In my History of the Northwest Coast I have brought down the annals of Washington, Idaho, and Montana to the end of the fur company regime, in 1846,        at which time the question of boundary between the possessions of Great Britain and those of the United States was determined, the subjects of the former power thereupon retiring from the banks of the Columbia northward beyond the line of latitude 49°. In the History of Oregon I have likewise given much of the early affairs of the territory treated of in this volume, that territory for a time being a part of Oregon; just as in the history of Washington much is given of the history of Idaho, and in the history of Idaho much of Montana.

Under the term Northwest Coast I originally included all that vast region of North America north of the 42d parallel and west of the Rocky Mountains, Alaska alone excepted. When, in 1846, the south­ern line of British Columbia was determined, all that remained was called Oregon. Later, from Oregon was set off Washington; from Washington was set off Idaho; and from Idaho, for the most part, was set off Montana. Thus for some part of the history of Montana we look to the annals of Idaho, Wash­ington, Oregon, and the Northwest Coast; for part of the history of Idaho we look to the annals of Washington and the rest; and for the history of Washington we must have also the histories of Ore­gon and the Northwest Coast. I have been thus explicit on this point, in order that the people of Washington, Idaho, and Montana might thoroughly understand how the histories of their respective sec­tions are distributed in this series—histories which if segregated from the series and issued separately would each fill a space equal to two of my volumes.

There were those among the early pioneers who came to the Northwest Coast some who deter­mined, while securing to themselves such homes as they might choose out of a broad expanse, to serve their government by taking possession of the terri­tory north of the Columbia River, not as Vancouver had done fifty-seven years before, by stepping on shore to eat luncheon and recite some ceremonies to the winds, nor as Robert Gray had done, a few years later, by entering and naming the great River of the West after his ship; but by actual settlement and oc­cupation. I need not repeat here the narrative of those bold measures by which these men of destiny achieved what they aimed at. I wish only to declare that they no more knew what was before them than did the first immigrants to the Willamette Valley. Nevertheless, it fell out that they had found one of the choicest portions of the great unknown north­west; with a value measured not alone by its fertile soil, but also by its wonderful inland sea, with its salt­water canals branching off in all directions, deep, safe from storms, always open to navigation, abounding in fish, bordered many miles wide with the most magnifi­cent forests on earth. It did not require the im­agination of a poet to picture a glowing future for Puget Sound, albeit far away in the dim reaches of time. To be in some measure connected with that future, to lay ever so humbly the corner-stone, was worth all the toil and privation, the danger and the isolation, incident to its achievement.

Not only was there this inland sea, with its treas­ures inexhaustible of food for the world, and its fif­teen hundred miles of shore covered with pine forests to the water’s edge, but surrounding it were many small valleys of the richest soils, watered by streams fed by the pure snows of the Cascade and Coast ranges, half prairie and half forest, warm, sheltered from winds, enticing the weary pilgrim from the eastern side of the continent to rest in their calm solitudes. It was true that the native wild man still in­habited these valleys and roamed the encircling moun­tains, to the number of thirty thousand; but in so vast a country three times as many would have seemed few; and the incomers were the sons of sires who had met and subdued the savage tribes of America as they pushed their way westward from Plymouth Rock to the Missouri and beyond; therefore they had no hesitation now in settling in their midst. They had been bred to the belief that “the British and Ind­ians” would melt before them.

The sources of material for writing this volume are similar to those which have enabled me to write all my volumes; namely, all existing printed matter, books, public documents, and newspapers, together with many valuable manuscripts, the results of hun­dreds of dictations, containing the experiences of those first upon the ground in the various localities, or who have in any manner achieved distinction in organiz­ing society and government in these domains.





Attitude of the Hudson’s Bay Company—Michael T. Simmons and Asso­ciates Proceed Northward—Settle at Bndd Inlet—Puget Sound— Highlands— Tumwater—Bush Prairie—Chambers Prairie—Neah Bay —Marriages and Births—The Indians Pronounce against the White Man—Effect of California Gold Discovery—The Timber Trade— Towns Laid out—Whidbey Island Settled—Occupation of the Coast Country     


Public Meetings—Settlers versus the Pnget Sound Agricultural Com­pany— Representation in the Oregon Legislature—Movements toward the Foundation of the New Territory of Columbia—Memo­rial to Congress—If not a Territory, then a State—Queen Charlotte Island Expedition—The Oregon Legislature Petition Congress for a Division of Territory—Congress Grants the Petition—But instead of Columbia, the New Territory is Called Washington—Officers Ap­pointed—Roads Constructed—Immigration     


Governor Isaac Ingalls Stevens—His Life and Character—Railroad Sur­veys—Political Parties—Election—First Legislative Assembly—Its Personnel and Acts—Early Newspapers—County Organizations— Federal Courts—Land Claims and Land Titles—Roads, Mails, and Express Companies—San Jnan Island—Indian Troubles—Treaties and Reservations—Stevens in Eastern Washington


Causes of the Indian Outbreak—Discovery of Gold near Fort Colville— Yakimas Hostile—Expeditions of Major 0. G. Haller into the Snake and Yakima Countries—Yakima Campaign of 1855—Movement of Troops on the Sound—Attack on Seattle—War Vessels on the Sound —Walla Walla Campaign of the Oregon Volunteers—Operations of the Second Oregon Regiment—Attack on the Cascades Colonel Cornelius Returns to Portland................


Action of the Governor—Disposition of Forces—New Battalions—Plan of Campaign—Battle of White River—On the Sound—Martial Law —Fighting at John Day River and Grand Rond—East of the Cas­cade Range—Stevens in the Hostile Conntry—Failure of his Council —Lechi’s Betrayal, Arrest, Trials, and Execution—Assassination of Quiemuth—Termination of Hostilities on the Sound—Result—War Debt—Clarke and Wright’s Campaign—Defeat of Steptoe—Battles of Four Lakes and Spokane Plains in the Yakima Country—Walla Walla Country Reopened...................


Party Politics—Election of Delegate—Martial Law—Stevens Chosen Delegate—Death of Stevens—His Character—Governor McMullin— Fraser River Mining Excitement—Its Effect on Washington—Ser­vices of Secretary Mason—Governor Gholson—Henry M. McGill—The Capital Question—The University—Governor Wallace—Gover­nor Pickering—The Custom-house Controversy—Inundation of Port Angelts


Organization of the First Washington Infantry—Companies from Califor­nia—Gold Discoveries—Military Road—Fraser River Travel________________ Col­ville Mines—The Malheur Country—The Similkameen Mines   American Miners in British Columbia—Gold Discoveries on the Clearwater—On Snake River—Protest of the Nez Pcrcfe—Pierce City—Oro Fino—Lewiston—Very Rich Diggings—California Eclipsed— Salmon River Mines—Political Effect—Winter Sufferings—Powder and John Day Rivers—Florence and Warren Diggings—Boise Mines —Organization of the Territory of Idaho      


Effect of Territorial Division—Election of Delegate—Negro Suffrage— Party Politics—The Legislature—Peace and Progress—Steamboating —Navigation Companies—Clearing Rivers—Public Buildings—In­sane Asylum and Penitentiary—Legislative Divorces—Government Reservations—Judicial Affairs—Another Delegate—Governor Flan­ders—Governor Salomon—Governor Ferry—Governor Newell—Era of Railways—More Elections—Political Platforms—Convention— Woman’s Rights—Legislature 


Remarkable Growth gf the Territory—Demand for Statehood—Enabling Act—State Convention—Character of the Delegates—Constitution Ratified—Waiting for a, Proclamation—Meeting of First State Legislature—Character of Members—Unexpected Delay of the Presi­dential Proclamation—Election of Senators




Territorial Limits—The World’s Wonder-land—Rivers, Mountains, and Valleys—Phenomenal Features—Lava-fields—Mineral Springs— Climate—Scores of Limpid Lakes—Origin of the Name ‘Idaho ’—In­difference of Early Immigrants—Natural Productions—Game—Food Supply—Fur-bearing Animals—First Mormon Settlement—County Divisions of Idaho as Part of Washington..............


Mineral Discoveries—Counties and Towns—Immigration—Rontes to the Mines—Indian Wars—Forts—Quartz-mining—Companies and Claims—More Town-building—Stage-roads—Sliding Clubs—Traffic and Travel—Oregon versus California—Mail Contracts—Prospecting and Mining—New Districts—Output of Precious Metals.................................... 406


Governor Wallace—Territorial Organization—Judicial and Legislative Matters—Acting Governor Daniels—Governor Lyon—Secession Sen­timents—Crimes and Punishments—The Magruder Massacre—Vigi­lance Committees—Political and Highway Robberies—Acting Gov­ernor Smith—The Capital Question—Legislatures—Character of Lyon—Acting Governor Howlett—Governor Ballard—Gibbs—Mars- ton—Curtis — Bowen — Bennet — Judges — Governor Thompson— Brayman—Neil—Bunn—Politics—Territorial Limits—Federal and Territorial Officers


Tribal and Territorial Divisions of the Aborigines—Attitude of the Nez Perce Nation—Gold Discovery on the Nez Perce Reservation— Council at Lapwai—Terms of Treaty Disregarded by the White Men—Aboriginal Diplomacy—Big Thurder and the Missionaries— Terms of the New Treaty—Claim of Eagle-from-the-light— Speech of Lawyer—Conference with Joseph    


March of the Cavalry—Attitude of Joseph—His Opinion of Indian Res­ervations—Indian Outbreaks—Military Companies in the Field—The Governors of Washington, Oregon, and Idaho—Battle of Cotton­wood—Jealousies between Regulars and Volunteers—Battle of Clear­water—Flight of Joseph—Battle of Ruby Creek—On Snake Creek —Surrender of Joseph—Another Indian Treaty—Disaffection of the Bannacks—Further Fighting—End of Hostilities


Mining Prosperity and Reverses—Early and Later Developments—The Several Gold and Silver Miuing Districts—The Snake River Region —Production—Base Metals—Iron Veins—Salt—Sulphur—Soda— Mica—Stone—Agriculture—Soil—Grasses and Grazing—Forests— Climate—Health—Boundless Possibilities       


Ada County—Creation of the Capital of Idaho—Origin and Development of Towns—Farming Settlements—Orchards—Stock-raising — Pio­neers—Alturas County—Mineral and Agricultural Lands and Settle­ment—Bear Lake County—Boise, Cassia, Custer, Idaho, Kootenai, Lemhi, Nez Perce, Oneida, Owyhee, Shoshone, and Washington Counties—Public Lands in Idaho—Social Condition—Education— Religion—Benevolent Societies—Public Improvements—Railroads and Telegraphs




The Name—Configuration and Climate—Game—Stock-raising Advan­tages—Minerals and Metals—Catacombs—Mauvaises Terres—Early Explorations—Fur-hunters and Forts—Missionaries and Missions— Overland Explorations — Railroad Survey—Wagon-roads — Early Steamboats—Gold Discoveries—The Cattle Business—First Settlers —New Counties of Washington    


Exploring Expeditions—Pioneers of Montana—Prospecting Parties—Or­ganization of Districts—Stuart and Bozeman—De Lacy—Biograph­ical Sketches of Settlers— Freights and Freight Trains—Early Soci­ety of the Mines—Road-agents and Vigilance Committees—Legally Organized Banditti—The Sheriff Highwayman and his Deputies—A Typical Trial—Wholesale Assassination and Retribution


Organization of the Territory—Boundaries Established—Governor Edger- ton—Judges Appointed—First Legislature—Seat of Government—Seal—Map—Meagher, Acting Governor—Party Issues—Convention —Election—Early Newspapers—Vigilance Committee Influence—






Attitude op the Hudson’s Bat Company—Michael T. Simmons and Associates Proceed Northward—Settle at Budd Inlet—Puoet Sound—Highlands—Tumwater—Bush Prairie—Chambers Prairie —Neah Bay—Marriages and Births—The Indians Pronounce against the White Man—Effect of California Gold Discovery —The Timber Trade—Towns Laid out—Whidbey Island Settled— Occupation of the Coast Country.

Doctor John McLoughlin, autocrat of Fort Van­couver, at the instigation of the London managers of the Hudson’s Bay Company, but contrary to his own judgment, exercised his influence to induce the incoming citizens of the United States not to locate themselves north of the Columbia River, as in the partition presently to be made all that region would probably be British territory. To the average Amer­ican emigrant of that day the simple fact that a Britisher should wish him not to settle in any certain part of the undivided territory was of itself sufficient incentive for him to select that spot, provided it was not much worse than any other. There must be some special attraction in the direction of Puget Sound, else the fur company would not so strongly advise people not to go there.

So thought Michael T. Simmons, a stanch Ken-

Hist. Wash.—1

tuckian, whom the reader has met before, in the history of Oregon, he being of the immigration ox 1844, and spending the ensuing winter with his family at Port Vancouver, where,he made shingles to pay expenses, his wife meanwhile improving the time by giving birth to a son, named Christopher, the first American born in western Washington.

Simmons was a fine specimen of a man, and a good representative of the class that went into Washington about this time, determined to remain there, particu­larly if England’s majesty ordered them out. Just past thirty, having been born at Sheppardsville the 5th of August, 1814, possessing the grand physique of the early men of Kentucky, unlettered though not unenlightened, he possessed the qualities which in feudal times made men chiefs and founders of families. His courage was equalled only by his independence; he could not comprehend the idea of a superior, having come from a land wherein all were kings though they ruled only a pigsty or a potato-patch.

He had intended to settle in the valley of Rogue River before so much had been said against his going north, but this determined him. During the winter of 1844-5, with five companions,1 he proceeded north' ward, but only reached the fork of the Cowlitz, whence he returned to Fort Vancouver. Again he set out the following July with eight others,2 and guided beyond Cowlitz prairie by Peter Borcier, who had performed the same service for Wilkes in 1841, he not only reached the Sound, but made a canoe voyage as far as Whidbey Island, satisfying himself of the commercial advantages of this region. Then he made his selection at the head of Budd Inlet, where Des Chutes River drops by successive falls a distance of eighty feet, constituting a fine mill-power. The place had the further advantage of being at no

'Henry Williamson, James Loomis, and Henry, James, and John Owens, none of whom finally settled north of the Columbia.

2        George Waunch, David Crawford, Charles Eaton, Niniwon Everman, Seyburn Thornton, William Shaw, David Parker, and John Hunt.

great distance from Fort Nisqually, the only supply post in this part of the territory, with the French settlements to the south of it on the Cowlitz prairie constituting a link with the Columbia River and Willamette settlements. The selection for the pur­poses of a new community in a new country was a good one, and was prompted b}r a desire somewhat similar to that of the methodist missionaries to get pos­session of Oregon City, on account of the water-power.

Having chosen his site, he returned to the Colum­bia to remove his family, which he did in October, accompanied by James McAllister, David Kindred, Gabriel Jones, George W. Bush, and their wives and children, five families in all, and two single men, Jesse Ferguson and Samuel B. Crockett, these seven men beina: the first Americans3 to settle in the region of

o                      o

Puget Sound,4 although John R. Jackson, of the same immigration, had been a little beforehand with them in point of time, and selected a claim five miles north of the French settlements, and ten milfes be­yond the Cowlitz landing, on a small tributary of that river, near the trail to the Chehalis,6 which site he called Highlands, and where he had already erected a house.6

31 purposely leave out Richmond, -who was not a ‘settler,5 and who aban­doned the mission. Fergnson married Margaret Rntledge May 29, 1853. Olympia Columbian, Jnne 4, 1853.

4            Every part of the great Washington Inlet was now coming to be called Puget Sound. It so appears in the writings of almost all authors, besides being always referred to in conversation by that name. Admiralty Inlet was found too long a name, and the first settlements of both English and Americans were upon that portion called after Puget, which tended to estab­lish its use, for in passing up and down these waters it was not easy to dis­cern where one division ended and another began. Says Eugene Ellicot, of the U. S. coast survey, who has been in that service since 1864; ‘Vancouver named the head of the sound above Dana's passage Puget Sound. Twenty years ago the designation had extended itself in popular use as far as Point Defiance (at the foot of The Narrows). Now it is applied to the whole sound as far as Bellingham Bay. Instead of Admiralty Inlet, the U. S. chart now calls it Puget Sound. EUicofs Puget Sound, MS., i. Indeed, how­ever it happened, it is not correct to call these waters, in some places wellnigh fathomless, by the name of sound, which implies shallowness, but there is no withstanding custom and convenience. (

5        Sometimes called Chickeeles. See Native Races, i. 303.

6        Jackson, I am told, intended going to the Sound, and as early as March Bet out with the design of taking up the water-power at the falls of Des Chutes,

It required fifteen days to open a road for the pas­sage of the ox-teams from Cowlitz landing to Budd Inlet, a distance of less than sixty miles. Simmons named his place New Market, but subsequent settlers called it by the Indian, and more appropriate, name of Tumwater,7 which it keeps, and which to avoid confu­sion I shall hereafter use.

The seven Puget Sound settlers took their claims within a radius of six miles, Kindred two miles south of Tumwater, McAllister about six miles north-east, and the others intermediate, on a sandy plain now known as Bush prairie, from George W. Bush.8 In the same summer or autumn George Waunch located himself on the Skookum Chuck, making the ninth man not in the Hudson’s Bay Company’s service who settled north of the Cowlitz farm in 1845.

The first house was built on Kindred’s claim, at the west edge of Bush prairie,9 Simmons building at

which he had heard of; but owing to the difficulty of travel at this season, he proceeded no farther than Simon Plomondon’s place on the Newaukum River, a confluent of the Chehalis. But about the second week in July he again set forth for Puget Sound, accompanied by W. P. Dougherty, H. A. G. Lee, Joseph Watt, Jacob Haldry, and Stewart. The Oregonians turned back from the Che­halis, and Jackson, after exploring the country in that vicinity, returned to the Cowlitz and took a claim as above stated. While returning for his family he met Simmons’ party. John R. Jackson was a native of Durham, parish of Steindrop, England, horn Jan. 13, 1800. He landed at New York Sept. 27,

1833, and went directly to 111., where he settled Nov. 5th, leaving his first American home for Or. in 1844. He was a butcher, kept a public house at Highlands, and dispensed good-cheer with good-humored hospitality during the early days of Washington. His house was a rendezvous for the transac­tion of public business, the first courts in Lewis county being held there, and there was discussed the propriety of a separate! territorial organization. He died May 5, 1873. Olympia Transcript, May 31, 1873.

7        Signifying strong water, referring to the falls. This word displaced hoth the Des Chutes or Falls River of the French, and the New Market of Simmons. It is now common usage to say Tumwater Falls as well as Tum­water town. Skookum Chuck, the Chinook jargon for rapids, is better ver­nacular for strong water, aud is the name of a hranch of the Chehalis.

8        George W. Bush (colored) was bom in 1790 in Penn., but in early life re­moved to Mo., and in 1844 to Or., finishing his long journey by going to Puget Sound. He was respected and honored hy the pioneers for his gener­ous and charitable traits and manliness of character. He resided on the irairie which bears his name until April 5, 1863, when he suddenly died of .iemorrhage hy the bursting of a blood-vessel. His son George became a highly esteemed citizen, who was made president of the Washington Indus­trial Association, and whose wheat, raised on Bush prairie, was awarded the first premium at the Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia Morse’s Wash Ter., MS., i. 54.

4 Mrs Tabitha Kindred, who was many years a widow, died June 12, 1872,

Tumwater the following summer. These men had enough to do to discharge their debts to the Hudson’s Bay Company. McLoughlin and Douglas, who, not­withstanding their efforts to turn the American settlers south of the Columbia, seeing they would go north, gave the officers of the company on Cowlitz prairie and at Fort Nisqually orders to furnish Simmons’ company with 200 bushels of wheat at eighty cents a bushel, 100 bushels of pease at one dollar, 300 bushels of potatoes at fifty cents, and a dozen head of cattle at twelve dollars each.10 During the winter they were visited by a party of four men, who proceeded as far as Nisqually, but did not remain in this region.11 In March Mrs McAllister12 gave birth to a son, who was named James Benton, the first Americau born on Puget Sound.

In the following year as many American men set­tled north of the Cowlitz and about the head of the Sound as in 1845, but not as many families. At the confluence of the Skookum Chuck and the Chehalis, half-way from the Cowlitz landing to Tumwater, two claims were made by Sidney S. Ford 13 and Joseph Barst. Those who went to the Sound were Charles

H.     Eaton,u and his brother Nathan, who located him-

at the age of 89, having resided on Bush prairie 27 years. Olympia Transcript, June 15, 1872. The children were two sons, John and B. Kindred, and two daughters, Mrs Parrot of Oregon City, and Mrs Simmons of the Cowlitz. Olym­pia Courier, June 15, 1872. Mrs Gabriel Jones died July 18, 1868. Her home was two miles from Tumwater. Olympia Standard, July 25, 1868. She was 70 years of age, and had been several years a widow.

10       Evans’ Historical Memoranda, consisting of a compilation of newspaper articles, chiefly written by himself, prepared as the foundation to future his­torical writing, and which he has generously placed in my hands, has furnished me with this item.

11        They were Wainbow, Wall, Smith, and Pickett.

12       Mrs McAllister died in 1874. Steilacoom Express, Sept. 10, 1874.

13       Ford was born in New York in 1801, and died Oct. 22, 1866. His wife, Nancy, was born in New York in 1806. They were married in 1823, and re­moved to Michigan in 1834, to Missouri in 1840, and to Oregon in 1845. Their children and descendants made their home on Ford prairie, ahout the head waters of the Chehalis.

14Eaton was an immigrant of 1843. He was born in Oswego co., N. Y., Dec. 22, 1818, removing to Ohio at an early age, whence he came to Oregon. In the Indian war of 1855 he was commissioned capt. In 1856 he removed to Tenalcut prairie, and again to Yakima Valley in 1870, where he was en­gaged in stock-raising. He died at Yakima City Dec. 19, 1876.

self on the east side of Budd Inlet, on what is now called Chambers prairie, being the first to take a claim north of Tumwater; Edmund Sylvester,1® of Oregon City, who, in partnership with Levi L. Smith, took two half-sections of land, one directly on Budd Inlet, two miles below Tumwater, and the other on the edge of Chambers prairie; Alonzo Marion Poe, Daniel D. Kinsey, and Antonio B. Rabbeson.36 Sev­eral other persons arrived at the Sound during the autumn, but did not remain at that time.17

In January 1847 three brothers from Marion county, named Davis, one with a family, arrived at Tumwater, besides Samuel Cool, A. J. Moore, Benjamin Gordon, Leander C. Wallace, Thomas W. Glasgow, and Sam­uel Hancock.18 In March there arrived Elisha and

,5 Sylvester was born in Deer Isle, Maine. For antecedents, see Ilist. Or.,

i.       424, this series. His manuscript, entitled Olympia, wbich affords me many- authoritative items of early history, is especially useful in the present volume.

10 Rabbeson was born in 1824, and was by trade a carpenter. He came to Oregon from New York City in 1846, and immediately went to Puget Sound, settling near Sylvester’s claim, wbere he still resides. His manuscript, Growth of Towns, contains a narrative of the immigration of 1846, with good character sketches of some of the men in it, followed by an interesting account of the settlement of Washington, his reason for coming to the Sound being a preference for salt-water. Most writers place Wallace in the immigration of 1847, but Rabheson says he came with him in 1846. Growth of Towns, MS., 13. This is the Wallace killed in the attack on Nisqually in the spring of 1849. Hist. Or., ii. 67-8, this series. In January 1854 Rabbeson married Lucy Barnes of Olympia.

17 Elisha and William Packwood, Jason Peters, Thomas Canhy, and Elisha and James McKindley examined the country and returned to the Willamette to winter. Two of them only finally settled north of the Columbia. Evans' Hist. Mem,., 11. The names of David Coiner and J. E. Conat also appear as settlers of this year, but more I do not know about them.

18Hancock left Independence, Mo., in the spring of 1845, but remained in Or. City one year. He then started to go to Puget Somid with two others, names unknown, by the way of the Columbia, Baker Bay, the Pacific Ocean, and the strait of Fuca. They succeeded in drawing their canoe across the neck of sand north of Cape Disappointment, but the sight of the ocean in Nov. disheartened them, and they decided to try walking from the coast in­land, hoping to reach the Sound in that way. But Hancock, seized with fever, was left in charge of the Indians, who, after extorting every article he possessed, conveyed him to Astoria, where he recovered. What became of his companions does not appear in his Thirteen Years’ Residence in Washing­ton Territory, MS., from which I take his biography. After recovery, he again set out for the Sound by the way of the Cowlitz, arriving at Tumwater early in 1847, and going to work at shingle-making like the others. In the spring of 1849 Hancock went to Cal. for gold, where he had a great many ad­ventures, if we may credit the marvellous stories contained in his Thirteen Years. On returning to Puget Sound in the autumn of 1849, he brought a stock of goods to sell to settlers and natives, and having disposed of a portion



William Packwood, with their families. The first settled on land later owned by David J. Chambers. Packwood abandoned it in August to return to the Willamette. William Packwood took a claim, on the

set out to explore for coal, having heard that this mineral was to be found in the neighborhood of the Sound. In these explorations he spent some months, prohably trading at the same time with the Indians. In 1850 or spring of 1851 he took some goods to Neah Bay; but the Indians being hos­tile, he was compelled to save himself by an artifice, writing in the presence of the savages, and telling them that it was to bring the chief of all the white men to avenge him if slain. Their superstitious fear of paper missives, the power of which they had witnessed without understanding, conquered their love of plunder, and they carried him safely to Port Townsend. On his re­turn he once more explored for coal on the Snohomish and Stilaguamish riv­ers, where he found it, and discovered also the Cedar and Dwamish rivers. In Nov. 1851 he took passage in the brig Kendall, which was in the Sound, and went to S. P. to purchase machinery for a saw-mill, together with another stock of goods. Having completed his purchases, he shipped them on board a vessel, the Kayuga, for Puget Sound. Captain Davis was ignorant of nau­tical science, and had never been upon the coast of Oregon. When Hancock recognized the entrance to the strait of Fuca, Davis declined to enter, and to test the matter, a boat was sent ashore with Hancock, the mate, and three other persons, at an unknown island. A fog coming down hid the vessel, and the party were detained three days; and no sooner did the fog clear away than the natives discovered and attacked them, compelling them to put to sea. In the mean time the vessel was quite lost to sight. Two days moro passed on another small island, but here again the Indians caused them to take to their boat. Several days more were passed in this manner before the party was finally rescued by some Indians from V. I., under orders from an officer of the H. B. Co., to whom they had reported the condition of the boat’s crew. Clothing and provisions were despatched to them, and they were brought to Sooke harbor, where they received unlimited hospitality for three days. On coming to Victoria the Kayuga was found to be there, having by chance got into the strait and to port, but without endeavoring to pick up that portion of her crew and passengers left without provisions on an unknown coast. But that was not all. A considerable portion of Hancock’s goods had been sold, for which no satisfaction could be obtained in a foreign port. The summing up of the whole matter shows that he was disappointed in his project of building a mill at Clallam Bay, and was subjected to much loss, which he endeavored to make up by furnishing timber for the California market. In the autumn of 1852 he removed to Neah Bay, determined to establish a trad- ing-post among the Indians, which he succeeded in doing, though not without building fortifications and having some narrow escapes. He afterward pur­chased an interest in the brig Eagle, Wolfe master, and traded with the Ind­ians on the northern coast, until the brig was blown on shore and wrecked, and the savages had despoiled it of its cargo. Prom this expedition he re­turned alive, after many adventures with the savages and the exercise of much tact in averting their hostile intentions. Escaping to Clyaquot Bay, he found the schooner Demarls Cove, Capt. Eli Hathaway, lying there, which returned with his party to Neah Bay; but the Indians having become more threaten­ing than before at that place, Hancock determined to remove his goods to Whidbey Island, and did so—there being no vessel in port—by lashing together three canoes and covering them with planking, on which the movables were placed, a ship’s long-boat being also loaded and towed behind. A sail was rigged by setting cedar planks upright, and then the craft was navigated 100 miles to Penn Cove. There he settled, and married Susan Crockett. His death occurred in Sept. 1883, at Coupeville.

south bank of the Nisqually, and there remained.18 During the summer John Kindred, J. -Logan, x>. F. Shaw, Robert Logan, and A. D. Carnefix joined the settlement at the head of the Sound, and on the 10th of June the Skookum Chuck settlement was re­enforced by the birth of Angeline Ford,20 the first American girl born north of the Columbia. Late in the autumn there arrived at the Sound Thomas M. Chambers, with his sons, David, Andrew, Thomas J., and McLean, two of whom had families,21 and George Brail and George Shazar.

From Nisqually the settlers obtained pork, wheat, pease, potatoes, and such other needful articles as the company’s stores furnished. In 1846 Simmons put up a small flouring mill at Des Chutes falls, in a log house, with a set of stones hewn out of some granite blocks found on the beach, which was ready to grind the first crop of wheat, if not to bolt it; but unbolted flour was a luxury after boiled wheat.

19Packwood was a native of Patrick co., Ya, born in 1813, removing with his father Elisha to Ind. in 1819. In 1834 he migrated to Mo., and ten years later to Or., finally coming to rest on the Nisqually. There was a large fam­ily of the Packwoods, six of whom arrived in Or. in 1845. See list on p. 526 and 530, Hist. Or., i., this series. In 1848 William went to Cal., where his brother Elisha was then residing, but appears to have returned without much improving his fortunes. He constructed a ferry on the Nisqually, and re­mained on his claim—with the exception of a period of service in the Indian war of 1855—until 1867, when he sold it to Isaac P. Hawk. Later he made his residence at Centrcville, on the Northern Pacific railroad. For many years Packwood occupied his summers in exploring the mountains east and west of the Sound, the pass at the head of the Cowlitz having been discovered by and named after him, and some valuable mineral deposits reported by him, especially of anthracite coal. Morse’s Wash. Ter., MS., i. 54-87.

20 Miss Ford married John Shelton.

al This family was of Scottish origin, but had been for half a century in the TJ. S., residing in Ind. and Ky. They emigrated to Or. in 1845. Their goods being detained at The Dalles, in Feb. 1846, the sons constructed a flat-boat, 12 by 20 feet, with a whip-saw and hammer, using oak pins for nails, and loading it with 13 wagons and the goods of seven families, descended the Co­lumbia. Thomas M. Chambers settled on the prairie south-east of Olympia, which bears bis name, and where Eaton had settled before him. Here he lived, and at an advanced age died. David J. located on a smaller plain 3J miles east of Olympia, and made a fortune in stock-raising; Andrew settled between the Nisqually plains and Yelm prairie. The first mill in Pierce co. was erected by Thomas M., on Chambers Creek near Steilacoom. He was bom in Ky in 1791, and died at Steilacoom Dec. 1876. Rebecca, wife of Andrew J. Chambers, died June 29, 1853. On the 18th of January, 1854, he married Margaret White.



Late the following year a saw-mill was completed at Tumwater, built by M. T. Simmons, B. F. Shaw, E. Sylvester, Jesse Ferguson, A. B. Rabbeson, Ga­briel Jones, A. D. Carnefix, and John R. Kindred, who formed the Puget Sound Milling Company, Oc­tober 25, 1847, Simmons holding the principal num­ber of shares, and being elected superintendent. The mill irons, which had been in use at Fort Vancouver, were obtained from the Hudson’s Bay Company. The lumber found a market among the settlers, but chiefly at Nisqually, where it was sent in rafts, and also a little later was in requisition to erect barracks and officers’ quarters at Steilacoom.22 Shingle-making was also an important industry, shingles passing cur­rent at Fort Nisqually in exchange for clothing or other articles. Room for idlers there was none, and this was fortunate, since indolence in contact with savagery soon breeds vice, aggravated by enforced solitude.

Daniel D. Kinsey was the first lucky bachelor to secure a mate in these wilds, by marrying, on the 6th of July, 1847, Ruth Brock, M. T. Simmons, one of the judges of Vancouver county, officiating. Samuel Hancock and A. B. Rabbeson were the first to vary shingle-making with brick-making, these two taking a contract to burn a kiln of brick in July 1847, on the farm of Simon Plomondon at the Cowlitz. And thus they not only held their own in the new country, but increased in property and power1.

As early as the summer of this second year they had begun to recognize the necessity of communica­tion between points, and in August blazed out a trail from Tumwater to the claim of Sylvester and Smith, two miles below on the Sound, which now began to be called Smithfield, because Levi L. Smith resided there, and because it came to be the head of naviga­tion by the law of the tides.

22 The date of the lease from Simmons, proprietor of the claim, is August 20, 1847, to continue for 5 years with the privilege of ten. The site described was the north-west part of the lower fall. Evans’ Hist. Meni., ii.; Hist. Or.,

ii.      70, this series.

In the autumn of 1847, rendered memorable by the massacre at Waiilatpu, which alarmed these feeble settlements, and by the prevalence of measles among the Indians, for which the white people knew them­selves held responsible by the miserable victims and their friends, there were few additions to the popula­tion. Jonathan Burbee, an immigrant of that year, took to himself some land on the little Kalama River; Peter W. Crawford, E. West, and James 0. Raynor located claims on the Cowlitz near its mouth, being the first settlers in this vicinity,23 and Andrew J. Simmons took a claim on Cowlitz prairie, where he died February 1872.24

Nor were there many accessions to the population of the Sound in 1848. Rev. Pascal Ricard, oblate father, established a mission three miles below Tum­water, June 14th, on the eastern shore of the inlet, and thereby secured half a section of land to the church. Thomas W. Glasgow made a tour of explo­ration down the Sound, and took a claim on Whidbey Island, the first settlement attempted there, and situated north-east from the Port Townsend of Van­couver, directly facing the strait of Fuca. Here he erected a cabin and planted potatoes and wheat. His loneliness seems to have been alleviated during his brief residence, a half-caste daughter testifying to the favor with which he was regarded by some native

23In 1S47, when Crawford, whose biography is given in my Hist. Or., i. 647, was looking for a place to settle, the only white persons living on the Cowlitz were Antoine Gohain, a Canadian, who had charge of the H. B. Co.’s warehouse on the west bank of the river about two miles from the Columbia, and Thibault, another Canadian, who lived opposite on the east bank. From there to the Cowlitz farms all was an unbroken wilderness. Crawford and West took their claims adjoining each other on the east bank, where Crawford permanently had his home, and Raynor on the west bank, where he designed laying out a town. Crawford’s Nar., MS., 98. Owen W. Bozarth, who was of the immigration of 1845, settled, as I suppose, about this time on Cathla- pootle or Lewis River, so called from the land claim of A. Lee Lewis, about 7 miles above the mouth.

24       Olympia Wash. Standard, March 2, 1872. I find mention of Alexander Barron, who died in Feh. 1878; William Rutledge, who died June 1872- Henry Bechman, who died April 1879; Felix Dodd, who died the same month and year; J. H. Smith, who died May 1879; and John E. Pieknell—all of whom settled north of the Columhia this year.



brunette;25 yet he returned to Tumwater to secure other companions, and persuaded Rabbeson and Carne­fix to accompany him back to his island home.

On the voyage, performed in a canoe, they pro­ceeded to the head of Case Inlet, and carrying their canoe across the portage to the head of Hood canal, explored that remarkable passage. Carnefix turned back from the mouth of the Skokomish River,26 Glasgow and Rabbeson continuing on to Whidbey Island, which they reached in July. But they were not permitted to remain. Soon after their arrival a general council of the tribes of the Sound was held on the island, at the instigation of Patkanim, chief of the Snoqualimichs, to confer upon the policy of per­mitting American settlements in their country. It was decided that Glasgow must quit the island, which he was at length forced to do,27 escaping by the aid of an Indian from the vicinity of Tumwater.

25Glasgow’s daughter married William Hastie. Morse's Wash. Ter., MS.(

i.       113.

26       It was the turn of Carnefix to cook and attend to camp work. A chief seeing this thought him to be a slave, and offered to purchase him. The jests of his companions so annoyed Carnefix that ho abandoned their company. Evans’ Hist. Mem. ii.

27       Patkanim exhibited the tact in this instance which marked him as a savage of uncommon intelligence. Parade has a great effect upon the human mind, whether savage or civilized. Patkanim gave a great hunt to the assem­bled chiefs. A corral was constructed, with wings extending across the island from Penn Cove to Glasgow’s claim, and a drive made with dogs, by which more than 60 deer were secured for a grand banquet at the inauguration of the council. Patkanim then opened the conference by a speech, in which he urged that if the Americans were allowed to settle among them they would soon become numerous, and would carry off their people in large fire-ships to a distant country on which the sun never shone, where they would he left to perish. He argued that the few now present could easily be exterminated, which would discourage others from coming, and appealed to the cupidity of his race by representing that the death of the Americans in the country would put the Indians in possession of a large amount of property. But the Indians from the upper part of the Sound, who were better acquainted with the white people, did not agree with Patkanim. The chief of the bands afaout Tumwater, Snohodumtah, called by the Americans Grayhead, resisted the arguments of the Snoqualimich chief. He reminded the council that previous to the advent of the Americans the tribes from the lower sound often made war upon the weaker tribes of his section of the country, carrying them off for slaves, but that he had found the presence of the Boston men a protection, as they discouraged wars. Patkanim, angered at this opposition, created a great excitement, which seemed to threaten a battle between the tribes, and Rabbeson becoming alarmed fled back to the settlements. Two days later Glasgow followed, being assisted to escape by a friendly Indian, but leaving behind him all his property. Id., 11-12.

Glasgow seems to have taken a claim subsequently in Pierce county, and to have finally left the terri­tory.28

During this summer Hancock took a claim on the west side of Budd Inlet, and built a wharf and warehouse; but having subsequently engaged in several commercial ventures involving loss, he finally settled in 1852 on Whidbey Island, Patkanim having in the mean time failed in his design of exterminating the American settlers. Rabbeson, glad to be well away from the neighborhood of the Snoqualimich chief, went with Ferguson to work in the wheat- fields of the Cowlitz farm, now in charge of George B. Roberts, where they taught the Frenchmen how to save grain by cradling, after which the new method was high in favor and the cradling party in demand.

All at once this wholesome plodding was inter­rupted by the news of the gold discovery in Califor­nia, and every man who could do, so set off at once for the gold-fields. They made flat-boats and floated their loaded wagons down the Cowlitz River to where the old Hudson’s Bay Company’s trail left it, drove their ox-teams to the Columbia River opposite St Helen, and again taking the trail from the old Mc­Kay farm, which the Lees had travelled in 1834, emerged on the Tualatin plains, keeping on the west side of the Willamette to the head of the valley. They here came into the southern immigrant road, which they followed to its junction with the Lassen trail to the Sacramento Valley, where they arrived late in the autumn, having performed this remarkable journey without accident.29

t i281838 he married Ellen Horan. Olympia Pioneer and Dem., July oO, lo5o.

,,       45> this series- Also Rabbeson’s Growth of Towns, MS

,        Thirteen Years, MS., 105-17. Sylvester, who with Rab­

beson, Ferguson, and Borst went to California in the spring of 1849 describes the route as I have given it. His company had one wagon and 4 yokes of oxen; and there were three other wagons in the train. They started in April and reached Sacramento in July. Olympia, MS., 13-15.



The rush to the mines had the same temporary effect upon the improvement of the country north of the Columbia that I have noticed in my account of the gold excitement in the Willamette Valley. Farm­ing, building, and all other industries were suspended, while for about two years the working population of the country were absent in search of gold. This inter­ruption to the steady and healthy growth which had begun has been much lamented by some writers,30 with what justice I am unable to perceive; because although the country stood still in respect to agricul­ture and the ordinary pursuits of a new and small population, this loss was more than made up by the commercial prosperity which the rapid settlement of the Pacific coast bestowed upon the whole of the Ore­gon territory, and especially upon Puget Sound, which without the excitement of the gold discovery must have been twenty years in gaining the milling and other improvements it now gained in three.

In the mean time, and before these results became apparent, the settlements on the Sound were threat­ened with a more serious check by the Snoqualimichs, who about the first of May attacked Fort Nisqually with the intention of taking it, and if they had suc­ceeded in this, Patkanim’s plans for the extermination of the white people would have been carried out. In this affair Leander C. Wallace was killed, and two other Americans, Walker and Lewis, wounded, the latter surviving but a short time. For this crime Quallawort, a brother of Patkanim, and Kassass, another Snoqualimich chief, suffered death by hang­ing, as related in a previous volume.31 This was a somewhat different termination from that anticipated. Patkanim, even after the Snoqualimichs were re-

50Evans says, in his Hist. Mem. 16, that ‘the exodus in search of gold was a grievous check, and that years of sober advancement and industry were re­quired to recuperate from its consequences.’ 1 have mentioned in my history of Oregon that other writers take the same view.

31       Hist. Or., ii. 67-8, 80.

pulsed, sent 'word to the American settlers that they would be permitted to quit the country by leaving their property. To this they answered that they had come to stay, and immediately erected block­houses at Tumwater and Skookum Chuck. This decided movement, with the friendship of the Indians on the upper part of the Sound, and the prompt measures of Governor Lane, who arrived March 2d at Oregon City, followed by the establishment of Fort Steilacoom about the middle of July, crushed an incipient Indian war.82

The outbreak did not seriously interrupt the dawn­ing fortunes of the settlers, who were scrupulously careful to prevent any difficulties with the natives by a custom of uniform prices for labor and goods, and perfect equity in dealing with them.33

Owing to the California exodus, the year 1849 was remarkable only for its dearth of immigration.

32       Writers on this attack on Nisqually have laid too little stress on Pat- kanim’s designs. Taken in connection with the proceedings of the previous summer at Wliidbey Island, the intention seems clear; the quarrel with the Nisquallies was but a pretence to aceount for the appearance at the fort of the Snoqualimichs in their war-paint. The killing of the Americans was but au incident, as they could not have known that they should meet a party of the settlers there. The plan was to eapture the fort and the supply of ammunition, after which it would have been quite easy to make an end of the settlements, already deprived by the exodus to California of a large share of their fighting material. The H. B. Co., confident of their influence with the Indians, either did not suspeet or did not like to admit that the Snoqua­limichs intended mischief to them, though Tolmie confesses that when he went outside the fort to bring in Wallace’s body he was aimed at; but the person was prevented firing by a Siuahomish Indian present, who reproved him, saying, ‘Harm enough done for one day.’ Tolmie’s Puget Sound, MS. 35. All accounts agree that Patkanim was inside the fort when the firing by the Snoqualimiehs was commenced, and that it began when a gun was discharged inside the fort to clean it. May not this have been the precon­certed signal? But the closing of the gates with the chief inside, and the firing from the bastion, diseoncerted the conspirators, who retreated to cover.

33Evans mentionsin his Hist. Alem., 12, that Patterson, an immigrant of 1S47, who afterward left the country, became indebted to an Indian for bringing his family up the Cowlitz River, but could not pay him, and gave his note for

12      months. At the end of the year the Indian came to claim his pay, but still the man had not the money, on learning which the Indian offered to take a heifer, which offer was declined. The Indian then went to the white set­tlement at Tumwater and entered his complaint, when a meeting was called and a committee appointed to return with him to the house of the debtor, who was compelled to deliver up the heifer. This satisfied the creditor and kept the peace.


But by the end of tlie year most of the gold-hunters were back on their claims, somewhat richer than before in the product of the mines. Early in January

1850  there arrived the first American merchant vessel to visit the Sound since its settlement. This was the brig Orbit, William H. Dunham master, from Calais, Maine. She had brought a company of adventurers to California, who having no further use for her, sold her for a few thousand dollars to four men, who thought this a good investment, and a means of get­ting to Puget Sound. Their names were I. N. Ebey, B. F. Shaw, Edmund Sylvester, and one Jackson. There came as passenger also Charles Hart Smith, a young man from Maine and a friend of Captain Dun­ham. M. T. Simmons, who had not gone to the mines, had sold, in the autumn of 1849, his land claim at Tum­water, with the mills, to Crosby34 and Gray, formerly of Portland, for thirty-five thousand dollars. With a portion of this money he purchased a controlling interest in the Orbit, and taking C. H. Smith as part­ner, sent the brig back to San Francisco with a cargo of piles, with Smith as supercargo, to dispose of them and purchase a stock of general merchandise. The vessel returned in July, and the goods were opened at Smithfield, which by the death of Smith35 had come to

31 Captain Clanriek Crosby was a navigator, and first saw the waters of Puget Sound in command of a ship. He continued to reside at Tumwater down to the time of his death, Oct. 29,1S79, at the age of 75 years. His wife, Phcebe H., died Nov. 25, 1871. Their children are Clanriek, Jr, William, Walter, Fanny, Mrs George D. Biles, and Mrs J. H. Naylor. New Tacomci Herald, Oct. 30, 1879. Crosby was speaker of tbe house of representatives in 1864. Bancroft's Hand-book, 1864, 353.

35       Levi Lathrop Smith was born in the state of New York, and studied for the presbyterian ministry; but migrating to Wisconsin, became there attached to a half-caste girl, a catholic. To marry under these circumstances would be a violation of rule, and he made another to remove to Oregon. But his health was affected, and he suffered with epilepsy. He was elected to the Oregon legislature in 1848, but did not live to take his seat, being drowned in the latter part of August while going from his claim to Tumwater, attacked, it was supposed, by convulsions, which overturned his canoe. He built the first cabin in what is now the city of Olympia, on Main Street, half­way between Second and Third streets, a cabin 16 feet square, of split cedar, with a stone fire-place, a stick chimney, and roofed with four-feet shingles held on with weight-poles. The cabin had one door, and three panes of glass for a window; a rough puncheon floor, and a rough partition dividing off a bedroom and closet. The furniture consisted of a bedstead, made by boring

be the sole property of Sylvester, and was now called Olympia, at the suggestion of I. N. Ebey.36 Sylvester’s claim on the prairie was abandoned when he took pos­session of the claim on the Sound,37 and was taken by Captain Dunham of the Orbit, who was killed by being thrown from his horse33 July 4, 1851, the government reserving the land for his heirs, who long after took possession.

In order to give his town a start, Sylvester offered to give Simmons two lots for business purposes, which were accepted; and a house of rough boards, two stories high—its ground dimensions twenty feet front by forty in depth—was erected at the corner of First and Main streets, and the cargo of the Orbit displayed for sale,39 Smith acting as clerk. The firm

holes in the upright planking and inserting sticks to support the bed, two tables, some benches, and stools of domestic manufacture. The furniture of the table was tin, and scanty at that. Two acres of land were enclosed, in which com, beans, pumpkins, squashes, potatoes, pease, turnips, cabbages, melons, cucumbers, beetB, parsnips, carrots, onions, tomatoes, radishes, lettuce, parsley, sweet fennel, peppergrass, summer-savory, and sunflowers were culti­vated. The live-stock belonging to this establishment comprised 5 hogs, 3 pigs,

7       hens, a cock, a cat and dog, a yoke of oxen, and a pair of horses. These de­tails are taken from a humorous document supposed to have been written by Smith himself, still in the possession of a gentleman of Olympia. As a picture of pioneer life, it is not without value. A diary kept by Smith has also been preserved, in which appear many hints of his sad and solitary mus- ings upon his life in the wilderness and his disappointed hopes. Evans' Hist. Notes, 4.

36       Evans’ Historical Notes, a collection of authorities on the early settle­ments, with remarks by Evans, gives Ebey as the author. Sylvester says, speaking of Ebey, ‘We got the name from the Olympic range;’ from which I have no doubt Evans is correct. The town was surveyed by William L. Frazer in 1850; and afterward by H. A. Goldsborough, who, it will be remem­bered, remained in the territory when the U. S. steamer Massachusetts sailed away in the spring o£ 1850. Hist. Or., ii., chap. ix., this series.

51 Sylvester, in his Olympia, MS., does not mention L. L. Smith, but speaks only of himself, and gives the impression that he alone settled at Olympia in 1846. This evasion of a fact puzzled me until I came upon the explanation in Evans’ Hist. Notes, 2, where he mentions Sylvester’s reticence in the matter of Smith, and tells us that it arose from an apprehension that Smith’s heirs might some time lay claim to the town site and disturb the title. This fear Evans declares to be groundless, and that Sylvester ‘lawfully survived to the sole ownership of Smith’s claim,’ by the partnership clause of the Oregon land law.

38Swan, in Olympia Club, MS., 6.

39 The Orbit, being of little or no use to her owners, Simmons having sold his mills, was taken to the Columbia by Captain Butler for her owners in the summer of 1851. She got into the breakers on the bar and was aban­doned. The tide returning floated her into Baker Bay in safety. Some per­sons who beheld her drifting took her to Astoria and claimed salvage; but


had a profitable trade, as we may well believe when cooking-stoves without furniture sold for eighty dol­lars.40 American commerce was thus begun with a population of not more than one hundred citizens of the United States in the region immediately about Puget Sound.41 Three of the crew of the British ship Albion settled in the region of Steilacoom; namely, William Bolton, Frederick Rabjohn, and William Elders. If it is true, as I have shown in a previous volume,42 that the Americans, as soon as they were armed with the power by congress, exhibited a most unfriendly exclusiveness toward the British com­pany which had fostered them in its way, it is easy to perceive that they were actuated partly by a feel­ing of revenge, and a desire for retaliation for having been compelled to show the rents in their breeches as a reason for requiring a new pair,43 and to account for the rents besides,, to prove that the Indian trade had not been interfered with. Now these irrepressible Americans were bringing their own goods by the ship-load, and peddling them about the Sound in canoes under the noses of the company. It was cer­tainly an unequal contest when legal impediment was removed.

Simmons brought her back to the Sound, where she was finally sold at mar­shal’s sale, aud purchased hy a company consisting of John M. Swan, H. A. Goldsborough, and others, who loaded her with piles and undertook to navi­gate her to the S. I. They met with a gale in Fuca Straits and had their rigging blown to picces, hut managed to get into Esquimault harbor, where they sold the vessel to the H. B. Co. for §1,000. The company refitted her, changed her name to the Discovery, and used her on the northern coast until 1858, when she was employed as a police vessel on Fraser River in collecting licenses. Afterward she was resold to Leonard, of the firm of Leonard & Green of Portland, and her name of Orbit restored; she was taken to China and again sold, where she disappears from history. She is remembered as the first American vessel that ever penetrated to the head of Pnget Sound, or en­gaged in a commerce with Americans on its waters. Olympia Club, MS., 2-8.

40Rabbeson, in Olyvipia Club, MS., 3.

41Rabbesnn says that in the winter of 1849 or spring of 1850. at the time the British ship Albion was lying at Dungeness cutting spars, he went down to that port with Eaton and others, and in returning he fell in with an Amer­ican vessel coming up for piles, which he piloted to the upper sound, securing the contract for furnishing the cargo. He thinks her name was The Pleiades, and the next vessel in the sound the Robert BQwen. Growth of Towns, MS., 14.

i2Nist. Orii., 104-6, this series.

43Sylvester's Olympia, MS., 12.

Hist. Wash.—2

In the Orbit came John M. Swan,44 who in 1850 settled on a claim immediately east of Olympia, which became Swantown. Another passenger was Henry Murray, who took a claim east of Steilacoom. In July Lafayette Balch, owner of the brig George Emory, arrived at Olympia with a cargo of goods, which he unloaded at that place; but finding he could not get such terms as he desired from the owner of the town lots, he put his vessel about and went down the Sound, establishing the town of Port Steilacoom, putting up a large business house, the frame of which he brought from San Francisco, and to which he removed the goods left at Olympia to be sold by Henry C. Wilson/5 who appears to have arrived with Balch, and who settled on the west shore of Port Townsend on the 15th of August. On the 15th of October

I.       N. Ebey took up the claim from which Glasgow had been ejected by the Indians on the west side of Whidbey Island, about a mile south of Penn Cove. R. H. Lansdale about the same time took a claim at the head of Penn Cove, where the town of Coveland was ultimately laid out. In November the George Emory, which had made a voyage to San Francisco, brought up as passengers half a dozen men who in­tended getting out a cargo of piles for that market, and who landed five miles north of Steilacoom. One of their number, William B. Wilton, selecting a claim, built a cabin, and the adventurers went to work with a will to make their fortunes. Their only neighbor

“I do not know Swan’s antecedents, except that he was in the mines in April 1849, and that after working there for three months he became ill, and determined to go north as soon as he could get away, for his health. Find­ing the Orbit about to sail, he took passage in her. His idea was to go to V. I., but when he arrived at Victoria he found the terms of colonization there repulsive to him, and went on with the vessel to the head of Puget Souud, where be remained. Swan's Colonization, MS., 2.

45       Wash. Sketches, MS., 38-9; Sylvester’s Olympia, MS., 19-20; Swan’s Colonization, MS., 4-5. Wilson married Susan P. Keller in Oct. 1854 She was a daughter of Captain Josiah P. Keller of Maine, who settled at Port Gamble, or Teekalet Bay, in the autumn of 1853, with his family He was bom iu 1812, and emigrated to Puget Sound from Boston. He was a useful and respected citizen, being the founder of the village of Teekalet His death occurred June 11, 1862, at Victoria. Port Townsend, Northwest, June


was William Bolton, who could not have been very well supplied with the requirements for a life in the woods, as they were unable to obtain oxen to drag the fallen timber to the water’s edge, and in April

1851   abandoned their enterprise, after disposing of as much of the timber they had felled as could be loaded on a vessel without the aid of oxen. Two of their number, Charles C. Bachelder and A. A. Plum­mer,46 then went to Port Townsend, and took claims on Point Hudson, about a mile north-west of Wilson, where they were joined in November by L. B. Has­tings and F. W. Pettygrove, formerly of Oregon City and Portland, who had ruined himself by speculating in property at Benicia, California. In February, J. G. Clinger47 and Pettygrove and Hastings took claims adjoining those of Bachelder and Plummer on the north and west, and soon these four agreed to lay out a town, and to devote a third of each of their claims to town-site purposes—a fair division, considering the relative size and location of the claims. Bachelder and Plummer, being unmarried, could take no more than a quarter-section under the Oregon land law, which granted but 160 acres as a donation when such claim was taken after the 1st of December, 1850, or by a person who was not a resi­dent of Oregon previous to that time. Pettygrove and Hastings,43 having both emigrated to the territory

46      Plummer was a native of Maine. He was a saddler in the quartermas­ter’s department under Parker H. French on the march to El Paso of the 3d infantry in 1849. From El Paso he went to Mazatlan, and thence by the bark Phcenix to Sau Francisco in May 1S50. In the spring of 1851 he took passage on the George. Emoi-y, Capt. Balch, for Puget Sound. IPVw/t. Sketches, MS., 37; see also Solano Co. Hist., 157.

47       Pettygrove and Hastings arrived in the schooner Man/ Taylor, from Portland. Plummer, in JPosA. Sketches, MS., a collection of statements taken down by my short-hand reporter, says that into his cabin, 15 by 30 feet, were crowded fora time the families of Pettygrove, Hastings, and Clinger. Houses were erected as soon as they conveniently could be on the claims taken by these settlers, and could not have been ready much before spring.

18Briggs, in his Port Townsend, MS., containing a history of the immigra­tion of 1847, early Oregon matters, and an account of the settlement of Port Townsend, says that Hastings was in his company crossing the plains. Briggs settled on the Santiam, where Hastings paid him a visit, persuading him to go to Puget Sound. Hastings and Pettygrove then went over to look for a location, and fixed upon Port Townsend.

previous to 1850, and being married, were entitled to take a whole section, but their land, being less favor­ably situated for a town site, was worth less to the company; hence the terms of the agreement. ^

The new town was named after the bay upon which it was situated, Port Townsend, and the owners con­stituted a firm for the prosecution of trade.49

As timber was the chief marketable product of the country, and as Hastings and Pettygrove were owners of three yokes of oxen, the company at once set to work cutting piles and squaring timbers; at which labor they continued for about two years, loading sev­eral vessels,50 and carrying on a general merchandise business besides.61

In May 1852 Albert Briggs settled a mile and a half south from Port Townsend,62 and in September came Thomas M. Hammond, who took a narrow strip of land west of the claims of Hastings and Wilson, and which, coming down to the bay, adjoined Briggs on the north.63 The names of all the donation-land

<9In the agreement between the partners, says Briggs, $3,000 was to be put into a joint stock to carry on merchandising and a fishery, neither part­ner to draw out more than the net income according to their share; but at the end of three years the original stock might be drawn from the concern. A condition was imposed, on account of habits of intemperance on the part of Bachelder and Pettygrove, that if any member of the firm should be declared incompetent by a vote of the others to attend to business on account of drink, he should forfeit his interest and quit the company. Bachelder lost bis share by this agreement, receiving a few hundred dollars for his land from Petty- grove. He died at Port Ludlow not long after. Id., 24-5.

60Tho brig Wellingsley several times, brig James Marshall once, ship Ted- mer once, and bark Mary Adams once. Plummer, in Wash. Sketches, MS., 40.

61       The first house erected in Port Townsend after Plummer’s was by R. M. Caines, for a hotel on Water Street, later occupied as the Argus newspaper office. Then followed residences by Wilson, J. G. Clinger, who had taken a land claim a mile and a half south of the town, Benjamin Ross, who with his brother R. W. Ross had located land fronting on the Fuca sea at the head of the strait, William Webster, John Price, and E. S. Fowler, who had a stock of merchandise. Plummer, in Wash. Sketches, MS., 40-1. Mrs Clinger was the mother of the first white child born in Port Townsend.

62       Briggs was born in Yt. He arrived in Or. in 1847 with the immigration, in company with Lot Whitcomb, and worked at his trade of carpenter for a year or more, settling at last on the Santiam, where he remained until 18r>2, when he went to the Sound on the solicitation of his friend Hastings. He brought his family, and built, according to his own statement, the first frame house and brick chimney at or near Port Townsend, and brought the first horses and cattle to the place. Port Townsend, MS., 1, 35.

53 Hammond was a native of Ireland, born about 1820, arriv?.d in the U. S. in 1829, and came to Cal. in 1849 with the gold-seekers. J. B. Beidelmam



claimants about Port Townsend are here mentioned in my account of its settlements.

In the latter part of August 1851, in the van of the immigration, arrived at Portland John N". Low and C. C. Terry. In September they took their cattle and whatever live-stock they possessed down the Columbia, and by the Hudson’s Bay Company’s trail to the valley of the Chehalis, where they were left, while Low54 and Terry proceeded to the Sound to explore for a town site, fixing at last upon Alki Point, on the west side of Elliott Bay, where a claim was taken about the 25th, and a house partially con­structed of logs. They found that others were pre­paring to settle in the vicinity, and were encouraged. John C. Holgate, a young man and an immigrant of

1847, who had served in the Cayuse war, had visited the east side of Elliott Bay in 1850, selecting a claim for himself.55

Previous to the arrival of Low and Terry at Alki Point, Luther M. Collins took a claim in the valley of the Dwamish or White Biver,56 and before they

&      Co. of San Franciseo wished him to start a fishery and cut piles for that market. He took passage on the bark Powhatan, Captain Mellen, for Puget Sound, but by the tim j he was ready to begin business the firm had failed, and Hammond cast in his lot with the settlers of Port Townsend. Wash. Sketches, MS., 95-7.

64      John N. Low was born in Ohio in 1820. He removed to 111., where he married, in 1848, Lv'dia Colburn, born in Penn. Low brought to Or. a herd of choiee stoek for dairy purposes, which were the first selected Ameri­can cattle taken to the Sound country, and seems to have had a more definite purpose in emigrating than many who came to the Pacific coast at that period. Morse’s Wash. Ter., MS., i. 118-19. Charles Carroll Terry was a native of New York state.

63       I follow the account of Mrs Abby J. Hanford, who, in a manuscript giving an account of the Settlement of Seattle and the Indian Wa7', makes this positive statement concerning Holgate’s visit. Mrs Hanford was a sister of Holgate, whose family came to Or. in 1853, and to Wash, in' 1854. Mrs Elizabeth Holgate, mother of Mrs Hanford, was born at Middleton, Ct, in 1796; was married at Pittsburg, Pa, in 1818, to A. L. Holgate, who died in 1847, and aecompanied her children to Or. She died iu Jan. 1S80, at the house of her daughter, whose husband’s land adjoined that of J. C. Holgate. Seattle Intelligencer, Jan. 24, 1880.

56The river system of this region is peeuliar; for example, White River and Cerlar River both rise in the Cascade Mountains and have a north-west course. Cedar flows into Lake Washington, from whieh by the same mouth but a different channel it runs out again in a south-west course, called Black River,

returned to Portland, Collins, Henry Van Assalt, and Jacob and Samuel Maple arrived and settled upon the Dwamish, where they had previously taken claims.67

Leaving their house half built, the settlers at Alki Point returned to Portland, where Low had left his wife and four children. Here they found Arthur A. Lenny, also from Illinois, although born in Indiana, with a wife and two children; William N. Bell, a na­tive of Illinois, with a wife and two children; and C. D. Borem, with a wife and child; besides David T. Denny, unmarried—who were willing to accept their statement that they had discovered the choicest spot for a great city to be found in the north-west.

On the 5th of November this company took pas­sage on the schooner Exact, Captain Folger, which had been chartered to carry a party of gold-hunters to Queen Charlotte Island, and Low’s party with a few others to Puget Sound. The Alki Point settlers ar­rived at their destination on the 13th, and were dis­embarked at low tide, spending the dull November afternoon in carrying their goods by hand out of the reach of high water, assisted by the women and chil­dren. “And then,” says Bell, artlessly, in an auto­graph letter, “the women sat down and cried.”58 Poor women! Is it any wonder? Think of it: the long jour-

into White River, joining the two by a link little more than two miles long. Below this junction White River is called Dwamish, with no better reason than that the Indians gave that name to a section of the stream where they resided. There is a link by creeks and marshes between White River and the Puyallup, and the whole eastern shore of the Sound is a network of rivers, lakes, creeks, and swales, the soil of the bottom-lands being very rich, but overgrown with trees of the water-loviug species. Prairie openings occur at intervals, on which the settlements were made.

571 am thus particular in the matter of priority, because there is a slight but perceptible jealousy evident in my authorities as to the claim to prece­dence in settlement. From the weight of testimony, I think it may be fairly said that the Dwamish Valley was settled before Alki Point. Jacob Maple was born on the Monongehela River, Green county, Pennsylvania, 1798. His father removed to Jefferson county, Ohio, in 1800, and died in 1812." The family subsequently lived in southern Iowa, from which they emigrated to Oregon by the way of California, arriving in 1851. Morse’s Wash. Ter., MS

ii.      8. Another settler claiming priority is Martin Tafteson, who took a rUim on Oak Harbor iu 1851. Morses Wash. Ter., MS., xxi. 43-5.

s»I have a valuable dictation by Mr Bell, entitled the Settlement of Seattle, MS., in which many historical facts are set forth in an interesting manner.

ney overland, the wearisome detention in Portland, the sea-voyage in the little schooner, and all to be set down on the beach of this lonely inland sea, at the beginning of a long winter, without a shelter from the never-ceasing rains for themselves or their babes. It did not make it any easier that nobody was to blame, and that in this way only could their husbands take their choice of the government’s bounty to them. It was hard, but it is good to know that they survived it, and that a house was erected during the winter which was in a measure comfortable.69

Low and Terry laid out a town at Alki Point, call­ing it New York, and offering lots to those members of the company who would remain and build upon them. But the Indians in the vicinity had given in­formation during the winter concerning a pass in the Cascade Range which induced the majority to remove in the spring of 1852 to the east side of the bay, where they founded a town of their owu, which they called Seattle, after a chief of the Dwamish tribe residing in the vicinity, who stood high in the estimation of the American settlers.60

D. T. Denny, W. N". Bell, A. A. Denny, and C.

D.     Boren took claims in the order mentioned on the east shore, D. T. Denny’s being farthest north, and Boren’s adjoining on the south a claim made at the

59       BelFs house was constructed of cedar planks split out of the tree, the Oregon cedar having a straight grain. These planks were made smoother with carpenter’s tools, and were joined neatly in the flooring. Some window- sash were obtained from Olympia, and the ‘first house in King county ’ (I quote Bell) was after all a decent enough domicile when it was completed.

60      Seattle is described as a dignified and venerable personage, whose car­riage reminded the western men of Senator Benton; but I doubt if the Mis­souri senator would bave recognized himself, except by a very great stretch of imagination, in tbis naked savage who conversed only in signs and grunts. It is said that Seattle professed to remember Vancouver—-another stretch of the imagination. See Olympia Wash. Standard, April 25, 1868; Richardson's Missis., 416. It is well known that the Indians north of the Columbia change their names when a relative dies, Swan's y. W. Coast, 189, from a belief that the spirits of the dead will return on hearing these familiar names. Seattle, on hearing that a town was called by his name, and foreseeing that it would be a disturbance to his ghost when he should pass away, made this a ground for levying a tax on the citizens while living, taking his pay beforehand for the inconvenience he expected to suffer from the use of his name after death. Tester's Wash. Ter.t MS., 6; Murphy, in Appleton's Journal, 11. 1877.

same time by D. S. Maynard from Olympia, who in turn adjoined Holgate, and who kept the first trading- house in the town. Seattle was laid oflt upon the water-front from about the middle of Maynard’s claim, a larger one than either of the others,61 and on which the first house was built, to the north line of Bell’s claim. Then in the autumn came Henry L. Yesler, who was looking for a mill site, and who was admitted to the water-front by a re-arrangement of the contig­uous boundaries of Boren and Maynard.62

61       Maynard came to Or. in Sept. 1850, and took Ms claim under the dona­tion law as a married man, and as a resident prior to Dec. 1850, which would have entitled him to 640 acres. But on the 22d of Dec., 185*2, he obtained from the Or. leg. a divorce from Lydia A. Maynard, whom he had married in Vt, on the 28th of August, 1828, and left in Ohio when he emigrated. In Jan. 1853 he married Catherine Broshears, and soon after gave the required notice of settlement on his claim, acknowledging bis previous marriage, but asserting that bis first wife died Dec. 24, 1852. Li due course a certificate was issued to Maynard and wife, giving the west half of the claim to the hus­band and the east half to the wife. But the commissioner of the general land- office held that the heirs of Lydia A. Maynard should have had the east half, she being his wife when he settled on the land, and until the following Dec. These matters coming to the ears of the first Mrs Maynard and her two sons, they appeared and laid claim to the land, and the case being considered upon the proofs, neither Lydia A. Maynard nor Catherine Maynard received any part of the land, the claim of the first being rejected because she had acquired no rights by her presence in the country previous to the divorce, nor could she inherit as a widow after the divorce—an iniquitous decision, by the way, where no notice has been served—and tbe claim of the second being rejected because she was not the wife of Maynard on the 1st of Dec., 1850, nor within one year thereafter. The 320 acres which should have belonged to one of these women reverted to the government. Maynard died in 1873. Puget Sound Dupatch, March 14 and April 18, 1872; Seattle Intelligencer, March 17, 1873, Feb. 10, 1877; S. F. Alta, March 2, 1873.

62       Yesler was a native of Maryland; went to Ohio in 1832, and emigrated thence in 1851 to Or., intending to put up a saw-mill at Portland; but the wreck of the General Warren at the mouth of the river and other fancied drawbacks caused him to go to Cal. and to look around for some land in that state; but meeting a sailing-master who had been in Puget Sound, he learned enough of the advantages of this region for a lumbering establishment to de­cide him to go there, and to settle at Seattle. Y esler’s was the first of the saw-mills put up with a design to establish a trade with S. F., and being also at a central point on the Sound, became historically important. The cook­house belonging to it, though only a ‘ clingy-looking hewed-log building about

25     feet square, a little more than one story high with a shed addition on the rear,’ was for a number of years the only place along the east shore of the Sound where comfortable entertainment could be had. ‘Many an old Puget Sounder,’ says a correspondent of the Puget Sound Weekly, 1866, ‘remembers the happy hours, jolly nights, strange encounters, and wild scenes he has enjoyed around the broad fireplace and hospitable board of Yesler’s cook­house.’ During the Indian war it was a rendezvous for the volunteers; it was a resort of naval officers; a judge—Lander—had his office in a comer of it; for a time the county auditor’s office was there; it had served for town-hall, court-house, jail, military headquarters, storehouse, hotel, and church. Elec-

Before proceeding to these decisive measures, the town-site company made a careful hydrographic sur­vey of the bay, Bell and Boren paddling the canoe while Denny took the soundings. On the 23d of May, 1853, the town plat was filed for record,63 Bell keep­ing his claim separate, from which it was long called Belltown. Being really well situated, and midway between Port Townsend and Olympia, it rewarded its founders by a steady growth and by becoming the county seat of King county. Its population in 1855 was about three hundred.

The embryo city of New York never advanced be­yond a chrysalid condition; but after having achieved a steam saw-mill, a public house, and two or three stores, and after having changed its name to Alki, an Indian word signifying in the future, or by and by, which wTas both name-and motto, it gave way to its more fortunate rival. It had a better landing than Seattle at that time, but a harbor that Avas ex­posed to the winds, where vessels were sometimes blown ashore, and was otherwise inferior in position.64 Terry, at the end of two years, removed to Seattle, where he died in 1867.65 Low went to California and the east, but finally returned to Puget Sound and settled in Seattle.

In the spring of 1853 there arrived from the Wil­lamette, where they had wintered, David Phillips66

tions, social parties, and religious services were held under its roof. The first sermon preached in King co. was delivered there by Clark, and the first suit at law, which was the case of the mate of the Franklin Adams for selling the ship’s stores on his own account, was held here before Justice Maynard, who dis­charged the accused with an admonition to keep his accounts more correctly thereafter. For all these memories the old building was regretted when in 1865 it was demolished to make room for more elegant structures. Yesler’s Wash. Ter., MS., 13. D. S. Smith of Seattle is, though not the first settler at that place, the first of the men who finally settled there to have visited the place, on a whaling-vessel which entered the Sound in 1837. Seattle Pac. Tribune, June 24, 1877; Puget Sound Dispatch, July 8, 1876.

63Morse’s Wash. TerMS., ii. 6.

64EllicoWs Puget Sound, MS., 19.

65       Terry had a trading-post at Alki, as well as Low and S. M. Holdemess. In 1856 he married Mary J. Russell, daughter of S. W. Russell, of the White River settlement. After her husband’s death in 1873, Mrs Terry married W. H. Gilliam, but died in 1875.

66Phillips was a native of Penn., but for some years anterior to 1852

and F. Matthias from Pennsylvania, Dexter Horton and Hannah E., his wife, and Thomas Mercer, from Princetown, Illinois,67 S. W. Russell, T. S. Russell, Hillery Butler, E. M. Smithers, John Thomas, and H. A. Smith. They came by the way of the Cowlitz and Olympia, whence they were carried down the Sound on board the schooner Sarah Stone, which landed at Alki, where the six last mentioned re­mained for the summer, removing to Seattle in the autumn. J. R. Williamson, George Buckley, Charles Kennedy, and G. N. McConaha and family, also arrived about this period, and settled at Seattle. A daughter born to Mrs McConaha in September was the first white native of King county.

There settled in the Dwamish or White River Valley, not far from the spring of 1853, William Ballston, D. A. Neely, J. Buckley, A. Hogine, J. Harvey, William Brown, a Mr. Nelson, and on Lake Washington68 E. A. Clark.

The pursuits of the first settlers of Seattle and the adjacent country were in no wise different from those of Olympia, Steilacoom, and Port Townsend. Tim­ber was the most available product of this region, and to getting out a cargo the settlers on the Dwamish River first applied themselves. Oxen being scarce in the new settlements previous to the opening of a

resided in Iowa. He went into mercantile business in partnership with Horton, having a branch house in Olympia. They dissolved in 1861, and Phillips took the Olympia business. In 1870 they reunited in a banking sstablishment in Seattle. In the mean time Phillips was clected to several county offices, and 3 times to a seat in the legislature of Wash. He was at the time of his death, March 1872, president of the pioneer society of W. T. Olympia Transcript, March 9, 1872; Seattle Intelligencer, March 11, 1872.

67       Mercer, in Wash. Ter. Sketches, MS., 1-3.

68      At this time the lakes in the vicinity of Seattle were not named. In 1854 the settlers held an informal meeting and decided to call the larger one Washington and the smaller Union, because it united at times the former with the bay. Mercer, in Wash. Ter. Sketches, MS., 6. It is not improbable, says Murphy, in Appleton’s Journal, 11, 1877, that the government will open a canal between lake Washington and the Sound, which could be done for SI,000,000, in order to make the lake a naval station. It is 25 miles long,

3       to 5 miles wide, an altitude above sea-level of 18 feet, sufficient depth to float the heaviest ships, and is surrounded by timber, iron, and coal, which natural advantages it is believed will sooner or later make it of importance to the United States. Puget Sound Dispatch, July 8, 1876; Victor's Or. and Wash., 246.



road from Walla Walla over the Cascade Mountains, there was much difficulty in loading vessels, the crew using a block and tackle to draw the timber to the landing.69

They cultivated enough land to insure a plentiful food supply, and looked elsewhere for their profits, a policy which the inhabitants of the Puget Sound region continued to pursue for a longer period than wisdom would seem to dictate. Many were engaged in a petty trade, which they, preferred to agriculture, and especially the eastern-born men, who were nearly all traders. To this preference, more than to any other cause, should be attributed the insignificant improve­ments in the country for several years.

About the time that Seattle was founded, B. I. Mad­ison settled at New Dungeness, near the mouth of the Dungeness River. He was a trader in Indian goods and contraband whiskey, and I fear had many imi­tators. His trade did not prevent him from taking a land-claim. Soon afterward came D. P. Brown- field, who located next to Madison. During the sum­mer, John Thornton, Joseph Leary, George B. Moore, John Donnell, J. C. Brown, and E. H. McAlmond set­tled in the immediate vicinity of New Dungeness, and engaged in cutting timber to load vessels. They had four yokes of oxen, and were therefore equipped for the business. That season, also, George H. Ger- rish located himself near this point, and kept a trad- ing-post for the sale of Indian goods.

In the following spring came the first family, Thomas Abernethey and wife. C. M. Bradshaw70 and

69      The first vessel loaded at the head of Elliott Bay was the Leonesa, which took a cargo in the winter of 1S51-2. I have among my historical correspond­ence a letter written by Eli B. Maple concerning the first settlement of King county, who says that his brother Samuel helped to load this vessel in Gig Harbor, which he thinks was the first one loaded on the Sound, in which he is mistaken, as I have shown. This member of the Maple family did not arrive until the autumn of 1852, when he joined his father and brother in the Dwamish Valley.

7U Charles M. Bradshaw was born in l?enn., came to Or. with the immigra­tion of 1852, and settled soon afterward near New Dungeness, on Squim’s prairie,

several other single men followed, namely, S. S. Ir­vine, Joseph Leighton, Eliot Cline, John Bell, and

E.              Price. Irvine and Leighton settled east of New Dungeness on Squim Bay. The second family in the vicinity was that of J. J. Barrow, who first settled on Port Discovery Bay in 1852, but removed after a year or two to Dungeness. Port Discovery had other settlers in 1852-3, namely, James Kaymer, John E. Burns, John F. Tukey, Benjamin Gibbs, Richard Gibbs, James Tucker,71 Mr Boswell, and Mr Gallagher.       _       _

There was also one settler on Protection Island in

1853, James Whitcom, who, however, abandoned his claim after a few months of lonely occupation.'2 Chi- macum Valley had also one settler, B. S. Hobinson, in 1853.

There was no part of the country on the Sound that settled up so rapidly during the period of which I am speaking as Whidbey Island. This preference was

where he remained until 1867, when he removed to Port Townsend. He studied law, and was admitted to practice in 1864, after which l.e was several times elected to the legislature, and twice made attorney of the 3d judicial district, as well as member of the constitutional convention in 1878. H'ash. Sketches, MS., 59.

71       Tucker was murdered in 1863. It will appear in the course of this his­tory that murders were very frequent. Many of them were committed by the Indians from the northern coast, who came up the strait in their canoes, and cruising about, either attacked isolated settlements at night, or seized and killed white men travelling about the Sound in canoes. The first vessel that came into the harbor of Kew Dungeness for a cargo was the John Adams, in the spring of 1853. Jewell, her master, started with his steward to go to Port Townsend in a small boat, and never was seen again. The Indians ad­mitted that two of their people had murdered the two men, but as it could not be shown that they were dead, the accused were never tried. MeAlmond, who was a competent ship-master, sailed the vessel to S. F. An eccentric man, who obtained the soubriquet of Arkansaw Traveller by his peregrinations in the region of Dungeness in 1854, was shot and killed by Indians while alone in his canoe. The crime came to light, and the criminals were tried and sentenced; but one of them died of disease, and the other escaped by an error in the entry of judgment. Bradshaw, in Wash. Sketches, MS., 65-6.

72       Protection Island was so named by Vancouver because it lay in front of and protected Port Discovery from the north-west winds. The first actual or permanent settlers on this island were Winfield Ebey, brother of I. N. Ebey, and George Ebey, his cousin, who took claims there in 1854. Ebey's Journal, MS. Whitcom was a native of Ottawa, Canada, who eame to Puget Sound in 1S52, and first located himself on the Port Gamble side of Foul- weather Bluff—also named by Vancouver—in the service of the milling com­pany at that place, putting the first fire under the boilers of Port Gamble mill. He left the Sound in 1854, but returned in 1872.

owing to the fact that the island contained about six thousand acres of excellent prairie land, and that the western men, who located on farms, were accustomed to an open country. No matter how rich the river- bottoms or poor the plains, they chose the plains rather than clear the river-bottoms of the tangled jungles which oppressed them. Whidbey Island pos­sessed, besides its open lands, many charms of scenery and excellences of climate, together with favorable position; and hither came so many of the first agri­culturalists that it was the custom to speak of the island as the garden of Puget Sound. Its first per­manent settlers were, as I have mentioned, Isaac N. Ebey and R. H. Lansdale.73

Lansdale first fixed his choice upon Oak Harbor, but removed to Penn Cove in the spring of 1852. The legislature of 1852-3 organized Island county, and fixed the county seat at Coveland, on Lansdale’s claim. He continued to reside there, practising med­icine, until he was made Indian agent, in December

1854, when his duties took him east of the Cascade

Ti I. N. Ebey was from Mo., and came to Or. in 1848 just in time to join the first gold‘hunters in Oal., where he was moderately successful. His wife, Rebecca Whitby, n£e Davis, came to join her husband, bringing with her their two sons, Eason and Ellison, in 1S51, in company with the Crockett family. Mrs Ebey, a beautiful and refined lady, was the first white woman on Whid- bey Island. A daughter was born to her there. She died of consumption Sept. 29, 1853, and Ebey married for his second wife Mrs Emily A. Sconce. In 1853 George W. Ebey, a young man and cousin to I. X., immigrated to Puget Sound in company with other cousins named Royal. In 1854 came Jacob Ebey, father of I. N., his mother, whose maiden name was Sarah Blue, bom in Ya, his brother Winfield Scott Ebey, two sisters, Mrs Mary Wright and Ruth Ebey, two children of Mrs Wright, whose husband was in CaL, and George W. Beam, who afterward married the daughter, later Mrs Almira N. Enos of S. F. Mrs Enos has placed in my hands a series of journals kept by members of her family, covering a period between April 1854 and April 1S64, in which year Winfield died of consumption. Jacob Ebey, who died in Feb. 1862, was bom in Penn. Oct. 22, 1793. He served in the war of 1812, under Gen. Harrison. He emigrated to 111. in 1832, and in the Black Hawk war commanded a company in the same battalion with Captain Abraham Lin­coln. Subsequently he removed to Adair county, Missouri, whence the fam­ily came to Washington. The death of his wife, which occurred in 1859, was hastened by the shocking fate of her son, Isaac N., who was murdered at his own home by the Haidah Indians, in one of their mysterious incursions, in the summer of 1S57, concerning which I shall have more to say in another place. George W. Beam died in 1866. This series of deaths makes the history of this pioneer family as remarkable as it is melancholy.

Mountains, where he remained for some years.74 The other settlers of 1851 were Uric Friend, Martin Taft- son, William Wallace and family, James Mounts, Milton Mounts, Robert S. Bailey, Patrick Doyle, and G. W. Sumner. In 1852 came Walter Crock­ett,75 with his son John and family, and five other children, Samuel, Hugh, Charles, Susan, and Wal­ter, Jr, Judah Church, John Chondra, Benjamin Welcher, Lewis Welcher, Joseph S. Smith and fam­ily, S. D. Howe, G. W. L. Allen, Richard B. Hol­brook, born and bred near Plymouth Rock, George Bell, Thomas S. Davis, John Davis, John Alexander and family, Mr Bonswell and family, N. D. Hill,73 Humphrey Hill, W. B. Engle, Samuel Maylor, Thomas Maylor, Samuel Libbey, Captain Eli Hatha­way, and Mr Baltic.

In the spring of 1853 the brig J. C. Cabot, Dryden master, brought to the island from Portland John Kellogg, James Busby, Thomas Hastie, Henry Ivens, John Dickenson, all of whom had families, Mrs Re­becca Maddox and five children,77 Mrs Grove Terry and daughter Chloe, R. L. Doyle, who married Miss Terry, Nelson Basil, and A. Woodard, who subse­quently went to Olympia. Others who settled on Whidbey Island in 1853 were Edward Barrington,73 Robert C. Hill, Charles H. Miller, Nelson Miller, Captain Thomas Coupe, who founded Coupeville, John Kenneth, Isaac Powers, Captain William Rob­

74       Richard Hyatt Lansdale was bom in Md in 1812, but bred in Ohio, and removed to Ind., then to 111., and finally to Mo. in 1846. In 1849 he came to Or. via Cal., entering the Columbia in Oct. He was first auditor of Clarke co., and first postmaster north of the Columbia. He purchased half of Short’s town site at Vancouver, which he lost and abandoned.

75       Walter Crockett, Sen., died Nov. 25, 1864, aged 83 years. Seattle Intel­ligencer, Dec. 6, 1869.

76       Nathaniel 1). Hill was bom in Pa in 1824, and came to Cal. in 1850; was employed in the S. F. custom-house; went to the mines and on a farm in So­noma Valley, but finally emharked with hia brothers for Puget Sound, and settled on Whidbey Island. Wash. Sketches, MS., 79-81.

71 Mrs Maddox married L. M. Ford of Skagit River in November 1855. Id., 41.

78       Edward Barrington died in Jan. 1883. Port Townsend Argus, Jan, 26, 1883. Coupe died in 1877.

ertson,79 Charles Seybert, Thomas Lyle, all of whom had families, Henry MeClurg, Captain B. P. Barstow, Edward Grut, Lawrence Grenman, Marshall Camp­bell, Jacob S. Hindbaugh, George W. Ebey, and Charles Thompson.

When I have added the names of Samuel Hancock, John Y. Sewell, Thomas Cramey, John M. Izeth, Dana H. Porter,80 Winfield S. Ebey, and George W. Beam, who settled the following year, I have enu­merated most of the men who at any time have long resided upon Whidbey Island, so quickly were its • lands taken up, and so constant have been its first settlers.

Settlement was extended in 1852 to Bellingham Bay. William Pattle, while looking for spar timber among the islands of the Fuca sea, landed in this bay, and while encamped upon the beach observed frag­ments of coal, which led to the discovery of a deposit. Pattle posted the usual notice of a claim, and went away to make arrangements for opening his coal mine. During his absence Henry Roder,81 who was looking

79       Robertson was bom in Norfolk, Va in 1809. At the age of 27 he began sea-going, and first came to S. F. in command of the bark Creole. He was afterward in command of the brig Tarquina, which he owned, and which brought him to Puget Sound in 1852. Taking a claim on Whidbey Island, he continued to trade to S. F. until 1855, when he sent his vessel to the S. I. in charge of his first officer, who sold her and pocketed the proceeds. Rob­ertson lost |30,000 by this transaction, but had a competency remaining. He was first keeper of the light erected in 1860 on Admiralty Head, on the west coast of the island. Id., 30-1.

8“ Porter was inspector of spars at Port Ludlow some years later. He died in March 1880.

81       Roder was a native of Ohio, and came to Cal. in 1850. His partner, R. V. Peabody, and himself had the usual adventures in the mines, narrowly escaping death at the hands of the famous Joaquin Murieta. After spending two years in mining and trading, Roder and Peabody went to Or. City to engage in salmon-fishing, but were diverted from their purpose by the high price of lumber consequent upon the great fire in S. F., and determined to build a saw-mill. Visiting Puget Sound with this object in view, they were led by information obtained at Port Townsend to erect their mill at Belling­ham Bay, on a stream which dried up as soon as the winter rains were over, a. misfortune which, added to a fall in the price of lumber, nearly ruined Roder and Peabody, These facts, with a general account of the history of the lower sound and Bellingham Bay, are obtained from Roder’s Bellingham Bay, MS., an excellent authority, and also from a well-written autograph Sketch by Edward Eldridge, who settled at the same time with Roder. Roder,

for a place to establish a saw-mill, arrived from San Francisco on the schooner William Allen, with R. V. Peabody, Edward Eldridge,82 H. C. Page, and Wil­liam Utter, Henry Hewitt and William Brown. Roder, Peabody, and a millwright named Brown, whom they found at Olympia, formed the Whatcom Milling Company, taking the Indian name of the place where their mill was situated as a designation. Hewitt and William Brown, who were engaged in getting out logs for the mill, in the summer of 1853, discovered coal on the land adjoining Pattle’s claim, and sold their discovery for $18,000, Roder and Pea­body having just abandoned this claim for one more heavily timbered.83 About the same time came L. N. Collins, Alexander McLean, Mr Roberts, and Mr Lyle, with their families, which completes the catalogue of American settlers in this region in 1853.

In the autumn of 1852, on account of devastating fires in California, and the great immigration of that year to Oregon, a milling fever possessed men of a speculative turn, and led to the erection of several saw-mills besides those at Seattle and Bellingham Bay. In March 1853 the Port Ludlow mill was erected by W. T. Sayward84 on a claim taken up by J. K. Thorndike the previous year. It was followed the same season by the Port Gamble mill at the

Eldridge, and Peabody still reside at Whatcom on Bellingham Bay. Roder married Elizabeth Austin of Ohio.

82       Eldridge was a sea-faring man, and shipped at N. Y. for S. F., where he arrived in 1849, and went to the mines. Not making the expected fortune, he joined the P. M. Steamship Tennessee in 1850, but married and returned to mining, which he followed for a year, when on going to S. F. to take pas­sage to Australia he met Roder, a former acquaintance, and was persuaded to accompany him to Puget Sound. Mrs Eldridge was the first white woman in the Bellingham Bay settlement. Eldridge has occupied some official posi­tions, and was a member of the constitutional convention of 1878.

83       In a chapter on minerals, I shall give this history more particularly.

“ Sayward was a native of Maine. He came to Cal. via Mexico, arriving in the spring of 1849. The narrative of his business experience in 1849-51 forms a story of unusual interest, which is contained in a manuscript by him­self called Pioneer Remeniscenees, very little of which, however, relates to Washington. The mill which he built was leased in 1858 to Amos Phinney & Co., who subsequently purchased it. See also Sylvester’s Olympia, MS., 21, and Wash. Sketches, MS., 42.



entrance to Hood Canal, erected by the Puget Mill Company, the site being selected by A. J. Talbot. Almost simultaneously Port Madisonaud Port Blakely were taken up for mill sites, and somewhat earlier C. C. Terry and William H. Renton erected a mill at Alki, which was removed two or three years later to Port Orchard.85

From 1847 to 1853 there had been a steady if slow march of improvement in that portion of the terri­tory adjacent to the Columbia and Cowlitz rivers and the Pacific ocean. A few families had settled on Lewis River, among whom was Columbia Lancaster, whom Governor Abernethy had appointed supreme judge of Oregon in 1847, vice Thornton, resigned, but who removed from Oregon City to the north side of the Columbia in 1849. In the extreme south-west corner of what is now Pacific county were settled in 1848 John Edmunds, an American, James Scar­borough, an Englishman, John E. Pinknell, and a Cap­tain Johnson; nor does it appear that there were any other residents before the returning gold-miners— being detained now and then at Baker Bay, or com­ing by mistake into Shoalwater Bay—discovered the advantages which these places offered for business. William McCarty had a fishery and a good zinc house at Chinook in 1852; and Washington Hall was post­master at that place in the same year, and it is probable they settled there somewhat earlier. In 1850, the fame of these places having begun to spread, Elijah White, who had returned to the Pacific coast, essayed to build upon Baker Bay a town which he named Pacific City, but which enjoyed an existence88 of only a year or two.

85 Yeskr's Wash. Ter., MS., 4-5. Port Orchard was named after an officer of Vancouver’s ship Discovery, May 24, 1792. See also Ellicottfs Puget Sound, MS.. 24.             .

^Lawson, in his AutoMofjraphy, MS., 35, gives some account of this enterprise. He says that White was the originator of it. ‘I do not know,’ he observes, ‘whether he made any money out of the scheme, but he did suc­ceed in making a number of dupes, among whom was James D. Holman.

Hist. Wash.—3 '         '

That great expectations did attach to Pacific City was made apparent by a petition signed by A. A. Skinner and 250 others to have it made a port of entry and delivery.87

About the same time that Pacific City was at its best, Charles J. W. Russell, who was engaged in trade there, settled on Shoalwater Bay, and turned his at­tention to taking oysters, with which the bay was found to be inhabited. In 1851 Russell introduced Shoalwater Bay oysters into the San Francisco mar­ket, carrying them down by the mail-steamer. In the autumn Captain Fieldstead took a load of oysters to San Francisco, which arrived in a damaged condi­tion. Anthony Ludlum then fitted out the schooner Sea Serpent for Shoalwater Bay, which succeeded in saving a cargo, and a company was formed to carry on a trade in oysters, composed of Alexander Hanson, George G. Bartlett, Garrett Tyron, Mark Winant, John Morgan, and Frank Garretson, who purchased the schooner Robert Bruce, after which the town of Bruceport was named,88 and entered into the business of supplying the California market. In the autumn of 1852, besides the above-named persons, there were at Shoalwater Bay Thomas Foster, Richard Hillyer, John W. Champ, Samuel Sweeny, Stephen Marshall,

Holman had expended $28,000 in erecting and furnishing a hotel. White represented that there might be found at Pacific City a park filled with deer, school-houses, handsome residences, and other attractions. A newspaper was to he started there by a Mr Shephard; a Mr Hopkins was engaged to teach in the imaginary school-house, and others victimized in a similar manner. Holman, who was the most severe sufferer, vacated the hotel and took a claim in the neighborhood, which the government subsequently reserved for military purposes. Twenty-nine years afterward Holman received $25,000 for his claim, and had land enough left to lay out a sea-side resort, which he called Ilwaco. Sac. Transcript, June 29, 1850; Or. Spectator, Aug. 22, 1850; U. S. Statutes at Large, xx. 604. Holman was bom in Ky in 1814, bred in Tenn., and came to Or. in 1846. Morse’s Wash. Ter., MS., ii. 88-9.

8,Or. Statesman, April 4, 1850; S. F. Pacific News, Aug. 1, 1850; S. F. Courier, Sept. 21 and Oct. 2, 1850.

881 take this account from an article published in the S. F. Bulletin, where it is said the schooner was burned while lying at her landing, and the com­pany forced to go ashore, where they encamped on the south side of North Bay, and from being known as the Bruce company, gave that name to the place as it grew up. Evans' Hist. Mem., 21; Pac. B. It. Reports, i. 465.

Charles W. Deuter, Richard J. Milward, A. E. St John, Walter Lynde, and James G. Swan.89

A transient company of five men were at the same time engaged in cutting a cargo of piles for San Fran­cisco, and during the autumn Joel L. Brown, Samuel Woodward, J. Henry Whitcomb, Charles Stuart, Joel and Mark Bullard, and Captain Jackson, of the immi­gration of that year, settled on the bay. Brown’s party cut a wagon-road across the portage between Baker and Shoalwater bays. Brown intended erect­ing a trading-house and laying out a town, but died before he had fairly got to work,90 at his house on the Palux River. Later in the same season Charles Stuart took a claim on the Willopah River; and David K. Weldon and family from San Francisco— Mrs Weldon being the first white woman in this set­tlement—built a residence and trading-house at the mouth of the Necomanche or North River, besides

8S Author of The North-west Coast, or Three Years* Residence in Washington Territory, which, besides being an entertaining narrative, is a valuable au­thority on Indian customs and ethnology. Swan was born in Medford, Mass., Jan. 11, 1818; a son of Samuel Swan, an East Indian trader, who was lost on Minot’s ledge, Cohasset, Mass., in 1823, while on his homeward voyage from the west African coast with a eargo of palm-oil, ivory, and gold-dust, in the brig Hope Still of Boston. His maternal unde, William Tufts, was super- eargo for Theodore Lyman of Boston, in the ship Guatlmozin, in 1806, and was wrecked on Seven Mile beach, New Jersey, on his return, Feb. 3, 1810. Stories of the Nootka, Neah Bay, and Chinook chiefs were familiar to him in his childhood, and his interest in the aboriginal inhabitants was greater than that of a casual observer, as his remarks are more happily descriptive or scientific. He left Boston in the winter of 1849, in the ship Rob Roy, Thomas Holt, arriving in S. F. in the spring of 1850, where he bought an interest in the steamboat Tehama, running to Marysville, acting as purser of the boat. He was concerned in other enterprises with Farwell and Curtis, until becom­ing acquainted with C. J. W. Russell, who invited him to make a visit to Shoalwater Bay, be determined to remain, and take a elaim at the mouth of the Querquelin Creek, where he resided until 1856, when he went east and published bis book, returning in 1859 to Port Townsend. In 1862 he was appointed teaeher to the Makah Indians at Neah Bay, and filled that position for four years, when he again went east and published a seeond book on the Makah Indians, with a treatise on their language, which was issued as authoritative by the Smithsonian Institution in 1869, as waa also another paper on the Haidah Indians of Queen Charlotte Island. In 1875 Swan was ap­pointed commissioner to eollect articles of Indian manufacture for the national museum, whieh were exhibited at the great exposition of 1876 in Philadelphia, besides having occupied many public places of more honor than profit. He was later a practising lawyer of Port Townsend. These faets, with much more for which I have not spaee, I find iu his autograph Sketches of Washington Territory, MS., in my collection.

80      Swan’s JV. W. Coast, 64.

which he erected, in company with George Watkins, the first saw-mill in this part of the territory in 1852-3. Woodward settled on the Willopah River, ten miles from its mouth, being the first to locate on that stream.91 Whitcom was the second,92 followed by William Cushing, Gardiner Crocker, Soule, Christian, and Geisy.  _

On the Boisfort prairie, previously settled by Pierre Chelle, a Canadian half-breed, C. F. White was the first American settler in 1852.93 From 1851 to 1853 near Claquato settled H. 1ST. Stearns, H. Buchanan, Albert Purcell, A. F. Tullis, L. A. Davis, Cyrus White, and Simeon Bush.

In the winter of 1850-1 John Butler Chapman, from the south side of the Columbia, made a settle­ment on Gray Harbor, and laid out the town of Che- halis City. But the undertaking languished, getting no further than the erection of one house, when Chap­man, finding himself too remote from affairs in which he was interested, removed to the Sound, and with his son, John M. Chapman, took a claim adjoining Balch at Steilacoom, and competed with him for the dis­tinction of founding a city at this point, his claim finally relapsing to the condition of a farm. In 1852 J. L. Scammon, from Maine by way of California, set­tled several miles up the Chehalis from Gray Harbor, where Montesano later was placed, with four others

91       Morse's Wash. Ter., MS., ii. 74; Swan’s N. W. Coast, 65.

92       J. H. Whitcom was born in Vt in 1824, removed to Ohio at the age of

13      years, married in that state, and went to 111. in 1845, whence he came to Or. in 1847, and to Shoalwater Bay in 1852. Morse, who has expended much lahor in searching out pioneer families, says that in 1854 S. P. Soule, S. A. Soule, E. Soule, Charles Soule, Christian, and Geisy settled in the vicinity of Shoalwater Bay. The Geisy families, of which there were two, were mem­bers of the communistic association of Pennsylvania farmers, who had emi­grated to Wisconsin; but being dissatisfied, had sent this Geisy as agent to look out lands in Or. or Wash. He selected land on the Boisfort prairie, near Bul­lard, Crocker, and Woodward, and soon after brought out 40 families. The Geisy families, however, having met with several losses hy death from acci­dent and natural causes, and being unable to gain control of Woodward’s landing on the river, which they desired for their community purposes, be­came discouraged and left the country.

*B North Pacific Coast, Jan. 15, 1880.


who did not remain. In the two succeeding years the lesser Chehalis Yalley was settled up rapidly, connecting with the settlements on the upper Che­halis made at an earlier period by H. N. Stearns, H. Buchanan, Albert Purcell, A. F. Tullis, and L. A. Davis; and the Cowlitz Yalley, which was also being settled, but more slowly.

Jonathan Burbee, who removed to the mouth of the Cowlitz in 1848, was drowned on the Columbia bar in the winter of 1851—2, when a schooner which he had loaded with potatoes for California94 was lost; but his family remained. Next after him came, in 1849, H. D. Huntington, Nathaniel Stone, Seth Catlin, David Stone, James Redpath, James Porter, and R. C. Smith, the three first named having large families, now well-known in Oregon and Washington. Their claims extended from near the mouth of the Cowlitz on the west side for a distance of two or three miles.

The next settlement was at Cowlitz landing, made by E. D. Warbass,95 in July 1850, when Warbassport was founded by laying off a town and opening a trading- house. About the same time a settlement was made on the north side of the Columbia at the lower cas­cades,by George Drew, who had a town surveyed called Cascade, where a trading-house was established by George L. and George W. Johnson, F. A. Chenoweth and T. B. Pierce. Contemporaneously, at the upper cascades, Daniel F. and Putnam Bradford, B. B. Bishop, Lawrence W. Coe, and others had settled,

94      Swan says that Captain Johnson, John Dawson, and another man were drowned together while crossing the Columhia in a boat; that hefore this, McCarty was drowned while crossing the Wallacut River, returning from a visit to Johnson, and that Scarhorough died before Johnson at his home. This was all previous to 1854.

95       Warbass was bora in N. J. in 1825, came to Cal. in 1849, where he was an auctioneer at Sac., but his health failing there, he visited Or., and ended by settling on the Cowlitz, though he explored the Snohomish and Snoqualimich rivers in 1851, and in 1853 assisted Howard to explore for coal. He was post­master under postal agent Coe in that year, and continued to reside on the Cowlitz until 1855, when he volunteered as captain of a company to fight the Indians. He hecame a post sutler afterward at Bellingham Bay and San Juan Island, where he then resided, and was county auditor and member of the legislature from San Juan county. Morse's Wash. Ter.f MS., ii. 54; Alta California, Nov. 2, 1852.

and the Bradfords had also established a place of trade.98     _

These were the people, together with some who have yet to be mentioned, and others who may never be mentioned, who had spread themselves over the western portion of Washington previous to its organ­ization as a territory, concerning which I shall speak presently.97

85 Or. Spectator, Aug. 28, 1850; Gobi’s Ride, 319. _

971 have gathered the following names of the pioneers of 1852 not men­tioned in the foregoing pages: Rev. Daniel Bagley, Rev. D. R. McMillan, R. M. Hathaway, Smith Hays, Logan Hays, Gilmore Hays, Stephen Hodgdon, Samuel Holmes, John Harvey, Richard B. Holbrook (married Mrs Sylvester, nie Lowe, of Maine), John Hogue, Levi L. Gates, Charges Graham, William H. Gillan and family, Daniel B. Fales, wife and children, Felt, Cortland Etheridge, W. B. Engle, Shirley Ensign, Joel Clayton, Joseph Cushman, Levi Douthitt, Frank P. Dugan, Gideon Bromfield, George A. Barnes and wife, Anna, Thomas Briggs, J. C. Brown, John Buckley, James Allen, G. W. L. Allen, W. B. D. Newman, William Jarmin, Daniel Kaiser, A. W. Moore, John W. McAllister, Caleb Miller, Thomas Monroe, Stephen P. McDonald, Joseph Mace, William Metcalfe, Samuel McCaw, F. McNatt, Abner Martin, Asa W. Pierce, F. K. Perkins, James Riley, B. Ross aud family, Daniel Stewart, Samuel D. Smith, David Shelton and wife, Christina, M. C. Sim­mons, James Taylor, Thomas Tallentire and family, Amos F. Tullis, J. K. Thorndyke, William Turnbull, J. S. Turner, John Vail, Charles Vail, D. K. Welden, H. R. Woodward, G. K. Willard, Benjamin Welcher, Lewis Welcher, William C. Webster and family, Samuel Woodward, John Walker, James R. Watson, B. F. Yantis, Judah Church, from Pontiac, Michigan, died in 1853, aged 60 years. William Rutledge, who settled on Black River, near Lake Washington, was also an immigrant of 1852. He died June 1, 1872, aged 78 years.




Public Meetings—Settlers versus the Puget Sound Agricultural Com­pany—Representation in the Oregon Legislature—Movements


Memorial to Congress—Ip not a Territory, then a State—Queen Charlotte Island Expedition—The Oregon Legislature Petition Congress por a Division op Territory—Congress Grants the Peti- ton—But Instead of Columbia, the New Territory is Called Wash­ington—Oppicers Appointed—Roads Constructed—Immigration.

In the previous chapter I have made the reader ac­quainted with the earliest American residents of the territory north of the Columbia, and the methods by which they secured themselves homes and laid the foundations of fortunes by courage, hardihood, fore­sight, by making shingles, bricks, and cradling-ma- chines, by building mills, loading vessels with timber, laying out towns, establishing fisheries, exploring for coal, and mining for gold. But these were private enterprises concerning only individuals, or small groups of men at most, and I come now to consider them as a body politic, with relations to the government of Oregon and to the general government.

The first public meeting recorded concerned claim- jumping, against which it was a protest, and was held in Lewis county, which then comprised all of the ter­ritory north of the Columbia and west of the Cascade Mountains not contained in Clarke county, and prob­ably at the house of John R. Jackson, June 11, 1847. The second was held at Tumwater November 5, 1848,

(39 j

and was called to express the sentiments of the Amer­ican settlers concerning the threatened encroachments of the Puget Sound Agricultural Association. “This fall,” says an old settler, “the company conceived the design of making claim under the treaty for the immense tract called the Nisqually claim, lying south of the Nisqually River, and with that view drove a large herd of cattle across the river.” The American residents, in a convention called to order by M. T. Simmons and presided over by William Packwood, passed a series of resolutions, a copy of which was pre­sented to W. F. Tolmie, the agent in charge of Fort Nisqually, by I. N. Ebey who had just arrived in the country, and Rabbeson, with the declaration that the Americans demanded the withdrawal of the Hud­son’s Bay Company’s herds to the north side of the Nisqually within one week from the day the notice was received.

The preamble set forth that the herds of the com­pany would soon consume all the vegetation of the country ranged by them, to the detriment of the set­tlers on the south or west side of the river; and that, as these cattle were wild, if suffered to mix with do­mesticated cattle they would greatly demoralize them. It was thereupon resolved that the Hudson’s Bay Company had placed obstacles in the way of the Americans who first designed settling on Puget Sound—referring to the Simmons colony—using mis­representation and fraud to prevent them, and even threatening force; that they held the conduct of Tolmie censurable in endeavoring to prevent settlement by Americans on certain lands which he pretended were reserved by the terms of the treaty of 1846, although he knew they were not; that this assumption of right was only equalled by the baseness of the subterfuo-e by which the company was attempting to hold other large tracts by an apparent compliance with the organic land law of the territory—that is, by taking claims in the names of servants of the company who



did not even know where to find the lands located in their names, but who were compelled to agree to con­vey these lands to the company when their title should have been completed.

They declared that they as American citizens had a regard for treaty stipulations and national honor, and were jealous of any infringement of the laws of the country by persons who had no interest in the glory or prosperity of the government, but were for­eign-born and owed allegiance alone to Great Britain. They warned the company that it had never been the policy of the United States to grant pre-emption rights to other than American citizens, or those who had declared their intention to become such in a legal form, and that such would without doubt be the con­ditions of land grants in the expected donation law.

They declared they viewed the claims and improve­ments made subsequent to the treaty by the Puget Sound Agricultural Company as giving them no rights; and as to their previous rights, they were only possessory, and the United States had never parted with the actual title to the lands occupied, but that any American citizen might appropriate the land to himself, with the improvements, and that the claims held by the servants of the company would not be respected unless the nominal settlers became settlers in fact and American citizens.1

Within the week allowed the company to withdraw their cattle from the ISTisqually plains they had with­drawn them, and there was no trouble from that source. The threat implied in the resolutions, to sustain any American citizen in appropriating the lands claimed by the company and not by individuals who had re­nounced allegiance to Great Britain, together with the improvements, was carried out to the letter during the

1 Or. Spectator, Jan. 11, 1849. I. N. Ebey is said by Rabbeson to have draughted the resolutions, though Rabbeson was chairman of the committee, aud S. B. Crockett the third member. He knew of the long feud between certain of liia countrymen and the Hudson’s Bay Company, and without know­ing the merits of the case on either side, was prepared in any event to be strongly American.

following twelve years, their lands being covered with squatters, and the products of the Cowlitz farm taken away without leave or compensation,2 not by the men who composed this meeting, but by others who adopted these views of the company’s rights.

The land laid claim to by the agricultural company, in their memorial to the joint commission provided for by the convention between the United States and Great Britain March 5, 1864, was “the tract of

s George B. Roberta, in his Recollections, MS., 89, 91, 94, speaks very feel­ingly of what he was eompelled to suffer from 1846 to 1871, by reason of his membership and ageney of the company at the Cowlitz farm. ‘ The fortunes of the company were upon the fast ebb,’ he says, ‘and rather than go north, or elsewhere, I thought I had better settle aa a farmer on the Newaukum. I made out very poorly as a settler, and when Stevens’ war broke out, I left my family and went for a short time as mail-guard, but was soon employed as a clerk to Gen. Miller, quartermaster-general of volunteers... In the Fraser Biver excitement of 1858, I went to Victoria and arranged with Tolmie, then agent of tho P. S. A. A., to carry on the Cowlitz farm on a small seale for my own benefit; but I was to keep the buildings in repair and the farm at its then size until some action was had with the government. I took pos­session unopposed, and all went well until my hay was put up in cocks, when here came a lot of fellows, armed with rifles, and earried it all off. One of these squatters was the justice; so my lawyer, Elwood Evans, recommended chang­ing the venue. The jury decided that they knew nothing of treaties, and of course I had all the expense to bear. The company said the crops were mine, and they would have nothing to do with it. Then followed the burning of a large barn, etc., poor Kendall’s letter and murder, then injunction and disso­lution, the loss of papers by the judge when the time of trial eame, so as not to pronounce, and so this matter went from 1859 to 1871.. .The judge was a federal appointee, and in theory independent, but liable to be unseated at any time and returned to the people whom he had offended.. .1 could not with any grace relinquish the property entrusted to my eare, to say nothing of the squatters rendering me too poor to leave. Whether the company from any sinister motives helped these troubles I know not. I leave to your imagina­tion the state I was kept in, and my family; sometimes my windows at night were riddled with shot, my fences set open, and in dry weather set on fire. It was an immense effort to unseat me, and eheat the government of these lands, and all the clamor against the P. S. A. A. was for nothing else... The P. S. A. A. one year paid Pierce county |7,000 in taxes, but it is likely the company was astute enough to do so with the view of the record showing the value of their property at that time. In 1870 or 1871 Salucius Garfielde succeeded in getting donation claims for the “hardy pioneers.” Well, I always thought a pioneer was a person who hewed out a farm, not one who violently took possession of a beautiful property that had been carefully, not to say scientifically, farmed for over thirty years.’ This shows to what acts the sentiment adopted by the early settlers toward the Puget Sound Com­pany influenced rude and unscrupulous or ignorant and prejudiced men; and also the injustice inflieted upon individuals by the carrying-out of their views. For the previous biography of G. B. Egberts, see Hist. Or., i. 38-9, this series. He finally settled at Cathlamet, where he kept a store, and held the offices of probate judge, treasurer, and deputy auditor ofWahkiakum county. He died in the spring of 1883, and his wife, Rose Birnie, a year or two earlier! See note on p. Ill of vol ii., Hist. Or.

land at Nisqually, extending along the shores of Puget Sound from the Nisqually River on one side to the Puyallup River on the other, and back to the Cascade Range, containing not less than 261 square miles, or 107,040 acres,” with “the land and farm at the Cowlitz consisting of 3,572 acres, more or less,”3 which they proposed to sell back to the United States together with the Hudson’s Bay Company’s lands, and the improvements and live-stock of both companies, for the sum of five million dollars. They received for such claims as were allowed $750,­000. That the sum paid for the blunder of the government in agreeing to confirm to these companies their claims without any definite boundary was no greater, was owing to the persistent effort of the settlers of Washington to diminish their possessions.4 Another specimen of the temper of the early settlers was shown when the president and senate of the United States sent them a federal judge in the person of William Strong. They refused, as jurors, to be bidden by him, “in the manner of slave-driving,” to repair to the house of John R. Jackson to hold court, when the eounty commissioners had fixed the county seat at Sidney S. Ford’s claim on the Chehalis, at which place they held an indignation meeting in October 1851, M. T. Simmons in the chair.5

When the Hudson’s Bay Company in 1845 made a compact with the provisional government of Oregon to give it their support on certain conditions, there existed no county organization north of the Columbia River, except as the counties or districts of Tualatin and Clackamas extended northward to the boundary of the Oregon territory, declared by the legislature

3        New Tacoma North Pacific Coast, June 15, 1880, 180.

4        At a meeting held at Steilacoom in May 1851, it is stated that Tolmie as the company’s agent had diminished their claim to 144 square miles, after the passage of the land law, but that he was using every means to drive settlers off that tract, with what success I need not say. Or. Spectator, June 5, 1851.

5        See Hist. Or., ii. 162, this series.

of 1844 to be at the parallel of 54° 40', when, as no American citizens resided north of the Columbia at that time, no administration of colonial law had ever been necessary; but on the compact going into effect, and Americans settling in the region of Puget Sound, the district of Vancouver was created north of the Columbia, and officers appointed as follows: James Douglas, M. T. Simmons, and Charles Forrest dis­trict judges, and John R. Jackson sheriff.0

On the 19th of December 1845 the county of Lewis was created “out of all that territory lying north of the Columbia River and west of the Cowlitz, up to 54° and 40' north latitude,” and was entitled to elect the same officers as other counties, except that the sheriff of Vancouver county was required to assess and collect the revenue for both districts for the year 1846. No county officers were appointed, but the choice of judges and a representative was left to the people at the annual election in 1846, when W. F. Tolmie was chosen to represent in the legislature Lewis county, and Henry N. Peers7 Vancouver county, while the privilege8 of electing judges was not regarded.

Dugald McTavish, Richard Covington, and Rich­ard Lane, all Hudson’s Bay Company men, were ap­pointed judges of Vancouver district to fill vacancies, but no appointments were made in Lewis county. At the session of 1846 a change was made, requiring the people to elect their county judges or justices of the peace for the term of two years, at the annual election. Under this law, in 1847 Vancouver county

6 The legislature of August 1845 established a bench of county judges to hold office one, two, and three years, and the same body in the following December made the three years’ judge president of the district court of his district. Or. Laws, 1843-9, 32-3. Douglas was president of the district court of Vancouver; Simmons held office two years and Forrest one year.

1        Peers was a talented young man of the H. B. Co., a good versifier, and fair legislator.

8        This was simply a privilege granted by resolution of the legislature of 1845, these officers being appointed by that hody, and vacancies filled hy tho governor until December 1846, when an act was passed providing for the election of judges and other county officers. Or. Spectator, Jan. 21, 1847.



elected Richard Lane, R. R. Thompson, and John White, one man of the fur company and two Ameri­cans, justices of the peace, and Henry N. Peers rep­resentative; while Lewis county elected Jacob Wooley, S. B. Crockett, and John R. Jackson justices,9 and Simon Plomondon, Canadian, for representative. Vancouver county elected William Bryan sheriff and assessor, Adolphus Lee Lewis treasurer, and R. Covington county clerk; Lewis county elected M. Brock assessor, James Birnie treasurer, and Alonzo M. Poe sheriff.10 The vote of Lewis county at this election gave Abernethy the majority for governor, which he did not have south of the Columbia.

In 1848 Lewis county was not represented, the member elect, Levi Lathrop Smith, whose biography I give elsewhere, having been drowned; Vancouver county was represented by A. Lee Lewis. Little legislation of any kind was effected, on account of the absence of so large a part of the population in Cali­fornia. For the same reason, the only general news­paper in the territory, the Oregon Spectator, was suspended during several months of 1849, covering the important period of the erection of a territorial government under the laws of the United States by Joseph Lane, appointed governor of Oregon by Pres­ident Polk, and on its resuming publication it gave but briefly election and legislative news. From this meagre statement, it appears, however, that the ap­portionment of representatives under the new order of things allowed one joint member for each branch of the legislature for Lewis, Vancouver, and Clatsop counties, Samuel T. McKean of the latter in the council, and M. T. Simmons of Lewis in the lower house.11 The territory having been laid off into

9        Simmona must have acted as judge of Lewis county previous to this, though appointed for Vancouver, for the marriage of Daniel D. Kinsey and Ruth Brock was solemnized in July LS47 by ‘Judge5 Simmons, hvans hist. Notes, 9.

10       Or. Spectator, July 22, 1847.

11        Id., Oct. IS, 1849.

three judicial districts, Lewis county being in the third,- the first territorial legislature passed an act attaching it to the first district, in order that the judge of that district, Bryant, the other judges be­ing absent, might repair to Steilacoom and try the Snoqualimich who had shot two Americans at Nis­qually in the March previous, which was done, as I have fully related elsewhere;12 this being the first court of which there is any record in Lewis county, and the first United States court north of the Columbia.

The member from the north side of the Columbia was absent from the long term held after the adjourn­ment in July; and as McKean was more interested in Clatsop than Lewis or Vancouver, the settlers of the latter counties felt themselves but poorly repre­sented, the most important act concerning their divis­ion of the territory being the change of name of Van­couver to Clarke county.1* In the following year they were in no better case, although they elected for the first time a full set of county officers. McKean was still their councilman, and another member from Clatsop their assemblyman, Truman P. Powers, a good and true man, but knowing nothing about the wants of any but his own immediate locality. How­ever, by dint of lobbying, a new county was created at this session out of the strip of country bordering on Shoal water Bay and the estuary of the Columbia; and in 1851 the three counties north of the river were able to elect a councilman, Columbia Lancaster, and a representative, D. F. Brownfield, in whom they put their trust as Americans. Alas, for human expecta­tions! Both of these men, instead of attending to the


needs of their constituents, entered into a squabble over the location of the seat of government, and with idiotic obstinacy remained staring at empty benches in Oregon City with three other dunces for two weeks, when they-returned to their homes.

12Hist. Or., ii. 79-80, this series.

13 Or. Jour. Council, 1849, 69.

Now, the people south of the Columbia, whose rep­resentatives were ever on the alert to secure some benefits to their own districts, were not to be blamed for the state of affairs I have indicated in the remote region of Puget Sound, or for not embodying in their frequent memorials to eongress the wants and wishes, never properly expressed in the legislative assembly. But with that ready jealousy the people ever feel of the strong, they held the territorial legislature guilty of asking everything for the Willamette "Valley and nothing for Puget Sound. This feeling prepared their minds for the development of a scheme fora new territory, which was first voiced by J. B. Chapman, a lawyer, the founder of Chehalis City,1* a trading politician and promoter of factions. He had lived in Oregon City or Portland, but conceived the idea of enlarging his field of operations, and in the winter of 1850—1 explored north of the Columbia for a proper field. On the 17th of February, 1851, he wrote to A. A. Durham of Oswego, on the Willamette, that he found “the fairest and best portion of Oregon north of the Columbia,” and that no doubt it must and would be a separate territory and state from that of the south. “The north,” he said, “must be Columbia Territory and the south the State of Oregon. How poetieall—from Maine to Columbia; and how mean­ing of space!”15 The letter was signed ‘Carman and Chapman,’ but no one ever heard of Carman, and Evans, who made special inquiry, thinks he was a myth.

Chehalis City being too remote, and wanting in population for the centre of Chapman’s designs, he re­moved soon after to the Sound, where he attempted to establish Steilacoom City, adjoining the Port Steil- acoom of Balch, but failed to secure his objeet of sup-

14       J. B. Chapman also located a paper town on the upper Chehalis, which he-called Charleston, but which never had a real existence. Evans1 Division of the Territory, i., being a collection of printed matter on the subject, with notes by Elwood Evans.

15       Or. Spectator, April 10,1851; Olympia Standard, April 28,1868; Evans' Division of Territory.

planting the latter. In politics he was more success­ful, because he contrived to assume the distinction of originating the idea which he had only borrowed from those who wTere nursing their wrath over wrongs, and of anticipating a contemplated movement by getting it into print over his signature.

The first real movement made in the direction of a new territory was on the 4th of July, 1851, when the Americans about the head of the Sound met at Olym­pia to celebrate the nation’s birthday. Chapman, being, as he asserts, the only lawyer among them, was chosen orator of the occasion, and in his speech re­ferred to “the future state of Columbia” with an en­thusiasm which delighted his hearers. After the ceremonies of the day were over, a meeting was held for the purpose of organizing for the effort to procure a separate government for the country north of the Columbia, Clanrick Crosby, the purchaser of the Tum­water property of M. T. Simmons, being chairman of the meeting, and A. M. Poe secretary. The meeting was addressed by I. N". Ebey, J. B. Chapman, C. Crosby, and H. A. Goldsborough.16 A committee on resolutions was appointed, consisting of Ebey, Golds­borough, Wilson, Chapman, Simmons, Chambers, and Crockett. The committee recommended a convention of representatives from all the election precincts north of the Columbia, to be held at Cowlitz landing on the 29th of August, the object of which was to “take into careful consideration the present peculiar position of the northern portion of the territory, its wants, the best method of supplying those wants, and the pro­priety of an early appeal to congress for a division of the territory.”

16       H. A. Goldsborough was a brother of Louis M. Goldsborough, com­mander of the Massachusetts, -which was in the Sound in the spring of 1850, making an examination of the shores with reference to military and naval reservations, and the security of commerce. H. A. Goldshorough remained at Olympia when the Massachusetts left in July, and became a resident of the territory. He devoted much time to exploring for minerals, and discovered coal on the Stilaguamish River as early as the autumn of 1850. Or. Specta­tor, Nov. 14, 1850. He was the first collector of internal revenue in Wash.


To this motion the settlers on the Cowlitz made a quick response, holding a meeting on the 7th of July at the house of John R. Jackson, who was chairman, and E. D. Warbass secretary. At this meeting Chapman was present, and with Warbass and S. S. Ford reported resolutions favoring the object of the proposed convention. The committee of arrangements consisted of George Drew, W. L. Frazer, and E. D. Warbass, and the corresponding committee of J. B. Chapman and George B. Roberts.

When the convention assembled on the day ap­pointed there were present twenty-six delegates.17 The business the convention accomplished was the memorializing of congress on the subject of division, the instruction of the Oregon delegate in conformity with this memorial, the petitioning of congress for a territorial road from some point on Puget Sound to Walla Walla, and a plank road from the Sound to the mouth of the Cowlitz, with suitable appropriations. It also asked that the benefits of the donation land law should be extended to the new territory in case their prayer for division should be granted. It de­fined the limits of twelve counties, substantially in the form in which they were established by the Ore­gon legislature; and having made so good a beginning, adjourned on the second day to the 3d of May follow­ing, to await the action of congress in the interim,18 when, if their prayer should have been refused, they were to proceed to form a state constitution and ask

17 From Montieello, near the mouth of the Cowlitz, Seth Catlin, Jonathan Burbee, Robert Huntress; from Cowlitz landing, E. I). Warbass, John R. Jackson, W. L. Frazer, Simon Plomondon; from Newauknm, S. S. Saunders, A. B. Dillenbaugh, Marcel Birnie, Sidney S. Ford, James Cochran, Joseph Borat; from Tumwater, M. T. Simmons, Clanrick Crosby, Joseph Broshears, A. J. Simmons; from Olympia, A. M. Poe, D. S. Maynard, D. F. Brownfield; from Steilacoom, T. M. Chambers, John Bradley, J. B. Chapman, H. C. Wil­son, John Edgar, and F. S. Balch. Or. Statesman, Sept. 23, 1851.

18The memorial was prepared by Chapman, Balch, and M. T. Simmons. The other committees were as follows: Territorial Government, Chapman, Jackson, Simmons, Huntress, and Chambers; Districts and Counties, Brown­field, Wilson, Crosby, Jackson, Burbee, Plomondon, Edgar, and Warbass; Rights and Privileges of Citizens, Huntress, Maynard, and Chapman; Internal Improvements, M. T. Simmons, Burbee, and Borst; Ways and Means, Frazer, A. J. Simmons, and Bradley.

Hist. Wash.—1

admission into the union! Such was the expression of the representatives19 of Lewis county—for every precinct represented was in the county of Lewis, Pa­cific and Clarke counties having sent no delegates. The grievances suffered were in fact chiefly felt in the region represented at the convention.

Soon after the Cowlitz meeting occurred the con­flict of the jurymen of Lewis county, before referred to, with their first federal officer, Judge Strong. In accordance with an act of the legislature authorizing and requiring the county judges, any two of whom should constitute a board of county commissioners for the selection of a county seat, the place of holding court was fixed at S. S. Ford’s claim on the Cheha­lis. But Judge Strong preferred holding court at Jackson’s house, twenty miles nearer to the Cowlitz landing, sending a peremptory order to the jurymen to repair to Highlands, which they, resenting the im­periousness of the judge, refused to do, but held a public meeting and talked of impeachment. Chap­man, for purposes of his own, glossed over the offence given by Strong, both he and Brownfield, as well as Lancaster, siding with the federal officers against the people on the meeting of the legislature in December;

19       Chapman, in his autobiography in Livingston’s Eminent Americans, iv. 436, says that, after much exertion, ‘he obtained a convention of 15members, but not one parliamentary gentleman among them, hence the whole business devolved upon him;’ that he ‘drew up all the resolutions’ and the memorial, though other members offered them in their own names, and so contrived that every name should appear in the proceedings, to give the appearance of a large convention; and that neither of the men on the committee with him could write bis name. _ Autobiographies should be confirmed by two cred­ible witnesses. In this instance Chapman has made use of the circumstance of Simmons’ want of education to grossly misrepresent the intelligence of the community of which such men as Kbey, whose private correspondence in my possession shows him to lie a man of refined feelings, Goldsborough, Catlin, Warbass, Balch, Crosby, Wilson, and others were members. As to Simmons, although his want of scholarship was an impediment and a mortification, he possessed the real qualities of a leader, which Chapman lacked; for the latter was never able to achieve either popularity or position, though he strove hard for both. The census of 1850 for Lewis county gives tbe total white population at 457, only six of whom, over twenty years of age, were not able to write. It is probable that not more than one out of the six was sent to the conven­tion, and he was appointed on account of bis brain-power and consequent in­fluence.

and the affairs of the whole trans-Columbia region, not attended to by J. A. Anderson of Clatsop and Pacific counties, were suffered to pass without notice.20

This, however, Anderson did for them: he pre­sented a petition from J. B. Chapman and fifty-five others for the establishment of a new county, to be called Simmons, and the readjustment of the eastern boundary of Lewis county. The boundary of the new county was defined as described by the commit­tee on counties of the August convention, but the council amended the house bill by substituting Thurs­ton for Simmons; and the limits of Lewis on the east were removed fifteen miles east of the junction of the forks of the Cowlitz, running due north to the south­ern boundary of Thurston county.

In joint convention of both branches of the legis­lature, I. N. Ebey was elected prosecuting attorney for the third judicial district, receiving fourteen votes, and the ubiquitous Chapman two.21 Ebey being pop­ular, energetic, and devoted to the interests of his section, much comfort was derived from this legisla­tive appointment. Meantime congress took no notice apparently of the memorial forwarded by the conven­tion of August, nor did the citizens north of the Co­lumbia assemble in May to frame a state constitution as they had threatened, yet as they could not seriously have contemplated. But ag a means to a desired end, The Columbian, a weekly newspaper, was established at Olympia,22 which issued its first number on the 11th of September, 1852; and was untiring in its advocacy of an independent organization. It was wisely sug­

20       Evans says, in his Division of the Territory, 5, that when he came to Puget Sound J. B. Chapman was extremely unpopular, and he doubts if, anxious as the people were for an organization north of the Columbia, they would have aecepted it with Chapman as an appointee, which he was aiming at. He did not get an appointment, as he confesses in his Atitobiography.

21       The first judges of Thurston county were A. A. Denny, S. S. Ford, and David Shelton. Olympia Columbian, Nov. 6, 1851. See also Or. Jour. Coun­cil, 1851-2, G8.

22       The. Columbian was published by J. W. Wiley and T. F. McElroy, the latter having been eonneeted with the Spectator. McElroy retired in Sep­tember 1853* and M. K. Smith became publisher.

gested that, as many influential citizens would be as­sembled at the house of J. R. Jackson on the 25th of October to attend the sitting of the court, the op­portunity should be seized to make arrangements for another convention, a hint which was adopted. On the 27th of September a meeting was held, and a general convention planned for the 25th of Oc­tober, at Monticello. It was considered certain that all the inhabitants about Puget Sound would vote for a separate organization, but not quite so evident that .those living upon the Columbia, and accustomed to act with the people south of it, would do so. By holding the convention at Monticello, it was hoped to influence the doubtful in the direction of their wishes.

At the time appointed, the delegates assembled and organized by electing Gr. N. McConaha president and R. J. White secretary. After an address by the president, a committee of thirteen23 was selected to frame another memorial to congress, which contained the following arguments: It was desired to have or­ganized a separate territory, bounded on the south and east by the Columbia; and for these reasons: the terri­tory was too large ever to be embraced within the lim­its of one state, containing as it did 341,000 square miles, with 640 miles of sea-coast, while the proposed terri­tory would embrace about 32,000 square miles, that being believed to be of fair and just extent. Those portions of the undivided territory lying north and south of the Columbia must, from their geographical positions, become rivals in commerce. The southern portion, having now the greatest number of voters, controls legislation, from which fact it was evident that northern Oregon received no benefit from con­gressional appropriations, which were subject to the disposition of the legislature. The seat of govern­ment was, by the nearest practicable route, 500 miles from a large portion of the citizens of the territory.

23       Quincy A. Brooks, D. S. Maynard, William W. Plumb, Alfred Cook, J. R. JacUson, E. L. Finch, A. F. Scott, F. A. Clc,. ke, C. S. Hathaway, E. A. Allen, E. H. Winslow, Seth Catlin, and N. Stone constituted the committee.



A majority of the legislation of the south was opposed to the interests of the north. Northern Oregon pos­sessed great natural resources and an already large population, which would be greatly increased could they secure the fostering care of congress. Where­fore they humbly petitioned for the early organization of a territory, to be called the Territory of Columbia, north and west of the Columbia River, as described. Then followed forty-four names of the most influen­tial citizens of Lewis and Thurston counties.24

As before, the convention appointed a meeting for May, and adjourned; the memorial was forwarded to Lane, and the proceedings were made as public as the Oregon newspapers could make them.

But matters were already slowly mending north of the Columbia. There had been some valuable acces­sions to the population, as the reader of the previous chapter is aware; a good many vessels were coming to the Sound for timber,26 which gave employment to men without capital, and brought money into the country, and the influence of United States laws were

24       G. N. McConaha, Seth Catlin, R. J. White, J. N. Law, Q. A. Brooks, C. C. Terry, C. 8. Hathaway, A. J. Simmons, E. H. Winslow, S. Plomondon, A. Cook, H. A. Goldsborough, A. F. Scott, G. Drew, W. N. Bell, M. T. Sim­mons, A. A. Denny, H. C. Wilson, L. M. Collins, L. B. Hastings, G. B. Roberts, S. S. Ford, Sen., N. Stone, B. C. Armstrong, L. H. Davis, J. Fowler, C. H. Hale, A. Crawford, S. D. Rundell, H. D. Huntington, E, J. Allen, W.

A.     L. McCorkle, A. B. Dillenbaugh, N. Ostrander, J. R. Jackson, 0. F. Por­ter, D. S. Maynard, E. L. Fincb, F. A. Clarke, H. Miles, Wm W. Plumb, P. W. Crawford, A. Wylie, S. P. Moses. Cong. Globe, 1852-3, 541; Columbian, Dec. 11, 1852; Or. Statesman, Jan. 1, 1853; Olympia Standard, May 9, 1SG8.

23 No list of vessels was kept previous to vhe arrival of a collector in Nov. 1851; but between the 15th of that month and the last of June following there were 38 arrivals and departures from Olympia, as follows: Brigs, George Emory, Orbit, G. W. Kendall, John Dams, Franklin Adams, Daniel, Leonesa, Jane, Eagle; brigantine, Mary jDare; schooners, Exact, Demaris Cove, Susan S(urges, Alice, Franklin, Mary Taylor, Cynosure, Honolulu Packet, Mexican, Cecil; bark, Brontes; steamer, Beaver. The memoranda made by the collector was as follows: Brigantine Mary Dare and steamer Beaver seized for infractions of the U. S. revenue laws. U. S. sloop of war Vincennes, W. L. Hudson commander, visited the Sound, obtained supplies and exercised her batteries. Sloop Georgiana wrecked on Queen Charlotte Island, her passen­gers and crew taken prisoners by the Indians. Schooner Demaris Cove promptly sent to their relief by the collector. Schooner Harriet, from the Co­lumbia, bound to S. F. with passengers and freight, blown to about lat. 55°, lost sails, etc.; came into port in distress. Brig Una totally wrecked at Cape Flattery. Olympia Columbian, Sept. 11, 1852.

beginning to be felt in the presence of a customs office as well as a district court. In May 1851 President Fillmore commissioned Simpson P. Moses of Ohio col­lector of customs, and W. W. Miller of Illinois surveyor of the port of Nisqually, on Puget Sound. These offi­cials arrived in the months of October and November, Miller overland and Moses by the Nicaragua route, then newly opened.28 With the latter came the family of the collector, two unmarried women named Belyea,27 A. B. Moses, brother of the collector, and Deputy Col­lector Elwood Evans, who later became so well known in connection with the history of Washington and its preservation in a written form.28 There came also, as passengers from San Francisco, Theodore Dubosq, J. M. Bachelder and family, and John Hamilton.29

I have already in a previous volume related with what ardor Collector Moses adopted the anti-Hudson’s Bay Company tone of the early settlers, and how he brought the government into debt many thousand dollars by seizures of British vessels30 after the re­moval of the port of entry to Olympia. The seizure of the Beaver and the Mary Dare31 occurred about

26 Evans says the collector sailed from N. Y. August 14th in the steamship Prometheus, which connected with the Independence at San Juan del Sur, ar­riving at S. P. Sept. 17th. The remainder of the voyage to Puget Sound was performed in the brig George Emory, owned by Lafayette Balch of Port Steil- acoom, which left Oct. 24th, and arrived off Port Townsend Nov. 10th, where the collector and his deputy were sworn in by Henry C. Wilson, justice of the peace of Lewis county. Notes on Settlement, 15; N. W. Coast, MS., 1.

21 Louisa Relyea married Frederick Myers, and her sister John Bradley. Evans’ Notes on Settlement, 16.

28       Evans was born in Philadelphia, Dec. 29, 1828. Wishing to come to the Pacific coast, he was tendered the appointment of deputy clerk to the col­lector of Puget Sound, and accepted. He returned to Philadelphia in 1852, and came out again in 1853 as private secretary to Gov. Stevens. Prom that time he carefully observed and noted the progress of events, in which he took no insignificant personal interest. By profession a lawyer, he resided at Olym­pia from 1851 to 1879, when he removed to New Tacoma. He married Elzira Z. Gove of Olympia, formerly of Bath, Maine, on the 1st of January, 1856.

29       Hamilton was a brother-in-law of Bachelder. He was drowned March 27, 1854, on the ill-fated expedition of Major Larned, U. S. A. Evans’ Notes on Settlement, 16.

30       Hist. Or., ii. 105-8, this series.

81       Moses appointed I. N. Ebey and A. J. Simmons temporary inspectors, and on the 1st of December directed Ebey to make a strict examination, which resulted in finding $500 worth of Indian goods on board the Beaver, and on the Mary Dare a contraband package of refined sugar weighing 230 pounds. By the 103d section of the act of March 2, 1799, refined sugar could not be

the last of November, and on the 20th of January a special term of court was held at Olympia to try these cases, this being the first term of the federal court in Thurston county, Judge Strong presiding, Simon B. Mayre of Portland being attorney for the Hudson’s Bay Company, and David Logan of the same place acting for the United States district attorney, Ebey, in these cases. Quincy A. Brooks acted as clerk of the court, and A. M. Poe as deputy marshal. At this term were admitted to practice Brooks, S. P. Moses, Ebey, and Evans.

Evans describes, in a journal kept by him at that time, and incorporated in his Historical Notes on Settlement, the appearance of Olympia in the winter of 1851-2. There were “about a dozen one-story frame cabins of primitive architecture, covered with split-cedar siding, well ventilated, but healthy. There were about twice that number of Indian huts a short distance from the custom-house, which was in the second story of Simmons’ building, before described, on the first floor of which was his store, with a small room partitioned off for a post-office.”

It was during the month of November that the Exact arrived at Olympia with the gold-seekers for Queen Charlotte Island, after leaving the Alki Point settlers. The Exact brought, as settlers to Olympia, Daniel B. Bigelow, a lawyer and a Massachusetts man who crossed the continent that summer. His first case was a suit between Crosby and M. T. Simmons, growing out of a question of title to the Tumwater claim, Bigelow representing Simmons and J. B. Chapman being Crosby’s attorney. James Hughes and family also arrived by the Exact.

The rumor which led the Portland company to charter this vessel to take them to Queen Charlotte

imported in packages of less than 600 pounds, under penalty of forfeiture of the sugar and the vessel in which it was imported. It was also shown that the Beaver had anchored at Nisqually and sent boats ashore. These were the infractions of the revenue law on which the seizures were made.

Island was first brought to Puget Sound by one McEwen, mate of the sloop Georgiana from Australia. McEwen exhibited gold in chunks which had been chiselled out of quartz-veins in rock on the island, and created thereby such an excitement that a company was immediately raised to visit the new gold region, Goldsborough at the head. On the 3d of November the adventurers sailed from Olympia in the Georgiana, with tools and provisions, and arrived on the 18th in the harbor on the east side of the island, called Kom- shewah by the natives, though their true destination was Gold Harbor on the west side. On the following day the sloop was blown ashore and wrecked, when the Haidahs, a numerous and cruel tribe, plundered the vessel, took the company prisoners, and reduced them to slavery. Their final fate would probably have been death by starvation and ill treatment, but for a fortunate incident of their voyage.

On coming opposite Cape Flattery, the sloop was boarded by Captain Balch of the Demaris Cove, who on learning her destination promised to follow as soon as he should have met the George Emory, then due, with the collector of Puget Sound on board. In pursuance of this engagement, the Demaris Cove ran up to the island in December, where she learned from the Indians of the wreck of the Georgiana, and being in danger from the natives, Balch at once returned to the Sound to procure arms and goods for the ransom of the prisoners.

On hearing what had happened, Collector Moses, after conferring with the army officers at Fort Steil­acoom, chartered the Demaris Cove and despatched her December 19th for Queen Charlotte Island, Lieu­tenant John Dement of the 1st artillery, with a few soldiers, A. B. Moses, Dubosq, Poe, Sylvester, and other volunteers, accompanying Captain Balch. On the 31st the schooner returned with the ransomed captives, to the great joy of their friends, who held a public meeting to express their satisfaction, giving

unstinted praise to the collector for his prompt action in the matter.82

32 The details of the Georgiana affair are interesting and dramatic. The Indians took possession of every article that could be saved from the vessel, which they then burned for the iron. They swooped down upon the shivering and half-drowned white men as fast as they came ashoro through the surf— some able to help themselves, and others unconscious, hut all finally surviv­ing—to striy them of their oidy possessions, their scanty clothing. This last injury, however, was averted on making the chief understand that he should be paid a ransom if their safety and comfort were secured until such time as rescue came. They escaped the worst slavery by affecting to be chiefs and ignorant of labor. Their sufferings from cold and the want of bedding, etc., were extreme, and their captivity lasted 54 days. The pay demanded for each person was 5 four-point hlankets, 1 shirt, 1 bolt of muslin, and 2 pounds of tobacco, besides all the plunder of the vessel. S. D. Howe and three others were permitted by the savages take a canoe and go to Fort Simpson for relief, but their efforts were a partial failure.

The names of the rescued captives were, of the vessel’s crew, William Row­land, captain; Duncan MeEwen, mate; Benjamin and Richard Gibbs, sailors; Tamaree, an Hawaiian cook; passenger s, Asher Sargent, E. N. Sargent, Sam­uel D. Howe, Amhrosa Jewell, Charles Weed, Daniel Show, Samuel H. Wil­liams, James McAllister, John Thornton, Charles Hendricks, George A. Paige, John Remley, Jesse Ferguson, Ignatius Colvin, James K. Hurd, William Ma- hard, Solomon S. Gideon, George Moore, B. F. McDonald, Sidney S. Ford, Jr, Isaac M. Browne, and Mr. Seiduer. I find, besides the reports made at the time by S. D. Howe, George Moore, Capt. Rowland, and subsequently by Charles E. Weed, an account by the latter among my manuscripts, under the title of Weed’s Charlotte Island Expedition, from all of whieh I have drawn the chief facts. Weed was 27 years of age, a native of Ct, and had just come to Olympia by way of the Willamette from Cal. George A. Paige, a native of N. H., had served in the Mexican war, and had been but a short time in Or. He remained on the Sound, serving in the Indian wars, and receiving an appointment as Indian agent at Port Madison. He died at Fort Colville in 1868. See references to the Georgiana affair, in Or. Statesman, Feb. 15 and 24, and March 9, 1852; Or. Spectator, Jan. 27, 1S52; New Tacoma Ledger, July 9, 18S0.

While the Olympia gold-seekers were experiencing so great ill fortune, the Exact’s company, which left the Sound somewhat later, succeeded in landing, and spent the winter exploring the island, whieh they found to be a rocky formation, not susceptible in the higher parts of being cultivated, though the natives at Gold Harbor raised excellent potatoes and turnips. The climate was severe, and no gold was found except in quartz veins, which required blasting. The Indians had some lumps of pure gold and fine specimens of quartz stolen from a blast made by the crew of the H. B. Co.’s brigantine Una a short time previous. This vessel was stranded on Cape Flattery, Dee. 26th, the passengers getting ashore with their baggage, when they were attacked by the Indians, who would have killed them to get possession of their goods had they not fled, leaving everything in the hands of the savages, who burned the vessel. The crew and passengers, among whom were three women, were so fortunate as to signal the Demaris Cove on her way to rescue the Olympia company, which took them on board and carried them to Fort Yietoria. The Indians of Gold Harbor, though they did not prevent the Exact’s company from prospecting, represented that they had sold the island to the H. B. Co., and were to defend it from occupation by Americans. The prospectors re­remained until March, when they returned to Puget Sound, bringing a few specimens obtained from the natives. The Exact refitted and returned in March. Three other vessels, the Tepic, Glencoe, and Vancouver, advertised to take passengers to the island, but nothing like success followed the expedi-

But if the persons concerned approved of the action of the collector, the government did not, and refused to, pay the expenses of the rescue, which Moses in a letter to Secretary Corwin of the treasury as­sumed that it would do; and the collector of Puget Sound was reminded somewhat sharply that it was not his business to fit out military expeditions at the expense of the United States, the first cost of which in this case was seven or eight thousand dollars.83 But congress, when memorialized by the legislature of Washington at its first session, did appropriate fifteen thousand dollars, out of which to pay the claims of Captain Balch and others, as in justice it was bound to do. Had the collector waited for the gov­ernor to act, another month would necessarily have been consumed, during which the captives might have perished.

On the meeting of the Oregon legislature, ten days

tions. According to the S. F. Alta of April 1, 1859, a nugget 'weighing $250 was obtained from the natives by the captain of the H. B. Co. ’a str Labou- chere. The Indians refused to reveal the location of the gold mine, but offered to procure more of it for sale; and it is certain that the company did buy a large amount of gold from them about this time. A third vessel, the brig Eagle, was fitted out at Portland for prosecuting gold discovery on the north coast, and for trading with the Indians. On the 9th of August, while attempt­ing to enter a harbor on V. I., the brig was wrecked, the crew and passengers reaching the shore with only a few articles of food and clothing. No sooner had they landed than they were stripped and their lives threatened. On the 11th the party contrived to escape in a whale-boat, coasting along the island for five days, subsisting on shell-fish, being treated barbarously by the natives, who attacked them in Nootka Sound, taking two of them prisoners. The re­mainder of the company escaped to sea and were picked up by a trading ves­sel soon after. On board the rescuing vessel were some friendly Indians, who volunteered to undertake the ransom of the captives, which they succeeded in doing, and all arrived safely in Puget Sound in Sept. Olympia Columbian, Sept. 11,1852. Report of Ind. Agent Starling, in U. S. Sen. Ex. Doc., 1, v. i. pt i. 464, 32d cong. 2d sess. Some of the gold-seekers being left on Queen Charlotte Island, wishing to return home, and not having a vessel to bring them, four men set out in an open boat, 14 feet long by 4J wide, carrying one small sail, and neither chart nor compass. After mauy dangers from the sea and savages, they reached Whidbey Island in an exhausted condition, after being 15 days at sea. Their names were Ellis Barnes, James C. Hedges, Clement W. Sumner, and Thomas Tobias. The Indians of the north-west coast were at this time, and for a number of years later, troublesome to the daring pioneers of the northern coast. During the summer of 1852 the north­ern Indians committed depredations on the schr Franklin, Capt. Pinkham, and at different times many murders on Puget Sound. Olympia Columbian, Sept. 18, 1852.

33For the papers in the case, see House Ex. Doc., 130. 32d cong. 1st sess.

after the Cowlitz convention, Lancaster, the council­man whose term held over, did not appear to take his seat, but resigned his office at so late a moment, that although an election was held, Seth Catlin being chosen against A. A. Denny, it was too late to be of use to the region he represented; but F. A. Chen- oweth and I. N. Ebey being members of the lower house in addition to Anderson of Clatsop and Pacific, there was a perceptible change from the neglect of former legislatures, and it is probable, if no action had been taken looking to a separate territory, that the Puget Sound country would have obtained recogni­tion in the future. But the Oregon legislators were not averse to the division, the counties south of the Columbia having, as the northern counties alleged, diverse commercial interests, and being at too great a distance from each other to be much in sympathy. But the legislature adopted without demur a reso­lution of Ebey’s that congress should appropriate thirty thousand dollars to construct a military road from Steilacoom to Walla Walla. Four new counties were established, Jefferson, King. Pierce, and Island. Two joint representatives were allowed, one for Island and Jefferson, and one for King and Pierce. Pacific county was also separated from Clatsop for judicial purposes, and the judge of the 3d district required to hold two terms of court annually in the former.34

On the 10th of January Chenoweth introduced a resolution in the house in regard to organizing a ter­ritory north of the Columbia. On the 14th Ebey reported a memorial to congress as a substitute for

34The county seat of Jefferson was fixed at Port Townsend; of King at Seattle; and Olympia was made the county seat of Thurston. The commis­sioners appointed for Jefferson eo., to serve until their successors were elected, were L. B. Hastings, D. F. Brownfield, and Albert Briggs; H. C. Wilson sheriff, and A. A. Plummer probate clerk. For Island eo., Samuel

B.      Howe, John Alexander, and John Crockett; George W. L. Allen sheriff, and R. H. Lansdale probate clerk. For King co., A. A. Denny, John N. Lowe, and Luther N. Collins; David C. Boren sheriff, and H. D. Yesler pro­bate clerk. For Pierce co., Thos M. Chambers, William Dougherty, Alexander Smith; John Bradley sheriff, and John M. Chapman probate clerk. Or. Statesman, Jan. 22, 1853; Columbian, Jan. 29 and Feb. 19, 1853; North Pacific Coast* vol. i., no. 1, p. 16.

the resolution, which he asked the assembly to adopt, and which passed without opposition or amendment, the only question raised in connection with the sub­ject being the division by an east and west line, some members contending that Oregon should include Puget Sound and all the country west of the Cas­cade Mountains, while the country east of that range should form a new territory—an opinion long held by a minority in view of the admission of Washington as a state. Such a division at that time would have made Portland the capital.35

But Lane had not waited to hear from the Oregon legislative assembly concerning the division of the territory. Immediately on receiving the memorial

35       Olympia Columbian, May 9,1868. The memorial was as follows: ‘Your memorialists, the legislative assembly of Oregon, legally assembled upon the first Monday in December, A. D. 1S52, would respectfully represent unto your honorable body that a period of four years and six months has elapsed since the establishment of the present territorial government over the territory of Oregon; and that in the mean time the population of the said territory has spread from the banks of the Columbia River north along Puget Sound, Ad­miralty Inlet, and Possession Sound, and the surrounding country to the Canal de Haro; and that the people of that territory labor under great incon­venience and hardship by reason of the great distance to which they are re­moved from the centre of the present territorial organization. Those portions of Oregon territory lying north and south of the Columbia River must, from their geographical position, difference in climate, and internal resources, remain in a great degree distinct communities, with different interests and policies in all that appertains to their domestic legislation, and the various interests that are to be regulated, nourished, and cherished by it. The communication be­tween these two portions of the territory is difficult, casual, and uncertain. Although time and improvement would in some measure remove this obstacle, yet it would for a long period in the future form a serious barrier to the pros­perity and well-being of each, so long as they remain under one government. The territory north of the Columbia, and west of the great northern branch of that stream, contains a sufficient number of square miles to form a state, which in point of resources and capacity to maintain a population will com­pare favorably with most of the states of the union. Experience has proven that when marked geographical boundaries which have b‘een traced by the hand of nature have been disregarded in the formation of local governments, that sectional jealousies and local strifes have seriously embarrassed their pros­perity and characterized their domestic legislation. Your memorialists, for these reasons, and for the benefit of Oregon both north and south of the Columbia River, and believing from the reservation of power in the first section of the organic act that congress then anticipated that at some future time it would be necessary to establish other territorial organizations west of the Rocky Moun­tains, and believing that that time has come, would respectfully pray your honorable body to establish a separate territorial government for all that por­tion of Oregon territory lying north of the Columbia River and west of the great northern branch of the same, to be known as the Territory of Columbia.* Or. Statesman, Jan. 29, 1853; Columbian, Feb. 12, 1853.

of the Montieello convention, which was about the beginning of the second session of the thirty-second congress, he presented it in the house by a resolution requesting the committee on territories to inquire into the expediency of dividing Oregon, and framing a new territory north of the Columbia, by the name of Co­lumbia Territory, which resolution was adopted. On the 8th of February, 1853, the house proceeded to the consideration of the bill prepared by the committee. The bill did not confine the new territory to the lim­its described in the memorial, but continued the line of partition from a point near Fort Walla Walla, along the 46th parallel, to the Rocky Mountains, making a nearly equal division of the whole of Oregon. The arguments used by Lane in favor of the bill were the same as those given in the memorial, with the addi­tion of some explanations and statements more effect­ive than veracious, but which may have been necessary to success; as, for instance, the statement that the pop­ulation of the proposed territory was as great as that of the whole of Oregon at the time of its organization into a territory,36 whereas it was about one third.

Stanton of Kentucky moved to substitute the name of Washington for that of Columbia, to which Lane agreed, notwithstanding it was an ill-advised change. The vote of the house was taken on the 10th, the bill passing by a majority of 128 to 29. The senate passed it on the 2d of March without amendment, the president signing it the same day.37 Thus painlessly was severed from the real Oregon that northern portion over which statesmen and pio­neers had at one time so hotly contended with Great Britain.

Information of this act did not reach those inter­ested until near the last of April. About the middle of May it became known that I. I. Stevens of An-

36       The census of Washington, taken in 1853, and finished in Nov., fixed the white population at 3,905. Swan's iV". IV, Coast, 401.

37       House Jour., 8, 210, 32d cong. 2d sess.; Cong. G'obe, vol. 26, 555, 1020, 32d cong. 2d sess.; Olympia Columbian, April 23, 1S53.

dover, Massachusetts, had been appointed governor, Edward Lander of Indiana chief justice, John R. Miller of Ohio and Victor Monroe of Kentucky- associate justices, and J. S. Clendenin, of Louisiana United States district attorney. Miller falling ill, Moses Hoagland of Millersburg, Ohio, was appointed in his place, but did not accept, 0. B. McFadden of Oregon being subsequently appointed to his district. J. Patten Anderson of Mississippi was appointed United States marshal, and directed to take the census.83 I. N. Ebey was appointed col­lector of Puget Sound, in place of S. P. Moses, re­moved ;39 and not long afterward A. B. Moses was appointed surveyor of the port of Nisqually, in place of Miller, removed.

The marshal was the first of the federal officers to arrive, reaching Puget Sound early in July, accom­panied by his family. He was soon followed by Judge Monroe, and in September by Judge Lander,

C.      H. Mason, secretary of the territory, and District Attorney Clendenin and family. Governor Stevens did not reach Olympia until about the last of Novem­ber, his proclamation organizing the government being made on the 28th of that month. Before pro­ceeding to discuss his administration, the rapid

38       According to the census completed in the autumn of 1853 by the mar­shal, the several counties were populated as follows:

Name.    Population. Voters.

Island          195  80

Jefferson     189  68

King.. 170      111

Pierce          513  276

Thurston            996   381

Pacific         152  61

Lewis          616  239

Clarke       1,134  4G0

Total.. 3,9G5 1,682

IF. T. T-Iouse Jour., 1854-5, 185; Olympia Columbian, Nov. 26, 1853.

39       Moses was accused of retaining a lady’s private wardrobe, of shielding a mutinous crew, and conniving at smuggling by the H. B. Co.’s servants. Or. Statesman, Dec. 4, 1852. None of the charges I think eould be sustained; but the secretary of the treasury instituted a suit against him for $7,608.70, balance due the United States, and caused his indictment as a defaulter. Id., Jan. 17, I860.



changes taking place in the territory compel a brief review of its progress in a material point of view.

The most important thing to be done for a new country is the laying-out and improvement of roads. No country ever suffered more from the absence of good roads than Oregon, and the pioneers of the Puget Sound region realized fully the drawback they had to contend against to induce immigrants from the border states to come to the shores of their new Mediterranean after having reached the settled Valley Willamette. The only way in which they could hope to secure large families of agricultural people and nu­merous herds of cattle, with work-oxen and horses, was to have a road over the Cascade Mountains on the north side of the Columbia as good as the one around the base of Mount Hood on the south side. As early as 1850 it was determined at a public meet­ing to make the effort to open a road over the mountains and down the Yakima River to Fort Walla Walla, to intersect the immigrant road from Grand Rond. A sum of money was raised among the few settlers, and a company of young men, headed by M. T. Simmons, was organized to hew out a high­way for the passage of wagons to the Sound/0 Another incentive to this labor was the alleged dis­covery of gold on the Yakima and Spokane rivers by J. L. Parrish and W. H. Gray, while making a tour through the eastern division of Oregon. The under­taking of opening a road through the dense forests and up and down the fearfully steep ridges proved too great for the means and strength of Simmons’ company, and only served to fix the resolve to com­plete the work at some future time.

There was, previous to 1852, no road between Olympia and Tumwater, or between Tumwater and

40      According to Gray, Pierre C. Pambrun of Fort Walla Walla, and Cornelius liogers, first explored the Nachess passat the head of the Yakima. Or. Spectator, May 12, 1849.

Cowlitz landing. The first mail contract over this route was let July 11, 1851, and the mail carried on horseback, in the pockets of A. B. Rabbeson,41 Sim­mons being postmaster at Olympia, and Warbass at the Cowlitz, or Warbassport. The road was so much improved in 1852 that a mail-wagon was driven over it that year,12 yet with great difficulty, being avoided as much as possible by passengers.13 In 1853 an express line was established over the route by John

G.     Parker and Henry D. Colter carrying mail and light packages on horseback,41 nor was there much improvement in this route for another two or three years.

In 1853 it was again resolved to open the road for

41       Eabbeson’s Growth of Towns, MS., 15.

42                        Id.; Puget So wad Dir., 1872. .

43       The mail carrier in 1853 was James H. Yantia, son of B. F. Yantis of Mound Prairie, who died August 7th of that year. Olympia Columbian, Au­gust 13, 1853. B. F. Yantis was a Kentuckian, born March 19, 1807. He removed to Mo. in 1835, and to the Pacific coast in 1852. He occupied many positions of trust in Wash., and served as justice of the peace and legislator. After the creation of Idaho territory he resided there for some time and served in the legislature, but finally returned to Puget Sound, where he died in 1879. Olym/iia Standard, Feb. 15, 1879.

44      John G. Parker, long a resident of Olympia, and later capt. of the steam­boat Messenger, came to S. F. in 1851 as messenger for. Gregory & Co., and to Puget Sound iu 1853 aa an agent to close theaftairsof a trading-house kept by Wright & Colter at Olympia. Finding that there was no way of carry­ing money between Puget Sound and S. F. except by lumber vessels, which were irregular and often went to the S. I., he decided to remain in Wash., in view of which he bought out the interest of hia employera, and established Parker & Colter’s express, carrying the mail through to the Cowljtz in a single day by relays of horses, a distance of 70 miles, to connect with Adams’ express at Portland. At the end of 18 months Colter absconded with several thousand dollars belonging to the firm, which put a>n end to the first express company. The second express enterprise was by A. B. Stuart, who began business in 1854, followed by Wells, Fargo & Co. in Feb. 1856, and by Charles E. Williams of Olympia in April 1S58, who continued in the business for 10 years, during which mail facilities were greatly increased throughout the territory. The first passenger line to the Cowlitz, to connect with boats to Portland, was started in Dec. 1854, by W. B. Goodell, who furnished passage by stage or riding horses for §10 from Olympia to Warbassport. The contract for carrying the mail was not then let to an express company. Ward & Robinson of Olympia had the contract from 1854 to 1858, when Henry Winsor took it. He carried passengers to and from Olympia to Rainier on the Columbia for $15; by wagon to Cowlitz landing, and from there to Monti­cello either by eanoe or horses as preferred. The eanoe was used a good deal until about 1808. The wagon-road was not then, nor many years later, a good one, but in summer it compensated for the discomforts of the ride by giving the traveller a view of the most magnificent fir forest in the world, the boles of the trees towering 100 or 150 feet without a limb; while 100 feet above, their tapering tops seem to pierce the sky.



the immigration to come into the new territory over the Cascade Mountains. A general meeting of citizens was held at Olympia May 14th to discuss the subject in all its bearings, when G. N". McConaha, Whitfield Kirtley, Charles Eaton, John Edgar, and E. J. Allen were chosen road-viewers to report upon the practi­cability of the undertaking.45 At the end of three weeks a report was made of the route from Olympia to the summit of the Cascade Range, and by the middle of July volunteers wTere at work upon the sur­vey, who so far succeeded in their design as to cut a way by which thirty-five wagons reached the shores of the Sound that autumn,48 bringing between one and two hundred men, women, and children, to populate the rich valleys of White and Puyallup rivers.47

45       At this meeting was read a statement furnished by Blanebet, catholic bishop of Walla Walla in 1847, who had a knowledge, gained from the Ind­ians, of the passes of the mountains. The priests were in the habit of visiting the Sound with the Indians for guides.

46      This enterprise will receive further mention hereafter. The men who labored for it were, besides those before mentioned, George Shazer, B. F. Yantis, William Packwood, B. F. Shaw, John Alexander, B. Close, A. W. Moore,, E. Sylvester, James Hurd, and W. W. Plumb. The men who worked upon the eastern end of the road were Whitfield Kirtley, Edwin Marsh, Nel­son Sargent, Paul Ruddcll, Edward Miller, J. W. Fouts, John L. Perkins, Isaac M. Brown, James Alverson, Nathaniel G. Stewart, William Carpenter,

E.      L. Allen, A. C. Burge, Thomas Dixon, Ephraim Allyn, James H. Allyn, George Githers, John Walker, John H. Mills, R. S. More, R. Forman, Ed. Crofts, James Boise, Robert Patterson, Edward Miller, Edward Wallace, Lewis Wallace, James R. Smith, John Barrow, and James Meek._ ^

47Among them were John W. Lane and wife, Samuel Ray, William Ray, Henry Mitchell, H. Rockeufield, James Barr, J. A. Sperry, William Claflin, Evan Watts, J. J. Ragan, William MeCreary, G. Miller, John Nelson, J. Lang- myre, wife and 5 children, E. A, Light, wife and child, William M. Kincaid, wife and 6 children, Isaac Woolery, wife and 4 children, Abram H. Woolery, wife and 3 children, and Peter Judson, wife and 2 children, composing the first train of 47 persons. This train had 62 work-oxen, 20 cows, and 7 mares. There were, besides, J. W. Woodward, John B. Moyer, Z. Gotzan, Aaron Rockenfield, Norman Kilbom, Isaac Lemmon, R. A. Finnell, William R. Downey, wife and children, John James Downey and daughter, Abiel Mor­rison, Charlotte his wife, and family, George Haywood, James Bell, John Bell, W. II. Brannon and family, John Carson and wife, Israel Wright, Byrcl Wright, Frank Wright, Van Ogle, and Addison S. Persham, most of whom crossed by the Nachess pass. Many of them had families and friends who are not named here. Other immigrants of this year were William H. Wallace, Elijah E. Baker, David C. Forbes, J. H. Cleale, John L. Clarke, Mason Guess (married Miss Downey), William H. Williams, G. F. Whitworth and family, Mrs Sarah Thompson, J. Stillman, Peter Stiles (died in 1877, aged 91 years), W. B. Sinclair (marrried a daughter of J. N. Low), J. R. Roundtree, James H. Roundtree, William Ryan, A. H. Robie, E. G.Price, W. H. Pearson, Wil­liam Newton, Mrs Rebecca Maddox and children {Joseph, Michael, Stephen, Hist. Wash.—5

John Thomas and John Nelson48 founded the White River settlement. Owing to the peculiar system of drainage of these rivers, to which I have referred, by which the same stream has several names, it is neces­sary to remark in this place that White River settle­ment means that portion of the common valley be­tween the Dwamish and Black sections. Above the junction of Black and White rivers is what is known as the Slaughter settlement, which was founded by

C.      E. King, W. H. Brannan, Joseph Brannan, Joseph Lake, Donald Lake, H. Meter, E. Cooper, W. A. Cox,

D.     A. Neely, M. Kirkland, and S. W. Russell.

The Black River Yalley was settled in 1854 by 0. M. Eaton, H. H. Tobin, and Mr Fanjoy, who built a saw-mill at the entrance of Cedar River,49 which was burned by Indians the following year. William N. Kincaid60 settled in the Puyallup61 Yalley, together with Isaac Woolery, A. H. Woolery, W. Boatman, J. H. Bell, T. R. Wright, I. H. Wright,

G.     Hayward, A. Benson, I. McCarty, I. Lemmon, Thomas Owen, Daniel Lane, Thomas Hadley, II. Whitesell, R. More, R. Nix, A. S. Persham, and D. Warner. A settlement had been commenced at the mouth of the Puyallup River in the spring of 1852,

and 2 others), J. Mowerman, wife and children, H. Meter, Christopher Ken­nedy, Franklin Kennedy, W. Krice, B. F. Kendall, James Kymes, Joel Knight, Michael Luark and family, Joseph Lake, Donald Lake, Lenark, J. B. Ladee, Lambert, William Lane and family, Henry Ivens, Tyrus Himes, James Biles, Martin V. Harper, Baily Gatzert, Alonzo B. Dillcnbaugh, J. C. Davis, Perry Dunfield, Simeon Cooper, E. Cooper, John Dickenson, W. C. Briggs, Joseph N. Baker, John E. Bums, Rev. C. Biles and family, P. Ahern,

H.     Patterson, M. Kirkland, and W. A. Cox.

“Nelson was a native of Norway. The Seattle Intelligencer, in Olympia Transcript of Feb. 1, 1873, states that Nelson settled first on White River in 1852. If so, he did not come with the immigration named above, though he is set down as one of them in the Olympia Columbian, Oct. 15, 1853, a good authority.

49 None of these men were living in 1857. Tobin died and his widow mar­ried E. M. Smithers, who had settled between Smith’s Cove and Salmon Bay, but who went to reside on the Tobin place after his marriage with Mrs Tobin. Eaton and Fanjoy were murdered by the Indians while en route to the Colville mines in 1855. Morse’s Wash. Ter.., ii., MS. 8-10.

60 Kincaid died in Feb. 1870. at his home in the Puyallup Valley, aged 75 years. Seattle Intelligencer, Feb. 2, 1870.

Puyallup signifies, in the Indian tongue, shadow, from the dense shade of its forest. Evans’ PuyaUup Address, in New Tacoma Ledger, July 9, 1880.

when Nicholas Delin took a claim at the head of Com­mencement Bay, just east of the present town site of New Tacoma.62 In October Peter Judson of the immigration settled on the town site, which had been previously taken and abandoned by Jacob Barnhart.

James Biles settled at Tumwater. Tyrus Himes63 took a claim six miles east of Olympia. James Allen settled in Thurston county.54 John L. Clarke and J. H. Cleale66 took up their residence in Olympia. Most of the immigration chose claims in the fall of 1853. Those who followed the next year also immediately selected land, these two immigrations being the last that were permitted to take donation claims. The Indian war of 1855—6, and the insecurity of life in iso­lated settlements for a number of years, caused the abandonment of the greater part of the farms just opened, and it was not until 1859 that settlement was reestablished in the valleys where the first direct over­land immigration made their choice.66

Owing to the many hinderances to growth which

62 It was taken for a mill site, and in 1853 M. T. Simmons and Smith Hays went in partnership with Delin to put up two snw-mills, one on his claim and one on Skookum Bay. One mill was completed that spring, and two cargoes of lumber shipped on the George Emory., Captain Alden Y. Trask, but that was all. The site was unfavorable, the lumber having to be rafted a mile to the vessel.

“These two worthy pioneers were united by more than the usual bonds of fellowship in trials, Himes having been rescued from short rations for himself and family of wife and four children, at the Rocky Mountains, and brought through to Puget Sound by the warm-hearted Kentuckian who led the first train through the Nachess pass. Himes was born in Troy, Pa, April 14, 1818. He married, in May 1843, Emmeline Holcomb of Le Roy, Pa. After making several removes, he settled in Lafayette, 111., where he was in comfortable circumstances, when he was seized with the Oregon fever, and started for Polk co.; but having miscalculated the requirements of the jour­ney, and being thrown upon the hospitality of Mr. Biles, he was led to Wash­ington. He died in April 1879, at his home in Thurston co. George H. Himes, job printer of Portland, Or., is the eldest son of Tyrus Himes. Evans, in Trans. Or. Pioneer Asso., 1879, 49-53.

64      Allen was bom in Pa, Nov. 3, 179S, and removed while young to Ohio. He married in 1815, and lost his wife in 1836, after which he remained un­married, accompanying his children to Puget Sound in 1853, and residing there until his death in 1868. Olympia Transcript, Nov. 2, 1868.

65       Clarke and Cleale hoth died in 1873. Olympia Courier, Oct. 4, 1873; Olympia Transcript, May 17, 1873.

56 Evans says that Arthur Miller returned to the Puyallup in 1859, fol­lowed in 1860 by J. V. Meeker, and in 1861 by a sufficient number of families to justify the establishment of a post-office, of which J. P. Stewart was post­master for 12 years. New Tacoma Ledger, July 9, 18S0.

the territory encountered, and which I shall attempt to set forth in this volume, the Pioneer Association of Washington67 set its limit of pioneer settle­ment at 1860, at about which time these difficulties began finally to disappear. It will be observed that there were no large annual accessions to this territory as there had been south of the Columbia, and that although it commenced its existence after the other had conquered many obstacles, and with seemingly superior advantages, its situation proved unfavorable to rapid development.

In November 1853 a steam-packet, the Fairy, was placed upon the Sound by her owner and master, D. J. Gove, to ply between the settlements;53 and the first of a line of clipper-built lumbermen, the Live Yankee, for the trade between the Sound and San Francisco, was being constructed at Bath, Maine, during the summer, while a constant^ increasing fleet of American vessels visited these waters. Schools had been opened in several neighborhoods, but for ob­vious reasons there was no system of education estab­lished. Of ministers there were enough, but not much church-going, and as yet no churches nor sec­tarian institutions of any kind except the catholic Ind­ian mission near Olympia. But with a population of

67 In Jan. 1871 a meeting was called at Columbia Hall, in Olympia, for the purpose of perfecting the organization of a pioneer association, the call being signed by 67 names of residents from a period antedating 1860. The committee on constitution and by-laws, consisting of Joseph Cushman, Elwood Evans, E. T. Gunn, Benjamin Harned, Levi Shelton, S. Coulter, W. W. Miller, and 0. B. MeFadden, reported Feb. 15th. The requisition for membership was a residence in the territory previous to Jan. 1, 1860, or on the Pacific coast prior to Jan. 1, 1855. Olympia Transcript, Feb. 18, 1871. David Phillips, first president of the society, died in March 1872. Seattle In­telligencer, March II, 1872. A call similar to the first was made at Van­couver in October 1874, signed by Joseph Petrain, M. R. Hathaway, A. M. Andrew, John Proebstel, R. D. Fales, David Wall, William H. Traut, B.

F.      Preston, Guy Hayden, S. P. McDonald, H. L. Caplcs, John F. Smith, G. H. Steward, and S. B. Curtis. F. W. Bier, S. P. McDonald, and G. T. Mc­Connell were appointed a committee on constitution and by-laws. This society sought to limit the pioneer period to Jan. 1, 1856, the Columbia River section of the territory being a much older settlement than Puget Sound. By the same rule, the pioneers of eastern Washington ahould be allowed until 1865 or 1868. Vancouver Register, Aug. 7, 1874, Oct. 9, 1874.

58 Olympia Columbian, Nov. 4, 1853. Rabbeaon afterward owned the Fairy. She was blown up in Oct. 1857, at Olympia.

less than 4,000, not quite 1,700 of whom were voters, the ambitious young commonwealth was already talk­ing of a railroad from the Skookum Chuck coal-fields, discovered in 1850, to Olympia, and J. W. Trutch was engaged in surveying a route69 in the autumn of 1853. In this chaotic but hopeful condition was the new territory of Washington, when on the 26th of November, 1853, Governor I. I. Stevens arrived at Olympia to s*et in motion the wheels of government.

59 Olympia Columbian, Oct. 2 and 16, 1853.




Governor Isaac Ingalls Stevens—His Life and Character—Railroad Surveys—Political Parties—Election—First Legislative Assem­bly—Its Personnel and Acts—Early Newspapers—County Organ­izations—Federal Courts—Land Claims and Land Titles—Roads, Mails, and Express Companies—San Juan Island—Indian Troubles —Treaties and Reservations—Stevens in Eastern Washington.

Isaac Ingalls Stevens, the man who had been sent to organize the government of Washington, was one fitted by nature and education to impress himself upon the history of the country in a remarkable de­gree. He was born at Andover, Massachusetts, and educated in the military school of West Point, from which he graduated, in 1839, with the highest honors. He had charge for a few years of fortifications on the New England coast. He had been on the staff of General Scott in Mexico, and for four years previous to his appointment as governor of Washington had been an assistant of Professor Bache on the coast survey, which gave him the further training which was to make his name prominent in connection with the survey for the Northern Pacific railroad—the his­toric road of the continent—the idea of which had for thirty years been developing in connection with the Columbia River and a route to China.

Congress having at length authorized the survey of this and other routes to the Pacific, Stevens was placed in charge of the northern line, whose terminus, by the progress of discovery and events, was now


fixed at Puget Sound. He was to proceed from the head waters of the Mississippi to this inlet of the Pa­cific, and report not only upon the route, but upon the Indian tribes along it, with whom he was to establish friendly relations, and, when practicable, to treat. The manner in which the survey was conducted is spoken of in another portion of my work, and I pro­ceed here with the narration of territorial affairs.1 The day appointed by Governor Stevens for electing a delegate to congress and members of a council and house of representatives was the 30 th of January, 1854, the members chosen to convene at Olympia February 27th following. In the time intervening, two political parties organized and enacted the usual contest over their candidates. The democratic candidate for dele­gate to congress, Columbia Lancaster, is not unknown to the reader. He had served the county of Lewis in the council of the Oregon legislature, if service it could be called, in which he did nothing but cover him­self with ridicule. His whig opponent was William

H.     Wallace,2 and the independent candidate M. L. Sim-

1        The officers appointed to assist Stevens in the survey of a railroad route were W. T. Gardiner, capt. 1st dragoons; George B. McClellan, brev. capt., assigned to duty as capt. of eng.; Johnson K. Duncan, 2d lieut 3d art.; Rufus Saxton, Jr, 2d lieut 4th art.; Cuvier Grover (brother of L. F. Grover of Oregon), 2d lieut 5th art.; A. J. Donelson, 2d lieut corps of engineers; John Mullan, Jr, brcv. 2d lieut 1st art.; George F. Suckley and J. G. Cooper, surgeons and naturalists; John Evans, geologist; J. M. Stanley, artist (the same who was in Oregon in 1847-8); G. W. Stevens and A. Remcnyi, astron­omers; A. W. Tinkham and F. W. Lander (brother of Judge Lander), civil engineers; John Lambert, draughtsman. Washington {City) Republic, May 7, 1853. The survey was to be commenced from both ends of the route, to meet somewhere west of the Rocky Mountains. McClellan, who had charge of the west end of the line, arrived in S. F. in June 1853, and proceeded to explore the Cascade Range for passes leading to Puget Sound, starting from Vancouver, and dividing his party so as to make a reconnoissance on both sides of the range the same season. The narratives of these surveys contained iu the Pacific R. R. reports are interesting. Several persons connected with the expeditions remained on the Pacific coast; others have since revisited it in an official capacity, and a few who are not mentioned here will be men­tioned in connection with subsequent events.

2        Wallace was born in Miami county, Ohio, July 17, 1811, whence he re­moved when a child to Indiana, and in 1839 to Iowa, where he served in both branches of the legislature. He was appointed receiver of public moneys at Fairfield, Iowa, holding the office until Pierce’s administration, when he re­moved to Washington, in 1853. His subsequent career will be given here­after. His death occurred Feb. 8, 1-879. Olympia Standard, Feb. 15, 1879; New Tacoma Herald, Feb 14, 1879.

mons, who, notwithstanding his popularity as a man and a democrat, received only eighteen votes.3 Wal­lace received 500, and Lancaster 690. Democracy was strong on the north side of the Columbia, as it was on the south, but it had not yet assumed the same dictatorial tone,4 and Lancaster, who had affiliated with the whigs in 1851 in Oregon, was a thorough enough democrat in 1853.5 He had a talent for hu­morous story-telling, which in debate often goes as far as argument or forensic eloquence before a promiscu­ous assemblage. The unsuccessful candidates were John M. Hayden,6 surgeon at Port Steilacoom, P. A.

8        Simmons’ influence naturally declined when he was put in comparison and competition with men of different degrees of education, and he felt the embarrassment and humiliation of it keenly. To it he ascribed the loss of his property, which occurred later. Although a man of large frame and good constitution, he died at the age of 53 years, Nov. 15, 1867. He was buried with imposing ceremonies by the masonic order, of which he was a member, having subscribed liberally toward the erection of a masonic hall at Olympia in 1854. Olympia Standard, Nov. 23, 1867.

4        Joseph Cushman was appointed by a democratic legislature first probate judge of Thurston co. He was bom at Middlebury, Mass., March 13, 1807, and was a lineal descendant of Robert Cushman of the Mayflower company, bad a good home education and a Boston business training, hence was a val­uable man in any community, besides being an orator of ability, and ready writer. He went to South America in 1849, and after a brief stay in Valpa­raiso, came to California, and engaged in jobbing goods on the Sacramento River. Making the acquaintance of Samuel Merritt, owner of the brig O. W. Kendall, he took charge of Merritt’s business, established in Olympia in 1852, Merritt running a line of vessels, and having a trading-house at that place. In 1857 Cushman was admitted to practice as an attorney, and suc­cessfully defended Luther M. Collins, who was charged with murder in con­nection with the execution of an Indian outlaw. In 1855 he was nominated by the free-soil party for delegate to congress, but was beaten by J. P. An­derson, democrat. In the Indian war he enlisted as a private in Eaton’s company of rangers, and was one of the party besieged on Lemmon’s land in the Puyallup Valley, remaining in the service until the close of the war. He was president of the first board of trustees for Olympia in 1869. In 1861 he was appointed by President Lincoln receiver of public moneys in connection with the land-office, which appointment he held until 1870. His name is in­corporated with the history of the capital of Washington particularly, and with the country in general. He died Feb. 29, 1872. Olympia Echo, March 7, 1872; Olympia Standard, March 2, 1872.

6                                P. W. Crawford relates how by a little sharp practice he procured the nomination in convention of his friend Lancaster, who lived on or near the Columbia, against the candidates of the Sound district, by dividing the votes against him, and as they failed, gathering them in solid for the remaining candidate. Narr., MS., 267.                         "

6Hayden was strongly supported by Pierce co., having resided at the fort ever since its establishment, practising his profession also outside the military reservation. Being recalled to the east in 1854, companies A and C, 4th in­fantry, presented him a flattering farewell address, published in Olympia Pioneer and Dem., Jan. 21, 1854.

Chenoweth, Judge Strong, Gilmore Hays,7 and W.

H.     Wallace.

In the legislature, which organized by choosing

G.     N". McConaha8 president of the council, and F. A. Chenoweth speaker of the lower house, there was a democratic majority of one in the council9 and six in

7        Gilmore Hays was a native of Ky, but resided in Mo., where be was dis­trict judge, wbeu the gold discovery drew him to Cal. Returning to Mo., he led a train of immigrants to Oregon in 1S52, and in 1S53 settled on Des Chutes River near the head of Budd Inlet. The year 1852 was the time of the cholera on the plains, and Hays lost his wife and two children, who were buried near Salmon Falls of Snake River, together with the wife of B. F. Yantis. There remained to him three sons, James H., Charles, and Robert, and one daughter, who married J. G. Parker, all of whom reside in Olympia. In the same company were John P. and Isaac Hays, his brothers, N. Ostran­der, Hilary Butler, James Scott, and their families, Thomas Prather, George Fry, and others. When the Indian war threatened, be was first to volunteer, his was the first company raised, and throughout he was of much service to the territory. After the termination of the war, he returned to Mo., but in 1S63 removed to Idaho, and was useful to the supt of Ind. affairs for Washing­ton in arranging treaties with the natives. Failing health caused him to return to Puget Sound, where he died October 10, 1880. Olympia Transcript, Oct. 30, 18S0; Olympia Standard, Oct. 29, 1880; Olympia Courier, Oct. 29, 1880.

8        McConaha was drowned, in company with P. B. Barstow, in the Sound, on the 23d of May, 1854. His widow, Ursula, had a series of other losses and misfortunes. An 8-year old daughter was burned to death in March 1858, a son was killed by a vicious horse, and another son terribly maimed by an accident. In August 1859 she married L. V. Wyckoff of Seattle.

9        The first legislative assembly was composed of nine councilmen, as follows: Clarke county, Daniel F. Bradford and William H. Tappan; Island and Jeffer­son, William T. Sayward; Lewis and Pacific, Seth Catlin and Henry Miles; Pierce and King, Lafayette V. Balch and G. N. McConaha; Thurston, D. R. Bigelow and B. F. Yantis. H. M. Frost of Pierce was elected chief clerk, and U. E. Hicks of Thurston assistant clerk. Hicks was county clerk of Thurston. He figured a good deal iu politics, served in the Indian war of 1855-6, and afterward edited one or more newspapers. He emigrated to Washington from Mo. in 1850, with his yonng wife, who died Nov. 16, 1853, aged 21 years. He married, Jan. 21, 1855, India Ann Hartsock. Frost served but a part of the term, and resigned, when Elwood Evans was elected and served from March 8th to May 1st. J. L. Mitchell of Lewis was elected sergeant-at-anns, and W. G. Osborn of Thurston door-keeper. The council being divided into three classes by lot, D. R. Bigelow, Seth Catlin, and W. H. Tappan drew the three-years term; B. F. Yantis, Henry Miles, and G. N. McConaha, the two-years term; W. T. Sayward, D. F. Bradford, and L. Balch, the one-year term. The house of representatives consisted of seventeen members, one from Island county, S. D. Howe (whig); five from Clarke, J. D. Biles, F. A. Chenoweth, A. J. Bolan, Henry R. Crosbie, and A. Lee Lewis (whig); one from Lewis, H. D. Huntington (whig)—John R. Jackson and F. A. Clarke received the same number of votes, and the second member from Lewis was not elected; one from Jefferson, D. F. Brownfield; one from King, A. A. Denny (whig); three from Pierce, L. F. Thompson, John M. Chapman, and

H.     C. Moseley; four from Thurston, Leonard D. Durgin, David Shelton, Ira Ward (whig), and C. H. Hale (whig); one from Pacific, Jehu Scudder, who died before the legislature convened. Scudder was one of the first settlers in Pacific county, and was much regretted. A singular fatality attended the

the house of representatives; but there was no undue exhibition of partisan zeal, nor any occasion for it, the assembly being impressed with the importance of the public duties which had been assigned to them. The organization being completed on the 28 th, Gov­ernor Stevens was invited to communicate to the legislature a message, in which he made certain state­ments which will not be out of place here as an introduction to his administration and the history of the territory.

After a just encomium upon the country and its natural advantages for commerce, he reminded them that as the Indian title to lands had not been extin­guished, nor a law passed for its extinguishment, titles could not be secured under the land law of congress, and the public surveys were languidly con­ducted. He spoke of the importance of a road to Walla Walla, another to the Columbia, and one along the eastern shore of the Sound to Bellingham Bay, and advised them to memorialize congress on the urgent necessity for these roads, to prevent suffering and loss to the immigrations. He counselled them to ask for a surveyor-general of the territory, and that liberal appropriations might be made for the surveyors, that they might keep in advance of the settlements. He proposed to request an amendment to the land law making it possible to acquire title by the payment of the minimum valuation, by a resi­dence of one year, or by improvements equal to the minimum valuation, and that single women should be placed on the same footing with married women. He recommended the early settlement of the boundary

representatives from Pacific. In the first instance, J. L. Brown was nom­inated, and died before the election. His successor, Seudder, who was nom­inated after his death and elected, did not live to take his seat. Henry Feister was then chosen to fill the vacancy, but died of apoplexy on the eveniug of the day on which he was sworn in. Feister also left a family. Another election being ordered, James C. Strong was chosen, and took his seat April 14, 1854. Olympia Pioneer and Dem., April 15, 1854. B. F. Kendall was elected chief clerk, and J. Phillips assistant clerk, of the lower house; Jacob Smith of Whidbey Island sergeant-at-arms; and J. H. Roundtree door-keeper. Olympia Pioneer and Dem.t March 4, 1854.

line between Washington and the British territory- on the north, and that congress should be memorial­ized on this subject, and on the importance of contin­uing the geographical and geological surveys already commenced. He made the usual prophetic remarks on the Pacific railroads,10 referred to the inefficient mail service, of which I have spoken at length in the history of Oregon, gave same advice concerning the preparation of a code of laws, and adverted to the im­portance of organizing new counties east of the Cas­cade Range, and readjusting the boundaries of some of the older ones.

In referring to the position occupied by the Hud­son s Bay and Puget Sound Agricultural companies, the governor declared them to have certain rights granted to them, and lands confirmed to them, but that the vague nature of their limits must lead to disputes concerning their possessions, and recom­mended that congress should be memorialized to extinguish their title. As to the right of the Hudson’s Bay Company to trade with the Indians, that he said was no longer allowed, and under instruc­tions from the secretary of state he had already informed the company that they would be given until July to wind up their affairs, after which time the laws regulating intercourse with the Indians would be rigidly enforced.

He recommended a special commission to report on a school system, and that congress should be asked to appropriate land for a university; also that some mili­tary training should be included in the curriculum of the higher schools. An efficient militia system was declared to be necessary in a distant territory, which

10       ‘In my judgment, with such aid as the government can rightfully furnish as a proprietor in making surveys and granting lands, the energies of our people are adequate to building not simply one, but three or four roads. Our commerce doubles in 7 years, our railroads in 4 or 5 years, and we have reason to believe that for some years to come this rate of increase will be accelerated. ... I am firmly of opinion, however, that these great undertakings should be controlled and consummated by the people themselves, and that every project of a government road should be discountenanced.’ Wash. Jour. Council, 1854,14.

must in case of war be compelled for a time to rely upon itself; and this he thought, with the arms and ammunition to which the territory would be entitled under the laws of congress, would enable it to protect itself from any foreign invader.11 Such is a brief abstract of the first message of the first governor of Washington, which is an epitome also of the condition, needs, and prospects of the new commonwealth. Most of the suggestions made by the governor were carried out in some form.

Immediately after organization, the house adopted for the territorial seal a device furnished by Lieutenant J. K. Duncan of Stevens’ surveying expedition.12


The first bill passed was on the 1st of March, an act providing for a board of commissioners to prepare a code of laws for the territory; the board appointed consisting of judges Edward Lander, Victor Monroe, and William Strong, who adopted as many of the

11        Wash. Jour. Council, 1854, 10-18.

12       On one side, a log cahin and an immigrant wagon, with a fir forest in the background; on the other, a sheet of water being traversed by a steamer and sailing-vessels; a city in perspective; the goddess of hope and an anchor in the centre, the figure pointing above to the significant Indian word ‘Alki ’—by and by. Olympia Pioneer and Dem., Feb. 25, 1854; Wash. Jour. House, 1854, 14.

laws of Oregon as they found practicable, and other suitable ones from other codes,13 the laws originated by the legislature being chiefly local.

The counties of Sawamish,14 Whatcom,15 Clallam, Chehalis, Cowlitz, Wahkiakum, Skamania, and Walla Walla16 were created, the latter with the county seat “on the land claim of Lloyd Brooks,” now the site of the city of Walla Walla. The county seat of Clarke county was fixed at Vancouver,17 “on the east side

13       Strong’s Hist. Or., MS., 62. J. W. Wiley of the Pioneer and. Democrat, a new name for the Columbian, was elected territorial printer by the legisla­ture, but A. M. Berry, Wiley’s partner, was appointed to superintend the print­ing of the laws in the east. He died of malignant small-pox soon after reach­ing his home in Greenland, N. H., at the age of 29 years, and the laws were not in readiness for the next legislature. Alfred Metcalf Berry came to the Pacific coast in 1849, and to Or. in 1850 for his health. In Dec. 1853 he formed a partnership with Wiley, and the name of Columbian being no longer signifi­cant, the publishers changed it to Washington Pioneer. In Jan. 1854 ft. L. Doyie brought a press and material to Olympia, with the intention of starting a new paper to be called the Northwest Democrat, but finally consolidated with the Pioneer, which then became the Pioneer and Democrat. See Wash. Pioneer, Jan. 28, 1854. Soon after the death of Berry, George B. Goudy, another young man, became associated with Wiley as publisher, the firm be­ing Wiley, Goudy, & Doyle, but Doyle retired before the end of the year (1855), and only Wiley and Goudy remained, Wiley being editor. Goudy was elected territorial printer Jan. 27 1855, the Pioneer and Democrat remaining the official paper of the territory until a republican administration in 1861. He was a native of Indianapolis, Ind., and born in 1828. He came to Or. in 1849, and for a year had charge of the publication of the Spectator. He married Eliz­abeth Morgan of Lafayette, Or., in Sept. 1854, and removed to Olympia early in 1855. His connection with the Pioneer and Democrat ceased in Aug. 1856. He died Sept. 19,1857, leaving a wife and child. E. Furste succeeded Goudy as publisher of the Pioneer and Democrat. In May 1858 Wiley retired, leav­ing Furste publisher and editor. Wiley died March 30, I860, at the age of 40, the victim of intemperate drinking. He was born in Ohio, was possessed of brilliant talents, and impressed his mind and energy upon the history of his adopted country, but fell by a power mightier than himself. Pioneer and Dem., March 30, 1860. In November 1860 Furste sold the paper to James Lodge, who found the change in public sentiment against the democratip antecedents of this journal, which lost precedence, and was discontinued not long after. Historically, the Pioneer and Democrat is of more importance than any other journal or journals.

14       Sawamish county, first organized March 13, 1854, had its name changed to Mason Jan. 3, 1864, in honor of Charles H. Mason, first secretary of the territory. The county officers appointed on its organization were: commis­sioners, Wesley Gosnell, Charles Graham, Lee Hancock; sheriff, Finis K. Simmons; judge of probate, Alfred Hall; auditor, V. P. Morrow; treasurer, Orrington Cushman; justice of the peace, Aaron M. Collins. Olympia Pioneer and Dem., May 27, 1854.

15       Commissioners appointed for Whatcom county were William Cullen, H. C. Page, R. V. Peabody; sheriff, Ellis Barnes; auditor, A. M. Poe.

16       Commissioners appointed for Walla Walla were Georgfs C. Bamford, John Owen, Dominique Pambrun; sheriff, Narcisse Raymond; judge of pro­bate and justice of the peace, Lloyd Brooke.

17       Vancouver is called Columbia City in the act. This patriotic change of

of Mrs Esther Short’s land claim,” and by the same act Mrs Short’s dwelling was made the legal place of holding courts until suitable buildings should be erected by the county.18 The county seat of Che-

name occurred about 1851 or 1852, but I fail to find any mention of it. I think it was done on the motion of the first postmaster at that place, R. H. Lansdale, who had the post-office called Columbia City. The name, how­ever, would not pass in the face of long usage, and the Washington legisla­ture at its second session changed it to Vancouver. The commissioners appointed for Clarke county by the first territorial legislature were William Dillon, C. C. Stiles, and Mr Fairchilds; sheriff, George W. Hart; judge of probate, Henry Gullifer; auditor, William Ryan; treasurer, Henry Burlin­game; justices of the peace, Solomon Strong, Michael Tubbs; coroner, William M. Simmons; assessor, Henry C. Morse; constable for Vancouver precinct, Moses Kirkham, for Cathlapootle precinct, C. C. Bogarth, for Washougal precinct, Berry Paten.

18       Officers were appointed for all the counties already in existence, as well as the new ones, and as the list furnishes a guide to the distribution of the pop­ulation, they are here given. Skamania county commissioners, S. M. Hamil­ton, Joseph Robbins, Jacob W. Scroder; sheriff, E. F. McNoll; judge of probate, Cornelius Salmer; treasurer, J. H. Bush; auditor, George W. Johnson; justices of the peace, N. H. Gales, B. B. Bishop, and Lloyd Brooke.

Cowlitz county commissioners, Thomas Lowe, A. A. Abemethy, Scylor Rue; justice of the peace for Monticello precinct, Nathaniel Stone; constahle, R. C. Smith; judge of probate, Nathaniel Ostrander; auditor, Charles Hol­man; treasurer, Alexander Crawford; sheriff, James Huntington; assessor, Benjamin Huntington; justice of the peace for Oak Point precinct, W. H. Harris; constable, F. A. Smith.

Wahkiakum county commissioners, James Birnie, Thompson Dray, Aus­tin Nye; auditor, Newell Bearfs; treasurer, James Birnie, Jr; sheriff, Wil­liam Stilwell; judge of probate and justice of the peace, Solomon Stilwell.

Pacific county commissioners, George T. Eastahrook, P. J. McEwen, Daniel Wilson; judge of probate, George P. Newell; justice of the peace, Ezra Wes­ton; constable, William Edwards.

Lewis county commissioners, Henry R. Stillman, Thomas Metcalf, J. C. Davis; judge of probate, James Gardiner; auditor, Horace H. Pints; jus­tices of the peace, Charles F. White, 0. Small, N. Stearns, F. Delin; con­stables, Baptiste Bone, William C. Many; sheriff, J. L. Mitchell; auditor, Martin Budson; treasurer, C. C. Pagett; coroner, George B. Roherts; super­intendent of common schools, A. B. Dillenbaugh.

Thurston county commissioners, Sidney S. Ford, Sen., David J. Chambers, James McAllister; auditor, Urban E. Hicks; sheriff, Franklin Kennedy; assessor, Whitfield Kirtley; judge of probate, Stephen D. Ruddell; treasurer, Daniel R. Bigelow; justices of the peace, Nathan Eaton, Joseph Broshears, W. Plumb; superintendent of schools, Elwood Evans; constable for Olym­pia precinct, Franklin Kennedy.

Chehalis county commissioners, George Watkins, John Vail, John Brady; auditor, A. 0. Houston; treasurer, D. K. Weldon; judge of probate, James H. Roundtree; sheriff, M. A. Fairfield; justices of the peace, William M. Bullard, C. L. Russell, I. L. Scammon.

Pierce county commissioners, William P. Dougherty, L. A. Smith, William N. Savage; treasurer, H. C. Perkins; sheriff, C. Dunham; assessor, Hugh Patterson; coroner, Anthony Laughlin; justices of the peace, H. M. Frost, George Brown, Samuel McCaw; auditor, G. Bowlin; judge of probate, H.

C.      Moseley; constables, William McLucas, William Sherwood.

King county commissioners, Thomas Mercer, G. W. W. Loomis, L. M. Collins; judge of probate, William A. Strickler; sheriff, C. D. Boren; auditor,

halis county was fixed temporarily “at the house of

D.     K. Weldon;” of Cowlitz, at Monticello; and of Skamania, at the “south-east corner of the land claim of F. A. Chenoweth.”

Olympia was fixed upon as the temporary seat of government, the judicial districts were defined, and the judges assigned to them as follows: the first dis­trict comprised Walla Walla, Skamania, Clarke, Cow­litz, Wahkiakum, and Pacific countics, Judge McFad- den; second district, Lewis, Chehalis, Thurston, and Sawamish counties, Judge Monroe; third district, Pierce, King, Island, Clallam, Jefferson, and What­com, Judge Lander. At the second session of the legislature Lander was assigned to the second district, and the judge of that district to the third, which brought the chief justice to the more central portion of the territory. In their districts the judges were required to reside, and to hold two terms of the dis­trict court annually in each county, except in those which were attached to some other for judicial pur­poses, like Walla Walla, which was attached to Skamania, and Chehalis to Thurston.

The first federal court held in Washington after the organization of the territory was by the proclama­tion of the governor on the 2d day of January, 1854, at Cowlitz landing, by Judge Monroe, who in May held regular terms in all the counties of his district according to the act of the legislature, and to the

H.     L. Yesler; treasurer, William P. Smith; superintendent of schools, Henry A. Smith; assessor, John C. Holgate; justices of the peace, John A. Chase, S. L. Grow, S. W. Russell; constables, B. L. Johns, S. B. Simmons, James N. Roberts.

Jefferson county commissioners, J. P. Keller, William Dunn, P. W. Pet- tygrove; treasurer, J. K. Thomdyke; sheriff, W. T. Sayward; judge of pro­bate, L. B. Hastings; auditor, A. A. Plummer; justices of the peace, J. P. Kel­ler, William Webster, P. W. Pettygrove, J. K. Thomdyke; assessor, J. Clinger.

Clallam county commissioners, E. H. McAlmond, E. Price, Daniel F. BrownCeld; sheriff, Charles Bradshaw; justice of the peace, G. H. Gerrish; assessor, J. C. Brown; treasurer, Mr Fitzgerald; judge of probate, John Margrave; auditor, G. B. Moore.

Island county commissioners, John Alexander, John Crockett, Ira B. Powers; sheriff, Hugh Crockett; auditor, R. H. Lansdale; assessor, Hum­phry Hill.

satisfaction of the people. Yet in October he was removed, upon the false representation of some per­sons unknown that he had absented himself from the territory.19 F. A. Chenoweth was appointed in his place, and was present as the judge of the 2d judicial district at the meeting of the supreme court in Olym­pia in December,20 the bench now containing but one of the original appointees for Washington, Lander, the chief justice.21

There was none of that romantic attempt at creating something out of nothing in the first acts of the Wash­ington legislature which invested with so much inter­est the beginnings of government in Oregon, for the legislators had at the outset the aid of United States judges and men familiar with law, besides having the government at their back to defray all necessary ex­penses. There is therefore nothing to relate concern­ing their acts, except in instances already pointed out in the message of Governor Stevens, where certain local interests demanded peculiar measures or called for the aid of congress.

The most important matter to which the attention

19Olympia Pioneer and Dem., Oct. 21, 1854. Monroe died at Olympia Sept. 15, 1856, aged 40 years. He was buried on the point on Budd Inlet near the capitol at Olympia, bat 15 years afterward the remains were rein­terred in the masonic cemetery. Olympia Transcript, March 13, 1S69.

20       Id., Dec. 9, 1854.

21       Edward Lander was a native of Salem, Mass. He was graduated at Har­vard in 1836, and soon after entered the law school at Cambridge. His first law practice was in Essex co., but in 1841 he removed to Ind., where be was soon appointed prosecuting attorney for several counties, and subsequently judge of the court of common pleas of the state. His habits were said to be correct, his manners dignified and polished, and his legal and literary attainments of a high order. Boston Times, in Olympia Pioneer and Dem., Jan. 7, 1854. For McFadden’s antecedents, see Hist. Or., ii., chap. xi., this series. He died of heart disease, at the age of 58 years, at the residence of his son-in-law, W. W. Miller of Olympia, in June 1875, after a residence of 22 years in the territory, during which he was a member of the legislature and delegate to congress. Spiiit of the West, June 26, 1875; Olympia Transcript, July 3, 1875; U. S. House Jour., 43d cong. 1st sess., 13. F. A. Chenoweth was born in 1819, in Franklin co., Ohio, and admitted to the practice of law in Wisconsin at the age of 22 years. He came to Or. in 1849, and settled on the north side of the river near the Cascades, being elected to the legislature from Lewis and Clarke counties in 1852. In 1863 he removed to Corvallis, where he was again elected to the Or. legislature, and to the presidency of the Willamette Valley and Coast railroad. Portland West Shore, July 1877.

of the national legislature was called was a change in the land law, to effect which congress was memorial­ized to grant them a surveyor-general of their own, and a land system “separate from, and wholly discon­nected with, that of Oregon territory.”22

By comparing the demands with the memorials of the Oregon legislature from time to. time, it will be perceived that the earth hunger was not all confined to the people south of the Columbia. And by refer­ence to my History of Oregon, the reader may learn to what extent congress responded to the demands of

22       The amendments petitioned for were: 1. To be relieved from the prohibi­tion preventing the holders of donation certificates from selling any portion of their claims before they received a patent; their certificates to be prima facie evidence of title. {Suggestions were given as to the manner of establish­ing a claim by witnesses before the surveyor-general. 2. That persons enti­tled to a donation should be permitted to take irregular fractions of land. 3. That town proprietors should be authorized to eonvey lots by valid deeds, the same as if a patent had been issued. 4. That when either parent of a child or children should have died upon the road to Washington, the survivor should be entitled to as much land as both together would have been entitled to; provided the land taken in the name of the deceased should be held in trust for the children. Or when either parent should have started for or arrived in the territory, and the other, though not yet started, should die, having a child or children, the surviving parent should he entitled, by com­plying with the provisions of the law, to the full amount that both parents and such child or children would have been entitled to had they all arrived in the territory. Or that when both parents should die after having begun their journey to Washington, or before locating a claim, having a child or children, such child or children should, by guardian, be entitled to locate as much land as both parents would have taken under the law had they lived. 5. That widows immigrating to and settling in the territory should be allowed to take the same amount of land as unmarried men, by compliance with the law. 6. That all persons who should have located claims under the provis­ions of the donation law prior to the 1st of Jan., 1852, should be entitled to their patents as soon as the land should have been surveyed, and they have obtained a certificate from the surveyor-general. And that all persons who should have located elaims subsequent to the 1st day of Jan., 1852, should be entitled to patents by residing thereon for the term of two years, or by hav­ing made improvements to the amount of four hundred dollars; provided, that the removal of timber from the public lands without intention to reside thereon should be regarded as trespass; the improvements to be^ estimated by the increased value of the lands by clearing, cultivating, fencing, and building. 7. That all American citizens, or those who had declared their intention to become such, including American half-breeds, on arriving at the age of twen­ty-one, should be entitled to the benefit of the donation act. 8. That the provisions of the law be extended to an indefinite period. 9. That each sin­gle person should be entitled to receive 160 acres, and a man and wife double that amount; provided, that the estate of the wife should be sole and sepa­rate, and not alienable for the debts or liabilities of the husband. 10. That all persons who had failed or neglected to take claims within the time pre­scribed by law should be permitted to take claims as if they had but just arrived in the eountry. Wash. Jour. Council, 1854, 179-81.

Hist. Wash.—6

both legislatures in the matter of amount of bounty and limit of time.23 A surveyor-general and register and receiver were given to Washington; in no other wise was a separate land system granted; but the new territory was entitled to the same privileges with Ore­gon, no more or different.24

aHist. Or., ii., chap. x., this series. The points gained by an act of con­gress passed July 17, 1854, were the withdrawal of town sites from the pro­visions of the donation act, and subjecting them to the operation of the act of May 23, 1844, 1 for the relief of citizens of towns upon lands of the United States, under certain circumstances, ’ and the reduction of the time of occu­pancy before purchase to one year; the repeal of that portion of the land law which made void contracts for the sale of land before patent issued, provided that sales should not be valid unless the vendor should have resided four years upon the land; the extension of the preemption privilege to Oregon and Washington; the extension of the donation privilege to 1855; the grant of two townships of land for university purposes; the donation of 160 acres of land to orphans whose parents, had they lived, would have been entitled to a donation; and the appointment of a register and receiver for each of the two territories. Wash. Ter. Statutes, 1854, 53-5.

34 The subject of amended land laws for their territory was not permitted to drop with this attempt. When the privileges of the old donation act ex­pired in 1855, a petition signed by 200 settlers was presented to congress, asking that the clause in that act which required them to reside for 4 years consecutively on their claims before receiving a certificate should be ex­punged, and that they be allowed to purchase them at the rate of $1.25 an acre, counting the value of their improvements as payment; the amount of labor bestowed being taken as evidence of an intention to remain a permanent settler. Olympia Pioneer and Dem., Aug. 19, 1855. No change was made as therein requested. Tilton, the surveyor-general appointed for Washington, was directed to join with the surveyor-general of Oregon in starting the sur­vey of his territory, carrying out the work as already begun, and using it as a basis for organizing the Washington surveys in that part of the country where the settlers most required a survey. U. S. H. Ex. Doc., vol. i., pt i., 33d cong. 1st sess. In his first report, Sept. 20, 1855, Tilton asked for increased com­pensation per mile for contractors, owing to the difficulty of surveying in Washington, where one enormous forest was found growing amidst the decay­ing ruins of another, centuries old, in consequence of which horses could not be used, and provisions had to he packed upon the backs of men, at a great cost. Id., vol. i., pt i., 292, 34th cong. 1st sesi

W. W. De Lacy ran the standard meridian from Vancouver through to the northern boundary of Washington. The Willamette meridian fell in the water nearly the whole length of the Sound, compelling him to make re­peated- oflsets to the east. One of these offsets was run on the line between range 5 and 6 east of the Willamette meridian, which line runs through the western part of Snohomish City. After the close of the Indian war, De Lacy ran and blazed out the line of the military road from Steilacoom to Bellingham Bay, with the assistance of only one Indian, Pims, who afterward murdered a settler on the Snohomish River, named Carter. Morse's Wash. Ter., MS., xx. 36-7. The total amount surveyed under the Oregon office was

1,876 miles, the amount surveyed under Tilton previous to Dec. 1855, 3,663 miles, and the quantity proposed to be surveyed in the next 2 years, 5,688 miles, all west of the Cascade Range. The Indian wars, however, stopped work for about that length of time. It was difficult to find deputies who would undertake the work, on account of Indian hostilities, even after the war was declared at an end. Deputy Surveyor Dominick Hunt was murdered on

Next in importance was a memorial relative to the extinguishment of the Indian title, congress being urged to make provisions for the immediate pur­chase of the lands occupied by the natives; and this request was granted, as I shall soon proceed to show. Congress was also asked to change the organic act of the territory, which apportioned the legislature by the number of qualified voters, so as to make the appor­tionment by the number of inhabitants, which was not allowed. Not less important than either of these was a memorial concerning the Puget Sound Agricultural Company, and the difference of opinion existing be­tween the company and the citizens of Washington in relation to the rights of the association under the treaty of 1846. The memorial set forth that the then present moment was an auspicious one for the extinc­tion of their title, and gave as a reason that “build­ings, once valuable, from long use are now measurably worthless; and lands once fertile, which paid the tiller of the soil, are now become destitute of any fertilizing qualities; that said farms are now less valuable than the same amount of lands in a state of nature;” and congress was entreated to save the country from this

Whidbey Island in the latter part of July 1858. Olympia Pioneer and Dein., Aug 6, 1858; Land-office Rept, 1858. The field of operations in 1858 was on Shoalwater Bay, Gray Harbor, Whidbey Island, and the southern coast of the Fuca strait. As tlieve was but one land-office in the territory, and that one situated at Olympia, the land commissioner, at the request of the territo­rial legislature, recommended the formation of three new districts. No action was taken, and in 1858 the legislature passed another resolution asking for three additional land districts, one to be called. Columbia Kiver Land Dis­trict. The commissioner again made his former recommendation, the house committee on lands recommending two new districts. U. S. Misc. Doc., 130, vol. ii., 34th cong. 1st sess.; Id., doc. 114; Id., doc. 30, vol. i., 35th cong. 2d sess.; U. S. If. Com. Rept, 370, vol. in., 35th eong. 1st sess. On the 16th of May, 18G0, congress passed an act to ‘ create an additional land district in Washington territory,’ but provided no appropriation for carrying out its purpose until the following year, when the officc at Vancouver was established. In 1857 a* bill was brought before the house of representatives to extend the public surveys cast of the Cascade Mountains. The senate referred the mat­ter to the secretary of the interior, who declared there was no necessity for the bill, and that it would render emigration overland dangei’ous by cxciting the Indians. U. S. Sen. Misc., 28, 34th cong. 3d sess. It was not until the close of the Indian war east of the mountains in 1858 that the land laws were extended to that region. In 1802 the legislature memorialized con­gress for a land-officc at Walla Walla, which was established. Wash. Stat,9 1SG1-2, 139.

deterioration.25 The memorial also stated that at the period of the ratification of the treaty the amount of land enclosed by the Puget Sound Company at Cow­litz and Nisqually did not exceed 2,000 acres, yet that the company claimed 227 square miles, or in other words, all the land over which their herds of wild stock occasionally roamed, or to which they were from time to time removed for change of pasture. The Ameri­cans held that the treaty confirmed only the lands en­closed by fences. They had settled upon and improved the unenclosed lands in many instances; yet they had received written notices from the agents of the com­pany commanding them to vacate their homes or be served with writs of ejectment and trespass; for which causes congress was petitioned to take steps to ascer­tain the rights of the company, and to purchase them.26 '

A joint resolution was also passed instructing the delegate to congress to use his influence with the ad­ministration to effect a settlement of the disputed boundary between the United States and Great Brit­ain, involving the right to the islands of the archipel­ago of Haro, the matter being afterward known as the San Juan question, and to take some steps to remove the foreign trespassers from the islands—a res­olution suggested, as we already know, by the message of Governor Stevens.27

25       This remarkable statement is corroborated by subsequent writers, who account for the impoverishment of the soil by the substratum of gravel, which, when the sod was disturhed, allowed the rains to wash down, as through a filter, the component parts of the soil. For the same reason, the aattle-ranges, from being continually trampled in wet weather, received no benefit from the dung of the animals, and deteriorated as Btated above. On the plains hetween the Nisqually and Puyallup rivers, where once the grass grew as tall as a man on horseback, the appearance of the country was later one of sterility.

20       Wash. Jour. Council, 1854, 183-5. Two other memorials were passed at this session; one asking that the claim of Lafayette Baloh for the expense incurred in rescuing the Georgiana’s passengers from Queen Charlotte Island be paid, and one praying congress to confirm the land claim of George Bush, colored, to him aud his heirs. Id., 185-8. As to the first, congress had already legislated on that subject. Cong. Globe, xxx. 125.

21       The other joint resolutions passed related to the establishment of a mail service, by the way of Puget Sound, between Olympia and other points in Washington to San Francisco, New York, and New Orleans; to appropriations for territorial and military roads; to light-houses at Cape Flattery, on Blunt’s


The selection of territorial officers by the legislature resulted in the appointment of William Cook treas­urer, D. B. Bigelow auditor, F. A. Chenoweth pros­ecuting attorney of the first judicial district, D. R. Bigelow for the second, and F. A. Clarke for the third. B. F. Kendall28 was chosen territorial librarian. The legislature adjourned May 1st, after passing 125 acts, and conducting its business harmoniously.

That which appears as most deserving of comment in the proceedings of this body is a resolution passed early in the session, that, in its opinion, no disad­vantage could result to the territory should the gov­ernor proceed to Washington city, “if, in his judgment, the interest of the Pacific railroad survey and the matters incident thereto could thereby be promoted.” Stevens was anxious to report in person on the results of the railroad survey. In anticipation of this, he made a voyage down the Sound, looking for the best point for the terminus of the Northern Pacific, and he named Steilacoom, Seattle, and Bellingham Bay as impressing him favorably.29 But there were other matters which he wished to bring to the attention of the government in his capacity of superintendent of

Island, and at New Dungeness; to an appropriation for a marine hospital; to a requisition for arms and equipments for the male citizens of the territory between the ages of 18 and 45; to the completion of the geological survey; to the building of an arsenal; to having Columbia City, Penn Cove, Port; Gam­ble, Whatcom, and Seattle made ports of delivery; to having the office of the surveyor of customs removed from Nisqually to Steilacoom; to increasing the salary of the collector of customs; and to the advantage of annexing the Sand­wich Islands; with some lesser local matters. Among the latter was one set­ting forth that Henry V. Colter, one of the firm of Parker & Colter’s express, had absconded with $3,875 of the government funds, and instructing the del­egate to urge congress to confer authority upon the accounting officers of the treasury to place that amount to the credit of the secretary of the territory. This matter has been already referred to in Parker’s account of the earliest mails and express companies. It is said that Colter afterward fell heir to a fortune of $200,000. Olympia Transcript, Aug. 8, 1874.

28 Wash. Jour. Council, 1854, 116. The first appropriation for public library, $5,000, was expended hy Stevens. The report of the librarian for 1854 was that there were 2,130 volumes in the library. Stevens said in his first message that he had taken care to get the best books in each department of learning, and that he had applied to the executives of every state and ter­ritory and to many learned societies to donate their publications. In 1871 the territorial library contained over 4,100 volumes, besides maps and charts. Wash. Jour. House, 1871, app. 1-86.

22       Olympia Pioneer and JJem., Jan. 28, 1854.

Indian affairs for Washington, and as a commissioner to ascertain what were the rights and what was the property of the Hudson’s Bay and Puget Sound com­panies in Oregon and Washington, as well as to urge the settlement of the northern boundary of the latter territory.80

The matter of the boundary line between the island of Vancouver and Washington was a later question. The earliest conflict arose in 1854 between I. N. Ebey, in the discharge of his official duties as collector

80In Stevens’ report is found a list of all the forts of the H. B. Co., with their rank and value, and the amount of cultivated land, making the whole foot up no more than $300,000, whereas they received twenty years later more than double that amount. The other information contained in the report relates to the segregation of the land claimed by the companies into donation lots, with the names of the squatters, and is of interest in the history of the early settlement of the country. The following are the names of the so-called trespassers: At Fort Vancouver, Bishop Blanchet, for a mission claim, the same 640 acres being claimed by James Graham of the H. B. Co. The county of Clarke also claimed 160 acres of the same land as a county seat, which was allowed, as I have mentioned elsewhere. Over all these claims the United States military reserve extended. Immediately east of Vancouver 640 acres were claimed by Forbes Barclay (British), and the same tract by an American, Ryan, who resided on it and cultivated it, while Barclay lived at Oregon City. Adjoining was a claim of 640 acres, which, after passing through several hands—a servant of the company, Chief Factor Ogden, and Switzler—was finally sold to Nye, an American. A tract 4 miles square above these claims, and embracing the company’s mills, was claimed by Daniel Harvey (British); but 640 acres, including the grist-mill, were claimed by a naturalized citizen, William F. Crate; and 640, including the saw-mill, by Gabriel Barktroth, also a naturalized citizen. A portion of this section, with the mill, was claimed by Maxon, an American. On the Camas prairie, or Mill Plain, back of this, were settled Samuel Valentine, Jacob Predstel, and Daniel Ollis, Americans. On the river above Nye were Peter Dnnning- ton and John Stringer. Mrs Esther Short, widow of Daniel V. Short, claimed 640 acres adjoining the military reservation. The other claimants on the lands near Vancouver were George Maleck, American, and Charles Prew, naturalized, who claimed the same section, Maleck residing on it. Francis Laframboise, Abraham Robie, St Andrew, and James Petram held each 640 acres as lessees of the H. B. Co. Seepleawa, Isaac E. Bell, John C. Allman, T. P. Dean, Malky, William H. Dillon, David Sturgess—also claimed by Geo. Harvey, British subjeet—George Batty, James Bowers, Linsey, John Dillon, Ira Patterson, Samuel Matthews, Clark Short, Michael Trobb, John B. Lee, George Morrow, J. L. Myers, George Weber, Benjamin Olney, Job Fisher, William M. Simmons, Alexander Davis, Americans, each claim­ing from 320 to 640 acres, were residing and making improvements on land claimed by the H. B. Co. on the Columbia, and in several instances by indi­viduals under the treaty, but only when not resided upon by these claimants. This list was made by I. N. Ebey for Governor Stevens. U. S. Sen. Ex. Doc., 37, 33d cong. 2d sess. W. H. Dillon resided at Dillon’s Ferry, near Van­couver. His daughter Olive married Matthias Spurgeon, who was born in Muscatine, la, and migrated to Or. in 1852, residing for 7 years in Dillon’s family. He went to Idaho during early mining times in that territory, but returned and engaged in farming near Vancouver.

of customs, and a justice of the peace under the colo­nial government of Vancouver Island, named Griffin. Ebey finding San Juan Island covered with several thousand head of sheep, horses, cattle, and hogs, im­ported from Vancouver Island without being entered at the custom-house, was questioned by Griffin as to his intentions in paying the island a visit, and declined to answer, but proceeded to encamp near the shore. On the following day the Hudson’s Bay Company’s steamer Otter ran over from Vancouver and anchored in front of Ebey’s encampment, sending a boat ashore, in which was Mr Sankster, collector of customs for the port of Victoria, who also desired to know Ebey’s errand, and was told that he was there in his official capacity of collector for the district of Puget Sound. Sankster then declared that he should arrest all per­sons and seize all vessels found navigating the waters west of Rosario strait and north of the middle of the strait of Juan de Fuca.

This growl of the British lion, so far from putting to flight the American eagle, only caused its repre­sentative to declare that an inspector of customs should remain upon the island to enforce the revenue laws of the United States, and that he hoped no persons pre­tending to be officers of the British government would be so rash as to interfere with the discharge of his offi­cial duties. Sankster then ordered the British flag to be displayed on shore, which was done by hoisting it over the quarters of the Hudson’s Bay Company on the island.

During these proceedings James Douglas, governor of Vancouver Island and vice-admiral of the British navy, was on board the Otter, waiting for Ebey to capitulate. Sankster even proposed that he should go on board the Otter to hold a conference with his excellency, but the invitation was declined, with a declaration that the collector of Puget Sound would be happy to meet Governor Douglas at his tent. Soon after, the steamer returned to Victoria, leaving a boat

and crew to keep watch; and Ebey next day appointed and swore into office Inspector Webber, whom he stationed on San Juan Island.31

This occurrence was in the latter part of April or first of May 1854, about the time that Governor Stevens left the territory for Washington city, and was probably occasioned in part by the intimations given in the message of the governor and resolution of the legislature that the question of boundary would be agitated, with a desire and determination on the part of Douglas to hold the islands in the Fuca straits when the struggle came. This subject furnished a valid reason for wishing to secure the attention of the heads of government. The extinguishment of the Indian titles was perhaps more imperative than any other, and to this Stevens addressed himself with the energy, ability, and straightforwardness which were his characteristics, supplementing the feebler efforts of Lancaster, and with Lane of Oregon coming to the rescue of the most important bills for Washington,3'2 and really doing the work of the delegate. In his readiness to assume every responsibility, Stevens re­sembled Thurston of Oregon, but was more solidly and squarely built, like Napoleon, whom he resembled in figure, and less nervously irritable. No amount of labor appalled him; and when in the midst of affairs of the gravest importance, he was alert and buoyant without being unduly excited.

The appropriations obtained for Washington by Lancaster, assisted by Stevens and Lane, were $30,­

000   for a military road from the great falls of the Missouri to intersect the road leading from Walla Walla to Puget Sound. This was a scheme origi­

31       Olympia Pioneer and Dem., May 13, 1854. For a chapter on the San Juan difficulty, see Hist. Brit. Columbia, this series.

32       Lane added to his hill amendatory of the land law, which passed in July, a section giving Washington a surveyor-general. He consented that Wash­ington should have the arsenal, should congress grant one jointly to both ter­ritories, and in various ways helped on the delegate, all of whose letters home complained that he could not get the attention of congress. Had he been a Thurston or a Lane, he would have compelled the attention of congress.

nating with Stevens, who thought by making the Mis­souri River a highway, and constructing a road from its head waters to the navigable waters of the Co­lumbia, or to intersect with the old immigrant road, to shorten the distance travelled by wagons and lessen the hardships of immigration, as well as to avoid the danger from Indian attacks on a portion of the road by the South pass. For this reason, and to cultivate the friendship of the Indians, as well as to make a more thorough exploration of the Blackfoot country for railroad passes, he left lieutenants Grover and Mullan and Mr Doty in the mountain region west of the Missouri through the winter of 1853-4, during which the line of road across the Rocky Mountains, from Fort Benton to Coeur d’Alene Lake, was marked out, and afterward used as the route for the expendi­ture of the congressional appropriation named above, and which, from the fact that Mullan was appointed to construct it, took the name of the Mullan road.

An appropriation of $25,000 was made for the con­struction of a military road from Fort Dalles to Fort Vancouver, and of $30,000 for a road from Vancouver to Fort Steilacoom; for light-houses at Cape Shoal- water, Blunt’s Island, Cape Flattery, and New Dun- geness, $89,000; and for buoys at the entrance of Dungeness and the anchorages on Puget Sound, $5,000. Some increase was made in the salaries of territorial officers, and a liberal appropriation for the Indian service, including $100,000 to enable Stevens to treat with the Blackfoot and other tribes in the north and east portions of the territory.

Washington territory, or that portion of it to which its early history chiefly relates, was surrounded by and at the mercy of the most numerous, if not the most warlike, native tribes of the original territory of Oregon. The census in Stevens’ report, 1853-4, gave the whole number of Indians in western Wash­ington as between seven and eight thousand, and

east of the Cascade Mountains between six and seven thousand.83 Besides the tribes actually resident about thfe Sound, the settlements were liable to incursions from the Haidahs of Queen Charlotte Island, and even from the tribes of the coast as far north as Fort Simpson, these tribes being good seamen, and possessing large and strong war canoes, in which they made long voyages to commit a murder or a theft.34 The Indians on the sea-coast of Washington and along the strait of Puca were sometimes guilty of murder, and those about the settlements could not always withstand the temptation to commit a robbery, for which they were promptly punished when detected, but no serious outbreaks had yet occurred since the organization of the territory.

In July 1852 the United States coast surveying steamer Active, James R. Alden commanding, with a surveying party under lieutenants Davidson and Law­son, entered Neah Bay, and encamped on the shore near the trading post of Samuel Hancock, having gained the full consent of the Makahs living there in order not to give offence. The steamer then pro­ceeded on a preliminary survey up the strait to Dun- geness and Port Townsend, Davidson establishing astronomical stations at the latter place and Port Angeles, after which he returned to Neah Bay, and the Active again left for Shoalwater Bay to make a survey there before the close of the season, leaving the party of nine persons at N"eah Bay without the means of quitting that station until she should re­turn. The camp was well armed with rifles, cavalry pistols, shot-guns, and revolvers, and although not

831ral. Aff. Sept, 1854, 249.

34 On the 26th of September, 1852, the American schooner Susan Sturges, sailing along the coast of Queen Charlotte Island with a light breeze, was surrounded by thirty canoes, the Indians professing a desire to sell some fish. When they were near enough, they simultaneously sprang on board, taking possession of the vessel, stripping the crew naked, and taking them on shore prisoners, after which they burned the vessel. The captives were rescued by the H. B. Co.’s steamer Beaver, from Fort Simpson, with the exception of one man, whom the Indians refused to release. His fate it is needless to conjecture. Olympia Columbian, Jan. 1, 1863.

apprehending any danger, were prepared for an attack. All went well for a few days after the departure of the steamer, when a fleet of canoes containing between 150 and 200 Nitinats from Vancouver Island an­chored in the bay, most of them remaining in their boats. Thinking this a precautionary measure to avoid quarrels between the resident tribes and the strangers, the surveying party remained in negligent satisfaction, pleased with this apparent discretion of the visitors.

But Hancock, who was buying fish oil of them, had discovered, by overhearing on the second day a con­versation not intended for his ears, a plot to massacre himself and the surveying party, and possess them­selves of the goods and arms of both. He hastened to impart this information to Davidson and Lawson, who immediately loaded all their arms, threw up a breastwork, and detailed a night-watch. Hancock, who had two men at his post, made preparations for an attack, and himself mounted guard. During the night some Indians came ashore and proceeded in the direction of the surveyors’ camp, but being challenged by the guard, retreated to their canoes, which took their departure at daybreak. The plot originated with the Vancouver Island Indians, the Makahs being reluctant accomplices, fearing the vengeance of the white people. Happily nothing came of it, and noth­ing was said about it to the Makahs.35

Not long afterward the schooner Cynosure, Fowler master, from San Francisco, visited Neah Bay, having on board two Makahs, and a white man sick with what proved to be small-pox. The disease had been com­municated to Indians, who soon fell ill and spread the contagion among their tribe, who perished by scores from its ravages. Not being able to control it, they conceived the idea of running away from the scourge, and fled to Vancouver Island, where they communi-

^Lawson's Autobiography, MS., 51-3; Hancock's Thirteen Years, MS., 273-8.         ' " "    '

cated it to the Nitinats. The beach at Neah Bay was strewn with the unburied bodies of the miserable Makahs, who were no longer able or willing to attend the sick or bury the dead. At the end of six weeks the disease abated, but the tribe had lost a large percentage of its members, and was plunged in grief. After a few months of brooding over their losses, they came to the conclusion, as they had never experienced such a visitation before Hancock came to live among them, that he must have originated the plague, and he was threatened with death if he remained. His trad­ing post was therefore vacated in the spring of 1853.86

In September 1853 a large party of the Makahs visited New Dungeness in their canoes, encamping on a sand-spit at the entrance to the harbor, having among them an Indian who had killed Albert Pet- tingill near Port Townsend in the previous spring. On being informed of this by a Clallam, McAlmond, Bradshaw, Aberuethy, Cline, Brownfield, and Moore, being all the settlers who were in the neighborhood at the time, met, and having sent for reenforcements, finally delegated Brownfield to seek an interview with the Indians and demand the surrender of the mur­derer. But upon visiting their camp, the Makahs refused to deliver up the guilty one, challenging the white men to battle. Being reenforced by J. C. Brown, H. W. Watkins, and William Failing, the settlers attempted to enter the Indian camp, when they were fired upon. Firing followed from both sides, and in the affair two Indians were killed, two wounded, and one white man slightly hurt by a ball in the neck. Darkness put an end to the engagement, which was conducted in canoes, and the Indians dis­persed, the murderer going to Port Townsend.37

On hearing of the attempted capture and the escape

36Id., 278-86, 333. Swan, in his Northwest Coast, 55-6, refers to the prevalence of a light form of small-pox at Shoalwater Bay, which did not carry off white men, but was fatal to Indiana. Hancock also relates that one of the Makahs who first had the disease recovered, but his people, holding him responsible for its introduction, killed him. Thirteen Years, MS., 285-6.

37 Olympia Columbian, Oct. 8 and 15, 1853.

of the murderer, Captain Alden pursued him from port to port in the Active, and succeeded in overtak­ing him at Port Ludlow, where the chiefs of his tribe coming on board were detained until the criminal was given up. He was tried and found guilty at the Oc­tober term of the 3d district court in 1854, together with an accomplice.38

Early in March 1854 William Young, in the em­ployment of C. C. Terry at Alki, while looking for a land claim with a canoe and a crew of three Snoho­mish, was killed and robbed, two of the Indians being found with his clothing and other property in their possession. Suspecting themselves about to be arrested, they fled to Holme Harbor, Whidbey Island, whither they were pursued by the sheriff, T. S. Russell, of King county, with a posse of four men, who made the arrests, but were fired upon by the friends of the prisoners and four of their number wounded, one of whom, Charles Cherry, died soon after returning to Seattle.39 Nine Indians, including one of the murderers, were killed, and the other one secured, who confessed not only the killing of Young, but also of one of his confederates in a quarrel over the spoil. This Indian was imprisoned for several months, but finally discharged.

About the same time the Clallams at Dungeness having killed Captain Jewell and his steward, Lieu­tenant Floyd Jones, 4th infantry, with a squad of men repaired to the disturbed district, where two Indians were killed and several slightly wounded in an encounter between the Clallams and the military and settlers. On hearing of these troubles, Governor Stevens made a visit to the lower Sound; but in the mean time the murderers, three in number, were ar-

83 W. H. Wallace and Elwood Evans defended Pettmgill’s murderers; Joseph S. Smith and B. F. Kendall defended Jewell’s murderers, and the Ind­ian who killed Church. Olympia Pioneer and Dem., Oct. 21, 1854.

39       A petition was sent to eongress asking relief from the loss sustained by T. S. Russell, F. M. Syner, and Robert R. Phillips by reason of their wounds and consequent inability to labor. Wash. Jour. Council, 1854, 205-6.

rested, and three others underwent flogging for theft."

In consequence of the affair at Holme Harbor, Major Larned, who took command of Fort Steilacoom in July previous, proceeded to Whidbey Island with a detachment of nine soldiers, to endeavor to restore peace to the settlement at that point. While return­ing in a government surf-boat, navigated by John Hamilton of Steilacoom, all were lost by the sudden upsetting of the craft in a squall off Port Madison, except two privates, who clung to the boat and drifted ashore near Seattle.41

No Indian agents as yet having been commis­sioned for Washington, Governor Stevens, as superin­tendent of Indian affairs, appointed M. T. Simmons special agent for the Puget Sound district. Simmons entered upon his duties % publishing a request to all good citizens to aid in the suppression of liquor-selling to Indians, by informing him of every such infraction of the law which became known to them; by advising persons employing Indians to have a written contract witnessed by a white man; and by refraining from punishing suspected Indian criminals except upon cer­tain proofs of their crimes. With this caution ob­served, he hoped to be able to preserve the peace. Soon after the appointment of Simmons west of the Cascade Mountains, Stevens appointed A. J. Bolan, member of the legislature from Clarke county, special agent for the district extending east of the Cascades to the Bitter Root Mountains, and W. H. Tappan, councilman from Clarke county, special agent for the Columbia River district. .

In April 1854 the Snohomish voluntarily hanged two of their own people at Seattle for the murder

40      Joseph S. Smith and B. F. Kendall defended these Indians, and also the murderer of Judah Church, who was killed in March 1853. Olympia Pioneer and Dem., Oct. 21, 1854. They were all convicted, hut escaped.

41       The drowned were Major Larned, who left a family at Fort Steilacoom, John Hamilton, Corporal Jirah T. Barlow, John McIntyre, Henry Hall, Lawrence Fitzpatrick, Charles Ross, John Clark, and Henry Lees. Id., April 8, 1854.

of a white man at Lake Union, in July previous, and the most friendly relations seemed established in that quarter About the same time James Burt murdered an Indian of Fort Simpson, near Olympia, was tried and acquitted, but fled the territory to avoid the vengeance of the tribe. In the estimation of the public, the white man should have been punished,42 and apprehensions of the consequences of this act were expressed in the Olympia newspaper.

In the latter part of May ten large war canoes, containing several hundred northern Indians, appeared at Vancouver Island, and a party of eight coming on shore, shot Charles Bailey, an Englishman, whom they mistook for an American. Governor Douglas ordered out a force from the fort at Victoria, pursuing them to their canoes, two of which proceeded to Bel­lingham Bay, landing at the claim of a settler named Clayton, who, perceiving from their demeanor that hostilities were intended, fled to the woods, pursued by the Indians, and escaped to the house of Captain Pattle, where some of the Lummi tribe were found and sent to alarm the settlements. Clayton, Pattle, and five others, in order to avoid being taken should the enemy have found the trail of the fugitives, em­barked in a canoe, and anchored off the house of Pat­tle, in readiness to escape by water should the Indians attack by land. Here they remained from Satur­day afternoon to 10 o’clock Sunday night, when all went ashore except two—David Melville and George Brown—who were left to keep guard. During the night Richard Williams, one of the shore party, dis­charged his gun to clean it, the arm having been wet the day before. His fire was returned by a volley out of the darkness and from the water. At the sound of the firing, some friendly Indians came to the rescue, and the enemy was driven off. The two men in the boat were never seen again, but as their canoe

i2Id., May 20, 1854; rept of Capt. Stoneman. in IT. S. H. Ex. Doc.t 88,

x.f 175-6, 35th cong. 1st sess.

was found on the beach the next morning, covered with blood, it was supposed that they were surprised while asleep and beheaded, as was customary with these northern Indians. The murderers then robbed several houses on Bellingham Bay and Whidbey Island, and disappered. Secretary and acting gover­nor Mason and Agent Simmons, on learning that armed northern Indians had appeared in the waters of Washington, immediately repaired to Port Steilacoom, and with a small detachment of soldiers proceeded down the Sound to ascertain the condition of affairs in that quarter. Nothing, however, was effected be­yond making a display of the intention of the United States to punish crimes committed against its citi­zens, when able. Upon receiving advices from the Secretary, Governor Stevens called the attention of the war department to the inadequacy of the force stationed at Puget Sound, and the necessity for some means of transporting troops other than by canoes.

The absence of steam-vessels on the Sound made the communication of news slow and uncertain, as it also made the chance of succor in case of need nearly hopeless. The Fairy, which ran for a short time, had been withdrawn, and for the period of nine months nothing faster than a sailing vessel or canoe could be had to transport passengers or troops from point to point, while land travel north of Seattle was imprac­ticable. At length, in September 1854, the steamer Major TompJcins, Captain James M. Hunt, owned by John H. Scranton, was brought from San Prancisco and placed upon the Sound to ply regularly between Olympia, where a wharf had been erected by Edward Giddings, Jr, on the flat north of the town,43 and Victoria, calling at the intermediate ports. Very soon afterward the custom-house was removed from Olympia to Port Townsend, and the revenue-cutter Jefferson Davis, Captain William C. Pease, arriving

a Sylvester’s Olympia, MS., 22; Parlcer’s Wash. Ter., MS., 5-6; Eldridge's Sketches, MS., 11; Wash. Jour. Council, 1854, 209-10.

for service on the Sound, sensibly relieved the feeling of isolation of the inhabitants of the northern counties.

In October the murderers of Captain Jewell and Church escaped from Fort Steilacoorn, and Acting Governor Mason offered a large reward for their re­apprehension. These Indians were retaken in Decem­ber, when the Major Tompkins, with the revenue-cutter carrying troops in tow, proceeded to a camp of the Clallams on Hood Canal, to demand the surrender of the convicts. Already Simmons had secured Church’s murderer, but the tribe refused to give up the others. When the soldiers under Lieutenant Nugent landed, the savages fled, and the only result of this expedition was the destruction of their camp and winter supply of salmon. The cutter also fired some shots into the woods before leaving, by which five Clallams were reported to have been killed. On the return down the canal, Simmons succeeded in capturing a Clallam chief known as the Duke of York,44 and detained him as a hostage for the surrender of the escaped con­victs, who were finally delivered, and taken to Steila- coom. The Indians were terrified by the rapidity with which the Major Tompkins followed them, and the certainty with which they were overtaken in flight, and it was believed the moral effect of the fear inspired would be effectual to prevent crimes. To the chagrin of the white population and the relief of the Indians, the Major Tompkins was lost the night of the 10th of February, 1855, by being blown on the rocks at the entrance to Esquimalt Harbor, Vancou­ver Island, her passengers all escaping to land. Her place was filled soon after by the Water Lily, owned by C. C. Terry.

44      This Indian and his two wives, Queen Victoria and Jenny Lind, have become historical characters in Washington, being often referred to by writers visiting Port Townsend, where they resided. Swan, in his Wash. Sketch, MS., 8, makes mention of them, saying that the Duke of York lived at one end of the beach, and at the other a remnant of the Chimakum tribe. Nothing less like the personages they were named after could be imagined than these squalid beach dwellers.

Hist. Wash.—7

Governor Stevens returned to Olympia with hia family45 on the 1st of December, in time to be present at the opening of the legislature^ on the 4th of that month.

In his message the governor referred to the Indian disturbances on the immigrant road to Oregon and Washington,47 as well as the troubles on the lower part of the Sound, and the effect they were likely to have upon the immigration of the following years,48

45       Accompanying the governor on his first arrival was his nephew, George Watson Stevens of Lawrence, Mass., 22 years of age. He was a young man of talent and education, from whom much was expected; but was accidentally drowned in the Skookum Chuck, Feb. 16, 1885. Olympia Pioneer and Dem., Feb. 24, 1855.

46      The members of the council elected to fill the places left vacant by the expiration of the short term and other causes were Jefferson Huff and Ira Patterson from Clarke and Skamania, C. C. Terry and W. A. Strickler from Pierce and King, and A. M. Poe from Island, Clallam, Jefferson, and What­com counties. Catlin, of the former council, was chosen president; Butler P. Anderson, chief clerk; A. J. Moses, assistant clerk; J. L. Mitchell, ser­geant-at-arms; William Cullison, door-keeper.

The lower house was composed of William McCool, of Skamania county; C. C. Stiles, Chas S. Irby, William Hendrickson, Henry R. Crosbie, of Cla-rke; John Briscoe, of Pacific and Wahkiakum; George Watkins, of Chehalis and Sawamish; Charles H. Spinning, Charles F. White, of Lewis; Stephen Guthrie, William Cock, Benjamin L. Henness, William P. Wells, of Thurs­ton; William H. Wallace, Frank Clarke, Samuel McCaw, of Pierce; John Car­son, of Pierce andKing; A. A. Denny, of King; Timothy Heald, of Jefferson and Clallam; R. L. Doyle, of Island and Whatcom; A. S. Ahernethy, of Cowlitz. Crosbie was chosen speaker; B. F. Kendall was elected chief clerk; R. M. Walker, assistant clerk; Milton Mounts, sergeant-at-arms; William Baily, door-keeper. Wash. Jour. House, 1854-5, 8-9, 16.

47       The massacre of the Ward train, in Hist. Or., ii., chap. xiv., this series, and the killing of George Lake, Walter G. Perry, and E. B. Cantrell, immi­grants to Washington, is referred to here. Ebey’s Jour., MS., 12-15, 17, 19, 23, 25.

48      The immigration to Washington by the road opened in 1853 to Walla Walla was not large. The road had been further improved, but was not yet good. Jacob Ehey and W. S. Ebey, with six others of the family, Harvey H. Jones, A. S.'Yantis, Moses Kirtland, M. Cox, T. J. Headley, Henry Whitsill, George E. King, the families of Lake and Perry killed by the Indians, C. P. Anderson, Charles Van Wormer, William Goodell, A. D. Neely, J. R. Meeker, M. W. Morrow, James Kirtley, W. N. Ayers, in ali about 20 families and 200 head of stock, passed over this route. Olympia Pioneer and Dem., Sept. 16 and Oct. 15, 1854. In Ebey’s Journal, MS., i. 101, I find mention of A. J. Bradley, Dick Bradley, John Waste, Judson, H. H. Jones, S. P. Burr, and hints of the settlements already made and to be made in White and Puyallup valleys. Porter’s claim was the first after leaving the mountains in White River Valley. ‘ King, Kirtland, Jones, and others,’says Ebey, ‘ will probably locate in this vicinity,’ and by reference to Morgan’s map of Puget Sound I find these names, and that of Cox on White River. Three miles from Porter’s was Connell’s prairie, and three mi4es farther was Fennellis’ prairie; six miles to the Puyallup bottoms, where some houses were being put up; nine miles after crossing the Puyallup to J. Montgomery’s claim east of Steilacoom, and near that place the claim of Peter

and again recommended the enrolment of the militia, before which an application to the secretary of war for arms and ammunition must fail, and expressed the hope that the people would give him their support in arranging “on a permanent basis the future of the Indians in the territory.” Feeling the necessity of this work, the governor very soon set about it, and concluded on the 26th of December a treaty with the several tribes at the head of the Sound. Three small reservations were made, as follows: an island op­posite Skookum Bay, two sections of land on the Sound west of the meridian line, and an equal amount on the Puyallup River near its mouth. Under this treaty the Indians had the right to fish as usual, to pasture their horses on any unclaimed land, and to gather their food of berries and roots wherever they did not trespass upon enclosed ground, or to reside near the settlements provided they did nothing to make their presence objectionable. Between six and seven hundred signed the treaty, which, besides their annuities, gave them teachers, a farmer, mechanics, and a physician, and manifested their satisfaction.49 This treaty was immediately ratified by the senate.

On the 22d of January, 1854, a treaty was con­cluded with about 2,500 natives on the eastern shore of the Sound. The treaty was held at Point Elliott, near the mouth of Snohomish River. Speeches were made by Seattle, Patkanim, and other chiefs of influ­ence, all expressive of friendship for the white people and pleasure at the treaty, and a reservation was agreed upon on the Lumimi River. Then followed a treaty

Smith. According to the same authority, Judson Van Wormer and Goodell went to Mound Prairie, south of the Nisqually River, to find claims. S. P. Burr died on the road, but his family arrived. Mrs Meeker died on the Platte. Meeker and Mrs Burr were married after arriving in the territory. Ezra Meeker, later a well-known hop-grower in the Puyallup Valley, and author of a pamphlet on Washington, was already settled on a claim east of Steilacoom. Daniel Smalley and George VV. Davidson settled near New Dungeness in the autumn of 1SJ4, but they were not of the overland immi­gration. Many arrived hy sea, or from the Columbia. Wash. Ter. Sketches, MS., 08.

49      Wash. Jour. Council, 18.’i4—5, 15; O 'ympia Pioneer and DemDec. 30,


with the tribes farther north, at which a thousand were present, who consented readily to the terms, the chiefs using the occasion to display their oratory, but in a friendly fashion. A reservation was selected about the head of Hood Canal. Soon afterward the Makahs of Cape Flattery and other tribes at the en­trance to the straits were treated with; and lastly a council was held with those on the Chehalis River and the coast, the whole business being transacted in less than three months, and in the winter season, such was the energy with which the governor addressed himself to the duties of Indian superintendent.60

But after a week of negotiation, in the latter case the council broke up without coming to any agree­ment on account of each of the fragments of tribes, five in number, desiring a separate reservation, to which Stevens refused his consent.61

Having completed the labor of extinguishing Indian titles west of the Cascade Mountains, with the ex­ception of the Cowlitz, Chinooks, Chehalis, and Que- niults, who together numbered about eight hundred, Stevens next prepared to enter upon the same duties in eastern Washington. While on his surveying expe­dition, he had been at much pains to become acquainted

60      Swan, in his Northwest Coast, 327-48, gives some idea of how Stevens accomplished so much work. It was greatly advanced by his habit of having agents on the ground some time beforehand. He has been accused, particu­larly by Tolmie, in his Puget Sound, MS., 37, of forcing treaties upon the Ind­ians without giving them time to consider sufficiently what was proposed. But Swan makes a different statement. Special Agent Tappan was sent in advance to gather up the Indians of his district and take them to the place of meeting on the Chehalis River, where H. D. Cook and Sidney Ford, Jr, would meet him with the coast tribes. Swan, J. G. Cooper of the railroad survey, George Gibbs, and others were invited to be present. The treaty- ground was on the claim of James Pilkington, 10 miles above Gray Harbor, where a comfortablo camp was arranged, and where ample time was taken to make the Indians acquainted with the propositions offered them. The prin­cipal interpreter for the white men was B. F. Shaw, colonel of the newly or­ganized militia, who gave the speech of the governor in jargon to an Indian interpreter from each tribe, who repeated it to his people—a slow but sure method of conveying his meaning.

61       Swan thought Stevens should have yielded. Perhaps it would have been more politic; but Palmer of Oregon, after many years of acquaintance with Indian affairs, says it is a mistake to have many reservations. It certainly is much more expensive to the government. Swan believed the Indians should have been humored in their dislike of each other and their attachment to localities.

with all the tribes upon his route within or bordering upon his-district, and to prepare their minds for treaty- making. He had particularly commissioned Janies Doty, one of his assistants, who remained at Fort Benton in charge of the meteorological post at that place for a year, to inquire into all matters pertaining to the Indian tribes in that quarter, and who was made a special agent for that purpose.52 Lieutenant Mullan, who was employed in the Flathead country for the same length of time, was instructed to give much attention to Indian affairs, and apparently gained a strong influence over them; and Lieutenant Saxton also remained some time with the Nez Perces in order to give and obtain information.

In October Mullan and Doty arrived, the first at Vancouver and the second at Olympia, and when Stevens returned a few weeks later from Washington city, they were ready to report in person. In Janu­ary 1855 Doty was despatched with a small party east of the Cascade Mountains to make arrangements with the Yakimas, Walla Wallas, Nez Perces, and Palouses, for a grand council, which, by agreement with Superintendent Palmer of Oregon, was appointed for the 20th of May, Kamiakin, chief of the Yaki­mas, himself directing that the council should be held in the Walla Walla Valley, near the site of the pres­ent city of that name, because it was an ancient council-ground.

At the time and place agreed upon the council was held, and treaties signed by the chiefs of the Yakimas, Walla Wallas, Nez Perces, and Cayuses, the narra­tive of which is contained in another volume.53 Sev-. eral weeks were consumed at the treaty-grounds, and it was the middle of June before Stevens was ready

62Pac. R. R. Rept, xii. 113.

b3Hist. Or., ii., chap. xiv., this series. Briefly,^ the tribes assembled gave the superintendents unexpected trouble in making treaties, Kamiakin having conspired with other chiefs to desti’oy the commissioners and seize the government property which was stored at Fort Walla Walla. Lawyer, head- ehief of the Nez Perces, was able to prevent the conspiracy being carried out, but not to prevent what followed.

to proceed to the Blackfoot country, where arrange­ments had been made for a treaty council in October. While en route every opportunity was used to culti­vate confidential relations with the Indians, and treaties were entered into with the upper Pend d’Ore- illes, Kootenais, and Flatheads. A delegation of the Nez Perces, under the special agency of William Craig of Lapwai, attended him to the Blackfoot coun­cil, where a treaty of peace was entered into between the Blackfoot nation and this tribe, and where a suc­cessful conference was held with this powerful and predatory people.64 The news of the Blackfoot treaty was despatched to Olympia by the governor’s special expressman, W. H. Pearson, who returning October 29th met Stevens’ party two days’ travel west of Fort Benton, on their way home with the intelligence that, so far from keeping their treaty obligations, the Yaki- mas, Walla Wallas, Cayuses, Palouses, and a part of the Nez Perces were at war with the white people, and that it would be impossible for him to reach

51 Stevens waa assisted in his labors by Special Agent Doty; by commis­sioned agent R. H. Lansdale, whose district this was ; by Gustavus Sohon, ‘a private iu the 4th infantry, who was with Mr Mullan the year previous in the Bitter Root Valley, and had shown a great taste as an artist and ability to learn the Indian language, as well as facility in intercourse with the Ind­ians;’ by Albert H. Robie, ‘a most intelligent young man, who, from a cook-boy in 1853, had in a year and half become an intelligent herder and woodsman, and was also desirous of being engaged on the serviee;’ Pac. E. It. Eept, xii. 196; and Special Agent Thomas Adams, one of his aids in 1853. His messenger was W.' H. Pearson, whom Stevens describes as ‘hardy, intel­ligent, bold, and resolute,’ and as being ‘acquainted with all the relations between Indians and white men, from the borders of Texas to the forty-ninth parallel.’ Pearson carried the news of the Walla Walla council to Olympia, and returning overtook Stevens in the Flathead country in time to start back again July 18th with the results of a couneil with that nation. On the 27th of August he again overtook Stevens’ party at Fort Benton, the distance to Olympia and back—1,750 miles—being accomplished in 28 days, some of which were not used in travel. He rode the 260 miles from Fort Owen to Fort Benton in less than three days. One thing which Stevens never forgot to do was to give credit where it belonged, even to his humblest servants; but this feat of Pearson’s he mentions as showing the practicability of travel in eastern Washington. His thirteen-year-old son Hazard, who accompanicd him on this journey to the Blackfoot country, was sent as a messenger to the Gros Ventres to bring them to the council-ground at the mouth of Judith River, and rode 150 miles from 10 o’clock of one day to half-past 2 o’cloek of the next, without fatigue. Stevens was detained beyond the time contem­plated by having to wait for keel-boats from below on the Missouri River with the treaty goods, the water being low.

Olympia through the Indian country, advices from army officers recommending him to go down the Mis­souri River, and return to Washington territory by the way of New York. Instead of taking this hu­miliating advice, Stevens at once determined to push forward at all hazards. Sending Doty back to Fort Benton for a large supply of ammunition, with addi­tional arms and horses, he encamped his men to await Doty’s return, and on the 31st, with only A. H. Robie and a Delaware Indian interpreter, started to ride express to Bitter Root Valley, to communicate with Agent R. H. Lansdale, in charge of the Flatheads. At Fort Owen55 he overtook the Nez Perce delega­tion, whom he found informed of the war which had broken out in the Yakima country, and also that a portion of their own tribe were disaffected and some of them hostile, while all the other tribes who had been parties to the treaty of Walla Walla were un­doubtedly so. However, after a conference, the whole party of fourteen, including the war-chiefs Looking Glass, Spotted Eagle, and Three Feathers, promised friendship, and agreed to accompany Stevens as a part of his escort, offering if he should go through the Nez Perce country to send a large party of young men with him to The Dalles. He halted but one day, and moved down to Hell Gate pass to wait for Doty, who overtook him on the 11th of November, and where he was detained until the 15th completing preparations for the contemplated march. He crossed the Bitter Root Mountains on the 20th, in three feet of snow, the horses of the train being one night without grass. When twenty-five miles from the Cceur dA16ne Mission, he again travelled in advance of the train, with only Pearson, Craig, and four of the Nez Perces.

Information had been brought to Stevens that it

55 Fort Owen was a stockade, the residence of John Owen and his brother, stock-raisers in the Bitter Root Valley. They had abandoned their place previous to the passage of the railroad expedition from fear of the Blackfoot tribe, but had reestablished it.

was the intention of the hostile tribes to cut off his return, and he had no means of knowing to what ex­tent the Coeur d’Alenes and other tribes on his route had been influenced or brought into the com­bination for war. But judging it best to seem uncon­scious of danger, he did so, “throwing ourselves into the midst of the Indians with our rifles in one hand, and our arms outstretched on the other side, we ten­dered them both the sword and the olive-branch.” To the Nez Perces he had given instructions to entertain the Coeur d’Al^nes with stories of the Blackfoot council, and talk of the advantages of the treaty which would relieve them in the future of the depredations to which they from time immemorial had been subjected by this people.

The plan succeeded. The Coeur d’Al^nes, taken by surprise, met the governor and his party with a cordial welcome; but when the first involuntary pleas­ure of meeting was over, they began to remember what the emissaries of Kamiakin, who were but five days gone, had told them of him, their manner changed, and they seemed undecided whether to commit them­selves to peace or war.

Without giving them time to retract, Stevens has­tened on, as soon as his train had overtaken him to the Spokane country, where he had resolved to hold a council. Arrived at the place of Antoine Plante,66 Indian runners were despatched to the lower Spokanes, Pend d’Oreilles, and Colville Indians, and invitations sent to Angus McDonald at Fort Colville, and also to the Jesuit fathers Ravelli and Joset of the Col­ville and Coeur dAl6ne missions, to bring them to­gether in conference.

Several days elapsed before all arrived, and when they were met, it seemed doubtful if peace could be obtained. “I had there,” said Stevens in his official report, “one of the stormiest councils, for three days,

66 Plants was a half-breed living in the Spokane country, 'near the prairie intermediate between them and the Coeur d’Alcnea.’

that ever occurred in my whole Indian experience,” because he would not promise the Indians that the United States troops should not cross to the north side of the Snake River. “Of course,” says Father Joset, "the governor could not promise such a thing. He made several promises, but he evaded that ques­tion.” 67

But when the Indians had heard a complete refu­tation of the tales told them by the agents of Kamia- kin, and been assured of protection so long as they remained friendly, they took heart and appeared satisfied; and Stevens conquered, as he had at the Walla Walla council, by force of personal will as well as argument, the chiefs ending by consulting him on all points as if he had been their father, and confiding to him all their vexations and anxieties.

But there was another danger to be encountered. The Spokanes insisted that the Nez Perces were hostile, though Stevens had hitherto had entire confidence in their good faith. Being put upon his guard when he was rejoined by the party from the Blackfoot council under Looking Glass, he set his interpreter to spy upon this chief, who was at length overheard explaining to a Spokane chief a plan to entrap the treaty-maker when he should arrive in the Nez Perce country, and advising the Spokanes to a similar course. Says Stevens: “I never com­municated to Looking Glass my knowledge of his plans, but knowing them, I knew how to meet them in council. I also knew how to meet them in his own country, and it gave me no difficulty.”58

671 was so fortunate as to secure, through the industry of Mrs Rowena Nichols of Whitman county, Washington, a copy of aome of Joset’s writings, in which is a pretty full account of this council of Stevens with the Spokanes and others. It is contained in a manuscript by Mrs Nichols, called Indian Affairs in Oregon.

68 Pac. It. 11. Rept, xii. 225. This incident shows that Looking Glass was no more sincere in signing the treaty of Walla Walla than was Kamiakin or Penpeumoxmox. Father Joset says that somebody having told the Indians that it was for their interest to make a treaty, ‘ as the whites would have their lands anyway,’ they agreed to make a mock treaty in order to gain time and prepare for war. Nichols' Ind. Aff., MS., 3.

The Spokanes offered to escort him through the country of the “hostile Nez Perces,” but Stevens declined, to show that he had no favors to ask, as well as to lessen the danger of collusion between Looking Glass and the Spokanes. He despatched Craig with a part of the Nez Perce delegation to Lapwai in ad­vance, to invite their people to and arrange for holding a council, as also to procure him an escort to The Dalles. To enlarge his party of white men, he organ­ized a battalion of miners and others waiting to get through the hostile country, called the Stevens Guards and Spokane Invincibles, b}r which means he added twenty men to his escort who wished to go to The Dalles. When all were mustered in he had a company of fifty. For these he procured the best horses in the country, reducing every pack to eighty pounds, in order that he might fight or fly69 as occasion required; and thus equipped, set out to encounter, for aught he knew, the combined war force of the confederated tribes. But a forced march for four days in rain and snow brought him to Lapwai, where Craig was awaiting him, with the Indians prepared for a council, which was immediately called.60

In the midst of it an Indian express arrived from Walla Walla with the news of four days’ fighting and the death of Peupeumoxmox. It had been previously agreed that a large force of Nez Perces should accom­pany Stevens to The Dalles, but the knowledge of

^ Ind. War Expenses Speech, 12.

60 William Craig was born in Greenbriar CO., Va, in 1810. He entered the service of the American Fur Company in 1830, and for ten years led the life of a trapper. When the fur companies broke up, about 1840, he came to Or., and settled not long after at Lapwai, near Spalding’s mission, to which he rendered valuable assistance in controlling the Indians. He also was of much service to Gov. Stevens in making treaties with the Indians of eastern Washington. Stevens appointed him on his staff, with the rank of lieuten- ant-colonel, and he was afterward appointed Indian agent at Lapwai, for which position he was well fitted, and which he held for a long time. ‘But for his liberality he would have been rich, but he has given away enough to make several fortunes.’ Walla Walla Union, Oct. 23, 1869. ‘He was the comrade in the mountains of Kit Carson, J. L. Meek, Robert Newell, Courtenay Walker, Thompson, Rabboin, and a host of other brave men whose names are linked with the history of the country.’ Walla Walla Statesman, in Portland Oregonian, Oct. 30, 1869.

the occupation of the country by the Oregon troops rendered this unnecessary, and the next day, accom­panied by sixty-nine well-armed Nez Perce volunteers, in addition to the Stevens Guards, he set out for The Dalles by the way of the seat of war.

Here are a few men who settled in Washington at an early period, but who had first resided in Oregon:

Solomon Strong, born in Erie eo., N. Y., Nov. I], 1817. At the age of fourteen years removed to Ohio, thence to Iowa, and thence, in 1847, to Or., with an ox-team, with his wife and one child, George W., born in 1845, in Iowa. Strong settled on a claim seven miles from Portland, residing there until Sept. 17, 1850, when he took a donation elaim in Cowlitz eo., on whieh he ha3 resided ever sinee. Mrs. Strong was the first white woman on the north side of Lewis river. He was elected justiee of the peaee in 1852 in what was then Clarke eo., and appointed co. commissioner by Gov. Stevens, to which office he was afterwards elected for eleven and a halt years. On the organization of Cowlitz co., was eleeted to the same office and soon resigned. He married, Jan. 5, 1845, Miss Mary A. Bozarth, of Mo.; has ten children.

Squire Bozarth, born in Hardin eo., Ky, Jan. 11, 1792, married there, in 1816, Millie H. Willis, a native of Va, born 1802. He removed to Mo. and Iowa, and in 1845 eame to Oregon overland with his wife and eight children, namely, Owen W., Sarah A., Lorana, Christopher C., Julia A., Squire Jr, Millie W., born in Mo., and Emma C., born in la. Three children, Elizabeth Bozarth Lantze, Mrs Mary A. Strong, and John S. Bozarth, came two years later. Mr Bozarth first settled in Washington eo., Or., but removed to the Columbia river opp. Vancouver, and again, in 1850, to Lewis river, where he took a donation claim on the North Fork, where he died Mareh 16, 1853.

John S. Bozarth settled on Lewis river in 1852. In 1852 he had married Arebreth Luelling, a native of 111., who eame to Or. in 1847. He died in Mareh 1882, leaving seven ehildren, all born on Lewis river.

C. C. Bozarth, born in Marion eo., Mo., in 1832, Jan. 1st, married, in 1833, Mrs Rhoda R. Van Bebber, born in 111., a daughter of Jacob John, who came to Or. in 1852. He resided on Lewis river and had four children. He was engaged in farming until 18S1, when he went to general merchan­dising at Woodland, Cowlitz Co. In 1856 was assessor of Clarke eo., and again in 1864 and 1866, and of Cowlitz co. from 1875 to 1879. He was justice of the peace fourteen years; was an assemblyman from Clarke co. in 1861*2, and held the position of postmaster at Woodland.

F. N. Gorig, born in Germany in 1824, came to U. S. in 1848, lived two years in Washington, I). C., went to 111., and in 1853 came to Or., locating on the Columbia river, near St Helen. In 1865 removed to Cowlitz co., Wash. He married, in 1851, Christine Heitmann of Germany. They had seven sons and one daughter, their eldest being born upon the journey to Or., at Green river. He owns over one thousand acres, and is a wealthy citizen of Cowlitz Co.

Ruben Loekwood was born in Springfield, Vt, in 1822, but reared in Ohio. He came to W. T. in 1852 with his wife and step-daughter, Miss Anna C. Conway, and settled on the North Fork of Lewis river, in Clarke eo. Being a teacher, he was employed in Oregon City, at The Dalles, and in Peta­luma, Cal., still keeping his home in Wash. He was married in 1850 to Mrs Mary C. Conway, of Crawfordsville, Ind. Their children are S. F. Loekwood, born in Oregon City, and Lillie C. Lockwood. The son married Miss Pauline Brozer, a native of Clarke co.

William A. L. McCorlde, born in Rockbridge co., Va, in 1826, reared in Ohio, came to Cal. in 1849, and to Cowlitz Valley in 1850, settling nine miles from its mouth. Married Diana Saville, a native of that co.. and has two sons, John W. and Eugene.




Causes or the Indian Outbreak—Discovert of Gold near Fort Col­ville—Yakimas Hostile—Expeditions of Major 0. G. Haller into the Snake and Yakima Countries—Yakima Campaign of 1855—• Movement of Troops on the Sound—Attack on Seattle—War Ves­sels on the Sound—Walla Walla Campaign of the Oregon Volun­teers—Operations of the Second Oregon Regiment—Attack on the Cascades—-Colonel Cornelius Returns to Portland.

The reader of Oregon history will remember that mention is made of the massacre of the "Ward train by the Snake Indians near Port Boise in the autumn of 1854. Major Granville 0. Haller, stationed at Fort Dalles, made a hasty expedition into the Snake coun­try, intended to show the Indians that the govern­ment would not remain inactive while" its citizens were subjected to these outrages. The march served no other purpose than to give this notice, for the guilty Indians had retired into their mountain fastnesses, and the season being late for recrossing the Blue Mountains, Haller returued to The Dalles. The fol­lowing summer, however, he led another expedition into the Boisd Valley, and following up the trails, finally captured and executed the murderers.

Hardly had he returned to Fort Dalles when news reached him of trouble in the Yakima country. In the spring of 1855 gold had been discovered in the region of Fort Colville, which caused the usual rush of miners to the gold fields, making it difficult for Gov­ernor Stevens to restrain his escort from deserting.1

1 Pac. R. R. Rept, 201.  (108)

He proceeded on his mission, informing the tribes of the Upper Columbia, Kettle. Falls, Spokanes, Pend d’Oreilles, and Cceur d’Alenes, that on his return he would negotiate with them for the sale of their lands.

But the Indians were not satisfied with their treaty, nor with the influx of white men. About the first of August Pierre Jerome, chief of the Kettle Falls people, declared that no Americans should pass through his country. From Puget Sound several small parties set forth for Colville by the Nisqually pass and the trail leading through the Yakima coun­try by the way of the catholic mission of Ahtanahm, and about the middle of September it was rumored that some of them had been killed by the Yakimas.

A.     J. Bolon, special agent for the Yakimas, was on his way to the Spokane country, where he expected to meet Stevens on his return from Fort Benton, and assist in the appointed councils and treaties with this and the neighboring tribes. He had passed The Dalles on this errand when he was met by Chief Garry of the Spokanes with these reports, and he at once turned back to investigate them.

The catholic mission, near which was the home of Kamiakin, was between sixty and seventy miles in a north-easterly direction from The Dalles, and to this place he determined to go in order to learn from Ka­miakin himself the truth or falsity of the stories con­cerning the Yakimas.2 Unattended he set out on this business, to show by his coming alone his confi­dence in the good faith of the tribe, and to disarm any fears they might have of the intentions of the white people.3 His absence being protracted beyond

2 The Ahtanahm mission was established by the oblate fathers who came to the country in 1847, and by Brouillette. It was in charge of Pandosy in 1855, but owing to the absence of this priest, was, at the time of Bolon’s visit, temporarily in charge of Brouillette. This priest seems to have been unfortunate in the matter of being housed by American-killing Indians.

s Gibbs says that Kamiakin had avoided meeting Bolon since the treaty, but that Skloom, his brother, had told Bolon that a war council had been held in the Grand Rond Valley, and that he, Skloom, had spoken against war; and that Lawyer also informed Bolon of this council. Bolon must have hoped to influence Kamiakin. Swan’s N. W. Coast, 426.

the time required, Nathan Olney, agent at The Dalles, sent out an Indian spy, who returned with the information that Bolon had been murdered while returning to The Dalles, by the order of Kamiakin, and by the hand of his nephew, a son of Owhi, his half-brother, and a chief of the Umatillas, who shot him in the back while pretending to-escort him on his home­ward journey, cut his throat, killed his horse, and burned both bodies, together with whatever property was attached to either.

All this Kamiakin confessed to the Des Chutes chief, who acted as spy, saying that he was deter­mined on war, which he was prepared to carry on, if necessary, for five years;4 that no Americans should come into his country; that all the tribes were invited to join him, and that all who refused would be held to be foes, who would be treated in the same manner as Americans—the adults killed, and the children en­slaved. The report of the spy was confirmed by a letter from Brouillette, who wrote to Olney that war had been the chief topic among the Yakimas since their return from the council.5 It was now quite cer­tain that an Indian war, more or less general, was at hand.

Without any authoritative promulgation, the rumor of the threatened coalition spread, and about the 20th of September returning miners brought the report that certain citizens had been killed in passing through the Yakima country. As soon as it became certainly

1        This boast was not an idle one. Gibbs says that the Yakimas had laid

in large stores of powder, and that Qualchin, the son of Owhi, had pur­chased 300 pounds at The Dalles some time before the war commenced.

He further says that Kamiakin did not intend to begin the war so soon, but meant to wait until the Columbia should be frozen, so that no succor

could reach the people at The Dalles and elsewhere. Swan’s N. IV. Coast, 427-8.

5Letter of 0. Humason in Or. Statesman, Oct. 6, 1855; Armstrong’s Or., 108; Dowell’s Scrap-Book, 89, 96, 100; Parrish’s Or. Anecdote<t, MS., 80; Gray’s Hist. Or., 95; Strong's Hist. Or., MS., 56, 60; Palmer's rept to com. of Ind. all'., in II. S. H. Ex. Doc., 93, pp. 55-61, 34th cong. 1st sess., Ind. Aff., vol. 34; letter of Supt Palmer, in Or. Statesman, Oct. 13, 1855; U. S.

II.     Ex. Doc., 1, p. 335, 512-15, vol. i., part i., 34th cong. 1st sess.; Ibid., p. 73-89, vol. i., partii.; Stevens’ Speech on War Claims, 6, 16.

known,6 Acting Governor Mason made a requisition upon forts Vancouver and Steilacoom for troops to protect travellers by that route, and also intimated to the commanding officers that, as Governor Stevens expected to be in the Spokane country in September, under the circumstances a detachment of soldiers might be of assistance to him.

Meanwhile Major Raines, who regarded Kamiakin and Peupeumoxmox as the chiefs most to be dreaded, ordered eightv-four men under Haller from Fort Dalles to pass into the Yakima country and cooperate with a force sent from Steilacoom. Haller set forth on the 3d of October. His route lay over a gradual elevation for ten miles north of the Columbia to the summit of the bald range of hills constituting the Klikitat Mountains. Beyond these was the Kliki- tat Valley, fifteen miles in width, north of whieh stretched the timbered range of the Simcoe Mountains, beyond which again was the Simcoe Valley, on the northern boundary of whieh, about sixty miles from The Dalles, was the home of Kamiakin and the Ahtanalim mission, the objective point of the expedi­tion.

It was not until the third day, and when the troops were descending a long hill to a stream skirted with dense thickets of small trees, that any Indians were seen. At this point, about three o’clock in the after­noon, the Indians attacked,7 being concealed in the thick undergrowth mentioned. There was a sharp en­gagement lasting until nightfall, when the Yakimas withdrew, leaving Haller with eight killed and

6        The first person known to be killed by the Yakimas was Henry Mattie© of Olympia. One of the Eatons, the first settlers east of Tumwater, was also killed, and other citizens of Puget Sound, to the number of about 20, among whom were Fanjoy, Walker, and Jemison of Seattle.

7        Cram, in his Top. Mem., 90, says that Haller attacked the Indians with­out authority from his commanding officer, quoting from Raines’ official address to the Yakimas to prove it, which runs as follows: ‘I sent this hand­ful of soldiers into your country to inquire into the facts of the murder of Indian agent Bolon; it was not expected that they should fight you,’ Haller, in his report, says he was attacked, and Haines’ reproof of the Yakimas shows that he was. No other version was ever given until Cram undertook to vindicate the course of Gen, Wool.

wounded men. That night the troops lay upon their arms. In the morning the attack was renewed, the Indians endeavoring to surround Haller as he moved to a bold eminence at the distance of a mile. Here the troops fought all day without water and with little food. It was not until after dark that a messenger was de­spatched to The Dalles to apprise Raines of the situ­ation of the command and obtain reenforcements.

The cavalry horses and pack-animals, being by this time in a suffering state, were allowed to go free at night to find water and grass, except those necessary to transport the wounded and the ammunition. To­ward evening of the third day the troops moved down to the river for water, and not meeting with any resistance, Haller determined to fall back toward The Dalles with his wounded. The howitzer was spiked and buried, and such of the baggage and pro­visions as could not be transported was burned. The command was organized in two divisions, the advance under Haller to take care of the wounded, and the rear under Captain Russell to act as guard. In the dark­ness the guide led the advance off the trail, on discov­ering which Haller ordered fires to be lighted in some fir trees to signal to the rear his position, at the same time revealing it to the Indians, who, as soon as day­light came, swarmed around him on every side, fol­lowing and harassing the command for ten miles. On getting into the open country a stand was made, and Haller’s division fought during the remainder of the day, resuming the march at night, Russell failing to discover his whereabouts. When twenty-five miles from The Dalles Haller was met by Lieutenant Day of the 3d artillery with forty-five men, who, finding the troops in retreat, proceeded to the border of the Yakima country merely to keep up a show of activity on the part of the army. Lieutenant W. A. Slaughter with fifty men had crossed the Cascades by the Nachess pass, with the design of reenforcing Haller, but finding a large number of Indians in the field, and hearing that

Haller was defeated, prudently fell back to the west side of the mountains.

Such were the main incidents of Haller’s Yakima campaign, in which five men were killed, seventeen wounded, and a large amount of government property destroyed, abandoned, and captured.8 The number of Indians killed was unknown, but thought to be about forty.

Preparations for war were now made in earnest, both by the military and the citizens, though not without the usual attendant bickerings. A proclama- ation was issued, calling for one company to be en­rolled in Clarke county, at Vancouver, and one in Thurston county, at Olympia, to consist of eighty- seven men, rank and file, with orders to report to the commanding officers of Steilacoom and Vancouver, and as far as possible to provide their own arms and equipments. The estimated number of hostile Ind­ians in the field was 1,500. Application for arms was made by Mason through Tilton, the lately arrived surveyor-general, to Sterrett and Pease, commanders respectively of the sloop of war Decatur and the revenue-cutter Jefferson Davis, then in the Sound, and the request granted.

There was organized at Olympia the Puget Sound Mounted Volunteers, Company B, with Gilmore Hays as captain, James S. Hurd 1st lieutenant, William Martin 2d lieutenant, Joseph Gibson, Henry D. Cock„ Thomas Prather, and Joseph White sergeants; Joseph S. Taylor, Whitfield Kirtley, T. Wheelock, and John. Scott corporals—who reported themselves to Captain Maloney, in command of Fort Steilacoom, on the 20th, and on the 21st marched under his command for White River to reenforce Slaughter, quartermaster at Steila­coom, who had gone through the Nachess pass into the

8        A herd of cattle being driven out for the troops was captured. Two young men, Ives and Ferguson, escaped by flight and stratagem, suffering terribly from wounds and famine, one of them being two weeks in getting to The Dalles.

Hist. Wash.—8

hostile country with forty men, and had fallen back to the upper prairies, but who awaited the organization of an army of invasion to return to the Yakima country.

After due proclamation, Mason issued a commis­sion to Charles H. Eaton to organize a company of rangers, to consist of thirty privates and a comple­ment of officers.9 The company was immediately raised, and took the field on the 23d to act as a guard upon the settlements, and to watch the passes through the mountains. On the 22d a proclamation was issued calling for four companies, to be enrolled at Vancouver, Cathlamet, Olympia, and Seattle, and to hold themselves, after organizing and electing their officers, in reserve for any emergency which might arise. James Tilton was appointed adjutant-general of the volunteer forces of the territory, and Major Raines, who was about to take the field against the Yakimas, brigadier-general of the same during the continuance of the war. Company A of the Mounted Volunteers organized in Clarke county was com­manded by William Strong, and though numbering first, was not fully organized until after Company B had been accepted and mustered into the service of the United States. Special Indian agent B. F. Shaw, who took the place of Bolon, was instructed by Mason to raise a company and go and meet and escort back Governor Stevens. Several companies were raised in Oregon, as I have elsewhere related, J. W. Nesmith being placed in command, with orders to proceed to the seat of war and cooperate with Raines.

On the 30th of October Raines marched for the Yakima country, having been reenforced by 128 regu­lars and 112 volunteers from Washington, including Strong’s company of 63 and Robert Newell’s company

8The rangers were officered by C. H. Eaton, captain; James McAllister, Jamea Tullia, A. M. Poe, lieutenants; John Harold, Charles E. Weed, W. W. Miller, S. Phillips, sergeants; S. D. Rheinhart, Thomas Bracken, S. Hodgdon, James Hughes, corporals. Olympia Pioneer and Dem., Oct. 26,


of 35 men, making a force of about 700. On the 4th of November Nesmith, with four companies of Oregon volunteers, overtook Raines’ command, proceeding with it to the Simcoe Valley, where they arrived on the 7th. Little happened worth relating. There was a skirmish on the 8th, in which the Oregon vol­unteers joined with the regulars in fighting the Indians, who, now that equal numbers were opposed to them, were less bold. When it came to pursuit, they had fresh horses and could always escape.10 They were followed and driven up the Yakima, to a gap through which flows that stream, and where the heights had been well fortified, upon which they took their stand; but on being charged upon by the regu­lars, under Haller and Captain Augur, fled down the opposite side of the mountain, leaving it in possession of the troops,11 who returned to camp. The Indians showing themselves again on the 10th, Major Arm­strong of the volunteers, with the company of Captain Hayden and part of another under Lieutenant Hanna, passed through the defile and attempted to surround them and cut off their retreat; but owing to a mis­understanding, the charge was made at the wrong point, and the Indians escaped through the gap, scat­tering among the rocks and trees. On the 10th all the forces now in the Yakima country moved on toward the Ahtanahm mission, skirmishing by the way and capturing some of the enemy’s horses, but find­ing the country about the mission and the mission itself quite deserted. After a few more unimportant movements Nesmith proceeded to Walla Walla, to

10       Lieut Philip Sheridan, escorting Lieut R. S. Williamson of the topo­graphical engineers, who happened to be at Vancouver, was. present with a detatchment of dragoons, Rept of Major-General Raines to Adjt-General Thomas, in military archives at Vancouver. I will here remark, that every facility has been afforded me by the military department of Oregon for seeing and copying documents and reports. Special courtesy has been shown by generals Clark, Jeff. C. Davis, and 0. O. Howard, and their staff-ofneers, for which I here make my grateful acknowledgments.

11        In crossing the Yakima River two soldiers were drowned; and in a skirmish which the volunteers under Captain Cornelius had with the Indians, George Holmes of Clackamas county and Stephen Waymire of Polk county were wounded. Letter of Marion, Co. Volunteer, in Or. Statesman, Nov. 24,1855.

hold that valley against hostile tribes, while Raines, leaving his force to build a block-house on the south­ern border of the Yakima country, reported in person to General Wool, who had just arrived at Vancouver with a number of officers, fifty dragoons, 4,000 stand of arms, and a large amount of ammunition. Wool ordered the troops in Oregon to be massed at The Dalles to await his plan of operations, which, so far as divulged, was to establish a post at the Walla Walla to keep in check the other tribes while prosecuting war against the Yakimas. An inspection of the troops a,nd horses, however, revealed the fact that many of the soldiers were without sufficient clothing, and that few of their animals were fit for service. The quartermaster was then directed to procure means of transportation from the people of the Wil­lamette, but owing to the heavy drain made upon them in furnishing the volunteer force, wagons and horses were not to be had, and they were ordered from Benicia, California, and boats and forage from San Francisco. Before these could arrive the Columbia was frozen over, and communication with the upper country completely severed; but not before Major Fitzgerald with fifty dragoons from Fort Lane had arrived at The Dalles,12 and Keyes’ artillery company had been sent to Fort Steilacoom to remain in garri­son until the return of milder weather.

The ice remained in the lower Columbia but three weeks, and on the 11th of January, 1856, the mail- steamer brought despatches informing Wool of Indian disturbances in California and southern Oregon, which demanded his immediate return to San Francisco. While passing down the river he met Colonel George Wright, with eight companies of the 9th infantry regi­ment, to whom he assigned the command of the Colum­bia River district; and at sea he also met Lieutenant- Colonel Silas Casey, with two companies of the sain6

12       At the moment of Haller’s defeat Fitzgerald had been ordered to the Yakima country, but owing to troubles in southern Oregon, of which at the time Raines was not informed, was unable to obey the order at once.

regiment, whom he assigned to the command of the Puget Sound district.

Colonel Wright was directed to establish his head­quarters at The Dalles, where all the troops intended to operate in the upper country would be concentrated; and as soon as the ice was out of the river, and the season would permit, to establish a post in the neigh­borhood of Fort Walla Walla, and another at the fishery on the Yakima River, near the crossing of the road from Walla Walla to Fort Steilacoom ; and also an intermediate post between the latter and Fort Dalles, the object of the latter two posts being to pre­vent the Indians taking fish in the Yakima or any of its tributaries, or the tributaries of the Columbia. The oc­cupation of the country between the Walla Walla and Snake rivers, and on the south side of the Columbia, it was believed, would soon bring the savages to terms.

During this visit, as indeed on some other occasions both before and after, Wool did not deport himself as became a man occupying an important position. He censured everybody, not omitting Raines and Haller, but was particularly severe upon territorial officers and volunteers. He ordered disbanded the company raised by order of Mason to go to the relief of Governor Stevens returning from the Blackfoot country,13 although Raines put forth every argument to induce him to send it forward. This conduct of Wool was bitterly resented by Stevens, who quoted the expressions used by Wool in his report to the de­partments at Washington, and in a letter to the gen­eral himself.14 The effect of Wool’s course was to raise an impassable barrier between the regular and

13       Letter of Nesmith to Curry, Nov. 30, 1855, 111 Evans’ Military Organ­ization, 84; Dalles corr., Or. Statesman, Nov. 10, 1855.

uSen. Ex, Doc., 66, 45, 34th cong. 1st sess., Ind. aff. 34. Official van­ity and jealousy are said by James G. Swan to have been at the bottom of Wool’3 hostility to Stevens. According to Swan, Wool and Stevens met at the Rasette House in San Francisco in 1854, when Wool related an incident of the battle of Buena Vista, taking all the glory upon himself. Stevens reminded him that Taylor was chief in command and Wool second. The rebuke displeased Wool, who revenged himself when he found an opportu­nity. Letter in Olympia Transcript, May 9, 18G8.

volunteer officers, and to leave the conduct of the war practically in the hands of the latter.

Meanwhile affairs on the Sound were not altogether quiet. From the rendezvous at Nathan Eaton’s house, on the 24th of October, 1855, went nineteen rangers under Captain Charles Eaton to find Leschi, a Yakima-Nisqually chief, who was reported disaf­fected; but the chief was not at home. Encamping at the house of Charles Baden, Eaton divided his company and examined the country, sending Quarter­master Miller15 to Fort Steilacoom for supplies. While reconnoitring, Lieutenant McAllister and M. Connell,16 of Connell’s prairie, were killed, and the party took refuge in a log-house, where they defended themselves till succor came.

Elsewhere a more decisive blow was struck. As early as the 1st of October Porter had been driven from his claim at the head of White River Valley, and soon afterward all the farmers left their claims and fled to Seattle with their families, where a block-house was erected. Soon after the sloop of war Decatur anchored in front of Seattle, the commander offering his services to assist and defend the people in case of an occasion arriving; Acting-governor Mason, who had made a tour of White Valley without meeting any signs of a hostile demonstration, endeavoring to reassure the settlers, they thereupon returning to gather their crops, of which they stood much in need.

The Indians, who were cognizant of all these move­ments, preserved a deceitful quiet until Maloney and Hays had left the valley for the Yakima country, be­lieving that they were doomed to destruction, while the

15       W. W. Miller was a native of Ky, but had spent his youth in Mo. and

111., and came to Wash, in 1852, where he resided in Olympia to Jan. 24, 1876, when he died, at the age of 54. He was appointed surveyor of customs by the president, and quartermaster-general by Gov. Mason. In later years he was twiee mayor of Olympia, and was known as a successful man in busi­ness. He married a daughter of Judge MeFadden.

16       Connell was a discharged soldier, but a man of good reputation, and had been employed as mail carrier between Olympia and Steilacoom. Olympia Pioneer and Dem., Nov. 9, 1855.

inhabitants left behind were to become an easy prey. On the morning of the 28th, Sunday, they fell upon the farming settlements, killing three families of the immigration of 1854, H. H. Jones and wife, George E. King and wife, W. H. Brannan, wife and child, Simon Cooper, and a man whose name was unknown. An attack was made upon Cox’s place, and Joseph Lake wounded, but not seriously. Cox, with his wife and Lake, fled and escaped, alarming the family of Moses Kirkland, who also escaped, these being all the settlers who had returned to their homes. The attack occurred at eight o’clock in the morning, and about the same hour in the evening the fugitives arrived at Seattle, twenty-five miles distant. On the following morning a friendly Indian brought to the same place three children of Mr Jones, who had been spared, and on the same day C. C. Hewitt, with a company of volunteers, started for the scene of the massacre to bury the dead, and if possible, rescue some living.

That the settlers of the Puyallup below the cross­ing did not share the fate of those on White River was owing to the warning of Kitsap the elder,17 who, giving the alarm, enabled them to escape in the night, even while their enemies prowled about waiting for the dawn to begin their work of slaughter. From the Nachess River Captain Maloney sent despatches to Governor Mason by volunteers William Tidd and John Bradley, who were accompanied by A. B. Moses, M. P. Burns, George Bright, Joseph Miles, and A.

B.      Rabbeson. They were attacked at several points on the route, Moses18 and Miles10 losing their lives, and the others suffering great hardships.

17       Kitsap county was named after thi3 Indian.

18       A. Benton Moses waa born in Charleston, S. C. He enlisted as a volun­teer in the Mexieau war, serving under Seott and Taylor, being promoted to the rank of lieut. He served uuder Lt-eol Weller at Monterey and Marin, and afterward aa aide-de-camp to Gen. Childs. After the Mexican war he came to Cal., and went on an expedition against the southern Cal. Indians; and subsequently wa3 deputy to Col Jack Hays, sheriff of S. F., until his brother was appointed collector of the district of Puget Sound, when he ac­companied him to Washington.

19       Joseph Miles held the rank of lieut-col of the Thurston co. militia, and

In the interim, Captain Maloney, still in ignorance of these events, set out with his command to return to Steilacoom, whence, if desired, he could proceed by the way of The Dalles to the Yakima Valley. On reaching Connell’s prairie, November 2d, he found the house in ashes, and discovered, a mile away from it, the body of Lieutenant McAllister. On the morning of the 3d fifty regulars under Slaughter, with fifty vol­unteers under Hays, having ascertained the where­abouts of the main body, pursued them to the crossing of White River, where, being concealed, they had the first fire, killing a soldier at the start. The troops were unable to cross, but kept up a steady firing across the river for six hours, during which thirty or more Indians were killed and a number wounded. One soldier was slightly wounded, besides which no loss was sustained by the troops, regular or volunteer.

Maloney remained at Camp Connell, keeping the troops moving, for some days. On the 6th Slaughter with fifty of Hays’ volunteers was attacked at the crossing of the Puyallup, and had three men mortally wounded,20 and three less severely.

The officer left in command of Fort Steilacoom when Maloney took the field was Lieutenant John Nugen. Upon receiving intelligence of the massacre on White River, he made a call upon the citizens of Pierce county to raise a company of forty volunteers, who immediately responded, a company under Cap­tain W. H. Wallace reporting for service the last of October.

By the middle of November the whole country between Olympia and the Cowlitz was deserted, the

justice of the peace of Olympia. At the time of his death he had a contract for erecting the capitol at that place. He was a good citizen and useful man. Evans, in Olympia Pioneer and Deni., Nov. 9, 1855.

20       The shot that killed John Edgar passed through his lungs, and severely wounded Addison Perham of Pierce co. The third was a soldier named Kellett. Three others, Andrew Burge, Corporal Mogek, and one of the regu­lars, were also wounded severely. Rept Lieut John Nugen, in Wash. Mess. Gov., 1857, 188.

inhabitants, except the volunteers, comprising half the able-bodied men in the territory, having shut themselves up in block-houses, and taken refuge in the towns defended by home-guards.21

Special Indian agent Simmons published a notice on the 12th of November, that all the friendly Indians within the limits of Puget Sound district should ren­dezvous at the head of North Bay, Steilacoom, Gig Harbor, Nisqually, Yashon Island, Seattle, Port Orchard, Penn Cove, and Oak Harbor; J. B. Webber being appointed to look after all the encampments above Yashon Island; D. S. Maynard to look after those at Seattle and Port Orchard; R. C. Pay and N. D. Hill to take in charge those on Whidbey Island, as special agents. H. H. Tobin and E. C. Fitzhugh were also appointed special agents. The white inhab­itants were notified that it might become necessary to concentrate the several bands at a few points, and were requested to report any suspicious movements on the part of the Indians to the agents. By this means it was hoped to separate the friendly from the hostile Indians to a great extent, and to weaken the influence of the latter. At this critical juncture, also, Governor Douglas, of Yancouver Island, sent to Nis-

21       There were 22 block-houses or stockades erected by the settlers during the war, as follows: at Davis’, Skookum Chuck, Henness, near Mound prairie, on Tenalcut prairie, at Nathan Eaton’s, two on Chambers’ prairie, one at Bush’s, GoodeH's, Ruddell’s, Rutledge’s, two at Tnmwater, one at Doffle- meyer’s, one on Whidbey Isl., one at Port Gamble, one on the Cowlitz (Fort Arkausas), one on Mime prairie, one at Port Ludlow, one at Meigs’ Mill, two at the Cascades, one at Boisforcl prairie. Rept of W. W. De Lacy, capt. eng. W. T. V., in Wash. Mess. Oov., 1857, 55. Others were subsequently erected by the volunteers and troops, to the number of 35 by the former and 4 by the latter, or 62 in all. One at Cowlitz landing, French settlement near Cowlitz farm, Chehalis River, below the Skookum Chuck, Tenalcut plain (Fort Miller), Yelm prairie (Fort Stevens), Lowe’s, on Chambers’ prairie, two at Olympia, one at Packwood’s ferry (Fort Raglan), two at Mont­gomery’s crossing of the Puyallnp (Fort White), two at Connell’s prairie, two at crossing of White River, South prairie (Fort McAllister), on the Dwamish (Fort Lander), Lone Tree point, on the Snohomish (Fort Ebey), on the Snoqualimich below the falls (Fort Tilton), on the Snoqualimich above the falls (Fort Alden), Port Townsend, Wilson’s Point, Bellingham Bay, Skookum Chuck, Vancouver, Fourth prairie (near Vancouver), Washou- gal, Lewis River, Walla Walla (Fort Mason), Michel’s fork of Nisqually (Fort Preston), Klikitrt prairie, near Cowlitz. The regular companies built Fort Slaughter, on Muckleshoot prairie; Fort Maloney, on Puyallup river; Fort Thomas, on Green river; and a block-house on Black River. Id.

qually the Hudson’s Bay Company’s steamer Otter, an armed vessel, to remain for a time, and by her also fifty stand of arms and a large supply of ammunition to General Tilton, in compliance with a request for­warded by Acting-governor Mason, November 1st.

The volunteer forces called out or accepted having all reported for service, Captain Maloney arranged a campaign which was to force the friendly Indians upon their reserves, and to make known the lurking-places of their hostile brethren. Lieutenant Slaughter was directed to proceed with his company to White and Green rivers; Captain Hewitt, who was at Seattle with his volunteers, was ordered to march up White and Green rivers and place himself in communication with Slaughter; while Captain Wallace occupied the Puyallup Valley within communicable distance, and Captain Hays took up a position on the Nisqually River, at Muck prairie, and awaited further orders. Lieutenant Harrison, of the revenue-cutter Jefferson Davis, accompanied the expedition as first lieutenant to Slaughter’s command. Upon the march, which be­gan on the 24th of November, Slaughter was attacked at night at Bidding’s prairie, one mile from the Puy­allup, and sustained a loss of forty horses during a heavy fog which concealed the movements of the Ind­ians. On the morning of the 26th E. G. Price of Wal­lace’s company, while attending to camp duty, was shot and killed by a lurking foe. The chiefs who commanded in the attack on the night of the 25th were Kitsap and Kanascut of the Klikitats, Quiemuth and Klow- owit of the Nisquallies, and Nelson of the Green River and Niscope Indians. During two nights that the troops were encamped on this prairie the Indians continually harassed them by their yells, and by crawling up out of the woods which surrounded the little plain, and under cover of the fog coming close enough to fire into camp in spite of the sentries, who discharged their pieces into the surrounding gloom without effect. Being reenforced on the 26th with

twenty-five men of the 4th artillery, just arrived at Fort Steilacoom, Slaughter divided his force, Wal­lace’s company encamping at Morrison’s place, on the Stuck, where they remained making sorties in the neighborhood, while the main command were occupied in other parts of the valley, no engagement taking place, as the Indians kept out of way in the day-time, which the heavy forest of the Puyallup bottoms ren­dered it easy to do.

Thus passed another week of extremely disagreeable service, the weather being both cold and rainy. On the 3d of December Lieutenant Slaughter, with sixty men of his own command and five of Wallace’s, left Morrison’s for White River, to communicate with Captain Hewitt, and encamped at the forks of White and Green rivers, on Brannan’s prairie, taking posses­sion of a small log house left standing, and sending word to Hewitt, who was encamped two or three miles below, to meet him there. While a conference was being held, about seven o’clock in the evening of the 4th, the troops permitting themselves a fire beside the door to dry their sodden clothing, the Indians, guided by the light, sent a bullet straight to the heart of Slaughter, sitting inside the doorway, who died without uttering a word. They then kept up a con­tinuous firing for three hours, killing two non-com­missioned officers, and wounding six others, one mor­tally.22 Nothing that had occurred during the war cast a greater gloom over the community than the death of the gallant Slaughter.

Captain E. D. Keyes, whom Wool had left in com­mand at Fort Steilacoom, now notified Mason that it was found necessary to withdraw the troops from the field, as the pack-horses were worn down, and many of the men sick. This announcement put an end for the

22The officers killed were Corporal Barry, 4th inf., Cor. Clarendon of Wallace’s co.; mortally wounded, an artilleryman of Keyes’ co.; and severely wounded, privates Beck, Nolan, McMahon, and Grace. Olympia Pioneer and Dem.y Dec. 14, 1855. Slaughter’s remains were taken down White River to Seattle, and sent to Steilacoom, where was his family.

time to active operations against the Indians, and the troops went into garrison at such points as promised to afford the best protection to the settlers, while the volunteers remained at places where they might assist, waiting for the next turn in affairs.

The snow being now deep in the mountain passes, communication with the Indians east of the Cascades was believed to be cut off; and as the Indians west of the mountains had ceased to attack, there seemed nothing to do but to wait patiently until spring, when General Wool had promised to put troops enough into the field to bring the war to a speedy termination. Thus matters moved along until the companies mus­tered into the service of the United States on the Sound were disbanded, their three months’ time hav­ing expired.

For several weeks the citizens of Seattle had been ' uneasy, from the belief that the friendly Indians gath­ered near that place were being tampered with by Leschi. About the 1st of January, 1856, it was dis­covered that he was actually present at the reserve, making boasts of capturing the agent; and as the authorities very much desired to secure his arrest, Keyes secured the loan of the Hudson’s Bay Com­pany’s steamer Beaver, and sent Maloney and his com­pany to seize and bring him to Fort Steilacoom. But as the Beaver approached the shore to effect a landing, Leschi drew up his forces in battle array to meet the troops, who could only land in squads of three or four from a small boat. Finding that it would not be safe to expose his men in such a manner, and having no cannon to disperse the Indians, Maloney was com­pelled to return to Steilacoom without accomplishing the object of the expedition.

Keyes then determined to make another effort for the capture of Leschi, and embarking for Seattle in the surveying steamer Active, James Alden command­ing, endeavored to borrow the howitzer and launch of the Decatur, which was refused by the new commander,

Gansevoort, upon the ground that they were essential to the protection of the town, and must not go out of the bay. Keyes then returned up the Sound to pro­cure a howitzer from the fort, when Leschi, divining that his capture had been determined upon, withdrew himself to the shades of the Puyallup, where shells could not reach him.

Captain Gansevoort took command of the Decatur on the 10th of December, 1855, three days after she had received an injury by striking on a reef, then un­known, near Bainbridge Island, and it became neces­sary to remove her battery on shore while repairing her keel, a labor which occupied nearly three weeks, or until January 19th, when her guns were replaced. Very soon after a young Dwamish, called Jim, noti­fied Gansevoort that Indians from the east side of the mountains, under Owhi, had united with those on the west side under Coquilton, with the design of dividing their forces into two columns, and making a simulta­neous attack on Steilacoom and Seattle, after destroy­ing which they expected to make easy work of the other settlements.

The plan might have succeeded as first conceived, Hewitt’s company being disbanded about this time, and the Decatur being drawn up on the beach; but some Indian scout having carried information of the condition of the man-of-war to the chiefs, it was de­cided that the capture of the ship, which was supposed to be full of powder, would be the quickest means of destroying the white race, and into this scheme the so-called friendly Indians had entered with readiness.

Gansevoort, feeling confident that he could rely upon Jim’s statement, prepared to meet the impend­ing blow. The whole force of the Decatur was less than 150 men and officers. Of these a small company was left on board the ship, while 96 men, eighteen mariners, and five officers did guard duty on shore.

Seattle at this time occupied a small peninsula

formed by the bay in front, and a wide and deep swamp at the foot of the heavily wooded hills behind. The connection of the peninsula with the country back was by a narrow neck of land at the north end of the town, and the Indian trail to lakes Washington and Union came in almost directly opposite Yesler’s mill and wharf, where a low piece of ground had been filled in with sawdust. The only other avenue from the back country was by a narrow sand-spit on the south side of the Marsh, which was separated from the town only by a small stream. Thus the longer line of defence was actually afforded by the swamp, and the points requiring a guard were those in front of the sand-spit and the lake trail; and it was thus that Gansevoort disposed of his force, three divisions being placed to guard the southern entrance, which was most exposed, and one directly across the northern trail.

For two nights guard had been maintained, when on the 24th the Active reappeared at Seattle, having on board Captain Keyes, Special Agent Simmons, and Governor Stevens, just arrived from east of the moun­tains after his escape from the hostile combination in that country. It does not appear in the narratives whether or not they had a howitzer on board. Leschi, at all events, had already left the reservation. Next day the Active proceeded down the Sound to visit the other reservations, and learn the condition and temper of the Indians under the care of agents, and Captain Gansevoort continued his system of guard-posting.

On the beach above Yesler’s mill, and not far from where the third division, under Lieutenant Phelps, was stationed, was the camp of a chief of the Dwa­mish tribe, known to the white settlers as Curley, though his proper name was Suequardle, who pro­fessed the utmost friendship for his civilized neigh­bors, and was usually regarded as honest in his pro­fessions, the officers of the Decatur reposing much, confidence in him. On the afternoon of the 25th


a,      Horth Bloelc House.

b.      Mi's. Holgate’s House.

0.      Yesler’s Mill,

d.      Y esler’s House.

e.      Madame Damnable,

f.       Plummer’s House.

g.      Plummer’s Hen House.

h.      Howitzer.

1.       South Block House. k. Tom Pepper’s House.

I. Esplanade House.

m. Yeslers Wharf. n. Baiiicades.

Attack on Seattle.

another chief from the lake district east of Seattle, called Tecumseh, came into town with all his people, claiming protection against the hostile Indians, who, he said, threatened him with destruction should he not join them in the war upon the settlers. He was kindly received, and assigned an encampment at the south end of town, not far from where the first, sec­ond, and fourth divisions were stationed, under lieu­tenants Drake, Hughes, and Morris, respectively.

At five o’clock in the afternoon the Decatur crew repaired to their stations, and about eight o’clock Phelps observed, sauntering past, two unknown Ind­ians, of whom he demanded their names and purpose, to which they carelessly answered that they were Lake Indians, and had been visiting at Curley’s encamp­ment. They were ordered to keep within their own lines after dark, and dismissed. But Phelps, not being satisfied with their appearance, had his suspicions still further aroused by the sound of owl-hootings in three different directions, which had the regularity of sig­nals, and which he decided to be such. This impres­sion he reported to headquarters at Yesler’s house, and Curley was despatched to reconnoitre. At ten o’clock he brought the assurance that there were no Indians in the neighborhood, and no attack need be apprehended during that night.

Two hours after this report was given, a conference was held at Curley’s lodge, between Leschi, Owhi, Tecumseh, and Yark-Keman, or Jim, in which the plan was arranged for an immediate attack on the town, the ‘friendly’ Indians to prevent the escape of the people to the ships in the bay,23 while the warriors, assembled to the number of more than a thousand in the woods which covered the hills back of town, made the assault. By this method they expected to be able to destroy every creature on shore between two o’clock and daybreak, after which they could attack the vessels.

S3 The bark Brontes was lying opposite the south end of the town.

Fortunately for the inhabitants of Seattle and the Decatur’s crew, Jim was present at this council as a spy, and not as a conspirator. He saw that he needed time to put Gansevoort on his guard, and while pre­tending to assent to the general plan, convinced the other chiefs that a better time for attack would be when the Decatur’s men, instead of being on guard, had retired to rest after a night’s watch. Their plans being at length definitely settled, Jim found an oppor­tunity to convey a warning to the officers of the De­catur. The time fixed upon for the attack was ten o’clock, wrhen the families, who slept at the block­house, had returned to their own houses and were de­fenceless, “with the gun standing behind the door,” 24 as the conspirators, who had studied the habits of the pioneers, said to each other.

During the hours between the conference at Cur­ley’s lodge and daylight, the Indians had crept up to the very borders of the town, and grouped their ad­vance in squads concealed near each house. At 7 o’clock the Decatur’s men returned to the ship to breakfast and rest. At the same time it was observed by Phelps that the non-combatants of Curley’s camp were hurrying into canoes, taking with them their property. On being interrogated as to the cause of their flight, the mother of Jim, apparently in a great fright, answered in a shrill scream, “Hiu Klikitat copa Tom Pepper’s house! hi-hi-hiu Klikitatl”—that is to say, “There are hosts of Klikitats at Tom Pep­per’s house,” which was situated just at the foot of the hills where the sand-spit joined the mainland, and which was within range of Morris’ howitzer.

Instead of being allowed to breakfast, the men were immediately sent ashore again, and given leave to get what rest they could in the loft of Yesler’s mess-house, where refreshments were sent to them, while Captain Gansevoort ordered a shell dropped into Tom Pepper’s

21 Hanford's Ind. War, MS., 9-16; Yesler’s Wash. Ter., MS., 9-11; Phelps’ Rem. Seattle, 6-14.

Hist. Wash.—9

house, to make the Indians show themselves if there. The effect was all that could have been anticipated. The boom of the gun had not died away when the blood-curdling war-whoop burst from a thousand stentorian throats, accompanied by a crash of mus­ketry from the entire Indian line. Instantly the four divisions dashed to their stations, and the battle was begun by Phelps’ division charging up the hill east of Yesler’s mill, while those at the south end of town were carrying on a long-range duel across the creek or slough in that quarter. Those of the citizens who were prepared also took part in the defence of the place. Astonished by the readiness of the white men and the energy of the charge, the Indians were driven to the brow of the hill, and the men had time to re­treat to their station before the enemy recovered from their surprise.

Had not the howitzer been fired just when it was, in another moment the attack would have been made without warning, and all the families nearest the ap­proaches butchered before their defenders could have reached them; but the gun provoking the savage war- cry betrayed their close proximity to the homes of the citizens, who, terrified by the sudden and frightful clamor, fled wildly to the block-house, whence they could see the flames of burning buildings on the outskirts. A lad named Milton Holgate, brother of the first settler of King county, was shot while stand­ing at the door of the block-house early in the action, and Christian White at a later hour in another part of the town. Above the other noises of the battle could be heard the cries of the Indian women, urging on the warriors to greater efforts; but although they continued to yell and to fire with great persistency, the range was too long from the points to which the Decaturs guns soon drove them to permit of their doing any execution; or if a few came near enough to hit one of the Decaturs men, they were much more likely to be hit by the white marksmen.

About noon there was a lull, while the Indians rested and feasted on the beef of the settlers. Dur­ing this interval the women and children were taken on board the vessels in the harbor, after which an at­tempt was made to gather from the suddenly deserted dwellings the most valuable of the property contained in them before the Indians should have the opportu­nity, under the cover of night, of robbing and burning them. This attempt was resisted by the Indians, the board houses being pierced by numerous bullets while visited for this purpose; and the attack upon the town was renewed, with an attempt on the part of Coquilton to bear down upon the third division in such numbers as to annihilate it, and having done this, to get in the rear of the others. At a precon­certed signal the charge was made, the savages plung­ing through the bushes until within a few paces be­fore they fired, the volley delivered by them doing no harm, while the little company of fourteen marines met them so steadily that they turned to shelter themselves behind logs and trees, in their character­istic mode of fighting. Had they not flinched from the muzzles of those fourteen guns—had they thrown themselves on those few men with ardor, they would have blotted them out of existence in five minutes by sheer weight of numbers. But such was not to be, and Seattle was saved by the recoil.

As if to make up for having lost their opportunity, the Indians showered bullets upon or over the heads of the man-of-war’s men, to whose assistance during the afternoon came four young men from Meigs’ mill, the ship’s surgeon, Taylor, and two others, adding a third to this command, besides which a twelve-pounder field-gun was brought into position on the ground, a discharge from which dislodged the most troublesome of the enemy in that quarter.

In the midst of the afternoon’s work, Curley, who had been disappointed so far of his opportunity to make himself a place in history, and becoming excited

by the din of battle, suddenly appeared upon the scene, arrayed in fighting costume, painted, armed with a musket and a bow in either hand, which he held ex­tended, and yelling like a demon, pranced oddly about on the sawdust, more ludicrous than fear-inspiring, until, having exhausted some of his bravado, he as suddenly disappeared, thus giving testimony that his friendship for the white race was no greater than his courage.

This defiance of his quondam friends came from anticipating an occasion to distinguish himself at a later hour of the day. Toward evening the assailing Indians were discovered placing bundles of inflam­mable materials under and about the deserted houses, preparatory to a grand conflagration in the evening, by the light of which the Indians on the reservation and those in the two camps on the beach at Seattle were to assist in attacking and destroying the block­house with its inmates. This information, being gathered by scouts, was brought to Gansevoort in time, who resorted to shelling the town as a means of dis­persing the incendiaries, which proved successful, and by ten o’clock at night firing had ceased on both sides.

Shells had much more influence with the savages than cannon-balls; for they could understand how so large a ball might fell a tree in their midst, but they could not comprehend how a ball which had alighted on the ground, and lain still until their curiosity prompted an examination, should 'shoot again’ of it­self with such destructive force.25 What they could not understand must be supernatural, hence the evil spirits which they had invoked against the white people had turned against themselves, and it was use­less to resist them. In short, they felt the heavy hand of fate against them, and bowed submissive to its decree. When the morning of the 27th dawned

25 No report of the number of Indians killed ever appeared, nor could it be known. It is probable, however, that many were killed and carried off by their friends. Numerous guesses have been made, varying from 10 to 50.

the hostile force had disappeared, taking what cattle they could find; “the sole results,” says Phelps, whom

I        have chiefly followed in the narration of the attack on Seattle, “of an expedition which it had taken months to perfect, and looking to the utter annihi­lation of the white settlers in that section of the country.” I have it from the same authority that news of the attack was received at Bellingham Bay, a hundred miles distant, in seven hours from its com­mencement, showing the interest taken in the matter by the tribes all along the Sound. Their combination was to depend upon the success of the movement by Leschi and Owhi, and it failed; therefore they con­cealed their complicity in it, and remained neutral.

Leschi, however, affected not to be depressed by the reverse he had sustained, but sent a boastful message to Captain Gansevoort that in another month, when he should have replenished his commissary depart­ment, he would return and destroy Seattle. This seeming not at all improbable, it was decided to erect fortifications sufficiently ample to prevent any sudden attack; whereupon H. L. Yesler contributed a cargo of sawed lumber with which to erect barricades be­tween the town and the wooded hills back of it. This work was commenced on the 1st of February, and soon completed. It consisted of two wooden walls five feet in height and a foot and a half apart, filled with earth and sawdust solidly packed to make it bullet-proof.28 A second block-house was also erected on the summit of a ridge which commanded a view of the town and vicinity, and which was armed with a rusty cannon taken formerly from some ship, and a six-pounder field-piece taken from the Active, which returned to Seattle on hearing of the attack. An esplanade was constructed at the south end of the town, in order to enable the guns stationed there to sweep the shore and prevent approach by the enemy from the water-front; clearing and road-building being carried

26 Yesler’a Wash. Ter., MS., 9.

on to make the place defensible, which greatly im­proved its appearance as a town.  _

On the 24th of February, 1856, the United States steamer Massachusetts arrived in the Sound, com­mander Samuel Swartwout assuming the direction of naval matters, and releasing the Active from de­fensive service at Seattle, where for three weeks her crew under Johnson had assisted in guarding the barricades. About a month later another United States steamer, the John Hancock, David McDougall commander, entered the Sound, making the third man-of-war in these waters during the spring of 1856. The Decatur remained until June. In the mean time Patkanim had stipulated with the territorial author­ities to aid them in the prosecution of the war against the hostile tribes. For every chief killed, whose head he could show in proof, he was to be paid eighty dollars, and for every warrior, twenty. The heads were delivered on board the Decatur, whence they were forwarded to Olympia, where a record was kept.27

In April a large body of Stikines repaired to the waters of the gulf of Georgia, within easy distance of the American settlements, and made their sorties with their canoes in any direction at will. On the 8th the John Hancock, being at Port Townsend, ex­pelled sixty from that place, who became thereby much offended, making threats which alarmed the inhabitants, and which were the occasion of a public meeting on the following day to request the governor and Commander Swartwout to send a war-steamer to cruise between Bellingham Bay and the other settle­ments on the lower Sound and Fuca Sea.28 During

27       Phelps describes Patkanim as he returned from Olympia with his com­pany after being paid off, in April, ‘arrayed in citizen’s garb, including congress gaiters, white kid gloves, and a white shirt with standing collar reaching half-way up his ears, and the whole finished off with a flaming red necktie.5 Patkanim had 80 warriors of the Snoqualimich and Skokomish tribes, and was assisted by a chief called John Taylor.

28       Olympia Pioneer and Dem., April 25, 1856. I find in the journal kept by W. S. Ebey, who lived on Whidbey Island, frequent reference to the depredations of the northern Indians. They visited the island on the morn­ing of Jan. 19th, committing a number of thefts, taking the property of settlers,

the whole summer a feeling of insecurity and alarm prevailed, only alleviated by the cruising of the men-of- war. That they still infested these waters at mid­summer is shown by the account of Phelps of the departure of the Decatur from the Sound in June, which he says was “escorted by our Indian friends, representatives from the Tongas, Hydah,Stickene, and Shineshean tribes,” until abreast of Victoria. They were glad to see the vessel depart.

In October a small party of Stikines attacked a small schooner belonging to one Valentine, killing one of his crew in an attempt to board the vessel, and severely wounding another. They were pursued by the Massachusetts, but escaped. At the same time other predatory detachments of a large party landed at different points, robbing the houses temporarily vacated by the owners, and not long afterward visited the Indian reservation near Steilacoom and carried off the potatoes raised by the reserve Indians. At the second visit of the robbers to the reservation, the Nisquallies killed three of the invaders, in conse­quence of which much alarm existed.

Swartwout then determined to drive them from the Sound, and overtaking them at Port Gamble on the 20th, found them encamped there in force. Wish­ing to avoid attacking them without sufficient appar­ent provocation, he sent a detachment under Lieu­tenant Young in a boat to request them to leave the Sound, offering to tow their canoes to Victoria, and in­viting a few of the principal chiefs to visit the ship. To these proposals they returned insolent answers, ges­ticulating angrily at the officers and men, challenging them to come ashore and fight them, which Young was forbidden to do.

and also artieles belonging to the revenue-cutter Rival. Ebey mentions that in Feb. the people on the mainland were apprehensive of an attack, and were collecting at Bellingham Bay, where a company was organizing for defence. The Chimaknms near Port Townsend fled to the island for protection from the northern Indians, of whom they were much afraid. E bey's Journal, MS., iii, 226-9, 253-4, 255; Ballous Adventures, MS., 16.

A second and larger expedition was fitted out to make another attempt to prevail upon the Indians to depart, by a display of strength united with mildness and reason, but with no better effect, the deputation being treated with increased contempt. The whole of the first day was spent in useless conciliation, when, finding his peaceable overtures of no avail, Swartwout drew the Massachusetts as close as possible to their encampment, and directly abreast, and stationed the Traveller, a small passenger-steamer running on the Sound at this time,29 commanded for this occasion by Master’s mate Cummings, with the launch of the Massa­chusetts commanded by Lieutenant Forrest, both hav­ing field-pieees on board,above the Indian encampment, where their guns would have a raking fire upon it. Early in the following morning Lieutenant Semmes was ordered to take a flag of truce and reiterate his demand of the day before, pointing out to the Indians the preparations made to attack them, and the folly of further resistance. They were still determined to defy the power which they underrated because it appeared suppliant, and preparations were made for charging them and using the howitzer, which was carried on shore by the men in the launch wading waist-deep in water. Even after the landing of the men and gun they refused to consider any propositions looking to their departure, but retired to the cover of logs and trees with their arms, singing their war- songs as they went.

When there could no longer be any doubt of their warlike purpose, an order was given to fire the Travel­lers field-pieces, which were discharged at the same instant that a volley blazed out of the muzzles of sixty guns in the hands of the Indians. The ship’s battery

29       J. G. Parker owned the Traveller. It wag a small iron steamer, which in 1855 was shipped from S. F. on the brig J. B. brown, and run for two years carrying the mail. It was afterward sold to Capt. Horton, who chartered it to the Indiau department, and was lost at Foulweather Bluff. Parker continued in the steamboat business, and ran the Messenger for some time between Olympia and Seattle. In his Puget Sound, MS., 6-14, is a his­tory of early steamboating, complete and valuable.

was then directed against them, and under cover of the guns, the marines and sailors on shore, led by Forrest and Semmes, charged the Indian encamp­ment situated at the base of a high and steep hill surrounded by a dense undergrowth and by a living and dead forest almost impenetrable. The huts and property of the Indians were destroyed, although a desperate resistance was made, as futile as it was determined. After three hours the detachment re­turned 011 board ship, firing being kept up all day whenever an Indian was seen. During the afternoon a captive woman of the Stikines was sent on shore to offer them pardon, 011 condition that they would surrender and go to Victoria on the Massachusetts, their canoes being destroyed; but they answered that they would fight as long as one of them was left alive. However, on the morning of the 22d the chiefs made humble overtures of surrender, saying that out of 117 fighting men 27 had been killed and 21 wounded, the rest losing all their property and being out of provisions. They were then received on board the Massachusetts, fed, and carried to Victoria, whence their passage home was assured.

Swartwout in his report to the navy department expressed the conviction that after this severe chas­tisement the northern Indians would not again visit the Sound. In this belief he was mistaken. On the night of the 11th of August, 1857, they landed on Whidbey Island, went to the house of I. N. Ebey, shot him, cut off his head, robbed the premises, and escaped before the alarm could be given. This was done, it was said, in revenge for the losses inflicted by the Massachusetts, they selecting Ebey because of his rank and value to the community.30

30       Ebey was in his house on the island with his wife, his three ehildren, and George W. Corliss and wife. At one o’clock he was awakened by the bark­ing of dogs, and going to the door, opened it. The other inmates of the house heard two shots fired, and soon after Mrs Ebey saw her husband at the win­dow of her room with his hand pressed to his head. She called to him to come in through the window, but he appeared not to hear or understand. Two other shots were then fired, when he fell. The Indians being for the

Numerous depredations were committed by them, which nothing could prevent except armed steamers to cruise in the Fuca strait and sea.31 Expeditions to the Sound were made in January, and threats that they would have five heads before leaving it, and among others that of the United States inspector at San Juan Island, Oscar Olney. They visited the Pattle coal mine at Bellingham Bay, where they killed two men and took away their heads. They visited Joel Clayton, the discoverer of the Mount Diablo coal mines of California, living at Bellingham Bay in 1857, who narrowly escaped, and abandoned his claim on account of them.32 Several times they reconnoitred the block-house at that place, but with­drew without attacking. These acts were retaliatory of the injury suffered in 1856.33

moment busy with their victim, Mrs Corliss sprang out of the window, which opened on a piazza, followed by Mrs Ebey and the children, and a moment after by Corliss, who had remained to hold fast the door between them and the hall of the house which the Indians were entering. He then retreated through the window, and fleeing to the woods, all escaped the bullets sent after them in the darkness. Mrs Corliss, who was a daughter of Judson, who settled on Commencement Bay ill 1853, ran to the house of R. C. Hill, over half a mile away, and gave the alarm. Believing that a descent of the northern Indians upon the settlements of the lower sound, such as they had long dreaded, had been begun, the women and children were hurriedly gathered at the house of Harmon, and preparations made for defence. When daylight came the murderers were gone, and with them the head of Ebey, from which they took the scalp, afterward recovered by the H. B. Co., and placed iu possession of his niece, Mrs Almira N. Enos of S. F. Victoria Gazette, Nov. 4, 1858; Puget Sound Herald, Dec. 9, 1859; Ebey’s Journal, MS., vi. 282; H. Ex. Doc., 39, 11-12, 35th cong. 1st sess.; Overland Monthly,

xi.     205.

31 As early as January following the chastisement given by the Massa­chusetts, these Indians visited the Sound. At Whidbey Island they created so much alarm that a company of 35 men was organized in April, with R. V. Peahody captain and George W. Beam and C. C. Vail lieutenants, to defend the settlements. Ebey’s Journal, MS., v. 29. In May several families aban­doned their houses through fear of them. In June 1858 they attacked a party of miners six miles from Whatcom, killing all but two, who cscaped. Several hundred dollars’ worth of goods were taken. Joseph Foster of Seattle was among the killed. Olympia Pioneer and Dem., June 18, 1858.

32Roder’s Bellingham Bay, MS., 22-4.

83 The various mounted volunteer companies engaged in war or defence during Mason’s administration were the following: Companies A, Capt. Wil­liam Strong, and B, Capt. Gilmore Hays, were mustered into the regular service and furnished their owu horses; companies E, Capt. Isaac Hays, F, Capt. B. S. Henness, K, Capt. John R. Jackson; Cowlitz Rangers, Capt. H. W. Peers, Lewis River Rangers, Capt. William Bratton, in the service of the territory, furnished their own horses; Stevens Guards, Capt. Higgins, were furnished horses by gov.; Spokane Invincibles, Capt. Yantis, horses partly furnished

Immediately on learning what had occurred in the Yakima country, in October 1855, Indian agent Olney, at The Dalles, hastened to Walla Walla in order, if possible, to prevent a combination of the Oregon Indians with the Yakimas, rumors being in circulation that the Cayuses, Walla Wallas, and Des Chutes were unfriendly. He found Peupeumoxmox encamped on the north side of the Columbia, a circum­stance which he construed as unfavorable, although by the terms of the treaty of Walla Walla the chief pos­sessed the right for five years to occupy a trading post at the mouth of the Yakima River, or any tract in possession for the period of one year from the rati­fication of the treaty, which had not yet taken place.34

Olney declared in his official communications to R. R. Thompson at this time, that all the movements of Peupeumoxmox indicated a determination to join in a war with the Yakimas. Thompson was not sur­prised, because in September he had known that Peupeumoxmox denied having sold the Walla Walla Yalley, and was aware of other signs of trouble with this chief.30

At this critical juncture the Hudson’s Bay Com­pany’s officers, McELinlay, Anderson, and Sinclair,

by gov. and partly by volunteers; Puget Sound Rangers, Capt. Charles Eaton, furnished their own horses; Nez Perce Volunteers, Capt. Spotted Eagle, furnished their own horses and equipments. Inf. companies: C, George B. Goudy, D, Capt. W. H. Wallaee (part of them mounted), G, Capt. W. A. S. MeCorekle, M, Capt. C. C. Hewitt, I, Capt. I. N. Ehey, J, Capt. A. A. Plummer, Nisqually Ferry guards, Serg. William Packwood. Adj.- Gen. Rept, in Wash. Mess. Gov., 1857. See also Roder's Bellingham Bay, MS.; Ebey's Journal, MS.; Morris' Wash. Ter., MS.; Ballou's Adv., MS.; Hanford’’s Ind. War, MS.; Yesler's Wash. Ter., MS.; Parker's Puget Sound, MS., passim.

31       Palmer, in H. Ex. Doc., 93, 22, 34th cong. 1st sess,; Ind. Aff. Rept, vol. 34.

Portland Times, Oct. 21, 1855. There were in all about 60 white men, women, and children in the country on the Walla Walla and Umatilla riv­ers. Lloyd Brooks, who came to Vancouver in 1849 as ehief clerk to quartermaster Captain Rufus Ingalls, was one. In 1853 he went to the Walla Walla Valley to raise eattle. U. S. Ev. If. B. Go. Claims, 127. He returned to Vancouver, married a daughter of Gen. E. Hamilton, ter. sec. under Gaines, and resided in Portland after 1862. Other Americans were Bromford, Noble, Vietor Trevitt, W. H. Barnhart, Wolf, and Whitney. There were, besides these, the H. B. Co.Js few people at the fort, and the French and half­breed settlers about the catholic mission of Father Cherouse, near Waiilatpu.

the latter in charge of the fort, in conference with Olney, decided to destroy the ammunition stored at Walla Walla to prevent its falling into the hands of the Indians; accordingly a large amount of powder and ball was thrown into the river, for which Olney gave an official receipt, relieving Sinclair of all re­sponsibility. He then ordered all the white inhab­itants out of the country, including Sinclair, who was compelled to abandon the property of the company contained in the fort,38 valued at $37,000, to the mercy of the Indians, together with a considerable amount of government stores left there by the Indian commissioners in June, and other goods belonging to American traders and settlers.

Colonel Nesmith, of the Oregon Mounted Volun­teers, on returning to The Dalles, reported against a winter campaign in the Yakima Valley, saying that the snow covered the trails, that his animals were broken down and many of his men frost-bitten and unfit for duty, so that 125 of them had been dis­charged and allowed to return to their homes. In the mean time the left column of the regiment had congregated at The Dalles, under Lieutenant-Colonel James K. Kelly, and Governor Curry ordered for­ward Major M. A. Chinn to Walla Walla, where he expected to meet Nesmith from the Yakima country.

On learning of the general uprising, while en route, Chinn concluded it impossible to enter the country, or form a junction with Nesmith as contemplated;

36       Evidence of William Charles, in H. B. Co. Ev. II. B. Co. Claims, 173. This was the end of the company’s occupation at Walla Walla, later known as Wallula. The end of their occupation of forts Hall and Bois6 occurred about the same time—Fort Bois6 a little earlier, and Fort Hall a little later. The Indians about the former post were imbittered, seeing the company’s agent on good terms with Major Haller and the American soldiers, and be­cause he refused to sell them ammunition. Fort Hall was abandoned because it could not, on account of the Indian hostilities, be communicated with in the usual way, which was by Walla Walla and Boise from Vancouver. ‘Our two expressmen, Boisclere and Desjardins, had been killed between Fort Hall and Walla Walla. I had orders from Chief Factor McTayish to have the company’s effects at Fort Hall, men and property, withdrawn to the Flathead post by a party sent from there for them, which was done, the active theatre of hostilities not being so much in the direct coarse of that party. ’ Angus McDonald, in H. B. Co. Ev. H. B. Co. Claims, 162.

hence he determined to fortify the Umatilla agency, whose buildings had been burned, and there await re­enforcements. Arriving there on the 18 th of No­vember, a stockade was erected and named Port Henrietta, after Major Haller’s wife. In due time Kelly arrived and assumed command, late reenforce­ments giving him in all 475 men.

With 339 men Kelly set forth for Walla Walla on the night of December 2d. On the way Peupeumoxmox was met at the head of a band of warriors displaying a white flag. After a conference the Indians were held as prisoners of war; the army marched forward toward Waiilatpu, and in an attack which followed the prisoners were put to death. Thus perished the the wealthy and powerful chief of the Walla Wallas.37

A desultory fight was kept up during the 7th and 8th, and on the 9th the Indians were found to have rather the best of it.8S On the 10th, however, Kelly was reenforced from Port Henrietta, and next day the Indians retired, the white men pursuing until night­fall. A new fortification was erected by Kelly, two miles above Waiilatpu, and called Port Bennett.

It was now about the middle of December, and Kelly, remembering the anxiety of Governor Curry to have him take his seat in the council, began to pre­pare for returning to civil duties. Before he could

37       Though coming to them under color of peace, it was charged upon the chief that he intended to entrap them. However this may have been, the vol­unteers, not content with putting so powerful an enemy out of the way, amused themselves that evening in camp by cutting off bits of his scalp as trophies; and when the scalp was entirely gone, the assistant surgeon of the regiment cut off his ears, and it was said that some of his fingers were takeu off. Parrish probably exaggerates somewhat when he says: ‘They skinned him from head to foot, and made razor-straps of his skin. ’ Or. Artec., MS., 87.

38Killed: Capt. Charles Bennett of Co. F, the same who was connected with James Marshall in the discovery of gold in Cal.; 2d Lieut J. M. Burrows, Co. H, Simon S. Van Hagerman, Co. I. Mortally wounded, who lived but a few hours: E. B. Kelsey, Co. A; Henry Crow and Casper Snook, Co. H; Joseph Sturdevant, Co. B; Jesse Flemming, Co. A. Dangerously wounded: Capt. Layton, and privates T. J. Payne, Nathan Fry, and F. Crahtree, Co. H; J. B. Gervias, Co. K. Severely wounded: Capt. A. V. Wilson, Co. A; Capt. L. Munson, Co. I; Ser.-Maj. Isaac Miller, Co. H; Private G. W. Smith, Co. B. Slightly wounded: Privates A. M. Addington, Co. H; Franklin Duval, Co. A. Evam, Or. Mil. Organization, 90. On the 9th and 10th, wounded, A. Shepard, Ira Allen, and John Smith. Estimated Ind. killed and wounded, i00.

leave the command he received intelligence of the resignation of Nesmith, and immediately ordered an election for coloncl, which resulted in the elevation to the command of Thomas R. Cornelius, and to the office vacated by himself of Davis Layton. The place of Captain Bennett was filled by A. M. Fellows, whose rank in his company was taken by A. Shepard, whose office fell to B. A. Barker. With this partial reorgan­. ization ended the brief first chapter in the volunteer campaign in the Walla Walla Valley.

On the evening of the 20th Governor Stevens entered the camp, having made his way safely through the hostile country, as related in the preceding chapter. His gratitude to the Oregon regiment was earnest and cordial, without that jealousy which might have been felt by him on having his terri­tory invaded by an armed force from another.39 He remained ten days in the Walla Walla Valley, and finding Agent Shaw on the ground, who was also colonel of the Washington militia, a company of French Canadians was organized to act as home-guards, with Sidney S. Ford captain, and Green McCafferty 1st lieutenant. Shaw was directed to have thrown up defensive works around the place already selected by Kelly as the winter camp of the friendly Indians and French settlers, and to protect in the same man­ner the settlers at the Spokane and Colville, while cooperating with Colonel Cornelius in any movement defensive or offensive which he might make against the Indians in arms. He agreed with the Oregon officers that the Walla Walla should be held by the volunteers until the regular troops were ready to take the field, and that the war should be prosecuted with vigor.

Before leaving Walla Walla, Governor Stevens ap­pointed William Craig his aid during the Indian war, and directed him to muster out of the service, on re­turning to their country, the sixty-nine Nez Percd

89 See Stevens’ Speech on the War Debt, May 13, 1858.

volunteers enrolled at Lapwai, with thanks for their good conduct, and to send their muster-rolls to the adjutant-general’s office at Olympia. Craig was di­rected to take measures for the protection of the Nez Perces against any incursions of the hostile Indians, all of which was a politic as well as war measure, for so long as the Nez Percds were kept employed, and flattered, with a prospect of pay in the future, there was comparatively little danger of an outbreak among them. Pleased with these attentions, they offered to furnish all the fresh horses required to mount the Oregon volunteers for the further prosecution of the campaign.

Kelly resigned and returned to Oregon, though afterward again joining his command. Stevens has­tened to Olympia, where he arrived the 19th of Jan­uary, finding affairs in a deplorable condition, all business suspended, and the people living in block­houses.40 He was received with a salute of thirty- eight guns.

The two companies under Major Armstrong, whom Colonel Nesmith had directed to scour the John Day and Des Chutes country, while holding themselves in readiness to reenforce Kelly if needed, employed themselves as instructed, their services amounting to little more than discovering property stolen from im­migrants, and capturing ‘friendly’ Indians who were said to be acting as go-betweens.

During the remainder of December the companies stationed in the vicinity of The Dalles made fre­quent sorties in the direction of the Des Chutes and John Day countries, and were thus occupied when Kelly resigned his command, who on returning to Oregon City was received with acclamations by the people, who escorted him in triumph to partake of a public banquet in his honor, regarding him as a hero

,0Rept of I. I. Stevens to the sec. war, in Sen. Ex. Doc., 66, 6-8, 34th cong. 1st sess.; Ind. Aff. Repl, vol. 34; Or. Argus, Jan. 12, 1856; Grover’s Pub. Life, MS., 58.

who had severed a dangerous coalition between the hostile tribes of southern Oregon then in the field and those of Puget Sound and northern Washington.

As many of the 1st regiment of Oregon Mounted Volunteers who had served in the Yakima and Walla Walla campaigns were anxious to return to their homes, Governor Curry issued a proclamation on the 6th of January, 1856, for a battalion of five com­panies to be raised in Linn, Marion, Yamhill, Polk, and Clackmas counties, and a recruit of forty men to fill up Captain Conoyer’s company of scouts, all to remain in service for three months unless sooner discharged. Within a month the battalion was raised, and as soon as equipped set out for Walla Walla, where it arrived about the first of March.

Colonel Cornelius, now in command, set out on the 9th of March with about 600 men to find the enemy. A few Indians were discovered on Snake River, and along the Columbia to the Yakima and Palouse, which latter stream was ascended eight miles, the army subsisting on horse-flesh in the absence of other provis­ions. Thence Cornelius crossed to Priest’s Rapids, and followed down the east bank of the Columbia to the mouth of the Yakima, where he arrived the 30th, still meeting few Indians. Making divers disposition of his forces, with three companies on the 31st Corne­lius crossed the Columbia, intending to march through the country of Kamiakin and humble the pride of this haughty chief, when he received news of a most star­tling nature. The Yakimas had attacked the settle­ments at the Cascades of the Columbia.

Early in March Colonel Wright, now in command at Vancouver, commenced moving his force to The Dalles, and when General Wool arrived in Oregon about the middle of the month, he found but three companies of infantry at Vancouver, two of which he ordered to Fort Steilacoom, a palpable blunder, when

it is recollected that there was a portage of several miles at The Cascades over which all the government stores, ammunition, and other property were compelled to pass, and where, owing to lack of transportation above, it was compelled to remain for some length of time, this circumstance offering a strong motive for the hostile Klikitats and Yakimas, whose territory adjoined, to make a descent upon it. So little atten­tion was given to this evident fact that the company stationed at The Cascades was ordered away on the 24th of March, and the only force left was a detach­ment of eight men, under Sergeant Matthew Kelly, of the 4th infantry, which occupied the block-house erected about midway between the upper and lower settlements, by Captain Wallen, after the outbreak in October.41 A wagon-road connected the upper and lower ends of the portage, and a wooden railway was partly constructed over the same ground, an im­provement which the Indian war had rendered neces­sary and possible. On Rock Creek, at the upper end of the portage, was a saw-mill, and a little below, a village of several families, with the store, or trading- house, of Bradford & Co. fronting on the river, near which a bridge was being built connecting an island with the mainland, and also another bridge on the railroad. At the landing near the mouth of Rock Creek lay the little steamer Mary, the consort of the Wasco, and the first steamboat that ran on the Co­lumbia between The Cascades and The Dalles. At the lower end of the portage lived the family of W. K. Kilborn, and near the block-house the family of George Griswold.

All that section of country known in popular phraseology as The Cascades, and extending for five miles along the north bank of the Columbia at the rapids, is a shelf of uneven ground of no great width between the river and the overhanging cliffs of the mountains, split in twain for the passage of the

41 Portland West Shore, January 1878, 72.

Hist. Wabh.—10         '

mighty River of the West. Huge masses of rock lie scattered over it, interspersed with clumps of luxu­riant vegetation and small sandy prairies. For the greater part of the year it is a stormy place, subject to wind, mist, snow, and rain, but sunny and delight­ful in the summer months, and always impressively grand and wild.

At half-past eight o’clock on the morning of the 26th of March, General Wool having returned to California and Colonel Wright having marched his whole force out from The Dalles, leaving his rear un­guarded, the Yakimas and Klikitats, having waited for this opportunity to sweep down upon this lonely spot, suddenly appeared at the upper settlement in force. The hour was early and the Mary had not yet left her landing, her crew being on their way to the boat. At the mill and the bridges men were at work, and a teamster was hauling timber from the mill.

Upon this scene of peaceful industry, in a moment of apparent security, burst the crack of many rifles, a puff of blue smoke from every clump of bushes alone revealing the hiding-places of the enemy, who had stationed themselves before daylight in a line from Rock Creek to the head of the rapids, where the workmen were engaged on the bridges. At the first fire several were wounded, one mortally. Then began the demoniacal scene of an Indian massacre, the whoops and yells of the attacking party, the shrieks of their victims as their hurried flight was inter­rupted by the rifle-ball, or their agonies were cut short by the tomahawk. At the mill, B. W. Brown, his wife, a girl of eighteen years, and her young brother were slain, scalped, and their bodies thrown into the stream. So well concerted and rapid was the work of destruction that it was never known in what order the victims fell. Most of the men at work on the bridges, and several families in the vicin­ity, escaped to Bradford’s store, which being con­

structed of logs afforded greater security than board houses.

It chanced that only an hour before the attack nine government rifles and a quantity of ammunition had been left at Bradford’s to be sent back to Van­couver. With these arms so opportunely furnished, the garrison, about forty in number, eighteen of whom were capable of defence, made preparations for a siege. The Indians, having taken possession of a bluff, or bench of land, back of and higher than the railroad and buildings, had greatly the advantage, be­ing themselves concealed, but able to watch every movement below.

In order to counteract this disadvantage, the stairs being on the outside of the building, an aperture was cut in the ceiling, through which men were passed up to the chamber above, where by careful watching they were able to pick off an Indian now and then. A few stationed themselves on the roof, which was reached in the same way, and by keeping on the river side were able to shelter themselves, and get an occasional shot.42 Embrasures were cut in the walls, which were manned by watchful marksmen, and the doors strongly barricaded.

While these defences were being planned and exe­cuted, James Sinclair of the Hudson’s Bay Company, who happened to be at The Cascades, the door being opened for an instant, was shot and instantly killed by the lurking enemy.43 A welcome sound was the ‘Toot, tootl’ of the Mary's whistle, now heard above the din of war, showing that the steamer had not been captured, as it was feared—for upon this de­pended their only chance of obtaining succor from The Dalles.

42       The first Indian killed was by Bush, who shot jnst as the savage was about to fire on Mrs Watkins, who was running to Bradford’s. Letter of L. W. Coe, in Historical Correspondence.

43       Sinclair became a, naturalized citizen of the United States in 1849. Congress in 1875, at the prayer of his widow, granted her a land claim of 040 acres in the Walla Walla Valley. U. S. Statutes, 1875-6, Priv. Acts, 3-4.

The escape of the Mary was indeed a remarkable episode in that morning’s transactions. Her fires were out, only a part of her crew on board, and the remain­der on their way to the landing, when the Indians fired the first volley. Those on shore were James Thompson, John Woodard, and James Herman. Holding a hurried consultation, Thompson and Woodard determined on an effort to save the boat, while Herman ran to the shelter of the woods and up the bank of the river. While hauling on the lines to get the boat out into the stream, the Indians pressed the two gallant men so closely that they were forced to quit their hold and seek the concealment of the neighboring thickets. The steamer was then attacked, the fireman, James Linsay, being shot through the shoulder; and the cook, a negro, being wounded, in his fright jumped overboard and was drowned. The engineer, Buckminster, having a revolver, shot an Indian, and the steward’s boy, John Chance, finding an old dragoon pistol on board, also despatched an Indian, firing from the hurricane-deck.

In the midst of these stirring scenes the steamer’s fires were started, and Hardin Chenoweth, going up into the pilot-house and lying flat upon the floor, backed the boat out into the river, though the wind was blowing hard down stream. It was at this moment of success that the Mary’s whistles, sharp and defiant, notified the people in the store that she was off to The Dalles for help, and which sustained their spirits through the many trying hours which followed. The boat picked up the families of "Vander- pool and Sheppard, who came out to her in skiffs, and also Herman of their own crew, after which she steamed rapidly up the river.

When the men on the bridges rushed into Brad­ford’s store three men were left upon the island, who afterward attempted to reach that refuge without being discovered by the Indians. Those on the look­out in the store could see that it was impossible, and

shouted to them to lie down behind the rocks. Find­lay, the first man admonished, obeyed. The Indians had now reached the island; and as Bailey, another workman who had not heard or not obeyed the caution, came running, he was mistaken for one of the enemy pursuing Findlay, and fired on, receiving a wound in the leg and arm. Both, however, sprang into the water; and although Bailey came near being carried over the falls, they reached the landing in front of the store and were hastily admitted. The third man, James Watkins, in attempting to follow, was discovered and shot through the arm. He dropped behind a rock, his friends shouting to him to lie still and they would rescue him; but they were not able to do so, and his wounds being too long neglected, he died.

In the mean time the mill, lumber-yard, and several houses had been burned, and the assailants endeavored to fire the store by projecting upon it brands of pitch- wood and hot irons. They also threw stones and mis­siles of various kinds to dislodge the men on the roof, but the distance from which these missiles were sent rendered them comparatively harmless, the occasional fire which took in the shingles being promptly ex­tinguished by brine from a pork-barrel carefully poured on with a tin cup, no water being obtainable.

In a few hours the want of water became a fresh source of torment. Of the forty persons shut up in the small compass of the lower story of the building, four were wounded, one dead, and the majority of the whole were women and children. The only liquids in the place were two dozen bottles of ale and a few bottles of whiskey, which were exhausted in the course of the day, and all were waiting impatiently for the cover of darkness to brine' some water from the river. But the Indians had reserved a new ware­house and some government property to be burned during the night to furnish light for their operations, and to prevent the escape of the besieged. In this extremity a Spokane, brought up by Mr Sinclair,

volunteered to procure the needed water. Strip­ping himself naked, he threw himself on the slide used for loading boats, and slipping down to the river, re­turned with a bucketful for the wounded. The second day and night were passed like the first, no more water being procured until the morning of the 28th, when, the fires of the enemy having died out, the Spokane again ventured to the river, and this time filled two barrels, going and coming with incredible swiftness. The steamer not yet having returned, and fears being entertained of her capture, the body of Sinclair was shoved down the slide into the river by the same faithful servant.

While these scenes were being performed at the upper Cascades, the people below were also experi­encing a share in the misfortunes of their neighbors. The first intimation of an attack at the block-house was hearing a few shots, and the shouts of men run­ning from above warning others. Five of the little garrison of nine were in the fort at that moment. Hastening down-stairs they found one of their com­rades at the door, shot through the hip. The em­brasures were opened, and the cannon run out and fired at the Indians, who could be seen on a hill in front. Immediately afterward the citizens came fleeing to the fort for protection, drawing the fire of the Indians, which was returned by the soldiers until all left alive were sheltered. Firing from both sides continued for four hours, when, seeing that the Indians were about to burn a large building, Sergeant Kelly again dispersed them with the cannon. Toward night a soldier who had been wounded near the block-house in the morn­ing made his way in and was rescued. During the night the Indians attempted to fire the block-house, without success, prowling about all night without do­ing much damage. During the forenoon of the 27th three soldiers made a sortie to a neighboring house, and returned safely with some provisions. In the

afternoon the cannon was again fired at a large party of Indians who appeared on the Oregon side of the river, which served the purpose of scattering them, when four of the soldiers and some of the citizens sallied out to bring in the dead and wounded, and to search the deserted houses for arms and ammunition.44

At the lower Cascades no lives were lost in the attack. On the morning of the 26th W. K. Kilborn, who owned and ran an open freight-boat on the Co­lumbia, walked up to the lower end of the portage railroad to look for a crew of the Cascade Indians to take his boat up the rapids to that point, but was met by a half-Spanish Indian boy whom he had known on French Prairie in the Willamette Valley, and who endeavored to show him that it was unsafe for him to be in the neighborhood, because the Yakimas and Klikitats had been about the lodges of the local Indians the night before. Kilborn took the lad with him to the office of Agent G. B. Simpson, close by, where he still persisted in imploring them to fly, telling them they were surrounded by hostile Indians on every side. At that instant came the boom of the cannon at the block-house above, and the half-breed darted down the road to give the alarm to the families below, followed by Kilborn, who was soon overtaken by a mounted man crying, “Run for your lives, they are fighting at the block-house I”45 On reaching his boat he found his family and that of Hamilton already on board, and instantly put off, a few men who had guns remaining to protect their property. As he was about to land for some purpose a short distance below, these men shouted to him, “Do not land; here they

44      The names of the garrison at the block-house were M. Kelly, Frederick Beman, Owen McManus, Lawrence Rooney (killed in the first attack), Smiley, Houser, Williams, Roach, and Sheridan; the latter four being those who went out to bring in the dead and wounded on the second day. Indian Hos­tilities in Oregon and Washington Territories, 11-12, being a compilation of correspondence on the subject transmitted to congress by the president of the U. S. in July 1856.

45       This was one of 3 carpenters at -work who ran for the block-house, overtook the oars on the way, cut the mules loose, aud mounting them, spreadi the alarm. Letter of L. W. Coe, in Historical Correspondence.

come!” and hearing the report of small arms, he kept on down the river, arriving at Vancouver before dark with the news of the outbreak.

In the mean time the men who had remained to protect their property were in a perilous situation. They at first entertained the idea of barricading the government wharf-boat, but having no ammunition, were obliged to abandon it. They remained on guard, however, until the Indians, having marauded their way down, began firing on them from the roof of a zinc house, which afforded a good position, when, find­ing it useless to remain longer, they pushed out into the river with, a schooner and some bateaux lying at

Upper, and Lower Cascades.

the landing, Thomas Pierce being wounded before attaining a safe distance, and proceeded down the river. Two men who at the first alarm fled to the mountains stole down at night and escaped in an old boat which they found at the landing to the south side of the river, where they lay hidden in the rocks until relief came.

When the news of the attack on The Cascades was received at Vancouver great consternation prevailed, it being reported that Vancouver was the objective

point of the Yakimas, and there were not men enough at that post to make a good defence after sending the succor demanded at The Cascades. As there had been no communication between the upper and lower towns, the extent of the injury done at the former place could only be conjectured. The commanding officer, Colonel Morris, removed the women and chil­dren of the garrison, the greater part of the ammu­nition, and some other property to the Hudson’s Bay Company’s fort for greater safety, while he refused arms to the captain of the volunteer home-guard,48 in obedience to the orders of General Wool.

At an early hour of the 27th the steamboat Belle was despatched to The Cascades, conveying Lieuten­ant Philip Sheridan with a detachment of the single company left by Wool at Vancouver. Meeting on the way the fugitives in the schooner and bateaux, they volunteered to return and assist in the defence of the place, and were taken on board the steamer. At ten o’clock the Belle had reached the landing at the lower end of the portage, stopping first on the Oregon side, where Sheridan and a part of his com­mand proceeded up the river on foot to a point opposite the upper town to reconnoitre, where he learned from the Cascade Indians the state of affairs at that place, and also that the block-house had been attacked. Sheridan returned and landed his men on the Washington side, despatching a canoe to Vancouver for more ammunition.

The Indians did not wait to be attacked. While the troops and howitzer were disembarking on a large sand island, Sheridan had two men shot down, and was compelled to retreat some distance from the cover of the Indians, the steamer dropping down in

461 take this statement from a correspondent of the Olympia Pioneer and Democrat of April 25, 1856, who says that Kelly of the volunteers went to the officer in command at that post, and requested to be furnished with arms, as all the arms in the county had gone to furnish a company in the field— Captain Maxon’s. ‘He was insulted—told to mind his own business.’ A few days later a consignment of arms from the east arrived, for the use of the territory, and the settlers were furnished from that supply.

company. A council of war was then held, and it was decided to maintain their ground, which was done with much difficulty, through the remainder of the day, the troops not being able to advance to the relief of the block-house, although the diversion created by the arrival of troops caused a lull in the operations of the Indians against that post.

A company of thirty men was raised in Portland on the evening of the 26th, by A. P. Dennison and Benjamin Stark, aids to Governor Curry, which was augmented at Vancouver by an equal number of volunteers, and proceeded to the lower Cascades in the steamer Fashion, arriving somewhat later than the Belle, and being unable to render any assistance, for the same reason which prevented the regular troops from advancing—too numerous an enemy in front. They landed, however, and sent the steamer back, which returned next day with forty more volun­teers, and a recruit of regulars, all eager for a fight.

The boat also brought a supply of ammunition from Vancouver, which being placed upon a bateau was taken up opposite the block-house where Sheri­dan intended to cover his men while they landed, with the howitzer. But just at this moment a new factor entered into the arrangement of the drama, which gave to all a surprise.

When the Mary arrived at The Dalles on the 26th, Colonel Wright had already moved from the post, and was encamped at Five-Mile Creek, so that informa­tion of the attack on the Cascades did not reach him before midnight. At daylight he began his march back to The Dalles, with 250 men, rank and file, and by night they were on board the steamers Mary and Wasco, but did not reach the Cascades before daylight of the 28th, on account of an injury to the steamer’s flues, through having a new fireman since the wound­ing of Lindsay on the 26th.

Just as the garrison in the store were brought to

the verge of despair, believing the Mary had been captured, not knowing of Sheridan’s arrival at the lower Cascades, having but four rounds of ammunition left, and having agreed among themselves, should the Indians succeed in firing the house, to get on board a government flat-boat lying in front of Bradford’s and go over the falls rather than stay to be butchered— at this critical moment their eyes were gladdened by the welcome sight of the Mary and Wasco, steaming into the semicircular bay at the mouth of Rock Creek, loaded with troops. A shout went up from forty persons, half dead with fatigue and anxiety, as the door of their prison was thrown open to the fresh air and light of day.

No sooner had the boats touched the shore than the soldiers sprang up the bank and began beating the bushes for Indians, the howitzer belching forth shot over their heads. But although the Indians had fired a volley at the Mary as she stranded for a few moments on a rock at the mouth of the creek, they could not be found when hunted, and now not a Ya­kima or Klikitat was to be seen.

Colonel Wright then organized a force, consisting of the companies of captains Winder and Archer, 9th infantry, and a detachment of dragoons under Lieu­tenant Tear, 3d artillery, with a howitzer under Lieu­tenant Piper, the whole under Colonel Steptoe, which was ordered to advance to the block-house and thence to the lower landing. Just at the moment when Sheridan was approaching the shore lined with hos­tile Indians, with the suspected Cascade Indians on an island on the other side of his bateau, and when the attention of the savages was divided between their morning meal and the approach of the soldiers, a bugle was heard in the direction of the upper Cas­cades, and Sheridan beheld descending a hill Steptoe’s column. The Indians being thus particularly notified of the army’s advance, the opportunity for a surprise was destroyed, and in another instant the enemy had

vanished out of sight like ants in a sand mound. One Indian only was killed by Steptoe’s command, and a soldier’s life paid for that. This tragedy ended with the execution of nine Indians concerned in the massacre.

After a few brushes with the enemy, Cornelius, leaving his command in the Klikitat Valley, went to Portland to confer with Governor Curry, when the northern regiment was disbanded, two companies be­ing organized out of it, one to serve in the Walla Walla country, and one in the Tyghe Valley, which latter force was increased to two companies in May. About the same time Colonel Wright marched through the Klikitat and Yakima country, but without effect­ing anything decisive.47

*1 Major, now Colonel, Granville Owen Haller has been too intimately connected wit'll the history of Washington for many years to be here dis­missed without further notice. He was born in York, Penn., Jan. 31, 1819, and educated in the private schools of the town. In 1839 he was an appli­cant for a scholarship at West Point, but on examination before a board of military officers at Washington, received a commission as 2d lieutenant, 4th IT. S. infantry, to date from Nov. 17, 1839. He served in the Indian terri­tory and Florida in 1840-41, and in the Mexican war in 1846. He was or­dered to the Pacific coast in 1852, arriving by sea in 1853, and being stationed at The Dalles until 1856. When the southern states seceded he was ordered east and placed in active service with the army of the Potomac. Upon Lee’s invasion of Pennsylvania, he was placed on the staff of Gen. Couch, and assigned to York and Adams counties to keep the general informed of the movements of the enemy. Soon after Lee’s defeat at Gettysburg, and while making out reports of the services performed by volunteers, and the expenses incurred, an order was sent Gen. Couch to relieve Major Haller, who on re­porting for orders found himself dismissed. This wrong, which was the work of an unknown enemy, was a painful blow to Haller. After many efforts to obtain a hearing he returned to Washington, settling at Coupeville on Whidbey Island. Here, after sixteen years of waiting for justice, he received tidings of a joint resolution by congress ordering a court of inquiry in his case. The court found that the dismissal was based on charges of disloyalty by a single officer, and not made by the president, but by the secretary of war. The testimony in the case, both of military and civil witnesses, completely refuted the charges, and the dismissal was pronounced wrongful, Major Haller being restored to the service with the rank of colonel, but the restoration of rank carried with it no back pay. Gen. Couch’s testimony was, “I do not think there were any fighting generals of the army of the Potomac, if they had been in York in the position of Major Haller, that could have done any better than he did. I thought so at the time, and I think so now.” Col Haller is now a resident of Seattle, and having passed his 63d year, is retired.

Col Haller is the author of a valuable MS. entitled Kamiakin in History, also of The San Juan Tmbrofflio, of which he knew more than any one. His wife was Miss Henrietta M. Cox of Baltimore, by whom he has five children, two daughters, and three sons.




Action of the Governor—Disposition op Forces—New Battalions— Plan-of Campaiqn—Battle of White River—On the Sound—Mar­tial Law—Fightino at John Day River and Grand Rond—East of the Cascade Ranoe—Stevens in the Hostile Country—Failure of his Council—Leschi’s Betrayal, Arrest, Trials, and Execution— Assassination of Quiemuth—Termination of Hostilities on the Sound—Result—War Debt—Clarke and Wrioht’s Campaiqn— Defeat of Steptoe—Battles of Four Lakes and Spokane Plains in the Yakima Country—Walla Walla Country Reopened.

When Governor Stevens returned to his capital from the Blackfoot country, he was to some extent deceived as to the perils which threatened the Puget Sound region. He approved of the energetic course of Mason, and advocated the vigorous prosecution of the war. But from what he had seen east of the Cas­cades, and from what he knew of the indolent habits of the tribes on the Sound, he was disposed to think the war was to be carried on in the Yakima and Walla Walla valleys rather than at home.

In a special message delivered extemporaneously to the legislative assembly, January 21, 1856, three days after arriving in Olympia, he recited the history of the war as he understood it. The people of the ter­ritory, he said, had urged upon congress the impor­tance to them of extinguishing the Indian title to the country. To this the Indians consented with appar­ent willingness. Being appointed a commissioner to treat with them, he had applied himself to the duty,


and successfully treated with the different tribes, ex­plaining to them with the most minute care the terms to which they had agreed. But the Indians had acted treacherously, inasmuch as it was now wTell known that they had long been plotting against the white race, to destroy it. This being true, and they having entered upon a war without cause, however he might sympathize with the restlessness of an inferior race who perceived that destiny was against them, he nevertheless had high duties to perform toward his own, and the Indians must be met and resisted by arms, and that without delay, for seed-time was com­ing, when the farmers must be at the plough. The work remaining to be done, he thought, was compara­tively small. Three hundred men from the Sound to push into the Indian country, build a depot, and op­erate vigorously in that quarter, with an equal force from the Columbia to prosecute the war east of the Cascades, in his opinion should be immediately raised. The force east of the mountains would prevent reen­forcements from joining those on the west, and vice versa, while their presence in the country would pre­vent the restless but still faltering tribes farther north from breaking out into open hostilities. There should be no more treaties; extermination should be the re­ward of their perfidy.

On the 1st of February, in order to facilitate the organization of the new regiment, Stevens issued an order disbanding the existing organization, and revok­ing the orders raised for the defence of particular lo­calities. The plan of block-houses was urged for the defence of settlements even of four or five families,1 the number at first erected being doubled in order that the farmers might cultivate their land; and in

1        At Nathan Eaton’s the defences consisted of 16 log buildings in a square facing inwards, the object being not only to collect the families for protection, but to send out a scouting party of some size when marauders were in the vicinity. Stevens, in Sen. Ex. Doc., 66, 32, 34th cong. 1st sess.; Ind. Aff. Rept, 34. Fort Henness, on Mound prairie, was a large stockade with block­houses at the alternate corners, and buildings inside the enclosure. On Skookum Bay there was an establishment similar to that at Eaton’s.

addition to the other companies organized was one of pioneers, whose duty it was to open roads and build block-houses.

The first regiment being disbanded, the reorganiza­tion progressed rapidly, and on the 25th the second regiment was organized into three battalions, desig­nated as the northern, central, and southern; the northern battalion to rendezvous at the falls of the Snoqualimich and elect a major, the choice falling upon Captain J. J. H. Van Bokelin.2 It numbered about ninety men, supported by Patkanim and his company of Indian allies, and built forts Tilton and Alden below and above the falls.3 The central bat­talion was commanded by Major Gilmore Hays, and had its headquarters on Connell’s prairie, White River,4 communicating with the rear by a ferry and block-house on the Puyallup, and block-houses at Montgomery’s, and on Yelm prairie, besides one at the crossing of White River, communicating with the regular forces at Muckleshoot prairie and Porter’s prairie, farther up the valley.

The southern battalion, organized by Lieutenant- colonel B. F. Shaw, was raised upon the Columbia River, and partly of Oregon material,5 obtained by

2        The northern battalion consisted of Company G (Van Bokelin’s), com­manded by Daniel Smalley, elected by the company; Company I, Capt. S. D. Howe, who was succeeded by Capt. G. W. Beam; and a detachment of Com­pany H, Capt. Peabody. Wash. Mess. Gov., 1857, 38-41.

“To I. N. Ebey belongs the credit of making the first movement to block­ade the Snoqualimich pass and guard the settlements lying opposite on Whid- bey Island. This company of rangers built Fort Ebey, 8 mile3 above the mouth of the Snohomish River. He was removed from his office of collector, the duties of which were discharged by his deputy and brother, W. S. Ebey, during the previous winter while he lived in camp, through what influence I am not informed. M. H. Frost of Seattle wa3 appointed in his stead. This change in hie affairs, with the necessity of attending to private business, prob­ably determined him to remain at home. George W. Ebey, his cousin, was 2d lieut in Smalley’s company.

4        The central battalion was composed of Company B, Capt. A. B. Rabbe- eon; Company C, Capt. B. L. Henness’ mounted rangers; a train guard under Capt. 0. Shead; the pioneer company under Capt. Joseph A. White, 1st lieut Urban E. Hicks; and Company F, a detachment of scouts under Capt. Calvin W. Swindal. Wash. Mess. Gov., 1857, 38.

''The southern battalion consisted of the Washington Mounted Rifles. Capt. H. J. G. Maxon, Company D, Capt. Achilles, who was succeeded by Lieut Powell, and two Oregon companies, one company, K, under Francis M.

advertising for volunteers in the Oregon newspapers. Other companies were accepted from time to time as the exigencies of the service required, until there were twenty-one in the field,6 the whole aggregating less than a thousand men. The regiment was assigned to duty, and furnished with supplies with military skill by the commander-in-chief, whose staff-officers, wisely chosen,7 kept the machinery of war in motion, the detention of which so often paralyzed the arms of Governor Curry’s volunteers. Between Curry and Stevens there was perfect harmony, the latter often being assisted by the governor of Oregon in the purchase of supplies, a service which was always gratefully acknowledged.

The plan of the campaign as announced by Stevens was to guard the line of the Snohomish and Snoqual- imich pass by the northern battalion, to drive the enemy into the Yakima country with the central battalion by the Nachess pass, and to operate east of

P. Goff, of Marion co., and another, Company J, under Bluford Miller of Polk co. Or. Statesman, March 11 and May 20, 1856.

6        For convenience of reference, they are named here: Co. A, organized and commanded by Lieut-col Edward Lander; the Walla Walla Co., organized out of friendly Chehalis and Cowlitz Indians by Sidney S. Ford, capt.; Clarke Co. Rangers, organized by Capt. William Kelly; Co. E, Capt. C. W. Riley, succeeded by Lieut J. Q. Cole; Co. H, Capt. R. V. Peabody; Co. L, Capt. E. D. Warbass; Co. N, Capt. Richards, succeeded by Capt. Williams; Co. M, consisting of 10 white men and 43 Nez Pereas, Henri M. Chase, capt.; a co. of Squaxon scouts under Lieut. Gosnell; and a company of Cowlitz Ind­ians under Pierre Charles.

7        Lieut-col Lander was retained on the governor’s staff, and Jared S. Hurd, E. C. Fitzhugh, and H. R. Crosbie were also appointed aids, with the rank of lieut-col, iu addition to the appointments made in Dec., of Craig and Doty. Edward Gibson was appointed extra aid. B. P. Shaw was elected lieut-col of the 2d regiment in April. W. W. Miller still held the officc of quartermaster and commissary-general at Olympia. Warren Grove was appointed quartermaster and commissary at Steilacoom, F. Mathias at Seattle, A. H. Robie at The Dalles, Charles E. Weed at Olympia, R. M. Hathaway at Vancouver, and R. S. Robinson for the northern battalion, at Port Townsend, and C. C. Pagett in Lewis county. Commanding officers chose their own adjutants. Tilton remained adjutant-general, C. H. Arm­strong regimental quartermaster and commissary with the right wing of the 2d regiment in the field; and Lieut-col Hurd supt of all business on the Columbia. W. W. De Lacy was appointed adjutant of the southern bat­talion, Humphrey Hill of the northern, and B. F. Ruth of the central battalion. G. K. Willard was surgeon and purveyor of medicine and medi­cal stores at headquarters; M. P. Bums surgeon of central battalion, D. R. Bigelow of northern battalion. Other surgeons were Justin Millard, Albert Eggers, and U. G. Warbass.

the Cascade Range with the southern battalion. On the occasion of the governor’s reconnoissance of the Sound, which took place in January, the Snoqual- imich chief Patkanim tendered his services as an ally, and upon consultation with Agent Simmons was ac­cepted. He at once took the field with fifty-five well­armed warriors, accompanied by Simmons, L. M. Col­lins, and T. H. Fuller. On the 8th of February they reached Wappato prairie, five miles below the falls of the Snoqualimich, and learning that there was an en­campment of the hostile Indians at the falls, Patkanim prepared to attack them, which he did, capturing the whole party. An investigation showed them to be Snoqualimichs, with the exception of three Klikitat emissaries engaged in an endeavor to enlist them on the side of the hostile combination. Patkanim, how­ever, now that he had entered upon duty as an ally of the white people, carried his prisoners to camp at Wappato prairie and tried them each and every one, the trial resulting in the discharge of the Snoqualimichs, and one of the Klikitats, whose evidence convicted the other two and caused them to be hanged. Their heads were then cut off and sent to Olympia, where a price was to be paid.

From the Klikitat who was allowed to live it was ascertained that there were four different camps of the enemy on the east side of White River, at no great distance apart, above the point where the mili­tary road crossed it, and that Leschi was at one of them, while the crossing of the river was guarded above and below. This information was immediately sent to Olympia.

Patkanim at once proceeded to White River to at­tack Leschi, whom it was much desired by the gov­ernment to arrest. But when he arrived there he found that wily chief alert and on his guard. Being strongly posted in the fork of a small tributary of White River, a sharp engagement followed, resulting in considerable loss. Of the number killed by Pat-

Hist. Wash.—11 '

kanim, all but two were on the farther side of the stream, and he was able to obtain but two heads, which were also forwarded to Olympia. He returned after this battle to Holme Harbor, Whidbey Island, to prepare for further operations, it now being con­sidered that he had fully committed himself to the cause of the white people. He remained faithful, and was of some further assistance, but objected to be commanded by white officers, preferring his own mode of fighting.

About the 13th of February Captain Maloney left Fort Steilacoom with lieutenants Davis and Flem­ing and 125 men, for the Puyallup, where he con­structed a ferry and block-house, after which he moved on to White River, Colonel Casey, who had arrived on the steamship Republic in command of two com­panies of the regular 9th infantry, following a few days later with about an equal number of men.

On the 22d Captain Ford of the volunteers left Steilacoom for White River with his company of Chehalis scouts, in advance of Hays’ company, and White’s pioneers, who followed after, establishing depots at Yelm prairie and Montgomery’s, and mov­ing on to the Puyallup, where they built a block­house and ferry, after which, on the 29th, they pro­ceeded to the Muckleshoot prairie, Henness following in a few days with his company, a junction being formed with Casey’s and Maloney’s commands at that place, Governor Stevens himself taking the field on the 24th, when the volunteers moved to the Puyallup.

Up to this date the war had been confined to the country north of Steilacoom, although a wide-spread alarm prevailed throughout the whole country. But the watchful savages were quick to perceive that by the assemblage of the regular and volunteer forces in the White River country they had left their rear comparatively unguarded, and on the 24th attacked and killed, near Steilacoom, William Northcraft, in the service of the territory as a teamster, driving off his

oxen and the stock of almost every settler in the vicinity. On the 2d of March they waylaid William White, a substantial farmer living near Nathan Eaton’s place, whieh was subsequently fortified, kill­ing him and shooting at his family, who were saved by the running-away of the horses attached to a wagon in whieh all were returning from ehurch. A family was also attacked while at work in a field, and some wounds received. These outrages were perpe­trated by a band of forty savages under the leadership of chiefs Stahi and Quiemuth, who had flanked the troops in small detachments, and while Casey’s at­tention was diverted by the voluntary surrender of fifty of their people, most of whom were women and children, whom it was not convenient to support while at war, but which were taken in charge by the Indian department. This new phase of affairs eaused the governor’s return to Olympia, whence he ordered a part of the southern battalion to the Sound. On the 4th of March, a detachment of regulars under Lieutenant Kautz, opening a road from the Puyallup to Muckleshoot prairie, when at no great distance from White River, discovered Indians and attacked them, Kautz sheltering his men behind piles of drift­wood until Keyes reenforced him, when the battle was carried across the river and to the Muckleshoot prairie, where a charge being made, the Indians scat­tered. There were over a hundred regulars in the engagement, one of whom was killed and nine wounded, including Lieutenant Kautz. The loss of the Indians was unknown.

In the interim the volunteers of the central battal­ion had reached Connell’s prairie, where an encamp­ment was formed. On the morning of the 8th Major Hays ordered Captain White’s company of pioneers, fifty strong, to the crossing of White River, to erect a block-house and construct a ferry, sup­ported only by Captain Swindal with a guard of ten men. They had not proceeded more than a mile and

a half from camp before the advance under Lieuten­ant Hicks was attacked by 150 warriors, who made a furious assault just as the detachment entered the woods that covered the river-bottoms, and were de­scending a hill. Almost simultaneously the main company received a heavy fire, and finding the odds against him, White despatched a messenger to camp, when he was reenforced by Henness with twenty men, and soon after by Martin with fifteen. The battle continuing, and the Indians making a flank movement which could be seen from camp, Van Ogle was despatched with fifteen men to check it. So rapid were their manoeuvres that it required another detachment of twelve men under Rabbeson to arrest them.

The Indians had a great advantage in position, and after two hours of firing, a charge was ordered to be made by a portion of the volunteers, while White’s company and Henness’ detachment held their positions. The charge was successful, driving one body of the Indians through a deep marsh, or stream, in their flight, and enabling Swindal to take a posi­tion in the rear of the main body on a high ridge. It being too dangerous to charge them from their front, where White and Henness were stationed, they being well fortified behind fallen timber on the crest of a hill, Rabbeson and Swindal were ordered to execute a flank movement, and attack the enemy in the rear. A charge being made simultaneously in front and rear, the Indians were completely routed, with a loss of between twenty-five and thirty killed and many wounded. The loss of the volunteers was four wounded.

This battle greatly encouraged the territorial troops. The Indians were in force, outnumbering them two to one; they had chosen their position, and made the attack, and were defeated with every cir­cumstance in their favor.8

8Rept of Major Hays, in Wash. Mess. Gov., 1857, 290-2.

This affair was the most decisive of the spring cam­paign of 1856 on the Sound. After it the Indians did not attempt to make a stand, but fought in small parties at unexpected times and in unexpected places. It would indeed have been difficult for them to have fought a general engagement, so closely were they pursued, and so thickly was the whole country on the east side dotted over with block-houses and camps. The block-house at the crossing of White River was completed, the Indians wounding one of the construc­tion party by firing from a high bluff on the opposite bank. A station was made at Connell’s prairie, called Fort Hays, by the volunteers, and another, called Fort Slaughter, on the Muckleshoot prairie, by the regu­lars. A block-house was established at Lone Tree point, three miles from the Dwamish, where Riley’s company was stationed to guard the trail to Seattle. Later Lieutenant-colonel Lander with company A erected a block-house on the Dwamish, fifteen miles from Seattle. Captain Maloney erected one on Por­ter’s prairie, and Captain Dent another at the mouth of Cedar River. The northern battalion, after com­pleting their works on the Snoqualimich and leav­ing garrisons, marched across the country to join the central battalion by order of the commander-in-chief; and Colonel Shaw of the southern battalion added his force to the others about the last of the month.

At this juncture Governor Stevens proclaimed martial law; his forces were readjusted, and a desul­tory warfare kept up throughout the entire region. On John Day River, where the enemy had congre­gated in numbers, Major Layton of the Oregon vol­unteers captured thirty-four warriors in June, and in July there was some fighting, but nothing decisive. Colonel Shaw also did some fighting in the Grand Rond country, but there, as elsewhere, the Indians kept the army on the move without definite results.

In these white raids many Indian horses were taken, and all government supplies stopped. Obviously no

more effective method of subduing the Indians could be adopted than to unhorse them and take away their supplies. The march of the several detachments of regulars and volunteers through the Indian country forced the neutral and needy Indians to accept the overtures of the United States government through the Indian and military departments, and they now surrendered to the agents and army officers, to the number of 923, comprising the Wasco, Tyghe, Des Chutes, and a portion of the John Day tribes, all of whom were partially subsisted by the government. About 400 of the Yakimas and Klikitats who sur­rendered to Colonel Wright during the summer were also assisted by the government agents.

Soon after a battle on the Grand Rond, Major Layton mustered out his battalion, the time of' the Oregon troops having expired, leaving only Shaw’s battalion in the Walla Walla Valley, to hold it until Colonel Wright should be prepared to occupy it with the regular troops, who had not fought nor attempted to fight an engagement during the summer. A scout­ing party of Jordan’s Indian allies, in recovering 200 captured horses, killed two hostile Indians, the sole achievement of a regiment of troops in the field for four months. About the 1st of August Wright re­turned to Vancouver, leaving Major Garnett in com­mand of Fort Simcoe, and the Indians at liberty to give the volunteers employment, which they were ready enough to do.9

9The 2d regiment of Washington volunteers was officered, so far as the official correspondence shows, as follows: Co. A, Capt. Edward Lander; 1st lieut A. A. Denny, vice H. H. JPeixotto resigned; 2d lieut D. A. Neely; H.

A.     Smith surgeon; strength 53 rank and file. Non-com. officers, John Hen­ning, 0. D. Biven, J. Ross, Jacob Wibbens, James Fielding, Walter Graham, David Manner, Asa Fowler. Co. B, Capt. Gilmore Hays, promoted to major by election; 1st lieut A. B. Rabbeson, elected capt. vice Hays; 1st lieut Van Ogle, vice Rabbeson, and John Brady, vice Van Ogle, commanded lastly by Captain Burntrager; 2d lieut William Martin; 2d lieut William Temple, vice Martin resigned. Non-com. officers, Frank Ruth, D. Martin, M. Goodell, N.

B.      Coffey, J. L. Myres, T. Hughes, H. Horton; strength 52 men rank and file. Co. C, Capt. B. L. Henuess; 1st lieut G. C. Blankenship; 2d lieut F. A. Goodwin; non-commissioned officers, Joseph Cushman, William J. Yeager, Henry Laws, James Phillips, William E. Klady, Thomas Hicks, S. A. Phil­lips, H. Johnson; strength 67 rank and file. Co. D, Capt. Achilles; 1st

Governor Stevens was unable to push forward any troops east of the Cascade Range for two months after the Oregon troops were withdrawn upon the understanding that Colonel Wright was to occupy the Walla Walla Valley. In the mean time the hostile tribes enjoyed the fullest liberty up to the appearing of the southern battalion, and those previously friendly, being in ignorance of the intention of the authorities toward them, made this an excuse for withdrawing their allegiance.

Lieutenant-colonel Craig, who with his auxiliaries had been using his best endeavors to hold the Nez Percds and Spokanes constant to their professions, met the volunteers in the Walla Walla Valley, and escorted Captain Robie with the supply train under

lieut Powell: strength 44 rank and file. Co. E, Capt. Charles W. Riley; strength 21 men rank and file; commanded lastly by Lieut Cole. Co. F, Capt. Calvin W. Swindal; 1st lieut J. Q. Cole; strength 40 rank and file. Co. G, J. J. H. Van Bokelin; promoted to maj. by election; 1st lieut Daniel Smalley, elected eapt. vice Van Bokelin; 2d lieut G. W. Ebey; strength 53 rank and file. Co. H, Capt. R. V. Peabody; strength 42 rank and file. Co.

I,       Capt. S. D. Howe; 1st lieut G. W. Beam, elected eapt. vice Howe; Thomas Sinnot, vice Beam; 2d lieut Benj. Welcher, vice John Y. Sewell resigned; strength 35 rank and file. Co. J, Capt. Bluford Miller; 1st lieut Anthony W. Pressley; 2d lieut Andrew Sheppard; strength 40 rank and file. Co. II, Capt. Francis M. P. Goff; 1st lieut Israel Hedges; 2d lieut Thomas Waite; strength 101 rank and file. Goff also mentions Lieut Hunter. Co. L, Capt. E. D. Warbass; 1st lieut J. W. Anderson; 2d lieut J. B. Bouchard; strength 91 rank and file. Co. M, Capt. Henri M. Chase; 1st lieut V. L. La Fontaine; 2d lieut Louis Rahion; strength 53 rank and file; 10 white men, 43 Nez Perces. Co. N, Capt. Richards; 1st lieut John Estes; 2d lieut Williams in command; strength 74 rank and file. Washington Mounted Rifles, Capt. H. J. G. Maxoii; 1st lieut Ed Barrington; 2d lieut Curtiss; strength 95 rank and file. Clarke County Rangers, Capt. William Kelly; 1st lieut J. D. Biles; 2d lieut P. Ahern; strength 81 rank and file. Pioneer Co., Capt. Joseph A. White; 1st lieut U. Hicks; 2d lieut T. McLean Chambers; non-com. officers, Daniel J. Hubbard, Columbus White, Marcus McMillan, Henry G. Parsons, Isaac Lemmons, James Burns, William Ruddell, William Mengle; strength 40 rank and file. Fourteen of this company, under Hicks, did duty as mounted men. Walla Walla Co., Capt. S. S. Ford; strength 29 rank and file. Train Guard, Capt. Shead; strength 47 rank and file. Nisqually Ferry Guard, strength

9       men. Lewis Co. Rangers, Capt. John R. Jackson; 1st lieut Jackson Barton,

succeeded by Anderson; 2d lieut          Roundtree, succeeded by Balisti;

strength 67 rank and file. Cowlitz Rangers, Capt. H. W. Peers; strength unknown. Indian auxiliaries, Snohomish chiefs Patkanim and John Taylor capt.; strength 82. Squaxon Indians, Lieut Gosnell capt.; strength 15. Chehalis Indians, Capt. S. S. Ford, Jr; strength 17. Cowlitz Indians, Pierre Charles eapt.; strength 9. Wash. Mess. Gov., 1857, 28-30, and general mili­tary correspondence. Changes being frequent, I am at a loss where to place lieuts Temple, Mounts, and G. W. Martin. The staff-officers have been men­tioned in a previous note.

liis charge to the Nez Perce country. On the 24th of July Robie returned and communicated to Colonel Shaw, just in from the Grand Rond expedition, the disagreeable intelligence that the Nez Perces had

O         Q           ,

shown a hostile disposition, declaring the treaty broken, and refusing to receive the goods sent them.10 This would have been unwelcome news at any time, but was most trying at this juncture, when half the force in field was quitting it to be mustered out of ser­vice. This exigency occasioned the call for two more companies of volunteers. Subsequent to making the call, Stevens decided to go in person to Walla Walla, and if possible to hold a council. A messenger was at once despatched to Shaw, with instructions to send runners to the different tribes, friendly and hostile, inviting them to meet him on the 25th; but accompa­nying the invitation was the notice that he required the unconditional surrender of the warring bands.

Stevens urged Colonel Wright to be present at the council, and to send three companies of regulars, in­cluding all his mounted men, to the Walla Walla Val­ley for that occasion. Wright declined the invitation to participate in the council, but signified his intention of sending Steptoe to Walla Walla to establish a post in that eountry.

On the 19th of August, Stevens set out from The Dalles with a train of 30 wagons, 80 oxen, and 200 loose animals, attended only by his messenger, Pearson, and the employes of the expedition. A day or two behind him followed the baggage and supply train of Steptoe’s command. He arrived without accident at Camp Mason on the 23d, sending word in all directions to inform the Indians of his wish to meet them for a final adjustment of their difficulties at the council-ground five miles from Waiilatpu. At

10       See letters of W. H. Pearson and other correspondents,, in Or. Statesman, Aug. 5, 1856; Or. Argus, Aug. 2, 1856; Olympia Pioneer and Dem., Aug. 5, 1856. Pearson, who was in the Nez Pere6 country, named the hostile chiefs as follows: Looking Glass, Three Feathers, Red Bear, Eagle-from-the-light, Red Wolf, and Man-with-a-rope-in-his-moufch.

the end of a week a deputation of the lower Nez Perces had come in with their agent, Craig. At the end of another week all this tribe were in, but on the same day Father Ravelli, from the Cceur d’Alene mission, arrived alone, with the information that he had seen and conversed with Karniakin, Owhi, and Qualehin, who refused to attend the council, and also that the Spokanes and other tribes declined to meet the superintendent, having been instigated to this course by Karniakin, who had made his headquarters on the border of their country all summer, exercising a strong influence by the tales he circulated of the wrong-doing of the white people, and especially of Governor Stevens, and enmity among the northern tribes.                  '

On the 10th the hostile Cayuses, Des Chutes, and Tyghes arrived and encamped in the neighborhood of the Nez Pereds, but without paying the customary visit to Governor Stevens, and exhibiting their hos­tility by firing the grass of the country they travelled over. They had recently captured a pack-train of forty-one horses and thirty packs of provisions from The Dali es for Shaw’s command, and were in an elated mood over their achievement.

The council opened on the 11th of September, and closed on the 17th, Stevens moving his position in the mean time to Steptoe’s camp for fear of an outbreak. Nothing was accomplished. The only terms to whieh the war ehiefs would assent were to be left in posses­sion of their respective domains. On his way back to The Dalles with his train of Indian goods, escorted by Shaw’s command under Goff, on the 19th and 20th several attacks were made and two soldiers killed. Assisted by Steptoe, Stevens finally reached his des­tination in safety. After this mortifying repulse Gov­ernor Stevens returned to the Sound. Wright re­paired to Walla Walla with an additional company of troops, and sent word to all the ehiefs to bring them together for a council. Few came, the Nez Perces

being represented by Red Wolf and Eagle-from-the- light, the Cayuses by Howlish Wampo, Tintinmetse, and Stickas, with some other sub-chiefs of both nations. None of the Yakimas, Des Chutes, Walla Wallas, or Spokanes were present; and all that could be elicited from those who attended the council was that they desired peace, and did not wish the treaty of Walla Walla confirmed.

Wright remained at Walla Walla until November, the post of Fort Walla Walla11 being established on Mill Creek, six miles from its junction with the Walla Walla River, where the necessary buildings were completed before the 20th. In November Fort Dalles was garrisoned by an additional company under brevet Major Wise. The Cascade settlement was protected by a company of the 4th infantry under Captain Wallen, who relieved Captain Winder of the 9th infantry. The frontier being thus secured against invasion, the winter passed without many warlike demonstrations.

About the 20th of July the volunteer companies left on the Sound when Shaw’s battalion departed for Walla Walla were disbanded, the hostile Indians be­ing driven east of the mountains, and the country being in a good state of defence. On the 4th of Au­gust Governor Stevens called a council of Indians at Fox Island, to inquire into the causes of discontent, and finding that the Nisquallies and Puyallups were dissatisfied with the extent of their reservation, not without a show of reason, he agreed to recommend an enlargement, and a re-survey was ordered on the 28th, which took in thirteen donation claims, for which con­gress appropriated nearly $5,000 to pay for improve­ments.

Having satisfied the Indians of his disposition to deal justly with them, he next made a requisition upon

11        Old Fort Walla Walla of the H. B. Co. being abandoned, the name was transferred to thia post, about 28 miles in the interior.

Colonel Wright for the delivery to him of Leschi, Quiemuth, Nelson, Stahi, and the younger Kitsap, to be tried for murder, these Indians being among those

7             o        o

who had held a council with Wright in the Yakima country, and been permitted to go at large on their parole and obligation to keep the peace. But Wright was reluctant to give up the Indians required, saying that although he had made no promises not to hold them accountable for their former acts, he should con­sider it unwise to seize them for trial, as it would have a disturbing effect upon the Indians whom he was endeavoring to quiet. Stevens argued that peace on milder terms would be a criminal abandonment of duty, and would depreciate the standing of the au­thorities with the Indians, especially as he had fre­quently assured them that the guilty should be pun­ished; he repeated his requisition; whereupon, toward the last of the month, Major Garnett was ordered to turn over to the governor for trial the Indians named. The army officers were not in sympathy with what they deemed the arbitrary course of the governor, and Garnett found it easy to evade the performance of so uncongenial a duty, the Indians being scattered, and many of them having returned to the Sound, where they gave themselves up to the military authorities at Fort Steilacoom.

A reward, however, was offered for the seizure and delivery of Leschi, which finally led to his arrest about the middle of November. It was accomplished by the treachery of two of his own people, Sluggia and Elikukah. They went to the place where Leschi was in hiding, poor and outlawed, having been driven away by the Yakimas who had submitted to Wright, who would allow him to remain in their country only on condition that he became their slave; and having decoyed him to a spot where their horses were con­cealed, suddenly seized and bound him, to be delivered up to Sydney S. Ford, who surrendered him to Stevens at Olympia.

The particular crime with which Leschi was charged was the killing of A. B. Moses, the place being in Pierce county. Court had just adjourned when he was brought in, but as Judge Chenoweth, who resided on Whidbey Island, had not yet left Steilaeoom, he was requested by the governor to hold a special term for the trial of Lesehi, and the trial came off on the 17 th of November, the jury failing to agree. A second trial, begun on the 18th of Mareh, 1857, resulted in conviction, and the savage was sentenced to be hanged on the 10th of June. This action of the Governor was condemned by the regular army officers, there being in this case the same opposition of sentiment between the eivil and military authorities which had existed in all the Indian wars in Oregon and Wash­ington—the army versus the people.

Proceedings were instituted to carry the case up to the supreme court in December, which postponed the execution of the sentence. The opinion of Mc- Fadden, acting chief justice, sustained the previous action of the district court and the verdict of the jury. Lesehi’s sentence was again pronounced, the day of his execution being fixed upon the 22d of Jan­uary, 1858. In the mean time Stevens had resigned, and a new governor, McMullin, had arrived, to whom a strong appeal was made by the counsel and friends of Lesehi, but to no effect, 700 settlers pro­testing against pardon. When the day of execution arrived, a large coneourse of people assembled at Steilaeoom to witness the death of so celebrated a savage. But the friends of the doomed man had prepared a surprise for them. The sheriff of Pierce county and his deputy were arrested, between the hours of ten and twelve o’clock, by Lieutenant Mc- Kibben of Fort Steilaeoom, appointed United States marshal for the purpose, and Frederick Kautz, upon a warrant issued by J. M. Bachelder, United States commissioner and sutler at that post, upon a charge of selling liquor to the Indians. An attempt was

made by Secretary Mason to obtain the death-warrant in possession of the sheriff, which attempt was frus­trated until after the hour fixed for the execution had passed, during which time the sheriff remained in cus­tody with no attempt to procure his freedom.

So evident a plot, executed entirely between the prisoner’s counsel and the military authorities at Fort Steilacoom, aroused the liveliest indignation on the part of the majority of the people. A public meeting was held at Steilacoom, and also one at Olympia, on the evening of the 22d, at which all the persons in any way concerned in the frustration of the sentence of the courts were condemned, and the legislature re­quested to take cognizance of it. This the legislature did, by passing an act on the following day requiring the judges of the supreme court to hold a special ses­sion on or before the 1st of February at the seat of government, repealing all laws in conflict with this act, and also passing another act allowing the judges, Chenoweth and McFadden, Lander being absent from the territory, one hundred dollars each for their ex­penses in holding an extra session of the supreme court, by which the case was remanded to the court of the 2d judicial district, whither it came on a writ of error, and an order issued for a special session of the district court, before which, Chenoweth presiding, Leschi was again brought, when his counsel entered a demurrer to its jurisdiction, which was overruled, and Leschi was for the third time sentenced to be hanged; and on the 19th of February the unhappy sav­age, ill and emaciated from long confinement, and weary of a life which for nearly three years had been one of strife and misery, was strangled according to law.

There is another case on the record showing the temper of the time. Shortly after Leschi’s betrayal and arrest, Quiemuth, who had been in hiding, pre­sented himself to George Brail on Yelm prairie, with the request that he should accompany him to Olympia, and give him up to Governor Stevens to be tried.

Brail did as requested, three or four others accom­panying him. Arriving at Olympia at half-past two in the morning, they aroused the governor, who, placing them all in his office, furnished fire and refreshments, locked the front door, and proceeded to make ar­rangements for conveying the party to Steilacoom before daylight.

Although caution was used, the fact of Quiemuth’s presence in the town became known, and several per­sons quietly gained access to the governor’s office through aback door, among whom was James Bunton, a son-in-law of James McAllister, who was killed while conversing with some of Leschi’s people. The guard saw no suspicious movement, when suddenly a shot was fired, there was a quick arousal of all in the room, and Quiemuth wTith others sprang to the door, where he was met by the assassin and mortally stabbed. So dimly lighted was the room, and so unexpected and sudden was the deed, that the perpetrator was not recognized, although there was a warrant issued a few hours later for Bunton, who, on examination, was discharged for want of evidence.12

Pew of the Indian leaders in the war on the Sound survived it. Several were hanged at Fort Steilacoom; three were assassinated by white men out of revenge; Kitsap was killed in June 1857, on the Muckleshoot prairie, by one of his own people, and in December fol­lowing Sluggia, who betrayed Leschi, was killed by Leschi’s friends.13 Nelson and Stahi alone survived when Leschi died. His death may be said to have been the closing act of the war on Puget Sound; but it was not until the ratification of the Walla Walla treaties in 1859 that the people returned to their farms in the Puyallup and upper White River valleys.14 So antagonistic was the feeling against Stevens con-

13 Olympia Pioneer and Dem,, Nov. 28, 1856; Bridge’s Sketch, MS., 9.

13       Olympia Pioneer and Dem., July 3 and Dec. 11, 1857.

14       Patkanim died soon after the war was over. The Pioneer and Democrat, ijan. 21, 1859, remarked: ‘It is just as well that he is out of the way, as in 4>ite of everything, we never believed in his friendship. ’ Seattle died in 1866,

duct of the war at the federal capital, that it was many years before the war debt was allowed.

The labors of the commission appointed to examine claims occupied almost a year, to pay for which con­gress appropriated twelve thousand dollars. The total amount of war expenses for Oregon and Washington aggregated nearly six millions of dollars.15 When the papers were all filed they made an enormous mass of half a cord in bulk, -which Smith took to Washington in 1857.16 The secretary of war, in his report, pro­nounced the findings equitable, recommending that provision should be made for the payment of the full amount.17

never having been snspected. Knssass, chief of the Cowlitz tribe, died in 1876, aged 114 yuars. Ho was friendly, and a catholic. Olympia Morning Echo, Jan. 6, 1876.

15       Deady’s Hist. Or., MS., 35; Grover’s Pub. Life, MS., 59; Or. Statesman, Oct. 20, 1857, and March 30 and April 6, 1858; II. Ex. Doc., 45, pp. 1-16, 35th cong. 1st sess. The exact footing was $4,449,949.33 for Oregon; and $1,481,475.45 for Washington=$5,931,424.78. Of this amount, the pay due to the Oregon volunteers was $1,409,604.53; and to the Washington volunteers $.319,593.06.

16Said Horace Greeley: ‘The enterprising terrritories of Oregon and Washington have handed into congress their little bill for scalping Indians and violating squaws two years ago, etc., etc. After these [the Frencn Spoliation claims] shall have been paid half a century or so, we trust the claims of the Oregon and Washington Indian-fighters will come up for con­sideration.’ New York Tribune, in Or. Statesman, Feb. 16, 1858.

17       On the Oregon war debt, see the report of the third auditor, 1860, found in II. Ex. Doc., 11, 36th cong. 1st sess.; speech of Grover, in Cong. Globe, 1858­9, pt ii., app. 217, 35th cong. 2d sess.; letter of third auditor, in II. Ex. Doc., 51, vol. viii. 77, 35th cong. 2d sess.; Statement of the Or. and iVash. delegation in regard to the war claims of Oregon and Washington, a pamphlet of 67 pages; Dowell’s Scrap-Book of authorities on the subject; Or. Jour. Sen., 1860, app. 35-6; Dowell’s Or. Ind. Wars, 138-42; Jessup's Rept on the cost of transportation of troops and supplies to California, Oregon, and New Mexico, 2; rept of commissioner on Indian war expenses in Oregon and Washington, in II. Ex. Doc., 45, 35th cong. 1st sess., vol. ix.; memorial of the legislative assemhly of 1855-6, in II. Misc. Doc., 77, 34th cong. 1st sess., and II. Misc. Doc., 78, 34th cong. 1st sess., containing a copy of the act of the same legisla­ture providing for the payment of volunteers; report of the house com­mittee on military affairs, June 24, 1856, in H. Eept, 195, 34th cong. 1st sess.; reports of committee, vol. i., II. Rept, 189, 34th cong. 3d sess., in II. Reports of Committee, vol. 3; petition of citizens of Oregon and Washington for a more speedy and just settlement of the war claims, with the reply of the third auditor, Sen. Ex. Doc., 46, 37th cong. 2d sess., vol. v.; Report of the Chairman of the Military Committee of the Senate, March 29, 1860; Rept Com., 161, 36th cong. 1st sess., vol. i.; communication from Senators George H. Williams and W. H. Corbett, on the Oregon Indian war claims of 1855-6, audited by Philo Callender, which encloses letters of the third auditor, and

B.      F. Dowell on the expenses of the war, Washington, March 2, 1868, in

II.     Misc. Doc., 88, p. 3-10, ii., 40th cong. 2d sess.: report of sen. com. on

The number of white persons known to have been killed by Indians18 in Oregon previous to the establish­ment of the latter on reservations, including the few fairly killed in battle, so far as I have been able to gather from reliable authorities, was nearly 700, be­sides about 140 wounded who recovered, and without counting those killed and wounded in Washington.19

Two events of no small significance occurred in the spring of 1857—the union of the two Indian superin­tendences of Washington under one superintendent, J. W. Nesmith of Oregon, and the recall of General Wool from the command of the department of the Pacific. The first was in consequence of the heavy expenditures in both superintendencies, and the sec­ond was in response to the petition of the legislature of Oregon at the session of 1856-7. The successor of Wool was Newman S. Clarke, who paid a visit to the Columbia River district in June.20

interest to be allowed on the award of the Indian war claims, in Sen. Com. Rept, 8, 37th cong. 2d sess.; letter of secretary of the treasury, contain­ing information relative to claims incurred in suppressing Indian hostilities in Oregon and Washington, and which were acted and reported upon by the commission authorized by the act of August 18, 1856, in Sen. ExDoc., 1 aud

2,      42d cong. 2d sess.; report of the committee on military affairs, June 22, 1874, in H. Repts of Com., 873, 43d cong. 1st sess.; letter from the third auditor to the chairman of the committee on military affairs on the subject of claims growing out of Indian hostilities, in Oregon and Washington, in II. Ex. Doc., 51, 35th cong. 2d sess.; vol. vii., and Id. Doc., vol. iv., 36th cong. 1st sess.; communication of C. S. Drew, on the origin and early prosecution of the Indian war in Oregon, iuiSen. Misc. Doc., 59, 36th cong. lstsesa., relat­ing chiefly to Rogue River Valley; Stevens’ Speech on War Expenses before the Committee of Military Affairs of the House, March 15, 1860; Stevens’ Speech on War Claims in the Home of Representatives, May 31, 1858; Speeches of Joseph Lane in the House of Representatives, April 2, 1856, and May 13, 1858; Speech of I. I. Stevens in the House of Representatives, Feb. 31, 1859; Alta, California, July 4, 1857; Or. Statesman, Jan. 26, 1858; Dowell and Gibbs’ Brief in Donnell vs Cardwell, Sup. Court Decisions, 1877; Early Affairs Siskiyou County, MS., 13; Swan’s N. W. Coast, 388-91.

18       See a list by S. C. Drew, in the N. T. Tribune, July 9, 1857. Lindsay Applegate furnishes a longer one, but neither list is at all complete. See also letter of Lieut John Mullan to Commissioner Mix, in Mulkm’s Top. Mem., 32; Sen. Ex. Doc., 32, 35th cong. 2d sess.

191 arrived at this estimate by putting down in a book the names and the number of persons murdered or slain in battle. The result surprised me, although there were undoubtedly others whose fate was never certainly as­certained. This only covers the period which ended with the close of the war of 1855-6; there were many others killed after these years.

20       The distribution of United States troops in the district for 1857 was two

Nesmith did not relieve Stevens of his duties as superintendent of Washington until the 2d of June,21 soon after which General Clarke paid a visit to the Columbia River district to look into the condition of this portion of his department.

Nesmith recommended to the commissioner at Washington City that the treaties of 1855 be ratified, as the best means of bringing about a settlement of the existing difficulties, and for these reasons: that the land laws permitted the occupation of the lands of Oregon and Washington, regardless of the rights of the Indians, making the intercourse laws a nullity, and rendering it impossible to prevent collisions between them and the settlers. Friendly relations could not be cultivated while their title to the soil was recog­nized by the government, which at the same time

companies of the 4th infantry at Fort Hoskins, under Capt. C. C. Augur; detachments of the 4th inf. and 3d art. at Fort Yamhill, under Lieut Phil.

H.     Sheridan; three companies of the 9th inf. at Fort Dalles, Col Wright in command; one co. of the 4th infantry at Fort Vancouver, Colonel Thomas Morris in command; one co. of the 3d art. at the Cascades, under Maj. F. 0. Wyse; three companies of the 9th inf., under Maj. R. S. Garnett, at Fort Simcoe; one co. each of the 1st dragoons, 3d art., 4th and 9th inf., Col E. J. Steptoe in command, at Fort Walla Walla; one co. of the 9th inf., under Capt. G. E. Pickett, at Fort Bellingham, on Bellingham Bay, established to gnard the Sound from the incursions of northern Indians; one co. of the 9th inf., under Capt. D. Woodruff, in camp near Fort Bellingham, as escort to the northern boundary com.; one co. of the 4th inf., under Maj. G. 0. Haller, at Fort Townsend, two and a half miles from Port Townsend; one company of the 9th inf., under Lieut D. B. McKibben, at Fort Slaughter, on Mnckle- shoot prairie, near the junction of White and Green rivers; two companies 4th inf., Capt. M. Maloney in command, at Fort Steilacoom; and en route for Fort Walla Walla, arriving in the autumn, one company of the 1st dra­goons, under Capt. A. J. Smith, making, with one company at Fort Ump­qua, a force of between 1,500 and 2,000 regular troops, to hold in subjection 39,000 Indians.

21       Nesmith found the agents already in charge of the Indians in the Puget Sound district to be E. C. Fitzhugh at Bellingham Bay, G. A. Paige at Kit­sap reservation, M. T. Simmons general agent for Puget Sound, R. C. Fay at Penn’s Cove, Whidbey Island, Thomas J. Hanna at Port Townsend (vice E. S. Fowler), W. B. Gosnell in charge of the Nisqually and Puyallup Indians on the Puyallup reservation, S. S. Ford in charge of the Cowlitz, Chehalis, Shoalwater Bay, Willopah, Quilebutes, and other coast trihes in this quarter, A.J.Cain in chargeof the Indians on the north side of the Columbia from Van­couver to opposite The Dalles, assisted by A. Townsend, local agent at White Salmon, A. H. Robie in charge of the Yakima district, William Craig in charge of the friendly Cayuses, R. H. Lansdale in charge of the Flathead dis­trict. The Nez Pereas had declined an agent, fearing he might be killed, which would involve the trihe in war, and the other trihes were unfriendly and without agents. A. P. Dennison had charge of the district of eastern Oregon. Ind. Aff. Rept, 1857, 325-83.

Hist. Wash.—12

failed to purchase it, but gave white people a right to settle in the country.

About the middle of April 1858 Colonel Steptoe notified General Clarke that an expedition to the north seemed advisable, if not absolutely necessary, as a petition had been received from forty persons living at Colville for troops to be sent to that place, the Indians in the vicinity being hostile. Two white men en route for Colville mines had been killed by the Palouses, who had also made a foray into the Walla Walla country and driven off the cattle belonging to the army. On the 6th of May Steptoe left Walla Walla with 130 dragoons, proceeding toward the Nez Perce country in a leisurely manner. At Snake River he was ferried across by Timothy, who also accompanied him as guide. At the Alpowah he found thirty or forty of the Palouses, who were said to have killed the two travellers, who fled on his approach. On the 16th he received in­formation that the Spokanes were preparing to fight him, but not believing the report, pursued his inarch northward82 until he found himself surrounded by a force of about 600 Indians in their war-paint—Pa­louses, Spokanes, Coeur dAl^nes, and a few Nez Pereas. They had posted themselves near a ravine through which the road passed, and where the troops could be assailed on three sides. The command was halted and a parley hold with the Spokanes, in which they announced their intention of fighting, saying that they had heard the troops had come to make war on them, but they would not be permitted to cross the Spokane River.

Informing his officers that they should be com­pelled to fight, Steptoe turned aside to avoid the dangerous pass of the ravine, and coming in about a mile to a small lake, encamped there, but without dar­ing todismount, the Indians having accompanied them

22       Letter of Steptoe to Gov. McMullin, July 16, 1858, MS.; letter of Lieut Gregg, in Ind. Aff. Rept, 1858, 272.

all the way at a distance of not more than a hundred yards, using the most insulting words and gestures. No shots were fired, either by the troops or Indians, Steptoe being resolved that the Spokanes should fire the first gun; and indeed, the dragoons had only their small-arms, and were not prepared for fighting Indians.23

Toward night a number of chiefs rode up to the camp to inquire the occasion of the troops coming into the Spokane country, and why they had cannon with them. Steptoe replied that he was on his way to Colville to learn the causes of the troubles between the miners and Indians in that region. This the Indians professed to him to accept as the true reason, though they asserted to Father Joset that they did not believe it, because the colonel had not taken the direct road to Colville, but had come out of his way to pass through their country—a fact of which Steptoe was himself unconscious, having trusted to Timothy to lead him to Colville.24 But though the chiefs pro­fessed to be satisfied, they refused to furnish canoes to ferry over the troops, and maintained an unyield­ing opposition to their advance into the Spokane country. Finding that he should have to contend against great odds, without being prepared, Steptoe determined upon retreating, and early on the morning of the 17th began his return to the Palouse.

In the mean time the Cceur d’Allnes, who were gathering roots in a camas prairie a few miles distant, had been informed of the position of affairs, and were urged to join the Spokanes, who could not consent to let the troops escape out of their hands so easily. As they were about marching, Steptoe received a visit from Father Joset, who was anxious to explain to him the causes which led to the excitement, and also a slander which the Palouses had invented against himself, that he had furnished the Indians with

23       Steptoe''s Letter to Oov. McMullhi, MS.

21       Statement of Father Joset, in Mrs Nichols' Ind. Affairs, MS., 7; report of Colonel Steptoe, in Clarke and Wright’s Campaign, 17.

ammunition. It was then agreed that an interview should be had with the principal chiefs; but only the Coeur d’Alene chief Vincent was found ready to meet Steptoe. In the midst of the interview, which was held as they rode along, the chief was called away and firing was commenced by the Palouses, who were dogging the heels of the command. What at first seemed an attack by this small party of Indians only soon became a general battle, in which all were engaged. Colonel Steptoe labored under the disadvan­tage of having to defend a pack-train while moving over a rolling country particularly favorable to Indian war­fare. The column moved, at first, in close order, with the supply train in the middle, guarded by a dragoon company, with a company in the front and rear. At the crossing of a small stream, the Indians closing in to get at the head of the column, Lieutenant Gregg, with one company, was ordered to move forward and occupy a hill which the Indians were trying to gain for that purpose. He had no sooner reached this po­sition than the Indians sought to take possession of one which commanded it, and it became necessary to divide his company to drive them from the new posi­tion.

By this time the action had become general, and the companies were separated, fighting by making short charges, and at a great disadvantage on account of the inferiority of their arms to those used by the Indians. As one of the dragoon companies was en­deavoring to reach the hill held by Gregg’s company, the Indians made a charge to get between them and the hill to surround and cut them off. Seeing the movement and its intention, Lieutenant Gaston, who was not more than a thousand yards off, made a dash with his company, which was met by Gregg’s company from the hill, in a triangle, and the Indians suffered the greatest loss of the battle just at the spot where the two companies met, having twelve killed in the charge.25

35       The Indian loss in the tattle of Steptoe Butte—called Tehotomimme

Among the killed were Jacques Zachary, a brother- in-law of the Coeur d’Alene chief Vincent, and James, another headman. Victor, an influential chief, also of the Coeur dAl£nes, fell mortally wounded. The rage of the Coeur dA16nes at this loss was terrible, and soon they had avenged themselves. As the troops slowly moved forward, fighting, to reach water, the Indians kept up a constant raking fire, until about 11 o’clock, when Captain Oliver H. P. Taylor and Lieu­tenant William Gaston were killed.26 To these officers had been assigned the difficult duty of flanking the column. Their loss threw the men into confusion, harassed as they were by the steady fire of the enemy, but a few of them gallantly defended the bodies of their officers and brought them off the field under a rain of bullets.27

It now became apparent that water could not be reached by daylight, and though it was not much past noon, Steptoe was forced to remain in the best po­sition he could obtain on the summit of a hill, on a small inclined plain, where the troops dismounted and picketed their animals. The men were then ordered to lie down flat upon the ground, and do their best to prevent the Indians taking the hill by charges, in which defence they were successful. Toward even-

by tlie Indians—a place about seven miles from the present town of Colfax, was estimated by the Indians at 9 killed and forty or fifty wounded; but Steptoe in his report mentions that Lieut Gregg had seen 12 dead Indians together at one spot, and that many others were seen to fall. Clarke and Wrir/ht’s Campaign, 18.

wMrs NichoFs Indian Affairs, MS., 9. Taylor was a graduate of West Point of 1846, and only a few weeks previous to his death had brought out his wife and children to the Pacific coast. Gaston was a graduate of 1856, and an officer of great promise. Ind. Aff. Rept, 1858, 274.

27       First Sergeant Wm C. Wiliams, privates It. P. Kerse and Francis Poisell, were honorably mentioned for this. Williams and another sergeant, Edward Ball, were wounded and missing afterward. They succeeded in eluding the Indians, and reached the Snake River crossing alive. Williams was then killed by the Indians, who permitted Ball to escape and return to Fort Walla Walla. Kip’s Army Life, 11. This book of Lieut Lawrence Kip, 3d artillery, is like his Indian Council at Walla Walla in 1855, a small volume containing his personal observations on the operations of the army in the In­dian country of Washington. It embraces a number of subjects—the origin of the war, the march from The Dalles, and the various incidents of the cam­paign of Col Wright following the disaster of Steptoe’s expedition—very pleasantly written.

ing the ammunition, of which they had an insufficient supply, began to give out, and the men were suffering so severely from thirst and fatigue that it was with difficulty the three remaining officers could inspire them to defend themselves.23 Six of their comrades were dead or dying, and eleven others wounded. Many of the men were late recruits, insufficiently drilled, whose courage these reverses had much dimin­ished, if not altogether destroyed.

Nothing remained now but flight. The dead officers were hastily interred; and taking the best horses and a small supply of provisions, the troops crept silently away at ten o’clock that night and hurried toward Snake River, where they arrived on the morning of the 19th. Thence Steptoe re­turned to Fort Walla Walla.

One of the reasons, if not the principal one, assigned by the Coeur d’Alenes for their excitability and pas­sion was that ever since the outbreak in 1855 they had said that no white settlements should be made in their country, nor should there be any roads through it; and they were informed a road was about to be opened from the Missouri to the Columbia by the United States government in spite of their protest.29 They were opposed, also, to troops being sent to Col­ville, as they said that would only open the way for more troops, and again for more, and finally for the occupation of the country.

General Clarke, learning from Father Joset that the Coeur d’A13nes were penitent, offered to treat

28       ‘ To move from one point to another we had to crawl on our hands and knees, amid the howling of the Indians, the groans of the dying, and the whistling of balls and arrows.’ Letter of Lieut Gregg, in Ind. Aff. Rept, 1858, 274.

29       This referred to the wagon-road afterward opened by John Mullan, 1st lieut 2d art., in charge of the construction of a military road from Fort Benton to Fort Walla Walla. See Mullan's Military Road Report. The only point on which Steptoe could congratulate himself in his report on his expe­dition was that it had undoubtedly saved the lives of Mullan’s whole com­mand, who, had they proceeded into the Spokane country as intended, with­out being warned of the hostility of the Indiana, would have been slaughtered. As it was, they remained at The Dalles. Letter of Wright, in Clarke and Wright’s Campaign, 22; Report of the Secretary of War 1858, 351; letter of Steptoe, Id., 350.

with them on easy conditions, considering their con­duct towTard Colonel Steptoe; he sent their priest back to them with passports, which were to conduct their chiefs to Vancouver should they choose to come.

But the Coeur d’Alines did not choose to come. True, they had professed penitence to their priest, begging him to intercede for them, but as soon as his back was turned on them, they, with the Spokaues and Kalispels, led by the notorious Telxawney, brewed mischief. The Coeur d’Alenes openly denied consent­ing to Father Joset’s peace mission, and were incensed that he should meddle with things that did not con­cern him. After this, attacks on miners and others continued.

In June General Clarke held a consultation of offi­cers at Vancouver, colonels Wright and Steptoe be­ing present, when an expedition was determined upon which should not repeat the blunders of the previous one, and Colonel Wright was placed in command. Three companies of artillery were brought from San Francisco, one from Fort Umpqua, and Captain Judah was ordered from Fort Jones, in California, with one company of 4th infantry. The troops in­tended for the expedition were concentrated at Fort Walla Walla, where they were thoroughly drilled in the tactics which they were expected to practise on the field, the artillerymen being instructed in light infantry practice, with the exception of a single com­pany, which practised at artillery drill mounted. No precaution was neglected which could possibly secure discipline in battle.

At the same time that the expedition against the Spokanes and Coeur dAl^nes was preparing, another against the Yakimas was ordered, under the command of Major Garnett, who was to move, on the 15th of August, with 300 troops, northward toward Colville, thus assisting to drive the hostile Indians toward one

common centre. Before leaving Fort Walla Walla, on the 6th of August, Wright called a council of the Nez Percds, with whom he made a ‘treaty of friend­ship,’ binding them to aid the United States in wars with any other tribes, and binding the United States to assist them in the same case, at the cost of the gov­ernment; and to furnish them arms whenever their services were required. The treaty was signed by Wright on the part of the United States, and by twenty-one Nez Percds, among whom were Timothy, Richard, Three Feathers, and Speaking Eagle, but by none of the greater chiefs already known in this his­tory. The treaty was witnessed by six army officers and approved by Clarke.30 A company of thirty Nez Perce volunteers was organized under this arrange­ment, the Indians being dressed in United States uni­form, to flatter their pride as allies, as well as to distinguish them from the hostile Indians. This com­pany was placed under the command of Lieutenant John Mullan, to act as guides and scouts.

On the 7th of August Captain Keyes took his de­parture with a detachment of dragoons for Snake River, where, by the advice of Colonel Steptoe, a fortification was to be erected, at the point selected for a crossing. This was at the junction of the Tu- cannon with the Snake River. It was built in the deep gorge, overhung by cliffs on either side, 260 and 310 feet in height. The fortification was named Fort Taylor, in honor of Captain 0. H. P. Taylor, killed in the battle of the 17th of May. The place would have afforded little security against a civilized foe, but was thought safe from Indian attack. A reservation of 640 acres was laid out, and every preparation made for a permanent post, including a ferry, for which a large flat-boat was provided.

50 This treaty was the subject of criticism. Mullan attributed to it the good conduct of the Nez Percfe, but particularly as preventing a general coalition of the Indian tribes, ‘and a fire in our rear, which if once commenced must end in our total destruction.’ Ind. Aff. Kept, 18GS, 281.

On the 18th Wright arrived at Fort Taylor, and in a few days the march began. The dragoons num­bered 190, the artillery 400, and the infantry 90. The last were organized as a rifle brigade, and armed with Sharpe’s long-range rifles and minid-ball, two im­provements in the implements of war with which the Indians were unacquainted. On the 31st, when the army had arrived at the head waters of Cheranah River, a point almost due north of Fort Taylor, 76 miles from that post, and about twenty south of the Spokane River, the Indians showed themselves in some force on the hills, and exchanged a few shots with the Nez Perces, who were not so disguised by their uniforms as to escape detection had they desired it, which apparently they did not. They also fired the grass, with the intention of making an attack under cover of the smoke, but it failed to burn well. They discharged their guns at the rear-guard, and retreated to the hills again, where they remained. Judging from these indications that the main body of the Indians was not far distant, and wishing to give his troops some rest before battle, after so long a march, Wright ordered camp to be made at a place in the neighborhood of Four Lakes, with the intention of remaining a few days at that place.

But the Indians were too impatient to allow him this respite, and early in the morning of the 1st of September they began to collect on the summit of a hill about two miles distant. As they appeared in considerable force, Wright, with two squadrons of dragoons commanded by Major W. N. Grier, four companies of the 3d artillery, armed with rifle mus­kets, commanded by Major E. D. Keyes, and the rifle battalion of two companies of the 9th infantry commanded by Captain F. T. Dent, one mountain howitzer under command of Lieutenant J. L. White, and the thirty Nez Perces under the command of Lieutenant John Mullan, set out at half-past nine in the forenoon to make a reconnoissance, and drive the

enemy from their position, leaving in camp the equi­page and supplies, guarded by one company of artillery, commanded by lieutenants H. G. Gibson and G. B. Dandy, a howitzer manned, and a guard of fifty-four men under Lieutenant H. B. Lyon, the whole com­manded by Captain J. A. Hardie, the field-officer of the day.31

Grier was ordered to advance with his cavalry to the north and east around the base of the hill oecu- pied by the Indians, in order to intercept their retreat when the foot-troops should have driven them from the summit. The artillery and rifle battalion, with the Nez Perces, were marched to the right of the hill, where the ascent was more easy, and to push the Ind­ians in the direction of the dragoons. It was not a difficult matter to drive the Indians over the crest of the hill, but once on the other side, they took a stand, and evidently expecting a combat, showed no dispo­sition to avoid it. In fact, they were keeping up a constant firing upon the two squadrons of dragoons, who were awaiting the foot-troops on the other side of the ridge.

On this side was spread out a vast plain, in a beau­tiful and exciting panorama' At the foot of the hill was a lake, and just beyond, three others surrounded by rugged rocks. Between them, and stretching to the north-west as far as the eye could reach, was level ground; in the distance, a dark range of pine- covered mountains. A more desirable battle-field could not have been selected. There was the open plain, and the convenient covert among the pines that bordered the lakes, and in the ravines of the hillside. Mounted on their fleetest horses, the Ind­ians, decorated for war, their gaudy trapping glaring in the sun, and singing or shouting their battle-cries, swayed back and forth over a compass of two miles.

31 The entire transportation of Wright’s command consisted of about 400 mules, 325 belonging to the quartermaster’s department, six to each company, and one to each officer. Only the dragoons were mounted. Kip’s Army Life, 44.

Even their horses were painted in contrasting white, crimson, and other colors, while from their bridles depended bead fringes, and woven with their manes and tails were the plumes of eagles. Such was the spirited spectacle that greeted Colonel Wright and his command on that bright September morning.

Soon his plan of battle was decided upon. The troops were now in possession of the elevated ground, and the Indians held the plain, the ravines, and the pine groves. The dragoons were drawn up on the crest of the hill facing the plain; behind them were two companies of Keyes’ artillery battalion acting as infantry, and with the infantry, deployed as skir­mishers, to advance down the hill and drive the Ind­ians from their coverts at the foot of the ridge into the plain. The rifle battalion under Dent, composed of two companies of the 9th infantry, with Winder and Fleming, was ordered to the right to deploy in the pine forest; and the howitzers, under White, sup­ported by a company of artillery under Tyler, was advanced to a lower plateau, in order to be in a posi­tion for effective firing.

The advance began, the infantry moving steadily down the long slope, passing the dragoons, and firing a sharp volley into the Indian ranks at the bottom of the hill. The Indians now experienced a surprise. Instead of seeing the soldiers drop before their mus­kets while their own fire fell harmless, as at the bat­tle of Steptoe Butte, the effect was reversed. The rifles of the infantry struck down the Indians before the troops came within range of their muskets.

This unexpected disadvantage, together with the orderly movement of so large a number of men, ex­ceeding their own force by at least one or two hun­dred,32 caused the Indians to retire, though slowly at

3             2 Wright, in his report, says there were *400 or 500 mounted warriors, * and also * large numbers of Indians J in the pine woods. Multan's Top. Mem.,

19.     Kip says the Indians ‘ outnumbered us,’ p. 59 of Army Life, but it is not probable. Wright had over 700 fighting men. Subtracting those left to guard the camp, there wonld still be a number equal to, if not exceeding, the Indians.

first, and many of them to take refuge in the woods, where they were met by the rifle battalion and the howitzers, doing deadly execution.

Continuing to advance, the Indians falling back, the infantry reached the edge of the plain. The dra­goons were in the rear, leading their horses. When they had reached the bottom of the hill they mounted, and charging between the divisions of skirmishers, rushed like a whirlwind upon the Indians, creating a panic, from which they did not recover, but fled in all directions. They were pursued by the dragoons for about a mile, when the latter were obliged to halt, their horses being exhausted. The foot-troops, too, being weary with their long march from Walla Walla, pursued but a short distance before they were recalled. The few Indians who still lingered on the neighboring hilltops soon fled when the howitzers were dis­charged in their direction. By two o’clock the whole army had returned to camp, not a man or a horse having been killed, and only one horse wounded. The Indians lost eighteen or twenty killed and many wounded.33

For three days Wright rested unmolested in camp. On the 5th of September, resuming his march, in about five miles he came upon the Indians collecting in large bodies, apparently with the intention of opposing his progress. They rode along in a line parallel to the troops, augmenting in numbers, and becoming more demonstrative, until on reaching a plain bordered by a wood they were seen to be stationed there awaiting the moment when the attack might be made.

As the column approached, the grass was fired, which being dry at this season of the year, burned with great fierceness, the wind blowing it toward the troops; and at the same time, under cover of the smoke, the Indians spread themselves out in a cres­cent, half enclosing them. Orders were immediately

83 Report of Secretary of War for 1858, 3S6-90; report of Wright, in Mul­tan's Top. Mem., 19-20; Or. Statesman, Sept. 21, 1858.

given to the pack-train to close up, and a strong guard was placed about it. The companies were then deployed on the right and left, and the men, flushed with their recent victory, dashed through the smoke and flames toward the Indians, driving them to the cover of the timber, where they were assailed by shells from the howitzers. As they fled from the havoc of the shells, the foot-soldiers again charged them. This was repeated from cover to cover, for about four miles, and then from rock to rock, as the face §f the country changed, until they were driven into a plain, when a cavalry charge was sounded, and the scenes of the battle of Four Lakes were repeated.

But the Indians were obstinate, and gathered in parties in the forest through which the route now led, and on a hill to the right. Again the riflemen and howitzers forced them to give way. This was continued during a progress of fourteen miles. That afternoon the army encamped on the Spokane River, thoroughly worn out, having marched twenty-five miles without water, fighting half of the way. About the same number of Indians appeared to be engaged in this battle that had been in the first. Only one soldier was slightly wounded. The Coeur d’Alines lost two chiefs, the Spokanes two, and Kamiakin also, who had striven to inspire the Indians with courage, received a blow upon the head from a falling tree-top blown off by a bursting shell. The whole loss of the Indians was unknown, their dead being carried off the field. At the distance of a few miles, they burned one of their villages to prevent the soldiers spoiling it.

The army rested a day at the camp on Spokane River, without being disturbed by the Indians, who appeared in small parties on the opposite bank, and intimated a disposition to hold communication, but did not venture across. But on the following day, while the troops were on the march along the left bank, they reappeared on the right, conversing with

the N"ez Percds and interpreters, from which commu­nication it was learned that they desired to come with Garry and have a talk with Colonel "Wright, who ap­pointed a meeting at the ford two miles above the falls.

Wright encamped at the place appointed for a meeting, and Garry came over soon after. He stated to the colonel the difficulties of his position between the war and peace parties. The war party, greatly in the majority, and numbering his friends and the prin­cipal men of his nation, was incensed with him for being af peace man, and he had either to take up arms against the white men or be killed by his own people. There was no reason to doubt this assertion of Garry’s, his previous character being well known. But Wright replied in the tone of a conqueror, telling him he had beaten them in two battles without losing

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a man or animal, and that he was prepared to beat them as often as they chose to come to battle; he did not come into the country to ask for peace, but to fight. If they were tired of war, and wanted peace, he would give them his terms, which were that they must come with everything that they had, and lay all at his feet—arms, women, children—and trust to his mercy. When they had thus fully surrendered, he would talk about peace. If they did not do this, he would continue to make war upon them that year and the next, and until they were exterminated. With this message to his people, Garry was dismissed.

On the same day Polatkin, a noted Spokane chief, presented himself with nine warriors at the camp of Colonel Wright, having left their arms on the oppo­site side of the river, to avoid surrendering them. Wright sent two of the warriors over after the guns, when one of them mounted his horse and rode away. The other returned, bringing the guns. To Polatkin Wright repeated what had been said to Garry; and as this chief was known to have been in the attack on Steptoe, as well as a leader in the recent battles, he was detained, with another Indian, while he sent

the remaining warriors to bring in all the people, with whatever belonged to them. The Indian with Polat- kin being recognized as one who had been at Fort Walla Walla in the spring, and who was suspected of being concerned in the murder of the two miners in the Palouse country about that time, he was put under close scrutiny, with the intention of trying him for the crime.

Resuming his march on the 8th of September, after travelling nine miles, a great dust where the road entered the mountains betrayed the vicinity of the Indians, and the train was closed up, under guard, while Major Grier was ordered to push forward with three companies of dragoons, followed by the foot- troops. After a brisk trot of a couple of miles, the dragoons overtook the Indians in the mountains with all their stock, which they were driving to a place of safety, instead of surrendering, as required. A skir­mish ensued, ending in the capture of 800 horses. With this booty the dragoons were returning, when they were met by the foot-troops, who assisted in driving the animals to camp sixteen miles above Spokane Falls. The Indian suspected of murder was tried at this encampment, and being found guilty, was hanged the same day about sunset.

After a consultation on the morning of the 9th, Wright determined to have the captured horses killed, only reserving a few of the best for immediate use, it being impracticable to take them on the long march yet before them, and they being too wild for the ser­vice of white riders. Accordingly two or three hun­dred were shot that day, and the remainder on the 10th.3* The effect of dismounting the Indians was quickly apparent, in the offer of a Spokane chief, Big Star, to surrender. Being without horses, he was permitted to come with his village as the army passed, and make his surrender to Wright in due form.

** Brown's Autobiography, MS., 40; Clarke and Wright's Campaign, 393-4; Kip’s Army Life, 78.

On the 10th the Cceur d’Alines made proposals of submission, and as the troops were now within a few days’ march of the mission, Wright directed them to meet him at that place, and again took up his march. Crossing the Spokane, each dragoon with a foot-soldier behind him, the road lay over the Spokane plains, along the river, and for fifteen miles through a pine forest, to the Cceur d’Alene Lake, where camp was made on the 11th. All the provisions found cached were destroyed, in order that the Indians should not be able, if they were willing, to carry on hostilities again during the year. Beyond Cceur d’Alene Lake the road ran through a forest so dense that the troops were compelled to march in single file, and the single wagon, belonging to Lieutenant Mullan, that had been permitted to accompany the expedition, had to be abandoned, as well as the lim­ber belonging to the howitzers, which were thereafter

O O  7

packed upon mules. The rough nature of the country from the Cceur d’Alene Lake to the mission made the march exceedingly fatiguing to the foot-soldiers, who, after the first day, began to show the effects of so much toil, together with hot and sultry weather, by occasionally falling out of ranks, often compelling officers to dismount and give them their horses.

On the 13th the army encamped within a quarter of a mile of the mission.35 The following day Vincent, who had not been in the recent battles, returned from a circuit he had been making among his people to induce them to surrender themselves to Wright; but the Indians, terrified by what they had heard of the severity of that officer, declined to see, him. However, on the next day a few came in, bringing some articles taken in the battle of the 17th of May. Observing that no harm befell these few,

J5 The Coeur d’AlSne mission was situated in a pretty valley in the moun­tains, with a branch of the Coeur d’Alene River watering it, the mission church standing in the centre of a group of houses, a mill, the residences of the priests, bams for storing the produce of the Indian farms, and a few dwell­ings of the most civilized of the Indian converts. Mullan's Top. Mem., 37.

others followed their example. They were still more encouraged by the release of Polatkin, who was sent to bring in his people to a council. By the 17th a con­siderable number of Coeur d’Al^nes and Spokanes were collected at the camp, and a council was opened.

The submission of these Indians was complete and pitiful. They had fought for home and country, as barbarians fight, and lost all. The strong hand of a conquering power, the more civilized the more ter­rible, lay heavily upon them, and they yielded.

An arbor of green branches of trees had been con­structed in front of the commander’s tent, and here in state sat Colonel Wright, surrounded by his officers, to pass judgment upon the conquered chiefs. Father

Hist. Wabh.—13

Joset and the interpreters were also present. Vincent opened the council by rising and saying briefly to Colonel Wright that he had committed a great crime, and was deeply sorry for it, and was glad that he and his people were promised forgiveness. To this hum­ble acknowledgment Wright replied that what the chief had said was true—a great crime had been com­mitted ; but since he had asked for peace, peace should be granted on certain conditions: the delivery to him of the men who struck the first blow in the affair with Colonel Steptoe, to be sent to General Clarke; the delivery of one chief and four warriors with their families, to be taken to Walla Walla; the return of all the property taken from Steptoe’s command; consent that troops and other white men should pass through their country; the exclusion of the turbulent hostile Indians from their midst; and a promise not to commit any acts of hostility against white men. Should they agree to and keep such an engagement as this, they should have peace forever, and he would leave their country with his troops. An additional stipulation was then offered—that there should be peace between the Cceur dAlines and Nez Pereas. Vincent then desired to hear from the Nez Pereas themselves, their minds in the matter, when one of the volunteers, a chief, arose and declared that if the Coeur dAl^nes were friends of the white men, they were also his friends, and past differences were buried. To this Vincent answered that he was glad and satisfied; and henceforth there should be no more war between the Coeur dAlines and Nez Perces, or their allies, the white men, for the past was forgotten. A writteu agreement containing all these articles was then for­mally signed. Polatkin, for the Spokanes, expressed himself satisfied, and the council ended by smoking the usual peace-pipe.

A council with the Spokanes had been appointed for the 23d of September, to which Kamiakin was invited, with assurances that if he would come he should not

be harmed; but he refused, lest he should be taken to Walla Walla. The council with the Spokanes was a repetition of that with the Coeur d’Alines, and the treaty the same. After it was over, Owhi presented himself at camp, when Wright had him placed in irons for having broken his agreement made with him in 1856, and ordered him to send for his son Qualchin, sometimes called the younger Owhi, telling him that he would be hanged unless Qualchin obeyed the sum­mons. Very unexpectedly Qualchin came in the fol­lowing day, not knowing that he was ordered to ap­pear, and was seized and hanged without the formality of a trial. A few days later, when Wright was at Snake River, Owhi, in attempting to escape, was shot, by Lieutenant Morgan, and died two hours afterward. Kamiakin and Skloom were now the only chiefs of any note left in the Yakima nation, and their influence was much impaired by the results of their turbulent behavior. Kamiakin went to British Columbia after­ward, and never again ventured to return to his own land.

On the 25th, while still at the council-camp, a num­ber of Palouses came in, part of whom Wright hanged, refusing to treat with the tribe. Wright reached

*”5 #             # O

Snake River on the 1st of October, having performed a campaign of five weeks, as effective as it was in some respects remarkable. On the 1st of October Fort Taylor was abandoned, there being no further need of troops at that point, and the whole army marched to Walla Walla, where it arrived on the 5th, and was inspected by Colonel Mansfield, who arrived a few days previous.

On the 9th of October, Wright called together the Walla Wallas, and told them he knew that some of them had been in the recent battles, and ordered all those that had been so engaged to stand up. Thirty- five stood up at once. From these were selected four, who were handed over to the guard and hanged. Thus sixteen savages were offered up as examples.

While Wright was thus sweeping from the earth these ill-fated aboriginals east of the Columbia, Gar­nett was doing no less in the Yakima country. On the 15th of August Lieutenant Jesse K. Allen cap­tured seventy Indians, men, women, and children, with their property, and three of them were shot. Proceeding north to the Wenatchee River, ten Ya­kimas were captured by lieutenants Crook, McCall, and Turner, and five of them shot, making twenty-four thus killed for alleged attacks on white men, on this campaign. Garnett continued his march to the Oka­nagan River to inquire into the disposition of the Indians in that quarter, and as they were found friendly, he returned to Fort Simcoe.

Up to this time the army had loudly denounced the treaties made by Stevens; but in October Gen­eral Clarke, addressing the adjutant-general of the United States army upon his views of the Indian re­lations in Oregon and Washington, remarked upon the long-vexed subject of the treaties of Walla Walla, that his opinion on that subject had undergone a change, and recommended that they should be con­firmed, giving as his reasons that the Indians had forfeited some of their claims to consideration; that the gold discoveries would carry immigration along the foothills of the eastern slope of the Cascades; that the valleys must be occupied for grazing and cultivation; and that in order to make complete the pacification which his arms had effected, the limits must be drawn between the Indians and the white race.36 It was to be regretted that this change of opinion was not made known while General Clarke was in command of the department embracing Oregon and Washing­ton, as it would greatly have softened the asperity of feeling which the opposition of the military to the treaties had engendered. As it was, another general received the plaudits which were justly due to Gen­eral Clarke.

36       Clarke and Wright's Campaign, 85.

By an order of the war department of the 13th of September, the department of the Pacific was divided, the southern portion to be called the depart­ment of California, though it embraced the Umpqua district of Oregon. The northern division was called the department of Oregon, and embraced Oregon and Washington, with headquarters at Vancouver.37

General Clarke was assigned to California, while Gen­eral W. S. Harney, fresh from a campaign in Utah, was placed in command of the department of Oregon. General Harney arrived in Oregon on the 29th of October, and assumed command. Two daj^s later he issued an order reopening the Walla Walla country

87       Puget Sound Herald, Nov. 5, 1858; Or. Statesman, Nov. 2, 1858.

to settlement. A resolution was adopted by the legislative assemblies of both Oregon and Washing­ton congratulating the people on the creation of the department of Oregon, and on having General Harney, a noted Indian-fighter, for a commander, as also upon the order reopening the country east of the moun­tains to settlement, harmonizing with the recent act of congress extending the land laws of the United States over that portion of the territories. Harney was entreated by the legislature to extend his protec­tion to immigrants, and to establish a garrison at Fort Boise. In this matter, also, he received the ap­plause due as much to General Clarke as himself, Clarke having already made the recommendation for a large post between Fort Laramie and Fort Walla Walla, for the better protection of immigrants.38

The stern measures of the army, followed by pacifi­catory ones of the Indian department, were preparing the Indians for the ratification of the treaties of 1855. Some expeditions were sent out during the winter to chastise a few hostile Yakimas, but no general or con­siderable uprising occurred. Fortunately for all con­cerned, at this juncture of affairs congress confirmed the Walla Walla treaties in March 1859, the Indians no longer refusing to recognize their obligations.89 At a council held by Agent A. J. Cain with the Nez Pereas, even Looking Glass and Joseph declared they were glad the treaties had been ratified; but Joseph, who wished a certain portion of the country set off to him and his children, mentioned this matter to the agent, out of which nearly twenty years later grew another war, through an error of Joseph’s son in supposing that the treaty gave him this land.40 The other tribes also signified their satisfaction. Fort Simcoe being evacuated, the buildings, which had cost $60,000, were taken for an Indian agency. A

88      Rept of the Secretary of War, 1858, 413; S. F. Bulletin, Deo. 30, 1858; Or. Laws, 1858-9, iii.; Gong. Globe, 1857-8, app. 560.

33 Puget Sound Herald, April 29, 1859; Or. Argus, April 30, 1859.

10       See Ind. Aff. Rept, 1859, 420.

portion of the garrison was sent to escort the boun­dary commission, and another portion to establish Harney depot, fourteen miles north-east of Fort Col­ville,41 under Major P. Lugenbeel, to remain a stand­ing threat to restless and predatory savages, Lugen­beel having accepted an appointment as special Indian agent, uniting the Indian and military departments in one at this post.

General Harney had nearly 2,000 troops in his de­partment in 1859. Most of them, for obvious reasons, were stationed in Washington, but many of them were employed in surveying and constructing roads both in Oregon and Washington, the most important of which in the latter territory was that known as the Mullan wagon-road upon the route of the northern Pacific railroad survey, in which Mullan had taken part. Stevens, in 1853, already perceived that a good wagon-road line must precede the railroad, as a means of transportation of supplies and material along the route, and gave instructions to Lieutenant Mullan to make surveys with this object in view, as well as with the project of establishing a connection between the navigable waters of the Missouri and Columbia rivers. The result of the winter explorations of Mul­lan was such that in the spring of 1854 he returned to Fort Benton, and on the 17th of March started with a train of wagons that had been left at that post, and with them crossed the range lying between the Missouri and Bitter Root rivers, arriving at canton­ment Stevens on the 31st of the same month. Upon the representation of the practicability of a wagon- road in this region, connecting the navigable waters of the Missouri with the Columbia, congress made an appropriation of $30,000 to open one from Fort Ben­ton to Fort Walla Walla. The troubles of the gov­ernment with Utah, and the Indian wars of 1855-6

41       Companies A and K, 9th inf., ordered to establish a wintering place and depot for the escort of the N. W. boundary com., reached this place June

20,    1859. A pleasant spot, one mile square, reserved. Sen. Ex. Doc.y 52, 36th. cong. 1st sess., 271.

and 1858, more than had been expected, developed the necessity of a route to the east, more northern than the route by the South Pass, and procured for it that favorable action by congress which resulted in a series of appropriations for the purpose.42 The re­moval of the military interdict to settlement, followed by the survey of the public lands, opened the way for a waiting population, which flowed into the Walla Walla Valley to the number of 2,000 as early as April 1859,43 and spread itself out over the whole of eastern Washington with surprising rapidity for several years thereafter, attracted by mining discoveries even more than by fruitful soils.44

42       Mullan’s Military Road Rept, 2-12.

43       Letter of Gen. Harney, in U. S. Mess. and Docs, 1859-60. 96.

4i 1 introduce here a notice of a pioneer and soldier in the Ind. war, whose biography escaped my attention where it should have appeared, in chapter III.

David Shelton, son of Lewis Shelton and Nancy Gladdin, his wife, and grandson of Roderick Shelton and Usley Willard, his wife, of Va, was horn in Buncombe co., Va, Sept. 15, 1812, migrating with his parents to Mo. ter­ritory in 1819. He married Frances Willson, born in Ky, May 30, 1837, and I’emoved in 1838 to the Platte Purchase, settling near St Joseph, where he lived until 1847, when he emigrated to Oregon, taking up a claim on Sauve Island, which he sold in 1848, and went to the California gold mines, returning to Portland in 1849, where he remained until 1S52, when he re­moved to W. T. in company with L. B. Hastings, F. W. Pettigrove, Thomas Tallentine, and B. Ross on a small schooner, named the Mary Taylor. Shelton and "Ross remained in Olympia until 1853, in which year he settled on Skookum bay, and was appointed one of the three judges of Thurston co., which at that time comprised the whole Puget Sound coun­try. He was elected to first territorial legislature, and introduced the bill organizing Sawamish co. (the name being subsequently changed to Mason), of which he was the first settler. He served in the Indian war of 1855-6, as a lieutenant in Co. F., W. T. vols. Mrs Shelton died April 15, 1887, at the age of 70 years. Shelton was a man of strong convictions, and a power in the community where he lived. His children were Lewis D. W., born in Andrew co., Mo., in 1841; John S. W., born in Gentry co., Mo., in 1844; Levi T., born in Clackamas co., Or., in 1848; Mary E., born in Portland, Or., in 1850; Franklin P., born iu Olympia, Or., in 1852; James B., born in Mason co., W. T., in 1855; Joicie A., born in Mason co., W. T., in 1857. Franklin P. died in 1875.

Another pioneer of 1853, Henry Adams, was born in Greenville, Conn., in 1825, came to Cal. in 1849, to Or. in 1850, and to W. T. in 1853, settling at Seattle, where he worked at carpentry. He took a donation claim in 1855 on White river, his present home. He was the first auditor elected in King co., and served as county commissioner.

I.       J. Sackman, born near Mansfield, Ohio, in 1830, came to Cal. in 1850, returning home in 1851, but only to emigrate to Seattle, W. T. He eDgaged in lumbering at Port Orchard, remaining there until 1877, when he removed to Port Blakely and opened a hotel, which he owns. He married Mrs Phillips, a step-daughter of Capt. Win Renton, of Port Blakely mills.




Party Politics—Election op Delegate—Martial Law—Stevens Chosen Delegate—Death of Stevens—His Character—Governor McMul- lin—Fraser River Mining Excitement—Its Effect on Washington —Services of Secretary Mason—Governor Gholson—Henry M. McGill—The Capital Question—The University—Governor Wal­lace—Governor Pickering—The Custom-house Controversy—In­undation of Port Angeles.

With the organization of the territory, the demo­cratic party north of the Columbia had prepared to marshal its ranks and act with the democrats of Oregon wherever they could be mutually helpful in resisting what they denominated the “tyranny of the federal party.” It had not succeeded in effecting its object, when it suffered to be elected to congress Columbia Lancaster, whose politics were as nonde­script as his abilities were inferior. In 1855 a more thorough party organization was perfected1 for the election of a delegate to succeed Lancaster.2 The choice of the convention fell upon J. Patton Ander­son, the first United States marshal of the terri­tory, who resigned his office in March with the design of running for delegate, his place being subse­

1                          Ebey’s Journal, MS., iii. 8.    _

2        In the democratic convention on the first ballot Lancaster received 18 votes, but never exceeded that number. Stevens received 13, I. N. Ebey 7, J. P. Anderson 7. Stevens withdrew his name on the 6th ballot, and on the 29th ballot Anderson received 38 votes. Judges Lander and McFadden and H. C. Moseley were balloted for, receiving from 15 to 20 votes each. Olympia Pioneer and jDem., May 12, 1855.

quently filled by the appointment of George W. Corliss.8

The opposing candidate of the whig party was Judge Strong,4 Anderson’s majority being 176 out of 1,582 votes, 41 of which were cast for a free-soil can­didate, Joseph Cushman.

Stevens, while having with him the ultra anti- Indian element, had become unpopular in other quar­ters. His martial-law measure, among others, was severely criticised. Stevens’ excuse for it was that only in that way certain white residents of Pierce county having Indian wives could be effectually secured from intercourse with the enemy. In March 1856 the governor caused them to be arrested upon a charge of treason, without the formality of a civil process, and sent to Fort Steilacoom with a request to Colonel Casey to keep them in close confinement.5 Two law practitioners, W. H. Wallace and Frank Clark of Pierce county, early in April, determining to vindicate the majesty of law, set out for Whidbey Island, where resided Judge Chenoweth, to procure a writ of habeas corpus, when Stevens, equally deter­mined, thereupon proclaimed martial law in Pierce county.

Then followed a performance which for stubborn persistency on both sides was not unlike the Leschi affair. Casey notified the governor that in the case of a writ of habeas corpus being served upon him, he should feel compelled to obey its mandates, where­upon Stevens removed the prisoners to Olympia, out of

8        Corliss came to Salem, Or., about 1852, and thence to Puget Sound. He removed to Las Cruces, Cal., where, on the 16th of Jan. 1864, he was murdered, with his wife, nge Lucretia R. Judson, daughter of Peter Judson, and a Mr Shepherd, in his own house, which was burned over their bodies. The murderers were never discovered. Ebey’s Journal, MS., vii. 121. It will he remembered that Mr and Mrs Corliss were at the house of I. N. Ebey on the night when he was murdered, but escaped. A strange fate pursued them to the same end. Salem Statesman, Feb. 29, 1S64.

4        Gilmore Hays, W H. Wallace, George Gibbs, A. A. Denny, and C. C. Hewitt were the other whig candidates. Olympia Pioneer and Democrat, May 12, 1S55.

5        The persons arrested were Lyon A. Smith, Charles Wren, Henry Smith, John McLeod, JohnMcPeel, Henry Murray, and Peter Wilson. Evans’ Mar­tial Law, i.

Chenoweth’s district. Chenoweth, being ill, requested Chief Justice Lander to hold court for him at Steila­coom, which Lander proceeded to do, but was arrested, and with his clerk, John M. Chapman, taken to Olym­pia and detained in custody three or four days. Indig­nation meetings were held, and congress appealed to, public opinion being divided. Lander opened the dis­trict court the 12th of May at Olympia, and next day the governor placed Thurston county under martial law. Thereupon the governor was cited to appear before the chief justice at chambers, and refused, while the governor caused the arrest of the chief justice for ignoring martial law. Lander, declining parole, was sent to Camp Montgomery.

Thus attempts and contempts, writs and restrictions, continued, which, however interesting and instructive at the time, it would be irksome for us to follow. The Pierce county men were tried by a military com­mission, and martial law abrogated. But the end was not yet; for over innumerable technicalities, in which lawyers, judges, citizens, officials, and military men had become involved, wrangling continued throughout the year, B. P. Kendall,6 bitterly opposed to Stevens,

6Bezaleel Freeman Kendall, like Elwood Evans, crossed the continent in 1853 with Stevens. He was a native of Oxford, Maine, and a. graduate of Bowdoiu collegc. His talents are highly praised by all his biographers. Evans, who knew him well, says that he possessed a grand physique, was a fine seholar, able writer, powerful speaker, hard student, and of thorough in­tegrity, but ambitious, aristocratic in his feelings, bitter in his prejudices, and indiscreet in his utterances. ‘The newspapers cannot too highly paint his contempt for the opinions of others, his bitterness of expression, his un­qualified style of assault upon any with whom be differed.’ He carried this stroug individuality into a journal which he edited, called the Overland Press, and which was the occasion of his death, Jan. 7, 1863. Kendall had heeu clerk of the legislature, territorial librarian, prosecuting attorney of the Olym­pian jud. dist; had been sent on a secret mission by Gen. Scottj and appointed Indian agent in the Yakima country, but soon removed on account of his im­periousness. After his removal he puhlished the Press, and used it to attack whomsoever he hated. He was the attorney and warm friend of George B. Roberts of the Puget Sound Co. On the 25th of Oetober an attempt was made to burn the buildings of this company on Cowlitz farm. Kendall boldly charged the incendiarism on Horace Howe, a farmer residing on the Cowlitz, who, on the 20th of Dec. 1862, met Kendall in Olympia and struck himover the head with a small stick, in resentment. Kendall retreated, and Howe pursued, when Kendall drew a pistol and shot Howe, inflieting a dangerous wound. A few weeks later a son of Howe shot Kendall through the heart. Or. Statesman, Jan. 19, 1863; S. F. Bulletin, Jan. 12, 1863; Wash. Scraps, 14-6; Olympia, Wash. Standard, Jan. 10, 18G3.

having been meanwhile appointed United States dis­trict attorney by Lander.7

The matter having been brought to the attention of the president, Governor Stevens was reprimanded by the executive through the secretary of state, who assured him that, although his motives were not ques­tioned, his conduct in proclaiming martial law did not meet with the approval of the president.8

Soon it was rumored that Stevens would be re­moved, when his friends announced that they would send him as delegate to congress in 1857, and imme­diately set about marshalling their forces to this end. This being the year when the republican party was first organized in the territory, the election campaign was more hotly contested than usual, Stevens being a southern democrat like Lane, while the new party took direct issue with the south.

The candidate put forward by the republicans was A. S. Abernethy,9 a mild-mannered man, like his brother George Abernethy of Oregon, and having nothing either in his character or his history to hang praise or blame upon, could not contend for the peo­ple’s suffrages with Stevens—Stevens, who had a mag­netic presence, a massive brain, great stores of knowl­edge, which he never paraded, although in private a brilliant talker, a memory like Napoleon,10 whose small stature he approached, and bristled all over with

7        The documents in this case are contained in Sen. Doc., 98, xiv., 34th cong. 1st sess.; Id., 41, viii., 34th cong. 1st sess.; Id., 47, viii., 34th cong. 3d sess.; Id., 78, 34th cong. 1st sess.; S. Misc. Doc., 71, iii.9 35th cong. 1st sess. Many are to be found in the Olympia Pioneer and Democrat from May to August; and comments in the Oregon Statesman and Portland Oregonian, S. F. Alta; New York Courier and Inquirer, Feb. 14, 1857; New York Times; Philadelphia Ledger, July 4, 1856; Phelps' Reminiscences of Seattle, 34; Ore­gon Weekly Times; New York Herald, June 27, 1856; Washington Union; Washington Republican, April 17, 1857; but the most complete collection of papers on the subject is Evans' Martial Law, bc.Tore quoted. See also Cong. Globe, 1855-6, pt 2, 1517, 34th cong. 1st sess.

8Sen. Ex. Doc., 41, 56, 34th cong. 3d sess.; Wash. Jour. Council, 1856-7, app. vi.

9        A new party paper was started at Steilacoom, called the Washington Re­publican, by A. S. Abernethy, D. R. Bigelow, and J. P. Keller. Ebey's Jour­nal, MS., v. 16.

10Providence (R. I.) Journal, July 12, 1862.

points to attract the electricity of a crowd. Besides these qualities, which might be relied upon to give him success in a campaign, he was regarded by the volunteers as their proper representative to procure the payment of the war debt, against which General Wool was using his powerful influence. Not an ora­tor or debater, and with almost the whole argument­ative talent of the territory arrayed against him,11 his election was a foregone conclusion from the first. Stevens’ majority over Abernethy was 463 out of 1,024 votes.12 He resigned his office of governor on the 11th of August, one month less two days after his election, the full returns not being made before the last w’eek in July. Secretary Mason filled his place as acting governor until the arrival of his successor in September.

It would occupy too much space to follow in detail the public acts of Washington’s first governor.13 He labored as untiringly for the territory he represented in congress as he had at home, and was met by the same opposition, preventing during his first term the

11        Salucius Garfielde, a captivating speaker, then newly appointed receiver of the land-office at Olympia, took part in the political debates of this cam-

Eaign for Stevens, When Stevens was nominated in 1859 Garfielde opposed im; but when Garfielde was nominated in 1861 Stevens supported him. Ebei/s Journal, MS., v. 77. #

12       The sparseness of the population and small increase is shown by the fol­lowing comparative statement. At the first election for delegate, in 1854, the total vote was 1,216, in 1855, 1,582, and in 1857, 1,585. Olympia Pioneer and Dem., Sept. 11, 1857. Alexander S. Abernethy came from N. Y. to Cal. in 1849 by steamer, and in March 1850 proceeded to Or. by the bark Toulon. He soon purchased a half-interest in the Oak Point saw-mill, of George Abernethy, owner, and repaired to that rather solitary spot to reside. He was one of the movers for a territory north of the Columbia, a member of the second legislative assembly, and a member of the council in 1856-7. He was one oi the organizers of the republican party in the spring of 1857, and was nominated by the new party for delegate. After the election of Stevens he remained in private life, holding some county offices until the constitutional convention at Walla Walla in 1878, when be was chosen a member. A modest, right-minded, and moderately successful man, Abernethy fills an honorable place in the history of Washington. He contin­ued for many years to reside at Oak Point. Letter of A. S. Abernethy, in Historical Correspondence.

Evans’ Puyallup Address, in New Tacoma Ledger, July 9,1880; Tesler s Wash. Ter., MS., 11; Evans'N. W. Coast, MS., 4-5; Hays'Scraps, Mining, iii. 25; Swan's Wash. Sketches, MS., 14^15; Morse's Wash. Ter., MS., vn. 25-9.

passage of any bill looking to the payment of the war debt. He urged the claims of the territory to this money, to roads, public buildings, coast defences, a superintendent of Indian affairs, and additional Indian agents, the payment of Governor Douglas of Van­couver Island for assistance rendered acting governor Mason in 1855, more land districts and offices, and the survey of the upper Columbia. None of these measures were carried through in the session of 1858-9. But he was returned to congress in the latter year, running against W. H. Wallace, and beating him by about 600 votes out of less than 1,800. At the session of 1860-1, a land-office was established in the southern part of the territory, called the Columbia River district; an appropriation of $100,000 was ob­tained to be expended on the Fort Benton and Walla Walla road begun by Lieutenant Mullan; $10,000 to improve the road between Cowlitz landing and Monti- cello; and appropriations for fulfilling the treaties with the Walla Walla, Cay use, Umatilla, Nez Perce, Flat­head, and confederated tribes, and the coast tribes of Washington; and an act was passed giving to the territory an Indian superintendent and a fuller corps of agents. At the close of this session, also, congress agreed upon a plan for paying the war debt, after re­ducing it one half.

In April 1861 Stevens returned to Olympia, look­ing grave and careworn, for he had taken deeply to heart the troubles between the north and south. Being a pro-slavery democrat,11 yet a determined sup­porter of the government, he had labored earnestly to prevent secession, but as he probably knew, with little effect. Almost simultaneously with his arrival came the news that Fort Sumter had been taken by the South Carolinans, and civil war begun.

11        Stevens was chairman of the Breckenridge wing of the democracy after the division in the party in 1860, for which he was denounced by the legisla­ture of his territory in certain resolutions. See Wash. Jour. House, 1860, 337-8. He acquiesced in the election of Lincoln, and urged Buchanan to dis­miss Floyd and Thompson from his cabinet. Shuck’s Representative Men, 501.

There were in Washington, as in Oregon, many southern democrats; and there was in the democratic party itself a tradition that nothing should be per­mitted to sunder it; that to depart from its time-hon­ored principles and practices was to be a traitor. Stevens met the crisis in his usual independent spirit. His first words to the people of Olympia, who con­gregated to welcome him home, were: “I conceive my duty to be to stop disunion.”15 He had returned with the intention of becoming a candidate for reelec­tion, but when the convention met at Vancouver he withdrew his name, promising to sustain the choice of the delegates, this falling upon Salucius Garfielde, who had been for four years receiver in the land-office. Again he urged the duty of the party to support the government, and procured the adoption of union res­olutions by the convention; yet such was the hostility which pursued him, that many newspapers represented him as uniting with Gwin and Lane to form a Pacific republic.16

He remained but a few weeks on the Pacific coast, hastening back to Washington to offer his services to the president, and was appointed colonel of the 79th New York regiment, the famous Highlanders, on the death of their colonel, Cameron. Stevens’ service, beginning July 31, 1861, was first in the defences of Washington. In September he was commissioned brigadier-general, and commanded a brigade in the Port Royal expeditionary corps from October to March 1862. Prom March to July he was in the department of the south. On the 4th of July he was commissioned a major-general of volunteers, but the senate refusing to confirm the appointment, he continued to serve as a general of brigade in the northern Virginia campaign, though in command of a division. At the battle of Chantilly, while leading his faltering command in a charge, himself carrying the flag which the color-

16       Olympia Pioneer and DemMay 16, 1861.

16       Or. Statesman, May 20 and August 12, 1361.

bearer, stricken down by a shot, was about to let fall, be was struck in the head by a ball and died upon the field. But his courage and devotion had saved the city of Washington, for had Pope’s army been forced to capitulate, the nation’s capital would have been involved in the disaster.17

When the intelligence of the death of Stevens reached Washington, the grief of all classes was sin­cere and profound. The war had readjusted party lines; personal jealousies had been forgotten; nothing could any one recall that was base or dishonorable, but much that was lofty and manly, in the dead hero. When the legislature met, resolutions were passed in his honor, and crape was ordered to be worn for ten days. So mutable is human regard I The legislature of Rhode Island also formally regretted his loss. The most touching, because the most sincere and unaffected, tribute to his character was contained in a eulogistic letter by Professor Bache of the coast sur­vey, in whose office he spent four years. “He was not one who led by looking on, but by ex­ample. As we knew him in the coast-survey office, so he was in every position of life. . . This place he filled, and more than filled, for four years, with a devo­tion, an energy, a knowledge not to be surpassed, and which left its beneficient mark upon our organiza­tion ... Generous and noble in impulses, he left our office with our enthusiastic admiration of his character, appreciation of his services, and hope for his success.”18

Thus died, at forty-four years of age, a man whose talents were far above those whom the president too often appoints to the executive office in the terri­tories. As a politician he would always have failed,

17       Letter of a corr. in Olympia Wash. Standard, Oct. 25, 1862; Battles of America, 305.

18       Providence Journal, Jan. 12, 1863; Boston Journal, Sept. 5, 1862; Coast Survey, 1862, 432-3. Stevens married a daughter of Benjamin Hazard of Newport. His eon Hazard, 21 years of age, captain and adjutant, was wounded in the battle in which his father lost his life. There were, besides this son, three daughters in the family, who long resided in Washington. Olympia Wash. Standard, Oct. 25, 1862.

despising the tricks by which they purchase success; but as an explorer, a scientist, or an army commander, he could have reached to almost any height. His services to Washington are commemorated by the county east of the northern branch of the Columbia bearing the name of Stevens.

The successor of Stevens was Fayette McMullin of Virginia, a politician, whose chief object in coming to Washington seems to have been to get rid of one wife and marry another.19 He held the executive office only from September 1857 to July 1858, when he was removed. His administration, if such it can be called, embraced the period rendered memorable by the Fraser River gold-mining excitement, of which I have given a full account in my History of British Co­lumbia, to which the reader is referred for particulars.

The Hudson’s Bay Company had for three years been in the receipt of gold-dust purchased of the Indians in the region of Fraser River with lead, ounce for ounce, when in the winter of 1857-8 some of this gold found its way to Olympia, and caused the great­est excitement here as elsewhere all along the coast. Men rushed to the mines from every quarter, and the prices of labor, provisions, lumber, and real estate on the Sound advanced rapidly. There were many routes to the new mines, and divers outfitting posts; but a policy of exclusiveness on the part of the fur company authorities prevented Washington from re­ceiving the advantages which would otherwise have accrued to the territory.

While the great gold excitement of 1858 gave a new life and impetus to certain branches of business in the

19       McMullin petitioned the legislature of 1857-8 for a divorce, which was granted, and in July 1858 he married Mary Wood, daughter of Isaac Wood of Thurston county. He returned with his wife to Va, and during the civil war was a member of the confederate congress. After the conclusion of the war he was little known in public affairs. He was killed at the age of 70 years by a railroad train, Nov. 8, 1880, at Wytheville, Va. Olympia Pioneer and Dem., May 1, Aug. 14, Sept. 11, 1857; Or. Statesman, June 30, 1857, Aug. 3 and Dec. 21, 1858; Bancroft’s Hand-Book, 1864, 350; Olympia Tran­script, Nov. 13, 1880.

Hist. Wash.—14

Puget Sound country, it failed to build up trade and cities in that region, as some sanguine speculators had hoped. The good that it did came afterward, when many disappointed adventurers, chiefly young men, not having been able to reach the gold-fields, or re­turning thence poorer than they went, as some gold- seekers always do return, sought work, and finally homes on the government land, and remained to help subdue the wilderness and cultivate the soil. From this class Puget Sound nearly doubled its population in two years.

Another benefit to the country resulted from the impetus given to intelligent explorations, made both in quest of the precious metals and in the search for passes through the Cascade Mountains that might lead more directly to the mines on the upper Fraser. It made the country thoroughly known to its older in­habitants, and caused the laying-out of roads that opened to settlement many hitherto unappropriated valleys and isolated prairies, completing the unpre­meditated explorations made during the Indian wars of 1855-6. Attempts were made this summer to open a pass at the head waters of the Skikomish branch of the Snohomish River by Cady and Parkin­son, who were driven back by the Indians. An ex­ploration was also made of the Skagit, with a view to constructing a road up that river to the mines, and W. H. Pearson led a large mining party through the Snoqualimich Pass, intending to proceed to Thomp­son River by the Similkameen route, but was pre­vented by the Yakimas and their allies. A large immigration to the British Columbia mines subse­quently took place by the Columbia River route, and in 1861 Governor Douglas, as a means of depriving Americans of the benefit of free-trade, established a higher rate of duty on goods conveyed over the border, although the Hudson’s Bay Company were allowed to carry goods from Nisqually across the line without hinderance.

After the removal of McMullin, and until the ar­rival of his successor, Mason again became acting governor, soon after which he died. No man in Washington had a firmer hold upon the esteem of the w’hole community than Mason, who for six years had held the office of secretary, and for nearly half that time of vice-governor. Efficient, prompt, incorrupti­ble, and courteous, he deserved the encomiums lavished upon him in post-obit honors.20 Stevens pronounced his funeral oration, and he was buried from the capital with imposing ceremonials. The legislative assembly of 1864 changed the name of Sawamish county to Mason, in honor of his services to the territory.

The third governor of Washington was Richard D. Gholson, of Kentucky, and like his predecessors, a radical democrat. He arrived in July 1859, and offi­ciated both as governor and secretary until Mason’s successor, Henry M. McGill, arrived in November. The following May Gholson returned to Kentucky on a six months’ leave, during which such changes took place in national politics as to cause him to re­main away,21 and McGill officiated as governor until April 1861, when W. H. Wallace was appointed to the executive office by President Lincoln, L. J. S. Turney being secretary.

The administration of Gholson and McGill was marked by events of importance to the territory, per-

20                            Charles H. Mason waa born at Fort Washington on the Potomac, and was a son of Major Milo Mason of Vt, deputy quartermaster-general under Jackson in his Indian campaigns. His mother was a native of Providence, R, I., where C. H. Mason resided after the death of his father in 1837, grad­uating at Brown university with distinction in 1850, being admitted to the bar in 1851, and associated as a partner with Albert C. Green, atty-gen. of the state for 20 years, and afterward U. S. senator. In his 23d year he was recommeuded to the president for the appointment of district attorney of Rhode Island, but was appointed instead to ihe secretaryship of Washington. He was reappointed at the time of his death. Olympia Pioneer and Dem., July 29, 1859; Or. Statesman, August 9, 1859; Puget Sound Herald, April 15, 1859.              .

21       Gholson wrote a letter urging the legislature of Ky to call a convention and appoint commissioners to the southern congress at Montgomery, Alabama, who should pledge the state to stand by the south in the attempt to secede. S. F. Bulletin, Aug. 30, 1859; Or. Statesman, March 11, 1861.

tainmg to the quarrel over the San Juan boundary, in which the territorial authorities were permitted to participate in an insignificant degree, owing to the military occupation of the island. The not unimpor­tant troubles with the northern and local Indian tribes22 gave the governor frequent occasion for anx­iety. Besides those murders and emeutes to which I have already referred, D. Hunt, deputy United States surveyor, was murdered on Whidbey Island in July 1858. Seven miners were also attacked and killed on their way to Fort Langley, and a white woman captured about the same time. If a party of two or three men set out to perform a canoe journey to the lower waters of the Sound, they ran the risk of meeting their executioners in another Indian canoe in orje of the many lonely wastes on Admiralty Inlet.

At length, in February 1859, two schooners, the Ellen Maria and Blue Wing, mysteriously disappeared while en route from Steilacoom to Port Townsend. The latter was commanded by a young man named Showell, and carried several passengers, among whom was E. Schroeder, a well-known and respected Swiss merchant of Steilacoom, lately appointed sutler to Major Haller. Various rumors were afloat concern­ing the fate of the vessels, in which Indians were mentioned as accessory to their loss, but the crime, if any, could not be traced to any tribe or individuals, until in July 1860, when, at the trial of an Indian for another offence at Victoria, one of the Indian wit­nesses irrelevantly gave a clew to the matter. The guilty persons, it seems, were Haidahs, for whom

22       Strong says that Gholson, who had never held any office, and had large ideas of the importance of an executive position, felt it his duty to suppress the northern Indians in some way, and finally hit upon the happy projcct of getting out a proclamation authorizing the citizens of the territory to arm and fit out vessels for the purpose of making reprisals against the English for per­mitting the northern Indians to leave British Columbia and commit depreda­tions in Washington territory—regular letters of marque and reprisal! Strong, to whom he showed the proclamation, assured him it would make him the most famous man upon tne Pacific coast. But Tilton, who was also informed of it, put a stop to it. However, the story leaked out, and Gholson received many a sly innuendo. This was during the San Juan difficulty, when there were five British ships of war at Victoria. Strong’s Hist. Or., MS., 72-4.

requisitions were several times made on Governor Douglas, but refused upon one pretext or another, until the criminals had escaped, when it was granted.

Another matter which occasioned some agitation during the administration of McGill was the location of the public buildings of the territory. By the or­ganic act the governor could convene the first legisla­ture where he pleased; but that body was then, at its first session, or as soon as expedient, to establish the seat of government at such a place as it deemed eligible, which place was, however, subject to be changed by an act of the assembly at some future time. At the session of 1854-5 the legislature fixed the capital at Olympia, the university at Seattle, with a branch at Boisfort plains, and the penitentiary at Vancouver.23 In January 1858 the university was relocated on Cowlitz prairie without a branch. Work was begun on the state-house, which, however, was suspended by the Indian war.

At the session of 1856-7 congress appropriated $30,000, in addition to the $5,000 granted in the or­ganic act, which had been in part or in whole ex­pended; and then commenced the advancement of competitive claims for the honor and profit of securing one or other of the public buildings.

A determined effort was made in 1859-60 by a faction to remove the capital from Olympia to Van­couver, but as strongly resisted by a majority of the assembly. The matter coming up again at the next session, the effort was renewed, and the matter having been previously arranged by trading, acts giving Van­couver the capital, Seattle the university, and Port Townsend the penitentiary were passed without dis­cussion in the lower house, and being sent to the council, passed that body without argument also, the president’s vote constituting the majority.24 Such

mStat. Wash., 1854-5, 6, 8, 9.

21 Paul K. Hubbs of Port Townsend was president of the council. A. M. Poe said that he was pledged not to vote for removal. Letter of Poe to W. S. Ebey, in the Enos Collection.

was the haste of the legislative traders, that the all- important enacting clause was omitted in the wording of the bill locating the capital, which thereby became inoperative. It was also illegal in another point, hav­ing located the capital permanently,25 which the legis­lature had no right to do, according to the organic act of the territory.

Another act was passed at the same session requir­ing the people to vote at the next election upon the seat-of-government question, which being done, Olym­pia received a large majority over all competitors.26 This result brought on a contest similar to that between Oregon City and Salem, a part of the legis­lature going to Vancouver and a part to Olympia, neither place having a quorum. Two weeks were spent in waiting for a decision of the supreme court upon the validity of the opposing laws, when it was decided that for the reasons above named Olympia still remained the capital; and that although the vote of the people carried with it no binding force in this case, yet the wish of the people, when so plainly ex­pressed, was entitled to consideration by courts and legislatures.27 This settled the matter so far as the capital was concerned, the Vancouver seceders re­turning to Olympia,28 where the capital has since remained.

Previous to the removal of the seat of government to Vancouver, Governor McGill having become re­sponsible for the proper outlay of the government appropriation,29 in which he was opposed by the same

25       Olympia Wash. Standard, Feb. 28, 1861; JSbey's Journal, MS., vi. 391; Steilacoom Puget Sound Herald, Feb. 28, 1862.

“Olympia, 1,239; Vancouver, 639; Steilacoom, 253; Port Townsend, 72; Walla Walla, 67; Seattle, 22; scattering, 23. Olympia Wash. Standard, Apr.

19,     1862. _ _

27       The opinion was given in reference to the case of Rodolf vs A. Mayhew et al., where there was a question of jurisdiction, the court being directed to be held at the ‘ seat of government.’ It was argued by Garfielde, Lawrence, Chenoweth, and Hubbs; Evans and Lander, contra.

28       Olympia Wash. Standard, Dec. 23, 1861; S. F. Bulletin, Dec. 23, 1861; Or. Statesman, Dec. 23, 1861.

28Neither McMullinnor Gholson would give bonds, and Judge McFadden, who held the drafts, was about to send them back to Washington.

clique of1 politicians which effected the subsequent trade, had let contracts for clearing the land donated by Edmund Sylvester for the site of the capitol, and preparing the foundations of legislative halls and ter­ritorial offices. The removal of the capital by the next legislature was a part of the political programme, which in the end failed in fact and intent. But the adverse proceedings delayed the erection of a state- house until 1863, when there was completed a struc­ture of wood at Olympia which has served the purposes of the territory for many years.

The university was suffered to remain at Seattle on condition that ten acres of land should be donated for a building site where the commissioners should select it. This condition was complied with by A. A. Denny giving eight acres, and Edward Lander and C. C. Terry the remainder. The corner-stone was laid in May 1861, but the university for many years failed to rank above a preparatory school, partly through mismanagement of its funds,30 and also by

30       The legislature, in Jan. 1862, re-incorporated the university, which was previously chartered in 1860 while it was located on the Cowlitz prairie, creating a board of regents consisting of Daniel Bagley, Paul K. Hubbs, J. P. Keller, John Webster, E. Carr, Frank Clark, G. A. Meigs, Columbia Lan­caster, and C. H. Hale, in whom was vested the government of the institu­tion. Three regents were to be elected each year, the length of the terms of the first nine to be determined by lot. In case of a vacancy the governor might appoint. The regents had power to elect a president of the board, and a president of the faculty; to fix the number of assistants, and determine their salaries. They could remove eitlier, and could appoint a secretary, librarian, treasurer, and steward, and remove the same; but the treasurer could never be, in any case, a member of the board of regents. They were entitled to hold all kinds of estate, real, personal, or mixed, which they might acquire by purchase, donation, or devise. The money received for the sale of lands or otherwise was to be paid to the treasurer, and as much as was necessary expended by the regents in keeping up the buildings and defraying expenses; the treasurer only to give bonds, in the sum of $15,000 to the gov­ernor. There was also a board of visitors to consist of three persons, and both regents and visitors were to receive pay out of the university fund for their actual and necessary expenses, all orders on the treasurer to be signed by the secretary and countersigned by the president. Wash. Stab., 1861-2, 43-6.

_ In an act in relation to the management and safe-keeping of the moneys arising from the sale of university lands, another board, called ‘university commissioners/ whose business it was to locate and sell the two townships of land granted by congress to the support of a university, were associated with the regents and other officers named above, all together constituting a board of directors, with liberty to loan the fund derived from the sale of land, or any part of it, at 12 per cent interest, and for any time from one to ten years,

reason of an insufficient population to support a higher order of college.

the loans to be secured by mortgage on real estate of twice its value. The interest thus accrning was to be set apart for the support of the university, and to be under the control of the regents, the principal to remain an irre­ducible fund. The laws required annual reports from both boards and the treasurer. Id., 60.

On the 10th of October, 1862, a primary collegiate school was opened for pupils of both sexes, under the charge of A. S. Mercer, assisted by Mrs V. Calhoun, the terms to continue five months. The reports of the different boards showed that in 1861 20,524 acres of the university land had been sold; bringing $30,787.04, and $30,400.69 had been expended in the erection of buildings. The receipts for lauds in 1862 amounted to $16,748.03, of 'which $10,215.73 had been expended on improvements, leaving $6,959.24, on hand, and 28,768 acres of land unsold. Wash. Jour. Council, 1862-3, app. xvi.-xx.

The president of the board of regents, Rev. D. Bagley of the methodist church, was also president of the board of commissioners to select and sell the lands of the university, and so zealous was he to sell, and so careless was he in his accounts, that the legislature of 1866-7 repealed all former acts granting authority to the boards of regents and commissioners, and appoint­ing a new board of regents consisting of B. F. Dennison, D. T. Denny, Frank Mathias, Harvey K. Hines, and Oliver F. Gerrish, granting them power to make full investigation of the affairs of the university aud report thereupon. Wash. Slat., 1867, 114. The new board elected Dennison president, Denny treasurer, and William H. Taylor secretary.

In the mean time there had been several changes in the school. W. E. Barnard appears to have been the second president of the faculty, if such a board could be properly said to exist, and he resigned in April 1866, the re­gents appointing Rev. George F. Whitworth, who accepted upon an agree­ment that the salary should be $1,000 in coin, payable quarterly, in addition to the tuition fees, and the free use of the buildiugs and grounds. The grade of scholarship was low, as might be expected under the circumstances of the recent history of the country, and the number of pupils probably never ex­ceeded 60, nearly all of whom belonged to Seattle. The new board of regents fouud $5.85 in the treasury, and only 3,364,S acres of land remaining unsold out of 46,080 acres douated by congress. Abont 8,000 acres had been sold on credit without security, and abont 11,000 on securities which were worthless, and at prices illegally low. For the remainder of the 25,456 acres remaining after the erection of the university buildings, there was nothing to show but abont six dollars in money and between 3,000 and 4,000 acres of land. In their report to the legislature, the board made Bagley in deht to the university $13,919.34 in coin, and responsible for the other losses sustained by the uni­versity fund, having illegally acted as president and treasurer of the board, and disburser of the moneys received. Rept in Wash. Jour. Council, 1867­8, 76-104. On account of this condition of affairs the school was closed in June 1867, and the buildings and property taken in charge by the new board. The report of the new board of regents being referred to a select committee of the legislature, the findings of the regents were reversed, and $2,314.76 found due Bagley from the university for services. The committee exonerating Bag­ley consisted of Park Winans, John W. Brazee, and Ira Ward, assisted by Rev. H. K. Hines of the methodist church, and member of the board of regents. Id., 1S7-202. Nothing was done by the legislature at this session except to appoint A. A. Denny and W. H. Robertson regents in place of D. T. Denny and H. K. Hines, whose terms had expired, Wash. Slat., 1867-8, 78, the assembly not knowing how to act in the matter. At the session of 1869 a report was made by the regents showing that $1,112.52 had been received into the treasury, $1,335.86 of which had been paid in liquidation of debts existing under the first regency; and $68.20 re-

The administration of McGill, although an acci­dental one, was energetic and creditable. He com­bined, like Mason, executive ability with that savoir faire which left those who would have possibly been his enemies no ground for hostility.31 His attitude during the San Juan and extradition difficulties was dignified and correct, leaving a record alike honorable to himself and the territory.

The appointment of Governor Wallace in 1861 was followed immediately by his nomination to the delegateship of the territory. In Washington as in

maining in the treasury. The school had been reopened on the 12th of April

1869                  by John H. Hall, who agreed to teaeh three years for $600 per annum. There were 70 students iu attendance, 23 of whom were not residents of Seattle, and the university was not incurring any debts. Wash. Jour. House, 1S69, 149-53. The governor, Alvan Flanders, declared in his message that ‘everything connected with the management of the university lands up to 1867 can he described only by saying that it was characterized by gross ex­travagance and incompetency, if not by downright fraud; and that the history of the institution was a calamity and a disgrace,5 all that remained of the munificent grant of congress being a> building possibly worth $15,000. He suggested asking congress for further aid, which if granted should be protected from similar waste. Instead, congress was memorialized to bestow a grant of swamp and tide lands for school purposes and internal improve­ments, Wash. Stat., 1859, 527-8, a prayer it was not likely to listen to after the use made of the former liberal grant. The university struggled along, unable to rise out of its slough of despond for almost another decade. The first assistance rendered by the legislature was in 1877, when it appropri­ated $1,500 for each of the years 1878 and 1879 to defray the expenses of tuition, and establishing 45 free scholarships, the holders to be between the ages of 16 and 21 years, and bona fide residents of the territory six months before their appointment. Each councilman and each assemblyman could ap­point one from his district or county; each of the district judges one, and the governor three from three different counties. Wash. Stat., 1877, 241-3. The first graduate was Miss Clara McCarty, in 1876. The annual register for 1880 shows 10 graduates in all, only one of these, W. J. Colkett, being of the male sex. The faculty consisted in the latter year of the president, J. A. Anderson, and wife, Louis F. Anderson, A. J. Anderson, Jr, with 3 male and

3                        female assistants. President Anderson raised the standing of the institu­tion, which continued to improve, and has turned out graduates very credit­able to it and the succeeding faculty.                    w

31 McGill was Irish, having immigrated to the 17. S. at the age of six years. He came to S. F. in 1857, returning to Washington, D. C., iu 1858, where he was assistant, and then acting, private secretary to President Buchanan. In 1859 he was one of the commissioners of the court of claims, until made secre­tary of Washington. On his retirement from executive offieehe resumed the practice of law, and in March 1862 was elected U. S. prosecuting attorney for Puget Sound district. He was also elected a member of the territorial assem­bly for 1863-4 on the republican ticket. For a time he was president of the board of regents of the territorial university. In 1868 he revisited Ireland. Quigley’s Irish Race, 414-16.

Oregon, the democratic party, as such, had been forced to abandon its ancient rule, and it was now the party of the union which held the reins of government. Wallace had been a whig; he was now a republican. That was the secret of his sudden success. Running against Garfielde, democrat, and Judge Lander, inde­pendent, he beat the former by over 300 votes, and the latter by 1,000. Yet the legislature of 1861-2 voted down a series of resolutions presented by repub­lican members sustaining the course of the general government and discountenancing the project of a Pacific confederacy.32

The democracy were not yet willing to resort to arms to save the union from overthrow by their po­litical brethren of the south, and the legislature was democratic still. But the following session of 1862-3, very soon after convening, the joint assembly passed very strong resolutions of support to the government in suppressing the rebellion, partly the result of in­creasing republican sentiment, and partly also, no doubt, from a feeling of sorrow and regret for the loss of the territory’s one war hero, I. I. Stevens,33 and not a little from a fear of losing the patronage of a republican administration.

82       There appears upon the journal of the council a set of loyal resolutions, sent up from the house, which are ‘referred to the committee on foreign rela­tions, with instructions to report the first day of April next’—two mouths after adjournment! Wash. Jour. Council, 1861-2, 207-8. The members who com­posed this council were James Biles, A. R. Burbank, John Webster, Paul K. Hubbs, B. F. Shaw, Frank Clark, J. M. Moore, J. A. Simms, and H. L. Caples. The house then made a secoud attempt to pass some joint resolu­tions of a loyal character, but they were voted down before going to the council. The yeas on the second series were John Denny, father of A. A. Denny, M. S. Griswold, Lombard, McCall, John F. Smith of Clarke county, J. S. Taylor, William Cock, and J. Urquhart. The nays were John Aird, C. C. Bozarth, J. R. Bates, Beatty, Chapman, B. L. Gardner, Gilliam, T. D. Hinckley, Holbrook, T. Page, John H. Settle, Smith of Walla Walla county,

B.      F. Ruth, Thornton, Edward A. Wilson, W. G. Warbass. Not voting, J. L. Ferguson, William Lean, A. S. Yantis, and Williamson. Olympia Wash. Standard, March 22, 1862.

83       General F. W. Lander, who belonged to the R. R. expedition of 1853, and who laid out the wagon-road on the south side of Snake River to Salt Lake, a younger brother of Judge Lander, though he could not be said to be a resident of Washington, was held in high esteem for his services. He died of wounds received in battle at Edwards’ Ferry, much regretted on the Pa­cific coast. Olympia Standard, March 22, 1862; Or. Statesman, May 5, 1862.

The resignation of Wallace on his election as dele­gate was followed by a brief interregnum, during which the secretary, L. J. S. Turney, acted as governor. The next appointee was William Pickering of Illi­nois,34 who arrived at Olympia in June 1862. In December Secretary Turney was removed and Ehvood Evans appointed in his place. Evans’ commission having been sent to him without a bond, Turney re­fused to vacate the office.35 Both claiming the exclu­sive right to act, the financial affairs of the officials and legislators were for some time in an embarrassed con­dition. Pickering proved to be acceptable as an executive, and Evans was well qualified for the secre­taryship; so that peace reigned in the executive office for a longer term than usual, and the legislature me­morialized congress against the removal of Pickering in 1866-7, but a commission having already issued, he was forced to give way. During 1865 Evans was acting governor, filling the office to the satisfaction of the territory as well as the republican party.

Since the days when the first collector of customs, Moses, had worried the Hudson’s Bay Company, and other British men, ship-captains, and owners, and since Ebey had established a deputy on the disputed island of San Juan, matters had proceeded quietly in the customs department. Ebey was succeeded by Morris IT. Frost36 of Steilaeoom, who held the office for four years, and C. C. Phillips of Whidbey Island followed for a short term of nine months, when, in August 1861, the new administration sent out from Ohio an

84      Pickering was a Yorkshire Englishman who came to the U. S. in 1821 and settled in 111., where for thirty years he had known Lincoln, from whom he received his appointment. He was 60 years of age, and was sometimes called William the Headstrong. Pacific Tribune, JuneS, 1872. On the ap­pointment of a successor he retired to a farm in King co., but soon after re­turned to 111., where he died April 22, 1873. His son, William Pickering, remained in Washington. Seattle Intelligencer, April 27, 1873.

85                       Or. Statesman, Dec. 29, 1862; Wash, Scraps, 146; Sen. Jour., 39th cong. 2d sess.                                  __ i .

86      M. H. Frost later resided at Mukilteo. He was born in New York in 1806, removed to Mich, in 1832, and to Chicago in 1849. He crossed the plains in 1852 and settled on Puget Sound. Morse's Wash. Ter., MS., xxi. 1,

incumbent named Victor Smith, who was not only clothed with the powers of a collector of United States revenue, but commissioned to inquire into the manner in which the government moneys were disbursed in other departments—a treasury spy, in short, who en­joyed the confidence of the authorities at the national capital, but who, as it turned out, did not possess the requisite discretion for so dangerous an office, the con­sequence of which was that others, through jealousy perhaps, were spying upon him.

The first offence of which Victor Smith was plainly shown to be guilty was that of plotting to remove the custom-house from Port Townsend to Port Angeles, upon the pretence that the former place was not a good harbor in all weathers, but really, as it was averred, that he might speculate in town lots, he be­ing shown to be the owner of a fifth interest in the Port Angeles Company’s town site.37 A legislative memorial was forwarded to congress in December 1861 in favor of Port Townsend, and asking for an appropriation to erect a suitable custom-house at that place.       *

Another offence of the imported custom-house offi­cial was that he was an abolitionist, a word of hatred and contempt to the democracy. To be an intermed­dler between master and slave, and to attempt to alter the settled order of things in the district of Puget Sound, where an appointee from the east was likely to be regarded as an interloper, were serious counts against the new collector. It was not long, therefore, before an apparent defalcation was discovered, and an outcry raised which made it necessary for him to repair to Washington.

In the interim, and before he reached the capital, Secretary Chase, whose confidence Smith seems to have enjoyed to a singular degree, recommended to congress the removal of the custom-house from Port

57 The company consisted only, it was said, of H. A. Goldsborough, P. M. O’Brien, and Smith.

Townsend to Port Angeles, and a bill was passed re­moving it in June 1862.38 This redoubled the ani­mosity with which the Port Townsend faction regarded the Port Angeles faction. Nor was the feeling les­sened by the action of the government in first apply­ing to Port Angeles the operation of a “bill for in­creasing revenue by reservation and sale of town sites.”39 Under this act, the land which the original town company had claimed and surveyed for the city of Cherburg was reserved by the government, which resurveyed it and sold the lots at auction to the highest bidder, the company not neglecting their opportunity to secure a perfect title.

When Smith departed to Washington to explain to the proper authorities the condition of his accounts, and showed that the alleged defalcation was simply a transfer of $15,000 from one fund to another,40 in which action he was borne out by authority vested in him by the treasury department, he appointed J. J. H. Van Bokelin deputy inspector and collector for the period of his absence. Hardly was his back turned upon Port Townsend when Captain J. S. S. Chaddock of the revenue-cutter Joe Lane, acting upon information received, proceeded to take posses­sion of the custom-house, where he left installed as collector Lieutenant J. H. Merryman of the revenue service. This was in June 1862. In August Victor Smith returned to Puget Sound in the steam revenue- cutter Shubrick, commanded by Lieutenant Wilson, and demanded of Merryman the surrender of the keys of the custom-house; but this Merryman refused unless he were shown Smith’s commission from the department at Washington, or his special authority for making the demand, neither of which were pro­duced. Instead, Smith returned to the cutter, had her brought into the harbor, her men armed, her

88Sen. Misc. Doc., 67, 37th cong. 2d sess.; U. S. Acts, 127-8. Smith was reputed to be a cousin of Secretary Chase. Morse’s Wash. Ter., MS., xvii. 43.

89 Briggs’ Port Townsend, MS., 32-3; S. F. Bulletin, July 24, 1862.

10 Olympia Standard, Aug. 23, 1863.

guns shotted and brought to bear upon the town. Two officers with a party of marines then landed and demanded of Merryman to deliver up to them the custom-house keys, but were refused. Upon this Wilson himself went ashore and made a formal requi­sition for the possession of the custom-house papers and moneys, when the government property was sur­rendered, and to avoid further trouble, taken on board the Shubrick, where the business of the office was transacted until it was removed to Port Angeles in September.41

The people of Washington territory had never yet been granted a satisfactory mail communication, but by an arrangement of the postal agent with the Eliza Anderson, a passenger-steamer running between Puget Sound ports and "Victoria, had for some time enjoyed a sombre satisfaction in being able to get word to and from Victoria in a week. But on the arrival of the Shubrick, Smith, who was authorized to introduce re­trenchment into the public service wherever it could be done, assumed charge of the mail service, and made the Shubrick carrier, which having a regular route away from the mail route, was anything but a proper mail carrier. This disturbance of their already too limited means of communication roused a tornado of invective about the ears of the self-constituted postal agent.

Immediately after the belligerent performances of the Shubrick, Governor Pickering, attended by United States Marshal Huntington, Ex-governor McGill, Major Patten of the regular service, and a number of citizens of Olympia, repaired to Port Townsend on the Eliza Anderson, to inquire into the conduct of Col­lector Smith in threatening to bombard that town. But the witty and audacious revenue gatherer ex­hibited his correspondence with the secretary of the treasury, and smiling benignly, assured his visitors that whatever they might think of his methods, he was un-

41       Olympia Standard, Aug. 9, 1862; S. F. Bulletin, Aug. 11, 1862.

doubtedly a favorite of the power which made them, as well as him, of which he was able to furnish abundant evidence. Although this could not be gainsaid, there still remained the suspicion that the confidence of the government might be misplaced, and a few days later, when the Shubrick stopped at Port Townsend to leavo and take the mail, Marshal Huntington attempted to board her with a warrant, but was not permitted to do so. On the 13th the Shubrick sailed for San Francisco, to which place she conveyed the collector, leaving the Eliza Anderson to carry the mails as heretofore, to the great joy of the business community.

In good time Smith returned, having caused the arrest of Merry man for carrying away certain moneys, and the custom-house was established at Port Angeles, where two hundred people had gathered in anticipa­tion of soon building up a commercial city, Port Townsend being thrown into alternate paroxysms of rage and despair at being bereft of its prospects of great­ness. At the meeting of the grand jury at Olympia in October, four indictments were found against Smith; namely, for resistance to a duly authorized officer of the law, for embezzlement of the public funds, for procuring false vouchers, and for assault on the people of Port Townsend. Smith eluded arrest for a time, but finally surrendered voluntarily, and gave bail for his appearance at court, where no case appears to have been made against him which the courts were competent to try. The government which appointed him saw fit to remove him little more than a year afterward, and apppoint L. C. Gunn in his place.

With regard to the claim of Port Angeles to be considered the better point for a custom-house, Mc­Clellan, when surveying the shores of Puget Sound, reported favorably upon it,42 as the “first attempt of nature on this coast to form a good harbor.” It was well protected from the north winds by the sand spit

42       Pac. It. It. Itept, xii. 278.

of Ediz Hook, three miles in length, running out east­ward, and from the south-east gales by the mainland, and had a good depth of water, besides lying more directly in the path of commerce than its rival. The town site was also called superior to Port Townsend, although it had the same high bluff back of the nar­row strip of land bordering the harbor. Three small streams ran down from the highlands back of it and furnished abundance of water, the custom-house, a fine large structure, being built at the mouth of the canon through which one of these rivulets ran, Smith’s residence adjoining it, and the other buildings being near these central ones.

In the winter of 1863 a catastrophe occurred. For several days the stream just mentioned was dried up, the unknown cause being a landslide, which had fallen into the narrow gorge about five miles from Port An­geles, and by damming up the water formed a lake. On the afternoon of the 16th of December, it being almost dark, a terrible roaring and tearing sound was heard in the canon, and in a few moments a frightful calamity was upon the until now prosperous new town. The earth which formed the dam had at length given way, freeing a body of water fifteen feet in height, which rushed in a straight volume, carrying everything before it, and entirely changing the face of the ground swept by it. Crushed like an egg-shell, the custom-house fell and was carried out into the harbor. Deputy Collector J. M. Anderson, formerly of Ohio, and Inspector William B. Goodell, lately master of the tug General Harney, stood at the front entrance of the building as the water and debris it carried struck the rear side. Their bodies were found two hundred feet away, covered four feet deep with earth and fragments of buildings and furniture.

Neither Smith, the late, nor Gunn, the newly ap­pointed, collector, were in Port Angeles. Mrs Smith, with four young children, and Mrs Randolph were in the dwelling adjoining the custom-house, which, be­

ing partially protected from the first shock by a solid mass of piled-up lumber, fell, but was not carried away. Groping about in the darkness, stooping under the wreck, with the water up to her waist, Mrs Smith found and saved not only all her children, but another woman, who was lying under the water, held down with fragments of the walls. In a short time the flood had passed, and men in boats with lanterns were hurrying to the rescue of those in the direct course of the watery avalanche. No lives were lost except those of the two custom-house officers,43 but the town was in ruins, and although an effort was made to re­suscitate it by removing what remained to a better site higher up the coast, it never recovered from the calamity, and gradually diminished in population, until it was reduced to the condition of a small farm­ing community.

The custom-house safe being found with the office papers and books, the government sustained only the loss of the furniture of the building. The most serious damage fell upon Smith, who owned and had leased the custom-house for a term of four years. This, with his residence, furniture, books, and a considerable sum of money, was snatched away in a moment, while he was in Washington endeavoring to adjust his affairs with the government. In 1865 the custom-house was returned to Port Townsend, and in that year, also, the principal figure in the short and singular history of Port Angeles disappeared from the world’s stage as suddenly as his town had done, eighteen months previous, when the steamship Brother Jonathan, Cap­tain De Wolf, struck an unknown rock near Crescent City, and went down with 300 passengers on board, among whom was the talented but eccentric Victor Smith.44

43       Collector Gunn, in a letter to the S. F. Bulletin, Jan. 28, 1864, says that Anderson was a refined, intelligent, amiable, and conscientious man, and an invaluable officer from his habits of industry and his strict adherence to the requirements of law. Goodell had been appointed only two weeks previous, and was a man much esteemed. He left a wife and three children. _

44      Smith brought out from Ohio several members of his family. The light-

Hist. Wash.—15

By the catastrophe at Port Angeles all the papers relating to the statistics of commerce were destroyed, leaving a blank in this chapter of early history which can never be satisfactorily filled.45

house at Tatoosh Island was given in charge of his father. Two of his sisters long had in charge the light on the California coast near Wilmington. Another married Mr Stork of Olympia.

15 The collectors following Gunn in office were Frederick A. Wilson, M.

S.      Drew, Salucius Garfielde, Henry A. Webster, and Bash. Gunn came to Or. in 1852, and was associated with H. L. Pittock in the publication of the Oregonian, and was subsequently for many years editor of the Olympia Transcript. He died at Olympia, Aug. 23, 1885.




Organization of the First Washington Infantry—Companies from California — Gold Discoveries—Military Road — Fraser River Travel—Colville Mines—The Malheur Country—The Similka- meen Mines—American Miners in British Columbia— Gold Discov­eries on the Clearwater—On Snake River—Protest of the Nez PercSs—Pierce City—Ono Fino—Lewiston—Very Rich Diggings— California Eclipsed—Salmon River Mines—Political Effect— Winter Sufferings—Powder and John Day Rivers—Florence and Warren Diggings—Boise Mines—Organization of the Territory of Idaho.

I have related in Oregon II. how Colonel Wright was left in command of the department of Oregon when General Harney was invited to Washington upon a pretence of being needed to testify in the Oregon and Washington Indian-war-debt claims, in order to pacify the British minister and Governor Douglas by removing him from proximity to the San Juan Island boundary-war ground; and also that General Scott recommended merging the military department of Oregon in that of the Pacific, with headquarters in San Francisco. In the latter part of 1860 this idea was carried out, and General E. V. Sumner was placed in command of the Pacific depart­ment, relieving General Johnstone, whom the people of Oregon and Washington feared might be sent to command the Columbia district. Fortunately for them, since they had come to have entire confidence in Wright, that officer was retained in his important position during the critical period of the breaking-out

0               ( 227 )

of the rebellion. The depletion of his command, and the measures resorted to in order not to leave the north-western frontier defenceless, I have referred to in my History of Oregon.

The news of President Lincoln’s proclamation call­ing for volunteers did not reach Washington until about the 1st of May, and on the 10th McGill, who was at that time still acting governor, issued a call for the organization of the militia of the territory under the existing laws, each company to report at once to headquarters and be at the call of the presi­dent should their services be required.1 Adjutant- general Frank Matthias immediately appointed en­rolling officers in each of the counties of the territory, both east and west of the Cascade Mountains, and required all men subject to military duty to report themselves to these officers. There were at this time twenty-two organized counties, and not more than six thousand men between the ages of sixteen and sixty capable of bearing arms.2 In the Puget Sound re­gion there was also need of able-bodied men to repair the damages sustained by several years of Indian wars and mining excitement.

Late in the summer of 1861 Wright was placed in command of the department of the Pacific, and Colo­nel Albermarle Cady of the 7th infantry succeeded to that of the district of the Columbia. About the last of the year Wright, now a brigadier-general, appointed Justin Steinberger,. formerly of Pierce county, Wash­ington, but then in California, to proceed to Puget Sound, with the commission of colonel, and endeavor to raise-a regiment to be mustered into the regular service. Steinberger arrived in January; but the ut-

1        Steilacoom Herald, May 10, 1861; Olympia Pioneer and Dem., May 17, 1861.

2        The first company formed appears to have been the Port Madison Union Guards, 70 men; William Fowler capt.; H. B. Manchester 1st lient; E. D. Kromer 2d lieut; non-com. officers, A. J. Tuttle, Noah Falk, William Clen­denin, Edgar Brown, S. F. Coombs, R. J. May, J. M. Guindon, John Taylor. This company was organized in May. In June the Lewis County Rangers, mounted, were organized at Cowlitz landing; Henry Miles capt.; L. L. Duheau 1st lieut; S. B. Smith 2d lieut. Olympia Standard, July 20, 1861.

most he could do was to raise four infantry companies, one each at Whatcom, Port Townsend, Port Mad­ison, and Walla Walla.3 In California he raised four more companies, with which he returned to Vancouver in May, relieving Colonel Cady of the command of the district. As three others were then organized in California, enlisting was ordered discontinued in Wash­ington. Ill July General Alvord took command of the district, and Steinberger repaired to Fort Walla Walla, where he relieved Colonel Cornelius of the Oregon cavalry. The regiment was not filled, how­ever, until the close of the year. On the 5th of Jan­uary, 1863, Governor Pickering addressed a communi­cation to the speaker of the house of representatives, informing him that the First Regiment of Washing­ton Infantry, organized pursuant to order of the war department, October 1861, was full, and had been re­ceived into the service of the United States, and sug­gested to the legislature to give some expression, either by memorial or joint resolution, of the confi­dence of that body in this regiment, whether it re­mained where it then was or should be called out of the territory in the service of the United States, and invoking for it the favorable notice of the general government, praying that in the event of a reorgani­zation of the army this corps might be retained in service in Washington.4 It was so ordered.

A portion of the regiment was stationed at Fort Pickett, another portion was with Steinberger at Walla Walla, and the territory had at length and for a time the satisfaction of seeing men with no alien tendencies in its places of trust.

Although it was designed that the Oregon cavalry should be used against the Shoshones, who for eight years had grown more and more presumptuous and hostile, and the Washington infantry be kept to gar-

3        The enrolling officers were R.. V. Peabody, H. L. Tibballs, Egbert H. Tucker, and Moore and Oannaday of Walla Walla. Soeilacoom Herald, March

20,    1862.

4        Wash. House Jour., 1862-3, app. xxiii.-xxiv.

rison the several posts in the territory, the companies east of the mountains were compelled to support the cavalry on several expeditions against the Indians, in which long and exhausting marches were performed, the history of which has been given in my History of Oregon, but to which some reference is also due in this place.

On the opening of the transmontane country east of the Cascades in October 1858, there was a sudden overflow of population into its sunny vales,6 attracted thither chiefly by the reputed gold discoveries both north and south of the Columbia, on the Malheur and other streams of eastern Oregon, as well as on the Wenatchee River, in the latitude of the Snoqualimich Pass, and about Colville. Many were discouraged miners, who found the soil and climate of eastern Washington so agreeable and productive as to suggest settlement.

The construction of the military road to Fort Ben­ton drew a considerable number in the direction of the Bitter Root Valley, forming a part of the immense and rather indefinite county of Spokane, attached for judicial purposes to the county of Walla Walla, and consequently far from the seat of any court.6 The. stream of travel toward Fraser River, which crossed the Columbia at The Dalles, pursuing a north-east course to Priest Rapids, and a north course thence by Okanagan lake and river to the Thompson branch, or deflecting to the west, reached the main Fraser 200 miles above Fort Yale, stood in need of military pro­tection, as did also the boundary commission, one part of which was at Semiahmoo Bay, and the other at Lake Osogoos, near the Rock Creek mines.7

6 Ruble & Co. erected a steam aaw-mill near Walla Walla in 1859. Or. Argus, Jan. 29, 1859. Noble & Co. erected another in eastern Oregon the same year. The first grist-mill erected at Walla Walla, in 1860, was owned by H. H. Reynolds, Simms, and Capt. F. T. Dent. Elliott’s Ilist. Idaho, 64-5.

6        Wash. Jour. House, 18G0-1, 35-6.

7        Capt. D. Woodruff, with a co. of the 9th inf., was at Semiahmoo, and two companies of the same regiment under Capt. J. J. Archer at Lake Osogoos, in the summer of 1859. Mess, and Docs, 1859-60, pt ii. 111-12.

For the safety of these disconnected groups of peo­ple, Fort Colville was established in May 1859. The Dalles, being the one entrepOt for so wide a region, rapidly developed into a commercial town, with a journal of its own,8 and a population ever increasing in numbers if not in worth; horse-thieves, gamblers, and all the criminal classes which follow on the heels of armies and miners giving frequent employment to the civil and military authorities.

In the spring of 1859, also, the little steamer Colonel Wright was built at the mouth of Des Chutes River, by R. R. Thompson and Lawrence W. Coe. She made her first trip to old Fort Walla Walla on the 18th of April, returning on the 20th, and taking a cargo of goods belonging to Joel Palmer, intended for the mines, as far up the river as Priest Rapids. In June she ascended Snake River to Fort Taylor, at the mouth of the Tucannon. A steamboat on the Upper Columbia gave trade another impetus, and Walla Walla, first called Steptoe City, became a rival of The Dalles in a short time.

The passage of gold-hunters though the Colville country revived an interest in that region. Many unsuccessful miners returning from Fraser River, or, prevented by high water from operating there, were led to explore on the upper Columbia and as far east as the Bitter Root Valley, where they made from five to eight dollars a day, and where living was less costly than on Fraser River. Even the military offi­cers and soldiers became gold-hunters, adding not a little information concerning the mineral resources of the country to that furnished by mining prospectors.9

8        The Dalles Journal, edited and published by A. J. Price, at $5 per year, weekly.

9        Captain Wallen’s expedition discovered gold in the Malheur country; and Captain Archer reported finding the color of gold almost everywhere on the march from Priest Rapids to the Similkameen, with the best prospects in the vicinity of the Wenatchee and Methow rivers. An extensive copper mine was discovered on the Okinakane River; and lead was found on Lake Chelan and Pend d’Oreille. Corr. Dalles Journal, in S. F. Alta, Aug. 12, 1859. Major Lugenbeel, in command of the new military post at Colville, informs the Portland Advertiser that the mines at the mouth of the Pend d’Oreille,

The soldiers on guard at the commissioners’ camp in October discovered gold on the Similkameen, where they could take out twenty dollars a day with pans, besides walking five miles to and from camp. The discovery was as much as possible suppressed, from a fear that a crowd of persons would be attracted there at the beginning of winter, whom there was no means of supplying with food when the military stores should be removed for the season. Miners were warned also not to begin preparations too early in the spring, when the bars of the river would be under water; but the fact was not concealcd that the quality of Similkameen gold was superior, being coarse, and equal in coin to seventeen or eighteen dol­lars an ounce.10

Nothing could, however, overcome the eagerness of men to be first upon the ground. By the middle of November companies were organizing in Portland, the mining fever threatening to reach the height of 1858; and by the end of February the first party set out, consisting of twenty men, led by J. N. Bell of The Dalles. These, with fifty others who had wintered there, were the earliest at the new diggings. In March all the floating population of the Walla Walla Valley, with some companies from Yreka, California, were on their way to Similkameen. They were fol­lowed by other Oregon companies, one of whom, led by Palmer, undertook the enterprise of opening a wagon-road from Priest Rapids to the Similkameen. Fifty or sixty tons of freight were shipped to the rapids on the Colonel Wright, whence it was taken in wagons the remainder of the distance.11 Several par­ties left the Willamette, in small boats, intending to

which have been worked several times, yield very well to every successive working; that coarse gold exists on the Salmon River, a northern tributary of the Pend d’Oreille; and that miners working about forty-five miles from hia post averaged $5 to $10 per day. S. F. Aka, Aug. 12, 1859; 8. F. Bulletin, July 21 and 29, and Aug. II, 1859.

10Corr. Portland News, in S. F. Alta, Nov. 2 and 15, 1859. Shuswap coarse gold was worth $18.50. Pend d’Oreille gold was found in scales 17 or

18      carats fine. Similkameen gold resembled that of Yuba River, Cal.

11        Or. Argus, March 24 aud 31, 1860.

make the journey to the mines, a distance of 500 miles, with no other conveyance. Similar nerve was exhibited by companies from Puget Sound, which, as early as the 10th of March, were on the move to cross the Cascade Range at the different passes, and suc­ceeded in doing so. Those who arrived thus early could not make more than expenses, the best mining ground being under water. Many turned back; others pressed on to Quesnelle River; and others occupied themselves in prospecting, and found gold on Rock Creek, one of the head waters of Kettle River, which entered the Columbia near Colville, and on the Pend d’Oreille. During the summer the Similkameen mines paid well, and in September new diggings were discovered on the south fork of that river.12

The Rock Creek and Sim.ilkameen mines proved to be in British territory, American traders being taxed over $100 for the privilege of selling goods there.13

The Cariboo placers were discovered in August 1860, but their fame was not much spread before winter, and migration thither did not set in before the spring of 1861. When it did begin, it equalled that of 1858. Claims were taken up on Harvey’s and Keethley’s creeks, in August, that yielded all the way from eight to fifty dollars per day to the man. Five men in one company took out in six days $2,400. Four men took out in one day over eighteen ounces, worth over $300, and so on. There was sent out by express the first month $30,000, besides what re­mained in the hands of 250 men in the mines. The reports from Cariboo greatly stimulated mining dis­covery in the region lying on either side of the boun­dary line of United States territory.

There had been a discovery made in the spring of

1860 destined to work a rapid and important change

12       Ebey’a Journal, MS., vi. 348.

13       Corr. Portland Advertiser, Oct. 26, 1860; Or. Argus, Dec, 29, I860. In

1861  there were about 20,000 miners, mostly American, in B. C.

in eastern Washington, although, overshadowed for a time by the placers which I have here named. From a letter written April 30, 1860, to the Oregon Argus, the discovery appears to have been made a short time before.

E. D. Pierce, a trader among the Indians, had long known that the country east of the great bend of the Snake River was a gold-bearing one, but owing to the hostility of the Indians, he did not prospect it, and for several years resided in California. De Smet had known of it at an earlier period, and in 1854 a Mr Robbins of Portland had purchased some gold of the Spokanes, farther north.

In 1858 Pierce again visited the Nez Perc£ country but found no opportunity to search until after the ratification of the Nez Perc£ treaty, and the general cessation of hostilities. Early in 1860 he found means to verify his belief in the auriferous nature of the country on the Clearwater branch of Snake River, reporting his discovery in April at Walla Walla. It does not appear from the public prints that the story of Pierce received much credence, though the corre­spondent spoken of above reported that some returned Similkameen miners, and others from Walla Walla, had gone thither.

Pierce did not at once return to the Clearwater, on account of the opposition of the Indian and military departments, who dreaded the renewal of trouble with the Nez Perces and Spokanes should a mining popu­lation overrun their reserved territory. About the first of August, however, Pierce, with a party of only ten men,14 set out from Walla Walla to make a con­clusive examination of the country in question; having done which he returned with his party to Walla Walla in November, giving all the information which he

11        The names of the ten were Horace Dodge, Joseph L. Davis, J. R. Bene­field, Bethuel Ferrel, Jonathan E. Smith, W. F. Bassett, Frank Turner, David Diggings, Samuel B. Reed, and John W. Park. Olympia Pioneer and Demo­crat, April 26,1861. Bassett is said to have discovered the first gold on Canal Gulch, where Pierce City is situated. Lewis’ Coal Discoveries, MS., 16-17; Vic­tor's River of the West, 540-1.

himself possessed concerning the new gold-field lying 150 miles east of that place, and believed to be rich. The diggings were dry, and yielded eight to fifteen cents to the pan. The route to the mines was directly through the Nez Perce reservation.15

Pierce now endeavored to organize a large company to return with him and winter in the mines; but the representations of those who feared to provoke another Indian war discouraged most of those who would have gone, and only thirty-three accompanied him. The party was followed as far as Snake River by a de­tachment of dragoons, whose duty it was to prevent their intrusion on the reservation, but who failed to execute it.

Pierce’s party of less than forty men remained in the Nez Perce country preparing for mining when spring should open. The snow in December was six inches deep, and during a portion of the winter three feet in depth. The men occupied themselves building comfortable cabins, sawing out planks for sluice-boxes, and sinking prospect holes. They found the gold of the earth to be very fine, requiring quicksilver to col­lect it, though coarse gold was also discovered in the quartz with which the country abounded. The dig­gings were situated in gulches and caftons of streams of too general a level to make it convenient washing the dirt and disposing of the debris. The gold was found in a red, and sometimes a bluish, earth of de­composed granite mixed with gravel of pure white quartz. Much black sand appeared on washing it. Pierce himself, though convinced of the richness of the present discovery, freely exposed the disadvan­tages, and declared, moreover, his belief that these mines were but the outskirts of still richer mining territory.

Pierce had hardly reached his camp on the Clear­water before he received a visit from A. J. Cain, the