to do so.8
That the Cakchiquel nobles should regard with indignation this arbitrary
disposal of their lands and vassals was hut natural. They had already observed
that friend and foe were much the same in the hands of the voraeious Spaniards,
whose aggressive and outrageous action now eonvinced them that the friendly
bearing of their king had gained for their nation no more, nay less,
consideration than that vouehsafed the conquered Quiehes, who had fought
manfully for independence. So it was, in truth, with regard to all the
conquerors in America, though not so expressed in words: those who fought for
their rights must die or suffer enslavement because they offered opposition to
the spoilers; those who did not fight were contemptible things, unworth}' a
white man’s consideration. Believing in their promises, the Cakchiquels had
received the Spaniards and had accepted their sovereign; but they were not
prepared to go so far as to surrender themselves, their wives and little ones,
their lands and their religion. Death might be the result of revolt; judging
from what they had seen it probably would be; nevertheless they would revolt
and die. How high the high hand of the taskmastiB had been raised we know not;
but we know that within a few short months after Alvarado’s return and the
8 ‘Cortes..
.confirmo los repartimientos, y ayudo a pedir aquella gouema- cion.’ Gomara,
Hist. Mex., 233; see also Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.
founding of his unstable city9 the Cakchiquels rose to a man
against the tyrants. The crowning grievance also is known. Exaction after
exaction had been made. The temples and palaces of Patinamit had been forced to
contribute their gold and silver ornaments until there was nothing left. Then
a large amount of gold10 was demanded of the king and nobles within
a stated time, which it was out of their power to supply. In their efforts to
obtain the so much desired yellow substance from auriferous streams they
brought in glittering pyrites, mistaking them for gold.11 Alvarado,
furious with rage, summoned the king and his courtiers before him. “Why,” he
passionately exclaimed, “have you not brought the gold and silver that I
demanded of you ? If I receive not soon all the gold and. all the silver of
your towns, you shall have the choice of being hanged or burned alive!” Then
with a brutality that Caligula might have gloried in he tore with his own hand
from the nostrils of Sinacam and two princes at his side the golden ornaments
they wore as badges of their high rank.12 This indignity cut the
unhappy natives to the heart, and bending their disgraced heads, bitter tears
mingled with the blood which fell at the feet of the Christian. “It is my
will,” added Alvarado, “that the gold and silver be here within five days. Woe
betide you if you bring it not!” and with a coarseness that equalled his
heartlessness he dismissed them from his presence.
9 It will be seen in the narrative that
the Spaniards were soon obliged to abandon Patinamit and locate elsewhere, and
that the city of Santiago had 110 permanent site until its establishment in
Panchoy in 1527.
10 * Pedro de
Alvarado les mando que dentro de cierto termino le diesen mill hojas de oro de
a quinze pesos cada hoja. ’ Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 59.
Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the king and royal family were commanded to
bring vases filled with the precious metals, and to deliver up even their
crowns and personal ornaments. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 673.
11 The Indians appear to have brought in
pyrites not unfrequently. Las Casas, speaking of the Cuzcatecs, says: iIndiani
igitur magnum hastanim ex orichalcho inaurato, numerum, quee aureee esse
videbantur... congregarunt. Capitaneus eas Lydio lapide
probari jussit, cumque orichalcum esse cerneret,’ etc. Regio. Ind. Devastate 38. ‘Alvarado no tomava syno oro fino e lo res- cebia
por el toque.’ Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 59.
12 See Bancroft's Native Races, ii. 732.
Nobles, priesthood, and people were already of one mind. The priests in
particular, seeing the desecration of their temples and the threatened
suppression of their religion, put forth all their efforts to rouse the
Cakchiquels from the vile thraldom. And while the nobles and people proceeded
as best they were able to collect treasures to meet the last demand from the
neighboring towns, the priesthood succeeded in completing plans and
preparations for revolt. They spread the report that their deity, offended at
the sacrilegious actions of the Spaniards, had appeared to his ministers,
announcing the speedy destruction of the strangers. A priest of Chamalcan now
presented himself before Sinacam and his court. “T am the lightning!” he cried,
with subdued vehemencc, “and I will strike the Castilians. With fire will I
destroy them! When I shall cause the sound of the sacred drum to be heard in
the city, let the king leave it and withdraw to the other side of the river,
for on the seventh day, Ahmak, will I strike the Spaniards!” These bold and
confident words had their effect. In their deep affliction the Cakchiquels
believed their god would help them, else of what value were gods? and they
sccrctly made all ready for the time the signal should be given. The Spaniards
do not seem to have had any suspicion of the intentions of the Cakchiquels. On
the very evening of the uprising Alvarado, pacified with the gold that had been
brought him, entertained Sinacam and a large number of princes and nobles at a
banquet, a splendid banquet, whereat the guests feasted on their own of which
they had been despoiled. That night, while the Spaniards were asleep, heavy
after their revelry, the signal drum was sounded. The whole population, men,
women, and children, arose and silently withdrew with their king and nobles from
the city. It is not the only time in the world’s history that a people have
abandoned home and fled from persecution, trusting in religious faith. Now may
the god in whom they
trust help them, for all other hope they have left behind I Crossing the
ravine they turned and awaited the expected miracle; all through the remainder
of the night they watched for the lightning and the fire, straining their eyes
afar, to the remotest corners of the heavens, to catch the first faint gleam of
that sacred flame which should bring them deliverance. But alas! there was no
light save that of the morning sun, which came to dispel all hope. God and
priest alike had deceived them; or rather they themselves were deceived, had
not understood aright, or were not worthy of aid, or their desire would come in
some other way—so their teacher might have said. Now it remained only for them
to perish, for they would return, never!13
Alvarado well knew the meaning of this action when he heard of it. And as
he walked through the city, the empty houses and deserted streets told him
plainly enough that his atrocious system of oppression had driven to despair a
nation that had welcomed him with all kindness and hospitality. The immediate
cause and incentive to revolt, the action of the priest, being explained to
him, he hoped when the Cakchiquels had discovered how vain was the hope in
their god that they would return to their homes again, and for ten days he
remained inactive. But all attempts at reconciliation were repelled; they would
rather die at war with the Christians than live at peace with them. Ah well!
then they must be slain; and as a religious and patriotic duty Alvarado took
the field against them. It was a long and bloody war that followed. If the
Quiches and Zutugils had confederated with the Cakchiquels, it is safe to
surmise the Spaniards would have been
13 Brasseur de Bourbourg gives August 27,
1524, as the date of this abandonment of Patinamit by the Cakchiquels. Hist.
Nat. Civ., iv. 676. This date would be about two months earlier than that
assigned to the event in Alvarado’s evidence for defence, where it is shown to
have occurred six or seven months after his seizure of Queen Suchil, Ramirez,
Proceso contra A l- varatlo, 100, 146-7, passim.
repelled. With a scarcity of provisions,11 and a reduced
number of Mexican auxiliaries, hemmed in and harassed, it is hardly possible
that they could have fought their way out of the country. But the rejection by
Sinacam of the earlier proposals of the Quiches, and his alliance with the
invaders, still rankled in their breasts, and they now cared little which of
their detested foes ate the other. As it was, the war proved not the one-sided
affair of late so common. The Cakchiquels displayed a skill and bravery in
battle such as the Spaniards had not experienced in these parts. In front of
their lines they dug deep holes in which they planted pointed stakes, and
concealing them with coverings of grass and light earth, received behind them
the charging cavalry. Many a Spaniard and many a horse found death or frightful
wounds, impaled in these pitfalls.15
On the battle-field the natives displayed a desperate courage. With their
deep hatred they would if possible envenom their arrows and darts, and as they
hurled them on the foe they shouted, “Take gold, Tonatiuh, take gold!” Thus the
contest was carried on with great animosity on both sides, and the Cakchiquels,
now more united among themselves, and joined by many neighboring tribes, long
maintained the struggle. Though theft own land suffered from the ravages of the
Spaniards, they had their revenge in devastating the territories of the Quiches
and Zutugils; for these nations had been so weakened in their contests with the
Spaniards that they could no longer meet ihe Cakchiquels in the field. And,
indeed, under this widely extended process of devastation the Spaniards began
to suffer hunger. Alvarado was obliged to
14 The high priee of food during this war is
evident from an act of the cabildo, passed May 6, ]5'2.3, limiting the charge for
a hog weighing 120 pounds to twenty pesos de oro, equivalent to nearly §300 of
our day; while eggs were one real de oro each, that is over $1.50. Arevalo,
Adas Ayunt. Guat., 13-14.
15 Las Casas tells a frightful story of
reprisal, wherein the Spaniards drove all their captives, man, woman, or ehild,
into these staked pits. Regio. Ind. Devastat., 36.
abandon his new city at Patinamit during the latter part of this year,
1524, and to make his head-quarters for a time at Xepau,16 round
which the country was less desolate.
The Spaniards were indeed sorely pressed, and many Christians were killed
and wounded. But about the beginning of 1525 he received reinforcements from
Mexico which enabled him to proceed rapidly with the reduction of the revolted
provinces. Returning to Patinamit, he subjected the several districts one after
another to fire and sword, till the land was one wide scene of desolation
It was during, or immediately after, the suppression of this revolt that
the Spaniards accomplished perhaps their greatest achievement during the whole
Guatemalan conquest. This was the storming of the city of Mixco, deemed
impregnable.17 Mixco was one of the most important strongholds in
the Cakchiquel kingdom, being so fortified by nature as to require little from
art. Situated on an eminence surrounded on all sides by precipices, it was
accessible only by a steep path, wide enough for but a single person, and
interrupted here and there by places which could only
16 Brasseur de Bourbourg imagines this place
to have Ijeen situated in the Zutugil territory. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 678.
11 Brasseur de Bourbourg takes the view
that both the later Zacatepec war and the capture of Mixco occurred during the
suppression of the Cakchiquel revolt. But he seems to me somewhat
inconsistent. He makes the subjugation of the Cakchiquels last ‘pendant
plusieurs mois’ after Alvarado’s return to Patinamit, and yet a little later he
points out that during the first months of the year 1525 Salvador was
reconquered and a Spanish town founded there. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 680-1. It is
scarcely to be supposed that a second campaign into Salvador could have been
undertaken while the Cakchiquel war was going on. Moreover, according to his
interpretation of the Cakchiquel manuscript, the town of Zumpango was one of
many which submitted to the Spaniards after the destruction of Mixco; and, as
will be seen later, the reduction of Zacatepec was owing to the hostile
incursions from that district against Zumpango while Alvarado was absent on a
campaign. The Cakchiquel manuscript is the production of Francisco Emandez
Arana Xahila, and contains a brief history of the Cakchiquel nation from the
earliest times. The author was the grandson of King Hunyg of the Ahpotzotzil
line, and it is written in his hand down to the year 1562, from which time it
is continued somewhat further by Francisco Gebuta Quell, of the same family.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Bib. 31 ex. Guat., 13, says that it was translated into
French in 1856 at Rabinal in Guatemala.
with difficulty be climbed.18 On the top of this eminence was
a great plain, capable of supporting a population of eight or nine thousand.
Learning that the Mixcans had determined to resist Spanish rule, and were
encouraging other tribes to fortify themselves in similar impregnable
positions, Alvarado regarded the reduction of the place as an absolute
necessity. He therefore sent an advance force of two companies of foot-soldiers
and one of cavalry, under the command of his brother Gonzalo, to invest Mixco
until he should be able to assume command in person. The captains commanding
under Gonzalo, Alonso de Ojeda, Luis de Vivar, and Hernando de Chaves, were
men of high courage and experience ; yet they not only accomplished nothing,
but suffered so much from the stones and arrows of the enemy,19
provisions likewise beginning to fail, that Gonzalo was about to raise the
siege when the lieutenant- general arrived with reinforcements.20
Although fully recognizing the difficulty and danger of the undertaking there
were two incentives which urged Alvarado forward to its achievement: he loved
what was difficult and dangerous, and he well knew that there could be no
permanent subjugation of the country with this stronghold in the hands of the
enemy. A council of war was held and the capture of Mixco resolved on. The
first attempt was unsuccessful, as were indeed the second and third, until days
and weeks went by without any seeming progress. Then the Spaniards tried
stratagem, and while feigning an assault by means of scaling-ladders at a place
where the precipice was lower
18 This city had been founded by the Pocoman
Indians, during their early wars with the Quiches and the Cakchiquels, the site
selected being on account of its natural strength. Native Races, i. 787;
Juarros, Guai., ii. 245. It was situated in the valley of Xilotepec, on a ridge
between the Pixcayatl and the Rio Grande de Motagua, the former river being a
tributary of the latter, and meaning ‘guardian stream.’ Juarros, Guat., ii. 350; Brasseur tie Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv.
080.
19 Juarros states that two defenders, by
rolling stones down the steep path from the heights above, could prevent an
army from entering. Guat., ii. 284.
20 Fuentes says 30 cavalry, serving on foot,
and 200 Tlascaltecs. Recordation Florida, MS., 14-5.
than elsewhere, they suddenly made a rush up the pathway, which they
hoped to find undefended. The Mixcans were prepared, however, and received the
Spaniards with such heavy discharges of missiles that they were forced to
retire in confusion. While the officers were in consultation shortly after, a
strong body of native warriors was reported near at hand, which proved to be
Chignautecs, allies of the Mixcans.21 Their intentions were
evident, and soon the two armies were engaged in hot contest. Notwithstanding
that great havoc was made by the arquebuses and cross-bows, and still more by
the cavalry, the Chignautecs maintained the fight with such stubbornness that
after the loss of a large number of Tlascaltecs and the wounding of many
Spaniards a retrograde movement was decided on.
Upon an occasion like the present, where the object to be gained, the
taking of a stronghold, partook more of the nature of single combat than of
general battle, here and elsewhere upon a campaign of this kind, it was not
uncommon to see feats of individual prowess cropping out on both sides. It was
the field of glory to the soldier, limited usually to the field, as the world
was the general’s field of glory. I will mention one such exhibition in connection
with this fight against the Chignautecs. In the hazardous retreat one of the
cavalrymen, Garcia de Aguilar, is in the extreme rear, subject to the fiercest
assaults of the pursuing warriors. In truth, his body is interposed between the
two contending armies. Obviously, if the enemy cannot put him out of the way
they are unable to harm the others; every effort is therefore made to maim his
horse, or otherwise to capture him; and he is at length cut off from his
comrades and quickly surrounded by over four hundred of the dusky foe, each
eager to inflict the coup de grace. But Aguilar is by no means vanquished yet.
Though presently unseated,
21 Macario, Xecul MS., 7; Juarros, Guat., ii. 285.
he maintains for some time a desperate struggle, striking with deadly
effect upon the enemy. Then he loses his sword, and nothing remains to him but
a dagger. It is not in this instance the bravery of the man that astonishes so
much as his extraordinary muscular power. The horse, by kicking and plunging,
prevents capture, while Aguilar, circumscribed by threatening death, exhibits
almost superhuman strength. No blow dealt to kill or stun, no attempt to seize
him, can stop the quick stroke of that strong right arm as it drives the keen
steel straight into the assailants’ vitals. With wounds and ever increasing
exertion, however, he grows weaker; but capture signifies immolation. To be
gazed at, helpless on a heathen altar, an offering to odious gods— the thought
is horrible—and the fatal dagger is still, by swift movements, driven to the
hilt. And now the battle cry of Santiago to the rescue! rings in his ears and
tells of succor; he hears a leaden sound, as of crushed bone and flesh, and the
whistle of descending blades, and knows that help is at hand. Six horsemen have
plunged into the unequal contest, and they scatter the swarthy foe like sheep.
They gather round their countryman, support his exhausted t frame,
and carry him wounded and faint to a place of safety. The courage, strength,
and skill of this single man, and the valor displayed in his rescue, so
impressed the Chignautecs that they retired disheartened, regarding their
efforts of no avail against such beings,22 and they returned to
their homes.
The siege had now lasted a month. On the third day after the retrograde
movement, which resulted in
22 In this engagement, for the Indians were
pursued aiter Aguilar’s rescue, more than 200 Chignautecs fell, says Juarros.
On the side of the Spaniards many Tlascaltecs were slain, among whom were two
illustrious chiefs, Juan Xuchiatl and Ger6nimo Carrillo—the Spanish name of
this Indian chief— while of the Spaniards themselves a considerable proportion
received severe wounds. Gnat., ii. 2S5. Besides - Aguilar and the three
captains, whose names are given in the text, Fuentes mentions also Gutierre de
Robles and Pedro dc Olmos as having greatly signalized themselves in this
action. Recordation Florida, MS., 16.
Hiai. Cen. Am., Vol.
I. 4A
victory, the Spaniards determined to make another attempt upon the place,
and were on the point of assault when an ambassador arrived from the Chisr-
nautecs tendering their submission, and bringing the customary presents of
gold, green plumes, and costly mantles. It was, however, stipulated on their
part that this act of allegiance should be kept secret until the fall of Mixco;
at the same time the envoy intimated that their caciqucs would communicate
privately to Alvarado a secret that would be of service to him. Alvarado
received this message favorably, and sent back the emissary with every mark of
consideration, expressing his willingness to hear what the chiefs had to say.
The distance from Mixco to Chignauta was nine leagues; and in three days,
during which Alvarado had refrained from activc operations, the principal
caciques arrived at his camp. They were attended by a large retinue and a
number of natives bearing presents of great aboriginal value and a large
quantity of provisions. The disclosure made by the caciqucs was to the effect
that there existed a subterranean passage from the stronghold, having an outlet
in the woods near the river bank. By this the Mixcans could escape, they said,
even if the Spaniards sue- ♦ ceeded in storming the height. The outlet they were willing to disclose,
as they owed no allegiance to the Mixcans, who had incited them to take up arms
against the Spaniards. They moreover suggested that an ambuscade should be
placed near the mouth.23
A force of forty men, cross-bowmen and cavalry, commanded by Alonso Lopez
de Loarca, was accord-
23 Fuentes, who wrote between 1690 and 1700,
gives a partial description of a cavern, the entrance to which was on a small
ridge by the side of the ruins of Mixco. The door-way was of clay, three feet
wide and three high. Thirty-six stone steps led down to a spacious chamber,
having at its end another flight of stairs, down which no one had passed far,
for the reason that the ground bcyan to tremble as the explorer proceeded.
Eighteen steps had, however, been descended, and an arched opening on the right
side discovered, leading by six steps into a long cavern. No further
explorations had been made. Ubi sup., cap. ii.; Juarros, Guat., ii. 350-1
Native Races,-, iv. 119-20.
ingly despatched to the exit of the passage,24 and thereupon
Alvarado determined once more to attempt to storm the place. The front man of
the storming line bore a shield, and behind him followed a crossbowman; then
succeeded another shield-bearer, supported by an arquebusier. This alternate
order afforded protection and at the same time admitted of assault.25
The file thus formed was led by Bernardino de Arteaga, who had asked for the
dangerous post as a favor, and succeeded in covering his name with honor.
Calling on God and Santiago, they began the ascent of the narrow ridge, which
widened as it joined the cliff. While moving as rapidly as possible, so that
the showering stones and arrows might have less effect, they nevertheless plied
cross-bow and arquebuse with deadly effect. They had almost reached a wider
place in the ridge, where four men might walk abreast, when the gallant Arteaga
was felled with a heavy stone, breaking his leg, but with indomitable will he
struggled on, supported by his comrade Diego Lopez de Villanueva.26
Despite the terrible resistance they reached the broader space near the cliff,
which was packed with defenders so eager for a blow at the assailants that many
were crowded off the precipice • by those behind. But the stormers were by this
time enabled to fall partially into line and ply their blades. A hand-to-hand
contest followed, and the ground soon became thickly strewn with the bodies of
slain Mixcans, among which were heaps of lopped- off heads and limbs. More
Spaniards and auxiliaries came rapidly forward to aid in the slaughter as
ground could be cleared for them to stand on. The
24 The distance of the outlet from the camp
must have been considerable, as Fuentes states that a day was allowed for the
arrival of Loarca’s force at the cave. Fuentes y Guzman, Recordation Florida,
MS., 17.
'a The
account given by Fuentes is somewhat confused. From his version on page 17 the
reader is led to suppose that Loarca’s party were to ascend by the cavernous
passage, and in the order given in the text, while on page 19 he states that
those who fled by the cave were attacked by the party ‘ stationed in ambush.’
26 Fuentes says that Lopez de Villanueva and
two others quickly took his place.
natives fought with desperation, but height after height was lost to
them, until their victorious foe gained at last the plain above. There the
Spaniards found fresh forces to oppose them. But the Mixcans were by this time
overawed by the extraordinary achievement of the Spaniards; and as they marked
these merciless white foemen, the first who had ever planted foot within the
precincts of their famed and formidable stronghold, as they saw them moving
onward and upward, invincible as fate, it is no wonder that their hearts sank
with despair. Their opposition was wholly spiritless; they broke and fled at
the first charge. What followed was frightful, surpassing even the terrible
scenes to which these man-killers on both sides were accustomed. To escape the
fierce onslaught of the Spaniards some of the Mixcans plunged headlong down
the cliffs, the dull thud of their bodies, as they struck upon the rocks,
sounding ghostly echoes in the ravine below. Some attempted escape by the now
deserted path by which the assailants had come, but these were captured by the
camp guard. Some fled by the subterranean caverns, but were pursued and many
taken prisoners before they reached the outlet, while those who had previously
withdrawn thither with the women and children, under the care of several
caciques, on emerging at the outlet were assailed by Loarca, and most of them
captured.27
Thus terminated this remarkable exploit of the conquerors. The city was
burned, the stronghold destroyed, and the population removed to the site of the
present town of the same name, situated in the Valle de las Vacas.28
'
It was not long after the fall of Mixco that the
27 Tezump,
Quichi MS., 7; Juarros, Ouat., ii. 284-8; Fuentes y Guzman, Recordation
Florida, MS., 14-9.
26 The Mixco of to-day is distant from the
present city of Guatemala about two leagues, and nine or ten leagues from the
ruins of the Mixco destroyed by Alvarado. Its destruction was followed by the
submission of various towns, among which, according to the Cakchiquel MS.,
wereXilotepec, Yam- puk, Papuluka, and Zumpango.
conquest of the Zacatepec Valley was accomplished. The towns of this
district were subject to the king of the Cakchiquels, but many of them,
especially Zacatepec, had thrown off their allegiance and declared themselves
independent, indignant at Sinacam’s alliance with the Spaniards.29
They had, moreover, repeatedly shown their hostility to those towns which had
submitted to Spanish ride, by making incursions into their lands, and carrying
off their women and children to the sacrifice.30
After the suppression of the revolt and the reestablishment of Spanish
power in the Patinamit district,31 the caciques of Xinaco and
Zumpango remonstrated with the Zacatepecs, saying that they were now under the
protection of the children of the sun, and should appeal to them if the
depredations on their lands did not cease. The unfortunate men who carried this
message were summarily sacrificed on the altar stone, all save one, whose life
was spared that he might carry back the reply of the Zacatepecs: “ Let the
children of the sun bring to life again the dead envoys. As for ourselves, we
will not submit to an unknown people, but will destroy all the villages of the
caciques before their allies can render assistance.” Nor were they slow to
carry out their threat.
A large force invaded the territory of Xinaco and Zumpango, and began to
slay and lay waste. The natives sent to Guatemala to implore assistance. Alvarado
was at this time absent on his second campaign
29Oalcchiqud MS., 5; Juarros, Guat.,
ii. 2S1; Fuentes >/ Guzman, Recorda- rion Florida, MS., 12. Jimenez
makes a marginal note in the manuscript of Fuentes, stating that ‘this is
false, because they had rebelled previous to the arrival of the Spaniards and
made their capital at Yampuk. ’ Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Floridi, M.S.,
12-3.
30 Fuentes asserts that they were wont to
celebrate their feasts, during which these victims were immolated, on hills in
full view of the Indians who were friendly to tho Spaniards, in order to
provoke them.
S1 Juarros
assigns too early a date, January l.'>2.'>, for the events which follow,
but he appears to be quite unconscious of this first Cakchiquel revolt. Guat.,
ii. 2S1. Jimenez has made a marginal note in the manuscript of Fuentes as
follows: ‘ This town,’ meaning Xinaco, ‘was founded some time
afterward—therefore this is false. ’
to Salvador/2 carrying out his former intention to return and
bring the stubborn natives to a recognition of Spaniards’ rights. Nevertheless,
one thousand Cakchiquels and ten arquebusiers, under the command of Antonio de
Salazar, a most competent captain, were at once despatched to the scene of
action, while Alvarado was advised of what had occurred. Hostilities had
already begun before these troops arrived. For three days the Zacatepecs
maintained the conflict with great bravery, though with considerable loss. But
now the Spaniards received a reinforcement of ten arquebusiers, twenty
horsemen, and two hundred Tlascaltecs and Mexicans, commanded by Pedro Gonzalez
Najera. The contest thereafter was not so evenly balanced, and the Zacatepecs
sustained several defeats. On the fifth day, however, they adopted the plan of
attacking in columns one thousand strong, successively relieving each other, so
that fresh men continually kept up the battle, each column when relieved
retiring to the rear.33 These tactics enabled them to maintain the
fight during the whole of that day, and they inflicted no little loss on the
Spanish forces. Early in the morning the Spaniards took the field, apparently
in disorder and much reduced in numbers. Encouraged by the success of their
new manoeuvres, the Zacatepecs attacked with contemptuous confidence. The
Spaniards gave way and retreated
32 Fuentes states that the Spaniards at this
time were engaged in the Atitlan war. Recordation Florida, MS., 13. This is a
mistake. Atitlan was subdued in 1524, and Alvarado, who gives a detailed
account of the affair, would have mentioned this war with the Zacatepecs had it
occurred at that time. Juarros says Alvarado was engaged in the Atitlan war or
that of the Pi piles. Guat., ii. 282. This latter conjecture is doubtless
right. There is evidence that Alvarado undertook his second campaign along the
coast against Salvador during the early part of 1525, conquered the country,
and founded the city of San Salvador. No records of the events remain, but from
an act of the cabildo of Guatemala, dated the 6th of May, 1525, we learn that
one Diego Holguin had previously left the city to ‘ reside in the villa de San
Salvador, of which he was alcaldc.’ Ar6valo, Adas Ayunt. Guat.y 13.
33 Fuentes, followed by Juarros, states that
this was done by the advice of an aged Indian named Choboloc. He had observed
that the Spaniards did not engage with all their forces at oncc, but always
kept a body of men in reserve, and suggested to the chiefs of his nation the
adoption of similar tactics.
toward a thickly wooded ravine. The Zacatepecs now felt sure of victory,
and in their impetuous pursuit allowed themselves to be drawn into the defile,
where a large body of their enemies were lying in ambush. Suddenly assailed on
both sides, their disorderly ranks were routed with great slaughter. Numbers
were also taken prisoners, among whom were many caciques. This battle
terminated the war. The whole Zacatepec valley submitted to the authority of
the Spaniards; and in order to insure future obedience a garrison of ten
Spaniards and one hundred and forty Tlascaltecs was stationed at Zacatepec,
under the command of Diego de Alvarado, the caciques being detained as
hostages.34
About the middle of the year 1525 Sequechul, king of Utatlan, represented
to Alvarado that his father Oxib Quieh had not been so guilty as he had
supposed of the treacherous plot to destroy the Spaniards the year previous,
but that Caibil Balam,35 king of the Mames,36 was more to
blame, as the instigator of the attempt. At the same time he offered to provide
the invading forces with guides if Alvarado would undertake the conquest of
that kingdom and punish Caibil Balam. Whether SequechuTs object was revenge
for his father’s cruel death or favor with Alvarado is of little consequence;
the mention he made of the broad lands and great wealth of the province fell
pleasantly on the lieutenant-general’s ear, and he willingly acceded to the
king’s proposal.
The expedition was placed under the command of Gonzalo de Alvarado, and consisted
of eighty Spanish
84Fuentes y Guzman, liecordaeion
Florida, MS., 12-14; Juarros, Guat.,
ii. 281-3.
33 This ruler, says Gonzalo de Alvarado,
displayed in his person the nobility of his blood and was about 40 years of
age. Alvarado, Gonzalo de, Memm-ia, MS.; Jimrros, Guat., ii. 319.
50 Tlie
Cakchiquels are said to have applied the word Mem to the Maya- spcaking tribes.
This word, meaning ‘ stutterers,' was corrupted by the Spaniards into Mames.
They occupied that portion of tho country which lay between the Quiche
territory and Chiapas, now the province of Totonicapan, See Native Uaces, ii.
128, v., passim.
infantry, the captains being Antonio de Salazar and Francisco de Arevalo,
together with forty cavalrymen and two thousand native auxiliaries, drawn from
various districts, whose commanders were Jorge de Acuna, Pedro de Aragon,
Bernardino de Oviedo, and Juan de Verastigui. These forces were, moreover,
accompanied by three hundred pioneers, with axes and picks, while a large
number of Indian carriers bore with them an ample supply of provisions besides
the baggage. Early in July the army marched to Totonicapan, a town on the
confines of the Mame territory, which was made the base of operations. The
usual difficulties of such undertakings here began. It took the invaders no
less than eight days to cross the mountain radge between that place and the Rio
Hondo. The season rendered their labors the greater, for the rain, day after
day, poured down in torrents. Up steep ascents, down dangerous gullies, they
toiled, now winding in single file along the edge of a precipice, now plunging
over soft treacherous ground up to the knee in mud. On reaching the Hondo37
they bivouacked for two days in the dripping sunless woods on the bank of the
river, which, swollen by the ceaseless rains, for a time defied their passage.
At length they succeeded in crossing, and presently emerged from the forests
upon an open plain, and descried on an eminence the Mame town of Mazatenango.
It was a well fortified place, surrounded by a barricade of heavy timber,
behind which, on a terre-plein of mud and straw, a great multitude of warriors
were drawn up. A wide stretch of swampy ground, not differing in appearance
from the rest of the plain, debarred approach to this side of the town. As the
invading army drew near, the Mames with hisses and shouts of defiance
challenged attack, in the hope of inducing them to charge into the swamp.
Gonzalo de Alvarado
37 The
Hondo, during the dry season, is but a small shallow stream. In the wet season,
however, it becomes a deep and dangerous river, hence its name, El Rio Hondo,
‘the deep river.’
was, however, timely advised of the danger by his guides, and making a
detour he assaulted the barricade on the other side, where the ground was firm.
The assailants were received with a blinding storm of missiles, which for a
long time kept them in check. Their repeated efforts to burst through the
defences were baffled, and the auxiliaries were becoming discouraged, when
Gomez de Loarca with the cavalry plunged through the palisade. The besiegers,
pouring in through the breach, could now fight after their own fashion; and
though the Mames offered a brave resistance, they were routed with great
slaughter, and their town taken possession of by the conquerors, who placed in
it a sufficient garrison as a protection in their rear.
Continuing their march, they encounter at no great distance from
Mazatenango an army of five thousand warriors from Malacatan, whereupon Gonzalo
takes up a favorable position on tbe plain.38 The vanguard of the
enemy is composed of slingers and archers, and the main body of spearmen,
commanded by the renowned prince Can Ilocab. In perfect order, and with
deafening sound of drums and conchs, they approach the Spanish army. As soon as
the vanguard has reached a suitable point Gonzalo charges upon them with the
cavalry. The arrows strike thick as hail on the mailed breasts of the horsemen,
drawing fire therefrom; but the chargers dash through the ranks of the archers,
who with stubborn courage disdain to fly, while to avoid the fatal lance
thrusts they throw themselves under the horses, only to be crushed and mangled
by the iron-shod hoofs. And now the main body of the Mames come up, and the
Spanish cavalry have more difficult work. The charge against those solid
columns bristling with long spears is only partially successful. The shock is
sustained by the Mames with a firmness the Spaniards are little accustomed to.
The discomfited vanguard has time to rally, and asfain the swift stone bruises,
and arrows hiss
O '
38Macario, Xecul 16; Juarros, Guat., ii. 311. The town
still exists.
and shiver on helmet.and coat of mail. All the forces on both sides are
now in action, and the slaughter of the Mamcs is dreadful, yet not one inch
will they yield. Rushing to close quarters, within their opponents’ breastwork
of sword-points, and gliding along their lances, they so hamper the Spaniards
that they can hardly wield their arms. Bruised and stunned, embarrassed in
their movements, the blows of the Spaniards fall more feebly, and they already
begin to relax their efforts when Salazar, one of the captains of infantry,
seeing the imminent danger, strives to rouse his men with spirit-stirring
words. “Where is your valor, Castilians?” he cries. “Does that courage sink
which won the blood-stained fields of Mexico and Utatlan? There you achieved
renown; lose it not here, nor suffer yourselves to be carried off to die on the
altars of these idolaters!” The appeal has its effect. With renewed efforts the
infantry mow their way through and through the Mame columns, causing frightful
carnage, but the warriors recede not one foot in flight. For still waves in air
their prince’s banner; his plume nods high above them all, and his voice still
cheers them on. As long as he remains they will fight, knowing no defeat. The
Spanish captain is not blind to this, for under the great Cortes he has learned
that in their leader lies the strength of the warriors, and he recognizes only
too clearly that Can Ilocab’s death is their one chance of victory. For some
time the execution of Gonzalo’s purpose has been delayed, but at length by the
surging ranks he is thrown near to the magic banner, and then with desperate
charge he urges his steed through the resisting guard up to the Mame chieftain,
and plunges the lancc through his body. This ends the battle, and the Mamcs,
unconquered by sword and lance, on the fall of their prince flee from the field
and are pursued as far as their town. The chiefs of the place at once send an
embassy to sue for peace, bringing with them a present of gold ornaments, and
offering
allegiance, which is accepted. Leaving 'a garrison in the town, the
Spaniards continue their march in the direction of Huehuetenango.39
This was an important city of the Mames, where Gonzalo de Alvarado
expected warm work, judging from the late formidable resistance. On arrival,
however, he found the place abandoned, and such of the houses as had not been
destroyed stripped of furniture and utensils, without a handful of provisions.
Cavalry troops were sent out in different directions, and one under the command
of Gaspar Aleman fell in with three hundred Indian archers, who without hesitation
attacked the horsemen, among others wounding Aleman in the face. But they were
soon routed, and in the pursuit three prisoners were taken, one of whom was a
chief named Sahquiab, a captain in Caibil Balam’s army. When brought into the
presence of Gonzalo de Alvarado, he informed him that his sover- reign had
retired to the almost impregnable city of Zakuleu,40 where, provided
with provisions and stores, he deemed himself secure. The captive was thereupon
sent by Gonzalo to Caibil Balam with offers of peace and a charitable proposal
to teach him the doctrines of the Christian religion. But Sahquiab did not
return, nor came any answer to Gonzalo. A second embassy, composed of Indians
from Utatlan, was rudely refused audience with a shower of arrows. This
exhausted the patience of Gonzalo and he marched on Zakuleu. As soon as his approach
was observed by the Mames an army six thousand strong sallied forth to give him
battle. The engagement which followed was maintained by the Mames with the same
stub-
s9QuicJi4
MS., 10; Juarros, Guat., ii. 311-13. A city whieh remains to the present day
under the same name.
Like Utatlan and
Mixco, this eity was situated on a plateau surrounded by ravines. The plateau
was twelve miles in circumference, and on it are still to be seen the ruins of
Zakuleu, known by the name of Las Cuevas, the eaves, about half a league from
Huehuetenango. They are only a eonfused heap of rubbish, overgrown with
brushwood. Two pyramidal structures of stone and mortar can, however, be made
out. Juarros calls the place Soeoleo, which is the present name of a village
and stream in the locality. Guat., ii. 313-14; Native Races, iv. 128-30.
born valor exhibited in previous fights, and marked by similar carnage.
A-reserve of two thousand, which sallied during the battle from Zakuleu to the
support of their countrymen, made an ineffectual attempt to turn the tide of
victory, only adding to the victims; and routed in all directions the Mames
fled to their stronghold in the mountains.41
Owing to the impossibility of storming so impregnable a place as
Zakuleu, Gonzalo closely invested it by stationing troops at the few points
where egress seemed possible. On the third day of the siege Diego Lopez de
Villanueva, while reconnoitring with a body of cavalry, observed smoke issuing
from the woods on the other side of the river.42 Having crossed with
much difficulty, he fell in with three hundred Indians in charge of a large
supply of provisions, which they intended to introduce into the beleaguered
city, and which Villanueva promptly appropriated.
The inactive warfare soon wore out the patience of the Spaniards, and
Gonzalo began to cut a road suitable for cavalry up the most practicable part
of the steep. Day by day, from morning to night, the sound of the pick was
heard, and the work continued uninterrupted with but little loss to the besiegers,
though the heights were thronged with Mames, who used every effort to impede
its progress. The crossbow and arquebuse were far more deadly than the sling
and arm-drawn bow, and the Mames suffered heavily.
In the midst of these operations an army of eight thousand mountaineers
appeared on the plain, presenting a most unusual spectacle—naked, and hideous
with war-paint, unrelieved by plume or ornament of any kind, only by the
glitter of their weapons. The Spanish captain immediately made preparation for
41 The Spaniards lost in this engagement 40
Indians and three horses, while eight soldiers were severely wounded, among
them Gonzalo de Alvarado. They collected from the bodies of the slain a'great
quantity of gold medals. Alvarado, Gonzalo de, Memoria, MS.; Juarros, Guat. ii.
315-16.
42 The present Socoleo, a tributary of the
river Selegua.
battle. Leaving a sufficient number to protect the work and guard the
camp,13 he advanced against them with the remainder of his forces,
and was soon engaged in a desperate struggle. Three several times the ranks of
the mountaineers were broken, and as often did they rally and attack with ever
increasing fury. Only the steel and cotton armor of the Spanish forces saved
them from destruction. As it was, lance and sword, bullet and bolt, reaped the
usual harvest, and on the plain, saturated with blood and bespotted with
mangled bodies, the Spaniards at last stood triumphant.4*
Thenceforth the siege continued uninterrupted. The work of cutting the
road dragged slowly on, and by the middle of October both besiegers and
besieged were undergoing intense suffering. Within the city famine was daily
gathering its victims; every eatable substance, to the leather of their
shields, had been consumed, and the survivors were feeding on the bodies of the
dead. Scarcity of provisions, too, was felt in the Spanish camp. But this was
not the worst. The weather was unusually severe; icy hailstorms and keen frosts
caused much suffering to the invaders, unaccustomed to the cold of that altitude.
Fever and ague also attacked them. From the rain and hail that fell the plain
had become a swamp, and day by day Gonzalo saw the number of his haggard troops
grow smaller. A more speedy method of reducing the place must be adopted or the
attempt abandoned. Accordingly he sent off his sick to Huehuetenango, and
stopping work on the road, prepared to make the desperate attempt to storm the
place with scaling ladders.45 He had already constructed a number
of these ladders, huge in size and
45 This
guard consisted of 400 Indians and ten picked Spaniards, under command of
Antonio de Salazar. Juarros, Guat., ii. 317.
44 During the battle, which was fought in
full view of Zakul£u, the Mames attempted a sally in support of the
mountaineers but were repelled by Salazar. Juarros, Guat., ii. 317.
45 Juarros adds that Gonzalo did not adopt
this plan at first for the reason that he wanted to avail himself of his
cavalry in the assault. Guat., ii. 318.
wide enough to allow three men to ascend abreast, and was on the point of
making the attack when there appeared an envoy from Caibil Balam suing for
peace. This unfortunate ruler had previously attempted to escape by night with
his family and an escort of the principal chiefs; but having fallen in with a
patrolling party, he was wounded in the arm with a cross-bow bolt and compelled
to return. And now he had taken counsel with his chiefs on the subject of
surrender. He had represented to them that all hope of relief was gone, while
his famished subjects were dying around him. Submission alone could save the
few survivors. The chiefs had eagerly approved his words, and the tender of
submission was made. Gonzalo’s satisfaction at this unexpected termination of
the siege was indeed great. A spot midway between the gate of Zakuldu and the
quarters of the cavalry was appointed as the place of meeting for the
settlement of terms, and Gonzalo, accompanied by Loarca, Salazar, Arevalo, and
twelve others, there met the humbled Caibil Balam. The Spaniard’s reception of
the native ruler was friendly in the extreme, and with an embrace, Gonzalo
assured him of his love and friendship. Under such kindly treatment, so little
expected, the stoical self-command of the weakened warrior gave way, and he
wept as he returned the victor’s greeting.
The Spaniards then took formal possession of the city in the name of the
king of Spain. They destroyed the fortification at the entrance, and made more practicable the road across the ravine. The surrounding country
was afterward explored and the towns subjected to Spanish rule. In
Huehuetenango Gonzalo de Alvarado stationed a strong garrison, with Gonzalo de
Solis as captain, and having taken all the necessary measures for the permanent
tranquillity of his newly
conquered territory, he returned to Guatemala City toward the end of the year.
Henceforth conquest, oppression, and destruction marched hand-in-hand over the country, and the result was a national and social eclipse of the fallen races. Their arts and sciences were soon forgotten; their architectural skill was lost; and from a state of happy development their life as a nation was blotted out. To what extent the progress of the world would have been benefited or retarded, had the aboriginal inhabitants of the American table-lands survived as integral nations, it is impossible to say; but we may question how much the occupation of the country by the Spaniards contributed toward general advancement. It is thought by some that the great Indian nations had reached the limit of their present line of progress when the Spaniards arrived. In Guatemala the individual kings had by long lines of succession arrived at that stage of monarchy when power begets luxury and decay. Without European interference there might have been a relapse and a dark age; and a later view, had discovery been delayed to our own time for instance, might have found Mexico and Central America overrun by savage hordes from the north and ruined cities scattered over the land. To this fancy I am not prepared wholly to subscribe.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED IN THE HISTORY OF CENTRAL AMERICA