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THE LIFE
AND LETTERS OF ST. FRANCIS XAVIER.
BY
HENRY
JAMES COLERIDGE,
OF THE
SOCIETY OF JESUS.
VOL. II.
This Second Volume has been delayed by causes
beyond my control, the effect of which I trust that the reader will forgive.
Though it is considerably larger than its predecessor, I have been obliged to
omit many documents illustrative of the text which would have made the work
more complete. But it seemed better, if possible, to comprise the whole matter
within two volumes—even though the second should exceed the size originally
contemplated in this Series—than to extend the book to three. I could wish to
have found room for several of the letters of the friends and companions of St.
Francis, especially of Father Gaspar Baertz. Some quotations from them will be
found at the end of M. Leon Pages’ French translation of the Letters. I regret
also in particular having been forced to leave out the long letter referred to
at pp. 305 and 386 from Joam Fernandez, which is full of interest in relation
to the questions of the Japanese bonzes. I must content myself with publicly
thanking the kind friends who took the pains to translate it for me from the
.Portuguese.
One cause for delay
in the completion of the present volume arose from a circumstance which it may
be worth while to make public. I was informed in the course of the autumn that
a collection of manuscript letters of St. Francis Xavier was in existence in
Portugal, many if not all of which had never been published. The same kind
friends to whom I have already alluded were able to make inquiries as to this
collection for me, and the result was to enable me to feel certain that the
letters had been brought from the archives of the College of the Society at Goa
in the last century, at the time of the suppression, but that they had all been
already examined and translated by Father Phillippucci. There may doubtless still
be existing letters of St. Francis which have never been printed, and he
himself mentions several which have certainly been lost. The King of Portugal
must have received many such. But I can see no ground for hoping that any
considerable number will ever be recovered.
H. J. C.
London, Eve of St.
Thomas the Apostle, 1872.
BOOK IV.
From the Return of Francis to India to his Sailing
for
Japan. 1548-1549.
CHAPTER I. Francis
revisiting the Paravas.
CHAPTER II. Francis and Don Joam de Castro.
CHAPTER III. Francis Xavier and his Religious
Brethren.
CHAPTER IV. Arrangement
of the Missions in India.
BOOK V. From the Sailing of Francis to Japan to his last
Return to
India. 1549-1552.
CHAPTER I. Voyage to Japan and stay at Cagoxima.
CHAPTER II. Firando, Amangiichi, and Meaco.
CHAPTER III. The King of Boungo.
CHAPTER IV. Voyage from Japan to India.
BOOK VI. From the last Return
of Francis to India to his Death at San Chan. 1556.
CHAPTER I. Last stay of Francis
CHAPTER II. Francis and Don Alvaro d'Ataide.
CHAPTER III. San
Chan.
BOOK IV.
FROM THE RETURN OF FRANCIS TO INDIA TO HIS SAILING FOR JAPAN.
1548-1549.
Francis revisiting the Paravas.
Francis Xavier landed at Cochin on the 13th of January 1548. It happened
that the good old Bishop of Goa was on the spot, being engaged in a visitation
of some of the widely separated towns in his immense diocese, and it must have
been a wonderful consolation for both of them thus to meet unexpectedly after
so long an interval. It was perhaps in consequence of the presence of the
Bishop at Cochin that Francis wrote, almost immediately on his arrival, to the
King of Portugal the letter which will presently be inserted. His last letter
to the King had been written just three years before, and it was full, as we
have seen, of most earnest exhortations as to the absolute necessity of the
most rigorous measures to insure the propagation of Christianity in India and
the protection of the converts. It would seem from the tone of the present
letter that there were grave reasons for fearing, either that the King’s will
was not sufficiently determined, or that his mind was not sufficiently
enlightened as to his duties in this respect. King John, indeed, may well be
supposed not to have understood, and perhaps no one not on the spot could
understand, the immense difficulties in the way of the progress of religion
which were raised by the avarice and tyranny of the Portuguese, and the
connivance and apathy of the governors. In fact, a glance at the annals of
Portuguese India, which show us how one warlike enterprise after another
occupied the attention and the energies of the viceroys and governors, is
enough to make it at least intelligible that the minds of the highest officials
of the Crown in India were too much turned in this direction to leave them time
to watch minutely over the interests of the native converts or those who
might become converts, who would thus be left to the tender mercies of
subordinate commandants like Cosmo de Payva, who would prove themselves very
serviceable officers in time of danger, and would thus be regarded with much
favour at headquarters.
King John had not
been deaf to the entreaties and exhortations of Francis, nor to the
representations of the good Vicar Miguel Yaz, who, as we have seen, had
undertaken the long voyage to Portugal with the purpose of pleading in person
the cause of religion at the court. Miguel Vaz probably crossed in his voyage
to Europe the path of Don Joam de Castro, the Governor of India, sent out in
1545 to supply the place of Martin Alfonso de Sousa. A long letter
is extant from the King to Don Joam, written in March 1546, which may safely be
considered as embodying the effects of the joint pleadings of Francis Xavier
and Miguel Vaz upon the sovereign and his council. Many of the recommendations
made by Francis were attended to. c Governor, my friend/ the letter
begins, ‘ the essential duty of Christian sovereigns, which is to watch over
the interests of religion, and make their whole power serve to the maintenance
of the faith, obliges me to communicate to you a profound grief which I have of
late felt.’ The King then states some of the causes of this grief. He has been
told that idols are still publicly worshipped in many parts of his dominions,
even in Goa itself, and in those places where the true faith ought to be most flourishing.
He commands that the idols be sought for and broken in pieces wherever they may
be found,, and that most rigorous punishments be proclaimed against those who
make or decorate them, who celebrate heathen games in their honour, or who
protect and conceal the Brahmins, their ministers. Moreover, that the heathen
may be attracted to conversion, not only by conviction of the truth and hope
of eternal reward, but also by some temporal favours, the new Christians are
for the future to enjoy all the liberties and immunities before enjoyed by
Pagans. The King had been told that the natives are pressed into the service of
his fleet. The Christians are henceforth to be freed from this obligation,
except in
the case of urgent
necessity, and then they are to receive a fair indemnity for their labour. The
abuse by which the Portuguese were in the habit of seizing and buying slaves
very cheap, and then selling them at a large profit to Mussulman merchants and
other heathens, is to be stopped by the Governor’s diligence. An ancient law
of the city of Goa allowed exorbitant usury; this is to be abrogated. A church,
begun under the invocation of St. Joseph at Bazain, is to be finished and
endowed. The preachers and missionaries to the heathen are to be supported by
an annual grant of 3000 pardams, levied on the mosques in the Portuguese
dominions. The new converts made by Miguel Vaz at Chaul are to have 300 large
measures of rice every year, to be distributed by the Bishop. Some exactions
practised on the Christians of St. Thomas by the Portuguese merchants at Cochin
are to cease. The Rajah of Cochin is to leave off certain superstitious rites
which he had been used to insist on in the sale of pepper, which were
scandalous to the new Christians; and as to his persecution of the natives who
have embraced the faith, the King of Portugal writes to him personally, but the
Governor is also to insist on his abandonment of all such persecution. The
people of Socotra are to be succoured against the Turkish cruisers, and Miguel
Vaz is to be consulted as to the measures which are to be taken. The natives on
the Fishery Coast are to be protected against those Portuguese officers who
have been in the habit of imposing intolerable exactions upon them, which made
them in fact fish for the pearls for their masters’ profit and not their own;
and if the Governor thinks that the coast can be sufficiently protected and the
revenue received without the presence of any Portuguese vessels, these are to
be recalled, and forbidden to frequent the coast in future, that the natives
may be left to themselves in peace. Francis Xavier is especially to be
consulted on these points, and also as to the policy of leaving the new
converts altogether without any labour imposed on them as a matter of
obligation to the Crown. As new converts from Paganism are frequently
illtreated, and even despoiled of their goods by the heathen, Miguel Vaz is to
be
consulted as to the
measures to be taken to grant them support and aid from the royal treasury, which
assistance is to be distributed to them by the hands of their pastors. The
fugitive prince from Ceylon is to be kindly received and supported at the royal
expense, and his rights to the succession of the crown are to be carefully
examined. But the Governor is not to wait for this to exact satisfaction from
the Rajah of Jafana- patam for his detestable cruelty to his newly converted
subjects, ‘ that all the sovereigns of India may know,’ says the King, ‘ how
dear justice is to us, and how much we have it at heart to protect all the
oppressed.’' Heathen artisans are not to be allowed to make images or pictures
of Jesus Christ and the Saints. Churches are to be finished at Cochin, Coulan,
and Calapour, and to be built at Naram and Coram, without regard to expense.
Schools and places of meeting are to be built, whither heathens as well as
Christians may come to hear sermons and be present at sacred functions. All
idols are to be destroyed throughout Salsette and Bardez, and the minds of the
heathen are to be prepared for this step. The letter, which is dated March 8,
1546, from Almeirim, concludes with some general recommendations as to the
exemplary life of the missionaries, and the protection which is to be afforded
to their neophytes.1
So much is necessarily
left in this letter to the discretion of the Governor, that it may be doubted
whether it would have been quite satisfactory to Miguel Vaz, who probably accompanied
it on its journey to India, if he was not actually its official bearer. Joam de
Castro was a fine specimen of the class of gallant Portuguese soldiers, who
distinguished themselves in India and elsewhere in those, the heroic, days of
the history of that now degenerate kingdom ; but his government of the Indies
was characterized rather by warlike exploits than by any great deeds for the
advancement of the faith. He was thought to be guided more by secular policy
than by considerations of the interests of religion. Francis Xavier must have
learnt from the Bishop, when he met him at Cochin, that, as
The letter, which was
probably begun at Malacca, is as follows :
To John III.
King of Portugal.
Sire,
I believe and trust
that your Highness will receive minute and distinct information as to what
concerns religion and the worship and service of our Lord God in these parts of
Malacca and the Moluccas, from the letters which I send to the Society in
Europe. I have also sent with them answers to the letters which we have here
received from you, Sire, whom we hold and acknowledge as the chief and the true
protector of the whole of the Society of Jesus, and one who, by his love and
benefits towards us, most amply fulfils the duties implied in such a title. As
to the state of religion and the Christian people in India, the pious and
religious men who are going from these parts to you, with the purpose of advancing
the service of God, will most fully inform your Highness concerning them.
Moreover, Father Joam de Villa Conde, a faithful minister of God, who has had
much experience of what is going on in the island of Ceylon, is writing to your
Highness concerning them certain things which it is of importance that he
should tell you, and that you should know, for the relief both of your
Highness’s conscience and of his own. These matters he discusses at full
length, clearly and with the utmost truthfulness, partly in his letter
addressed to your Highness, partly in documents and remarks which he sends with
that letter. He has communicated all to me. Your Highness would therefore do a
thing worthy of that wisdom which you show in other matters, if you make a right
use of information so trustworthy, and give as soon as possible any commands
that it may seem necessary to issue in order to discharge your duty in this
regard. Lastly, I believe also that my own brethren of the Society, as well as
others, write regularly to your Highness, and give you particulars and minute
information of the Christian communities at Cape Comorin, at Goa, and of the
others in these countries of India which are in daily course of foundation and
increase.
And now for what
concerns myself in particular. I have
I pray your Highness
to believe how much pain all this has caused me. My own inmost conscience bore
me witness that I looked or desired for nothing here but to wear myself out
with work, and sacrifice my life itself in bringing about the salvation of
souls in these regions of India, so to lessen as far as is in my power the
weight of that duty which is incumbent on your Highness, and, by discharging a
part of that obligation which has been committed to your charge, make the
account of your Highness’s conscience more easy, and give you greater security
in that terrible hazard of the final judgment of God. And indeed your
Highness’s great love for our Society well deserves that I should wish to do
this for your sake, and that I should think it well purchased at the cost of
any exertion or trouble of my own. And to confess the truth, Sire, my mind has
been won
These, then, are the
things which I have discovered from experience, long experience on the spot, in
these regions of India, Malacca and the Moluccas, and which wound my soul and
kill me with heart sickness. Let your Highness take for certain what I say,
that in these parts, as elsewhere also, it is the general rule for many things
to be omitted which it would be expedient for the service of God should be
done, on account of certain rivalries which, though they are masked under an appearance
of what deserves respect, are in truth vicious and hurtful. On account of
these, the men who have the management of affairs out here are set against one
another by secret and small causes of offence. One man says, ‘ This is my
business, and I will not allow another to have the credit of it.’ Another,, on
the other hand, says, ‘ I don’t do this, and so I do not like you to do it.’
Then comes another with a different complaint, ‘ I bear the burthen of the day
and do the work, while the favour and the fruits of it go to others.’ They get
earnest and hot in their bickerings, and then each one works and writes for his
own side, so as to gain his own advancement. Meanwhile time is wasted,
occasions slip away, and the opportunity for promoting the honour of our Lord
God is lost. And from just the same cause it often happens that occasions are
neglected which would have brought much honour and great advantage to your
Highness’ interests in India.
I have been able to
think of only one remedy for the evil,, and if this remedy were applied, then,
unless I am mistaken, many in these parts would become Christian, and those
Christians who are now exposed to injustice because they have no favour with
men in power, would become so dear and such objects of care to the
magistrates, that no one, whether Portuguese or Indian, would dare to molest or
plunder them. This remedy is, that your Highness signify, either by letters to
the Governor and Commandants in India, or by word of mouth to those whom you
send out hither to be at the head of affairs—signify to them,. I say, clearly,
and give them certainly to understand that, as to the increase of our holy
faith, which is the thing which you desire above everything, you give that in
charge to the Governor or the local commandant, rather than to the religious
persons or to the priests who are in India; that you confide in the Governor
or the Commandant before every one else; that from him you will exact an
account of this matter; that to him you will impute the whole that is done in
it, good or bad, and will repay it to him in reward or in punishment.
And that this
declaration of your Highness might be the less liable to be explained away, I
for my part should wish that in it you should particularly name every one of us
who are working in these parts, and declare that it is not on any one of us,
nor on all of us together, that you lay any part of the burthen and obligation
which weighs upon your conscience, but upon him alone who by your authority has
the power of Governor or Commandant in any place where there is any occasion
of advancing, the Christian religion; for that since God has bound your Highness
by the strictest possible obligation of providing for the eternal salvation of
the nations who are subject to you, that duty ought not to be delegated by your
Highness to any but those who are the vicars of your own authority in these
parts, and those who represent in the dignity of the magistracy the person of
your Highness; and that if you shall find that by the negligence of any one of
these persons it has come about that no great number have embraced the
Christian faith under his government in the place confided to him, you will
visit on his- head the chastisement which may otherwise hang over your own on
account of the neglect of so great an obligation, having beforehand given full
and clear notice, that you have passed on the burthen of the whole of that most
important duty, of taking care that the souls of the unbelievers who are
subject to you be
Therefore, Sire,
whenever a Governor or Commandant writes to your Highness, let him state how
the Christian religion goes on ; how many, who, what sort of persons, have
become believers from among the heathen; what hope or what means there may be
of bringing others to the fold. Let him know that you will trust nothing but
his own letters as to what is reported on these heads, and will not be content
with any accounts from any other person whatever on these subjects. And if, in
the province or place which any one has governed, our holy Church shall have
been increased during the time of his command by but a small number of
neophytes, while at the same time it is certain that great increase may be made
at all times and everywhere, if only the Commandant desire it, then let your
Highness seriously, and on your royal honour, declare in the diploma in which
you institute such persons and confer authority upon them, that you will exact
punishment from them for such neglect.
And I should very
much wish your Highness to confirm this by oath, and openly pledge yourself,
calling in solemn form upon the Holy Name of God, that any officer of yours
through whose means it may have come to pass that the faith has not been
propagated, shall, when he returns to Portugal, be fined of all his
possessions, all his money and property be spent on works of mercy, and he
himself be detained for many years in chains and severe imprisonment. And that
they may be under no misunderstanding about it, nor flatter themselves that
your threats will not be executed, I would have your Highness give them the
clearest possible warning, both that most certainly and assuredly you will
accept no excuses whatever that may be alleged on this matter, and that no way
remains to them of avoiding severe punishment and of finding favour with your
Highness, except that of making as many Christians as possible in the places
and during the time of their command.
Why all this is
necessary, Sire, I could prove by many arguments from
experience, very well indeed known to me. But I am unable to dwell on these,
that I may not be troublesome to your Highness, nor have to relate my own
griefs, past and present, without any hope of making it worth the labour of
•doing so. I will only say this, that if the Governor or the Commandant,
whoever he may be, were firmly convinced in his own mind that your Highness had
said such things as I have been suggesting in perfect truth, and that your
Highness would certainly act as you had declared and sworn that you would;
then in a single year the whole island of Ceylon, many kings of the Malabar
coast, and the whole of the peninsula of Comorin, length and breadth, would
embrace the Christian religion. But as long as the Governor and Commandants of
your places in India •are not pressed by that fear of losing their rank and
property unless they have made many Christians, do not let your Highness hope
for any great success in the preaching of the Gospel in the Indies. And be
quite sure that in that case there will neither be many who come to baptism,
nor will those who have •come advance much in religion; in short, that there is
nothing that prevents every living soul in India from acknowledging our Lord as
God, and of professing His holy doctrine, except the fact, that the Governors
and Commandants who have neglected to take care of the matter have not been
severely punished by your Highness.
And I say again that,
as I hardly hope that it will ever be so, I am almost inclined to repent
having written what I have, especially when I think that perhaps your Highness
will receive a more inexorable judgment at the tribunal of God on account of
the very fact that I have given you this warning. I know not whether at such a
time the objection that your Highness may perhaps allege, that you are not
bound to believe what I write, will be admitted; and I assure your Highness in
the most perfect sincerity and entire truthfulness, that I would by no means
have written what I have concerning the Governors or Commandants of these
parts, if I had been able in any way to persuade myself that I could keep these
things unsaid without .sin.
I have not yet, Sire,
fully made up my mind wh go to Japan \ but a great motive for my inclining tc
going to that country is added by this fact, that I ai without hope that here
in India I shall find that tr cient support from the officials which is
necessary increase our holy faith and to preserve the Christi made.
I entreat and conjure
your Highness, by the lo\ bear to our Lord God and the burning desire you what
is pleasing to Him, to grant to your faithful si in India, and to me with them,
this much of your royal favour, as to send hither next year a great mai of our
Society; for I assure you, Sire, as a matter < est truth, that your royal
garrisons in India are ii need of preachers, both on account of the Portugues
in the garrisons and of the newly-converted Christian in the towns and villages
dependent on them. I experience; and what I have seen and found m; me write
this. When I was at Malacca and in the used to preach twice every Sunday or
other holic obliged to do it, because I saw that both the soldi people there
were in need of being frequently fed wi of God. So I used to give instruction
from the p morning mass to the Portuguese; in the afternoo instruct their boys
and girls, their slaves, and the fr natives, in discourses that each would
understand, go the explanation of the heads of Christian doctrine • Then on a
certain day in the week I used to pre chetical sermon on the Articles of the
Creed and the of Confession and Communion to a congregation c the wives of the
Portuguese, native, and half-bred. If of instruction were kept up vigorously
everywhere and there would in a few years be a very great and profi from it to
the service of God. At the same time, forts themselves, I used to preach the
Christian do> to the children of both sexes of the Portuguese, a: their men
and maid servants, and to the native
I state all this
minutely to your Highness, that your own wisdom may judge how great need we
have of abundance of preachers in these parts, and what will follow naturally,
that you may not forget to provide such an abundance as we want. For it is
certain that if the great penury of such means of grace which is now felt is
allowed to go on for the future, not only will those who have lately been
converted to our holy faith not reverence it, but, as a general rule, not even
the Portuguese themselves will be Christians farther than in name. I am very
much afraid,'Sire, that these desires of mine will not have their effect such
as I wish them to have, and such as need requires; and knowing, as I do, the
unhappy lot of India, I can hardly bring myself to any certain confidence that
she will obtain the great good which I desire for her. It seems as if it were
her natural lot, or rather, I should say, her congenital malady, not to be able
to bear that any exactness in religion, or any excellence in the discharge of
the duties of perfect virtue, should become a matter of common practice and
flourish among the generality of her inhabitants.
On the 13th of
January of the present year I arrived at Cochin from Malacca. There I found the
Bishop, to see and converse with whom did me very great good, as I observed
with what great charity he bears very severe bodily exertions, visiting one by
one the garrison towns that he has in his diocese, and going also to see and
labour among the Christians of St. Thomas. He certainly discharges his duties
to the full as becomes that true and good pastor of souls which he shows himself
to be by doing all this. For all these laudable works of his he gets exactly
that reward from certain men in these parts which is the common recompense
which the world is in the habit of meting out to the Saints. I was very much
pleased, and indeed filled with a certain reverence, at seeing that holy man’s
patience under the trials to which he was exposed. I
know well
that a rumour is spread abroad in India against him by the children of the
world—who, I believe, will even write to your Highness the evil suspicions
which they entertain of him— which most unfoundedly asperses him on account of
the death of Miguel Vaz. Now in this matter, Sire, I feel that I ought to bear
this most true and sincere testimony in his favour; and I do so, that I may
discharge a very serious duty. I affirm that I know for certain (though the way
and manner in which I came to this knowledge cannot be told or written) I have
it, I say, as a matter of entirely ascertained fact, that he can with no more
justice be blamed for that matter than I myself, who was, at the time when it
happened, in the Moluccas, and at an immense distance from this country. 4
I pray and beseech
your Highness, by all the love you have for God, and all the desire you have to
please Him, and to keep your own conscience pure from all contagion of stain,
do nothing and order nothing in the matter which may give trouble to the good
man I speak of; for if your Highness were to appear to give credit to this most
calumnious falsehood, his detractors in India would gain authority and increase
in confidence from your so doing.
Your Highness has
appointed Pedro Gonsalvez, the Vicar General of Cochin, one of the dignitaries
of your chapel royal, and has made his nephew one of the pages of honour in
your palatial court. I count this as a favour done to myself; for the great
obligations under which he has laid our Society force me to do this; so I
assure your Highness that I and all of ours are particularly bound to you on
this account. And this will less surprise your Highness, when I tell you that
the house of the Bishop’s Vicar at Cochin is the house of abode of the Society
of Jesus. His goodness to us does not confine itself within the limits of any
common hospitality or usual offices of friendship, but he goes so far in his
liberality, that when he has spent upon our service whatever he has at hand, he
borrows from others that he may spend on us still more. I beg your Highness, in
the name of our whole Society, to order that the necessary letters may be sent
from Portugal both to him and
to his nephew, in
order that their regular pensions may be paid them faithfully. Both uncle and
nephew are well worthy of this favour; the Bishop’s Vicar, because he watches
for the eternal salvation of the faithful who are your Highness’s subjects; and
his nephew, because he is here serving as a soldier under your Highness’s flag
for his country and the commonwealth.
And now to end, I
make this prayer: May our Lord God grant to your Highness to understand most
thoroughly and intimately, and to put in execution also at once, all that at
the moment of your death you would rejoice to have done.
Your Highness’s
useless servant,
Cochin, Jan. 20, 1548. FRANCIS.
We have two other
letters of this same date, written to St, Ignatius and Simon Rodriguez
respectively. The first shows the growing anxiety which Francis Xavier now felt
about the government of the religious under his charge. Before his first
departure for Malacca he had hardly begun to bear to any large extent the
burthen of a religious Superior. Now, however, his subjects were multiplying
on his hands; they were in most cases as yet unknown to him, their spheres of
labour were widely scattered, and he himself could not linger long at any one
place without abandoning the great schemes of farther apostolical conquests,
which were now taking possession of his mind. Simon Rodriguez seems, perhaps of
necessity, to have sent out labourers from Portugal, many of whom had not been
long in the Society, and who were as yet hardly formed in the perfect spirit of
the Institute. We shall now see with what exquisite charity and wisdom Francis
devoted himself to this new work, which his position at the head of the Society
in the East imposed upon him. His first impulse, we shall see, was to implore
Ignatius to send out some one who might be a spiritual guide to himself as well
as to his brethren. In other respects the contents of the two following letters
require but little commentary.
To the Reverend Father Ignatius of Loyola.
May the grace and
charity of our Lord God Jesus Christ always favour and help us ! Amen.
God knows, my dearest
Father, how greatly I long to see you in this life as well as in the next, that
I may talk over with you a number of things which require help and remedy from
you. No distance of place is an obstacle to obedience. I see that there are
now many of our Society in these parts, and I see also that we are in great
need of some good physician for our souls; and so, my best of Fathers, I pray
and entreat you by our Lord Jesus, to look after us, your children here in
India, as well as others, and send us some one of very great virtue and
holiness, whose vigour and zeal may stir lip my torpor and sluggishness.
'I am in great hopes, as you understand thoroughly, by God’s
assistance, the state and inclinations of our minds, that you will take
diligent measures in order that the languor in virtue, which has crept over all
of us here, may be strongly stirred up, and that we may
be roused to the study of perfection.
* This country wants
from our Society nothing more urgently than preachers. Among those whom Master
Simon has sent us there is not one, as far as I can hear, who is a preacher.
Now the Portuguese out here in India, so strong is their friendship and
goodwill towards us, desire in a wonderful degree to have some good preachers
of our Society; so I conjure you, by God and His holy worship, to remember this
just and pious request of theirs, and send hither some Fathers well fitted for
that work, who may show the right path of salvation to those who have gone
astray. Moreover, those of the Society whom you are going to send out for the
work of carrying the •Gospel as missionaries among the heathen population must
be men of such approved goodness as to be able to go either with companions or
without them wherever the interests of religion may call them, as, for
instance, to the Moluccas, to China, to Japan. The mere description of China
and Japan and of their
You would
hardly believe how eagerly we are looking for the Indulgences from the Holy
Father, the privilege for the high altar of the Church of our College, and the
faculties for priests to administer the holy chrism instead of the Bishop ;
about all which I wrote to you in former years. As for the Lent, experience has
taught me that there is no great need for any change to be made in that. The
Portuguese inhabit places in India so very widely apart, that if the common
good of all is to be considered, no change need be made. The winter season is
by no means at the same time throughout all the Portuguese cities or towns; so
that, considering what is good for all alike, it seems to me best that there
should be no new law on the subject, although I see there are a good many who
differ from me as to this. '
I have not yet made
up my mind whether, after a year and a half from this, I shall go myself to
Japan, with one or two others of the Society, or whether I shall send two of
ours there first. I have quite decided either to go or to send others, and as
things are now, I incline to the plan of going myself. I pray God to give me a
clear intimation of His will as to what is most pleasing to Him. I thought it
best to choose one of the three of our Society who are gone to the Moluccas to
be Superior of the rest, so I made choice of Joam Beira for the others to
obey, as if he were yourself. They were very glad of it. I think of making the
same arrangement as to the Comorin Promontory, and the other places where more
than one of ours are placed. I beg that you by your own prayers and the prayers
of those with whom you have influence may obtain the help of Heaven for us who
are working in these barbarous regions; and that you may do this more
earnestly, I pray the Eternal God to show you, by a light from Himself, how
much need I am in of your help and guiding hand.
Cochin, Jan. 20, 1548.
To Master Simon Rodriguez.
May the grace and
charity of our Lord Jesus Christ always favour and help us ! Amen.
I charge you, my
dearest brother, for the love which you bear to Jesus Christ, to send us hither
some preachers of the Society; men of that sort are most urgently wanted in
India. Of all those whom you have hitherto sent I have seen none except Joam
Beira, Father Ribero, and Niccolo Nunez the layman, who are in the Moluccas,
and Adam Francis, who is here at Cochin. I have asked about the others, and
people tell me that there is no one among them able to preach well. Another
thing which I entreat you in the name of God is to be careful in choosing those
whom you think of sending out hither to work for the conversion of the heathen.
It is necessary that you choose men of proved goodness and tried virtue, men
who for the space of some years have gained many and signal victories over
themselves. They must also not be men of weak health, but strong; for the hard
work in India requires not only the virtue of the soul but also the strength of
the body. The King would gain great favour with God if he were to send to India
as many preachers of our Society as possible, so ignorant and uninstructed is
the whole race of the Indians. I write this to you on the strength of the
experience I have now gained of all these parts.
However, if this
affair of the propagation of the Christian religion among the heathen kingdoms
seems to have its great difficulties, be careful not on that account to be
frightened from carrying on the work which has been begun. In sooth, the first
and greatest difficulty is in ourselves; so I consider that we should first
take care of our own people, and then attend to the heathen. Now I beg you, do
all you possibly can, for God’s sake, that next year we may have some good
preachers. I don’t give you now any account of affairs in India, for it is only
a week since I arrived from Malacca, and I have as yet not got much information
about them. What I have found out is of a kind to
make me sorry to know
it. Our brethren, I believe, write at length to you about all their matters. Those
of our Society whom you send out for the conversion of the heathen ought to be
men who can be sent with safety either with companions or alone, wherever need
may be, either to the Moluccas or to China, or to Japan, or to the kingdom of
Pegu, or anywhere else. Among the people in any one of these places, even men
who are not of great learning, provided they are endowed with remarkable
virtue, will be able to do very good service for ■God.
If there is one thing
which, for his very numerous and very great deserts at the hands of our
Society, I should like to have the King of Portugal warned about, since it is
his business beyond all to provide for the salvation first of his own people
and those of the heathen who are in his dominions, I would desire that the
King, both for the sake of the service of God and also to discharge a religious
obligation of his own soul, should place in all the towns of India which are
occupied by his garrisons good preachers, either of our Society or of the
Franciscans or the Dominicans, who should be free and disengaged from other
cares, to preach on the Gospel in the forenoon ofthe Sundays and festivals to
the Portuguese, and in the afternoon should explain the Articles of the Faith
to their servants and slave-girls as well as to the native converts, and should
also once a week preach to the wives and children of the Portuguese on the
Articles of the Creed and the Sacraments of Confession and Communion; for I
have learnt by experience how great necessity there is out here for this kind
of instruction.
If I thought that the
King would not be averse to my most faithful and loving counsels, I would give
him a most salutary bit of advice—for a quarter of an hour every day to
meditate on that divine saying, ‘ What doth it profit a man if he gain the
whole world but lose his own soul?’ and to ask God to give him a thorough
understanding of it, together with a strong interior feeling of its truth, and
also to make that same sentence, ‘ What shall it profit a roan if he gain the
whole world,’ and the rest, a kind of conclusion to all the prayers that he
says. It is time
now to tear away from
the King the mistake under which he lies; for the hour is nearer than he
thinks, when the King of kings and Ruler of rulers is to call him to Himself to
give an account, with that terrible call—‘ Give an account of thy stewardship
!’ And so do you take care’to bring about that he really sends out to India
what is necessary for the propagation of the faith in that country.
From the experience
which I have had, I can see only one way and one means for propagating religion
in India—that the King should severely and by an edict declare to all the Governors
of India that he trusts no one in India so much as those who with all their
might strive to advance the limits of Christianity; that he orders and
commands them to take in hand diligently to bring the island of Ceylon to the
faith of Christ, and to increase the number of converts in the promontory of
Comorin, and for this purpose to seek the succour of religious men everywhere,
and to employ the priests of our Society and any others whom it may seem good
to use for the increase of the worship of God. If the Governors should happen
to show themselves negligent and inactive in this matter, let him strike terror
into them, and declare by an oath (he will gain great favour with God by
swearing this, and much more by fulfilling what he has sworn), that unless they
free his soul from the religious obligation under which he lies, by
propagating the Christian religion in India as much as possible, he will punish
their want of zeal as soon as they return to Lisbon by the confiscation of
their goods for public purposes and by long imprisonment. If the King issue
such a decree to the Governors, and at the same time treat with severity those
who do not attend to .it, it is certain that a very large number will, by the
help of God, become Christians ; but that otherwise no great progress will be
made.
You have now what I
think on the matter. As to other things I will say nothing. I only say that if
what I ask to be done be done, our wretched converts will be defended against
injustice and plunder, and the other natives will without difficulty be
brought into the fold of Christ. In the propagation of the faith of Christ among
them, the work is really a mere mockery
May our Lord Jesus
protect and keep us continually! Amen.
Cochin, Jan. 20.
As soon as Francis
had finished these necessary letters, we can well understand with what
affectionate interest and joy he would occupy himself in visiting his beloved
Paravas on the Fishery Coast. It was now rather more than three years since he
had left them. In the mean time they had suffered much, both from their
inveterate enemies the Badages and from the tyranny and extortions of the
Portuguese; but they had maintained their faith firmly, and shown much
Christian fortitude and perseverance. Lucena3 describes the joy
with which Francis was received by his spiritual children ; how, as he went
round the villages which his watchful care had supplied with churches and
priests, the people came forth to meet him in procession, singing the Christian
doctrine as he had taught them, paving his pathway with their garments, or
raising him on their shoulders and carrying him in triumph into the sanctuary.
The faith of these neophytes had shone out in ways which remind us of the
history of the primitive Church : some had cast out devils with the sign of the
Cross, or cured the sick; others had endured tortures rather than deny our
Lord; others had confuted Brahmins in dispute, or converted their fellow
labourers or companions in slavery. They had a great number of
churches of their own, and were watched over by four Fathers of the Society,
with three active priests and three lay brothers. Mancias was gone;
After a rapid tour
through the several missions, Francis collected his small band of workers at
Munahpaud, where they spent a fortnight together in a sort of retreat. They
were all somewhat young in the Society, and Criminale alone among them-had been
more than a few months at the work among
5 Antonio
Criminale had reached India in 1545, in the fleet which brought Don Joam de Castro
as Governor of the Indies in place of Martin; Alfonso de Sousa. There were also
two other priests, Joam Beira, already- mentioned, and Niccolo Lancilotti, an
Italian. Beira had gone first to Cape Comorin, and then, summoned by Francis,
to Malacca and the Moluccas. Lancilotti remained at Goa. The next year no
priests seem to have been sent; but in 1547 five fathers had arrived—the two
Enriquez and Cipriano named above, Francesco Perez, Manuel de Moraez, and Nunez
Ribero. Perez remained at Goa, and Nunez Ribero was sent on at once with Beira
to Malacca, where he met Francis Xavier on his return from the Moluccas, as
related in the last chapter of the preceding book. His companion Niccolo Nunez
was not yet a priest. The catalogue of the college of Coimbra mentions four
others as lay brothers, who sailed with the fathers who arrived in 1547. As
many as ten of the Society were sent in the year 1548, which we have now
reached, four of whom were priests. We shall have to speak of several of them
hereafter.
the Paravas, a work
which, as we have seen, required much sagacity, prudence, and temper, as well
as great zeal and industry. Francis took great pains to help and support them
as much as possible. It may be supposed that Mancias had been left with some
kind of authority over those who had joined or were to join him, and his
defection left the Fathers of the Fishery Coast without any kind of immediate
superior. A letter of Enrico Enriquez, written late in the year 1548 to St.
Ignatius, states that they had elected Antonio Criminale, and that this choice
had been confirmed by Francis. We do not know whether it had been made before
his arrival from the East, or whether it was now made at his instigation.6
After the retreat was over, Francis left them a long paper of instructions,
which is generally included among his letters, and which, on that account, we
insert here.
(lix.) To the Fathers of the Society of "Jesus
working among the Christians of the Comorin Coast.
The thing which I wish
to commend to you above everything else is that you should employ special
diligence and watchfulness as to the baptism of little children, so as not to
leave any lately born child not regenerated in the saving laver of Christ in
any of the villages or farm settlements in which you are either at present
labouring or shall hereafter have any charge. I consider that to be the chief
and most salutary of all the forms of ministry in which you can be employed in
these parts, and therefore I would have you never commit it to another, or
trust for it to any one but yourselves. Make search and inquiry for yourselves,
and baptize with your own hands all those whom you find in want of that most
necessary Sacrament. I know that the royal officers who have authority over
the natives have received orders, and also that the heads of families have been
strictly charged to give information, and to fetch those who are to administer
Baptism as soon as they see
Trust my experience;
all, of any moment, that we can do among this nation, all that is worth our
labour, comes in the end to these two kinds of service, baptizing infants, and
teaching the children who have any capacity for learning. So I would enjoin
upon you to look after this second with as much diligence as the first, or even
greater. I mean, that you take all most efficient care that the instruction of
children goes on without intermission. I mean, that you are to take care that
this is done by others, for it is quite clear that you cannot do it yourselves.
You ought not to have a fixed and permanent home in any one single village, but
to be always free and ready to pass to all spots, one after another, and Avatch
over the increase of the Church in these parts by visiting and making a
circuit over the whole country, which very much needs such vigilance. Thus you
cannot find time for the attention necessary to the holding of schools
everywhere, day after day. So you must appoint in each village or station
fitting teachers and canacapoli, as we have already arranged, and these must assemble
the children every day at a certain time and place, and teach and drive into
them the elements of reading and of religion, and the prayers which all must
know by heart. And that this may be done with greater exactness, you must never
omit, whenever in your circuits you visit any particular village, to have all
the children assembled, and to make them give an
account, in the
presence of their teachers, of what they have learnt, so as to put to the proof
their diligence as well as that of their teachers, taking careful notice how
much of the sacred prayers each one can recite without fault, and how far each
one has got in learning and understanding the catechism. And you must give out
that you will soon come back again to measure how far they shall have advanced
beyond what they have now attained to, in proportion to the interval of time
which will have elapsed, and that you will judge from that who has been working
hard and who has been idle. The expectation of your visit will sharpen the
industry both of the teachers and of the scholars.
You must see that on
Sundays all the men are assembled in the church to recite the prayers, and make
particular inquiry whether the Patangatins frequent these assemblies. In the
places where you happen to be on such days, you will yourselves preside at
these meetings, and after they have all recited the usual prayers from memory,
you will shortly and clearly explain what they have been saying. Then you will
speak against the vices which are dominant in the place, showing by clear
instances and images, such as the ignorant can understand, how foul and
mischievous they are, and then heaping up threats of the anger and vengeance of
God, to terrify those who delay to amend their lives, and these threats should
be not only of that distant and future anger of God which will rage against
them after this life, but of His anger now hanging over them, and all but falling
on them in diseases, plagues, early deaths, persecution from the heathen
rajahs, who will despoil them, make slaves of them, put them to terrible kinds
of torture; of the evils, in short, here and now, through which hardened
sinners will have to pass -on their way to the eternal punishment of hell. Make
inquiry also in every place, whether there are any feuds or hatreds existing between
people living there, and take great pains not only that the people are
reconciled and lay aside all rancour •from their hearts, but that they also
make public profession of this, in order to do away with the public offence
given. So the men between whom there has been notorious discord must in
the assembly of the
men (which, as I said, is to be held every Sunday), and the women likewise in
the meeting of the women,, which is to be held on Saturdays, must be made by
you to call all the others there present to witness that they are sorry for the
wrongs they have done and ask pardon for them; that they wish for the future to
forget any that they have received, and that they have firmly made up their
minds to show all the offices of Christian and brotherly charity to those whom
before they held as enemies and objects of hate.
As soon as the
translation into Malabar of the explanation of the Articles of the Faith, which
I have charged Father Francis Coelho to provide, shall be finished, you must
take diligent care that many copies of it, according to the number of the villages
or hamlets, be written out and dispersed everywhere, and that it be read
everywhere by some one who has a good voice and can be understood by all, to
the people collected in their regular meetings, the men on Sundays, and the
women on Saturdays. And wherever any one of you may happen to be on Sundays,
let him add an instruction of his own to what has been read, explaining more
clearly and distinctly any parts that may seem to have been less thoroughly
understood by those whose minds are not very quick. Moreover, you must see that
the alms and offerings due from people who have to pay what they have vowed
after escaping from some danger of disease or misfortune, which are usually collected
in these assemblies, of the men or of the women, be all distributed to the
poor, and you must not allow even the very smallest particle of them to be
spent on your own use.
Take care that it is
clearly given out, every Sunday in the- meeting of the men, and every Saturday
in the meeting of the women, that as soon as ever any one of any condition
soever is taken ill in any of their houses, they are at once to let you know,
that you may be able to bring early help and administer all the holy rites which
are necessary for providing duly for the soul at such a time. And give out,
that if any one fails in this duty, and so any relation of his or any inmate of
his house dies- without the assistance of the sacraments, then without fail you
will not permit him
when he dies to be buried in the cemetery of the church with the sacred
service. When you visit the sick, you will order that the holy Creed be recited
by them if they are able, if not, by some one of those present, in their
language; and ask the sick man at each article whether he most assuredly and
most constantly believes what is being said ? Then make him say the form of
general confession, and the prayers which it is usual for all to know by heart,
and after this, read the holy gospel over them.
When any one has
died, you must go in procession from the church to the place where the corpse
lies, with the Cross borne before you and the children with it, singing, as
they go and return, the prayers which they have learnt in the school of Christian
doctrine; when the dead body has been brought into the church, you will say the
prescribed prayers, and again, according to custom, before the body is
committed to the earth, and you must always make something in the way of a
short sermon, appropriate to the occasion, to the crowd that is assembled for
the funeral, admonishing them about the certainty of death, the uncertainty of
life, how these thoughts ought to make them live a life of amendment, and not
put off doing penance for sins, in which if they are caught by death, they will
not be able to avoid eternal damnation; and how, on the other hand, if they
persevere in the grace of God, they may justly hope, when they die, to pass
into the joys of Paradise. You must charge them—the men on the Sundays, and the
women on the Saturdays—to bring any sick children there may be to you into the
church, that you may recite the gospel over them. That will have the effect of
arousing and strengthening the faith both of fathers and mothers, and making
them all love the Church and her sacred rites; and besides, it will be of great
advantage to the life and health of the little creatures themselves.
Now as to lawsuits
and disputes of right, which may spring up between the Christians. The first
thing you must do is to work as gently and forcibly as you may, that both
parties should talk their differences over together, and make the matter up in
some fair and good manner between themselves. If there are
any who cannot be
induced to do this, and if the matter be not of great importance, then on
Sundays, after the prayers have ‘been said, you will put the affair into the
hands of the Patan- .gatius, who are the wardens of the church of the place,
that they may hear
both sides, and settle the cause. You must never, except as little as possible
and on very rare occasions, allow yourself to be engaged in taking cognizance
of such matters, •for they would give you less leisure, and take away from the
authority which is necessary for the discharge of the spiritual functions which
are proper to our vocation. So, however much the contending parties may urge it
upon you, offering to be bound by your arbitration, and asking you to hear
them, excuse yourselves on the ground of more important duties, and prudently
decline the expense of time which the hearing would cause you, as well as the
odiousness of giving a judgment. Send the greater disputes to the Portuguese
Commandant of that part of the country; or if the people concerned are very
much more desirous to have a priest as arbiter, refer them in that case to
Father Antonio Criminale.
Labour with all your
might to gain for yourselves the love of the people. You will be far better
able to help them if they •love you than if they fear you. Never order a
punishment for any one, or inflict one, before you have consulted on the whole
matter with Father Antonio Criminale, and never, even with .his consent, order
any one to be apprehended or fined according to his deserts in anyplace where
there is a Portuguese Commandant, without having informed him of the affair,
arid brought him to your own opinion by laying your reasons before him. When a
man or woman has been convicted of carving idols, the fit punishment to be
legally inflicted on such should be banishment from the place where the fault has
been committed, and detention in another; but you must never send any one away
on such an account without the assent of Father Criminale. When boys who are
constant in attendance on catechetical schools deserve punishment, avoid
giving it as much as may be without impairing discipline, for it is better to
seem not to know, as you do, that they have done wrong as children
of that age will,
than by any severity, however just, to rouse in their tender minds a feeling of
dislike to you. When they have- taken an aversion to those who are to help and
guide them as to their salvation, they will rush headlong into all excesses.
You will generally get such children to be good far more easily by showing them
a great deal of love than by any severity or violence.
Take diligent care
never to speak hardly of the native Christians in the presence of the
Portuguese; rather always defend them and take up their cause when they are
accused, making excuses for them and commending them as much as you are able.
You should ask the Portuguese to consider favourably what a bad education these
poor creatures who are lately converted from idolatry to Christianity have had
from their childhood upwards; how little time they have had free, during the
short period since they embraced the faith—what with the many instances of the
absence of priests, what with the invasions and alarms of invasions of the
Badages—to give themselves seriously to the receiving the necessary
instructions how to behave as Christians. Say that, if they take all these
things wisely into account, not only ought they to be very indulgent in
forgiving the defects of these uninstructed barbarians, but they may well
wonder that they are not somewhat worse than they appear to be from the faults
into which they fall, which are generally not of the most grievous kind.
You will be very kind
to the Malabar priests, and provide for their good with all consideration,
especially in matters belonging to religion, taking care that they accustom
themselves to go regularly to confession, that they offer the holy sacrifice
with all propriety and very often, and that they set a right example of holy
living to the people. And when you have had to complain of them, or to
reprehend them if they have been guilty in any way, especially take great care
that no vestige of this which can be shown to others remain, especially in any
letters which you may write to any one.
You must endeavour to
gain the friendship of the Portuguese Commandant, showing him all observance
and courtesy,
and avoid any
unfriendliness with him on any account whatsoever. Take the same pains in
endeavouring to keep the good favour of all the Portuguese who are settled in
these parts, showing no aversion to any one, and letting no one hate you, but
rather endeavouring by all kindness, prudence, and true •charity to be men of
peace, even with those who hate peace. And if any of them are disposed of
themselves to draw back from you, still keep a hold of them by offices of
kindness and good will, so that even against their will they may come to feel
and allow themselves to be loved by you, and so be afraid to let any difference
they may have with you break out into an open rupture. At the same time, this
does not mean that you are right to connive at the unjust oppression with which
they may sometimes persecute the Christians. When you see anything of the
kind, then by all means rebuke them, but do it gently and with every sign of
love. If you make no way in this manner, then carry your complaint to the
Commandant, and •defend the right of the innocent victims of oppression with
modesty, and as far as may be without losing your friendship with those against
whom you plead. For the Commandant, I once more admonish you, on account of the
importance of the matter, keep him at peace and well disposed with you at whatsoever
cost, and let nothing be too much for you to be willing to sacrifice for the
sake of avoiding the giving him offence and of retaining his goodwill.
Let your conversation
with the Portuguese be always about sacred things, such as relate to the
salvation of souls and to advancement in virtue. Speak to them in private as
well as in public about Death, Judgment, the punishments of Hell and •of
Purgatory, urging them to frequent the sacraments of Penance and Communion,
and to keep the Ten Commandments of God’s law and all other things of that
kind; for if in your •dealings with them you never turn aside to other topics
of conversation, one of two things will happen: either when they come to
you they will enter on talk of the same sort—and this will do them very great
good—or if they get tired of so much sad and serious conversation, they will
leave off coming to see
you, and leave you
free for many good hours of time which are much needed for the urgent occupations
of the manifold duties which you have to discharge.
Remember, when
occasions offer themselves, to write to the fathers and brothers of our Society
at Goa, telling them what may give them consolation and animate them to good
deeds, concerning the fruits of your ministry and the issue of your endeavours
for the glory of God. You must write also to the same effect to his lordship
the Bishop, with all submission and reverence as to the prelate to whose
authority and jurisdiction all these parts are subject. You must not go into
any country or province, however much you may be urged by the rajahs and
princes thereof, without the assent of Father Antonio Criminale and the
Portuguese Commandant of the coast. If any of the rajahs invite you with
extreme urgency, you must plead to them the obedience which you profess, making
that your excuse, and urging that it renders it unlawful for you, without the
command of your superiors, to leave the station at which you are placed. I once
more admonish you, renewing my recommendation over and over again, to
endeavour, wherever and with whomsoever you have to work, to make yourselves
pleasing and amiable to men of all sorts, obliging all, and doing service to
all and each, and never addressing any one except gently and modestly. This
practical kindness, seasoned by courtesy of language, will win for you the love
of all and open their hearts to you, and so afford you a great facility in
gathering very glorious fruit of souls. May God grant you that blessing, and
may He ever be with you all! Amen.
Yours wholly,
February 1548. FRANCIS.
When the
circumstances of the case are considered, there is little to surprise us in the
strong statement which occurs near the beginning of this letter, that the only
kinds of ministry which were likely to be profitable in that country were the
baptizing of infants and the instruction of children. It was not that Francis
despaired of the adult population, which had just welcomed him so joyously and
gratefully, and many members of
which had during his
absence given very remarkable proofs of the soundness and stability of their
faith. But in any community, even in countries which have for centuries been
Christian, the hope and security of the future lies in the young. A large
portion of the human race dies in infancy; and thus the baptism* of infants,
so many of whom are never to grow to man’s , estate, is and has always been in
effect one of the chief means by which the Church has peopled heaven through
the merits of our crucified Lord, and its importance for the future glory of
God is marked by the peculiar malignity with which the powers of evil in the
world have always exerted themselves in so many various ways to hinder and
prevent it. Again, the adults in the population were exposed to so many
difficulties, both as to procuring instruction in the faith and as to the
practice of the Christian law—partly from old habit and associations, partly
from the influence of the luxurious and sensual paganism all around them, and,
not least, from the scandal given to them by those who bore the name of
Christian, as well as from the persecution, whether from heathens or Europeans,
to which they were themselves exposed—that their want of a Christian training
from their early years must have made their hold on the faith very precarious.
In Christian countries the adult population is seldom sound unless it has been
well and religiously educated ; and here again we can trace the instinctive
malice of the powers of evil in their resolute and unceasing efforts either to
get hold of education for their own emissaries or to snatch it out of the hands
of the Church. On the other hand, if the children were thoroughly grounded in
the knowledge of Christian doctrine and the use of Christian sacraments, not
even all the disadvantages of the position of the native Christians in India
would be able to turn them from the observance of the law of God. When Francis
Xavier wrote, he had , but little prospect of seeing the field on which he had
bestowed so much labour cultivated by a numerous and intelligent body of
priests; and so long as the evangelical workers remained few in numbers, able
only occasionally to visit place after place among the settlements without
fixing themselves anywhere, the
One other passage in
the foregoing letter deserves a word of comment, as we might otherwise fail to
understand the careful provision made by Francis Xavier for the progress of
the mission^ The explanation of the Articles of the Faith, which he mentions as
about to be translated into the Malabar tongue, was probably that long
commentary on the Creed which has been printed in the preceding volume.7
If the text of the letter above is correct, we gather from it that this
translation was committed to Father Francis Coelho, one of the native priests
who were still labouring with those of the Society in the mission. At the same
time we are told that Francis gave a special commission to Father Francesco
Enriquez to make a perfect grammar and vocabulary of the Malabar tongue, and
thus at once to elevate, fix, and preserve it, and make it more useful as a
means of communication among the tribes of different dialects, the tendency of
which is to continual change and decay, and so to the isolation of one petty
community from another. Father Enriquez obeyed, and within six months he had
completely mastered the language, cast it into form, and arranged its vocabulary
, and his facility in writing and speaking it had become a marvel to the
natives themselves.
From Munahpaud
Francis appears to have passed into Ceylon, where the interests of religion
seem to have been in a critical state, the particular circumstances of which
it is difficult to understand without more clear statements than have come down
to us. The Cingalese princes mentioned in a former chapter seem to have been
baptized at Goa, and installed in their kingdoms by the present governor, Don
Joam de Castro; and either in consequence of their conversion or from other
causes the Franciscans had sent a small band of missionaries into the island.
Several places on the coast were occupied by these missionaries.8 In
the interior the King of Candy, who
is supposed by Lucena9 to have succeeded to the Christian prince, was well disposed to the faith, and
only kept back from embracing it by the fear of a revolt among his subjects. He
was thinking of putting himself under the protection of the Portuguese when
Francis arrived,10 and was received by him with extraordinary
honours. The issue of his visit was that an embassy was prepared, which was to
offer to the Governor of the Indies the alliance of the King of Candy, who
demanded a strong garrison of Portuguese soldiers to secure him on his throne,
and who was ready to become a Christian and pay tribute to the King of
Portugal. Other accounts state that the Rajah of Jafanapatam himself was
touched by the remonstrances of Francis, and promised to become Christian if
the Portuguese would accept his alliance. It appears certain that it was in
company with an embassy fr&m one or other of these rajahs that Francis left
the south of India about the end of February or the beginning of March, in
order to seek the Governor of the Indies at Goa. He arrived at that city on
March 20th, but found Joam de Castro absent.
Francis and Don Joam de Castro.
The Governor of the Indies, Don Joam de Castro,
has already been more than once mentioned as a gallant and even heroic officer,
and one whose brief period of authority had been signalized by great exploits
and brilliant victories. The Portuguese historian of the Indies pauses before
he passes on from his account of Don Joam’s government to give us some characteristic
notes concerning him. He was now in the prime of life, in his forty-eighth
year. He was the son of a high officer of the Crown, and his mother was the
daughter of one of the chief nobles of Portugal. When quite young, Joam had served
in Tangier; and on returning home had received from the King an encomienda of
five hundred crowns a year, which was his principal fortune for the rest of
his life. Later on, he served under Charles V. in the expedition against Tunis,
at which time he refused his share of some money distributed by the emperor to
the Portuguese officers, saying that he served the King of Portugal, and
looked to him for his reward. Another time he was in command of a Portuguese
squadron sent to co-operate with some Spanish force for the relief of Ceuta. On
the approach of the Moorish fleet, the Spaniards were for retiring, with the object,
real or alleged, of concerting their measures; but Don Joam de Castro refused
to stir, and the Moors, thinking the allied fleets were still united, withdrew
themselves, leaving him the honour of having driven them off. Don Joam sailed
to India in 1528 as captain of a ship in the fleet of Don Garcia de Norona, who
was going out as Viceroy. The King, who seems to have known his gallantry,
offered Joam a grant of the captainship of Ormuz and a pension of a thousand
ducats a year till he came into possession of the post. But he declined
the position, saying
he had not yet deserved such promotionr accepting at the same time
the pension on account of his great , poverty, and begging the King to remember
him for the captaincy when he should have earned it. Norona died in two years,
and was succeeded by Estevan de Gama, the son of Vasco, and the immediate
predecessor of Martin Alfonso de Sousa, as Governor of India. One ofEstevan’s
expeditions took him up the Red Sea to Suez, on which occasion he went up to
the famous monastery of St. Catharine on Mount Sinai, and knighted several of
his followers, one of whom was Don Alvaro, son of Joam de Castro, who was also
of the party. Joam seems to have returned to Portugal after the end of
Estevan’s government; and there the Infante Don Luis recommended him to King
John as governor of India after Martin Alfonso. He was a man of letters as well
as of arms, a classical scholar, and a good mathematician. When on the Red Sea,
he got divers to go to the bottom for the sake of finding out what it is that
gives its colour to the water, as Faria y Sousa tells us. He adds that Don Joam
wrote .a paper to prove that the water was red on account of the coral at the
bottom, which opinion he himself combats, on the ground that coral is green
until it comes up to the air, which hardens it and renders it red.1
The same writer speaks highly of Don Joam’s modesty as a governor, his condescension,
and his integrity. Before sailing for India, he chanced to see a very fine suit
of clothes in a tailor’s shop, and was told that it had been ordered by one of
his own sons, who was to sail with him. He took the tailor’s scissors, and cut
the suit into small pieces, telling the man to bid the youth who had ordered it
provide himself with arms, and arms, and more arms.
If this anecdote was
characteristic of the man, his government of India was quite in keeping with
his character. He was always at war, and frequently exposing himself, even to
rashness. We have already mentioned his great exploit of the relief ofDiu and
the defeat of the besiegers in November 1546. He had received the news of the
severe wound of his son Don Alvaro—who had been knighted on Mount Sinai, and
was per-
When Francis Xavier
arrived at Goa, with the envoy of the- King of Candy, of whom mention has
already been made, Don Joam de Castro was at Bazain, some way to the north
along the coast, engaged in military preparations and enterprises. The- north-western
coasts of India had been the scene of his operations in the year which had
followed the relief of Diu, and he was soon to be engaged in organizing an
expedition of which Aden was the object. It would appear that there was some
reason to fear that the Governor was not disposed to take active measures for
the simple furtherance of religion, or at least that influential members of the
Council were likely to oppose such measures. The letter of the King of Portugal
to the Governor, written after the complaints made by Miguel Vaz and Francis
Xavier, though not strong enough to force an actively christianizing policy
upon the Indian officials, was strong enough to rouse their enmity against the
advocates of such a policy. There had already been occasions on which voices
had been raised in the Council, saying that it did not much matter whether the
Indian princes in alliance with the crown of Portugal became Christian or
remained heathen. The Rajah of' Tanore had sought baptism, and the Council, as
we ga'ther from Lucena, had refused to take his part in the quarrels with
neighbouring princes which ensued.3 The Governor himself’ had his
hands full enough of warlike undertakings, and he was supposed not to favour
the college of Santa Fe. It was necessary therefore for Francis Xavief to try
the effect of a personal interview with Don Joam in the matter of the Rajah or
King of Candy, whose cause he had espoused. Francis accordingly made a rapid
excursion to Bazain, and was able at once to bring the Governor over to his own
wishes. Antonio Moniz Barreto, already mentioned, one of the most dashing
officers among the
Francis Xavier
returned almost immediately to Goa, reaching that city early in April. His
short visit to Bazain was not without its victory of apostolical zeal. His
biographers tell us that he fell in there with a Portuguese noble, Rodrigo
Secheira by name, whom, when in Malacca, he had found in the hospital, hiding
himself in order to escape the hands of justice on account of a great crime
which he had committed. It was probably a homicide, as Francis made his peace
for him with his enemies, and also reconciled him to God by a general confession
of his sins. But he exacted of him a promise to return to Europe. Secheira went
as far as Goa on his way, and was there offered a lucrative post under the
government at Bazain. He yielded to the temptation, and was soon immersed in
his former vices. When Francis met him in a public place at Bazain, he had not
been to confession for two years. Secheira came up to Francis with a smile on
his face and an open hand, thinking to brave the matter off. Francis could be
stern when he thought fit, and drew back as in horror. £ What, my
son,’ he cried, ‘ are you still in India ? Is this the way you have kept your
promise to God and to me ?’ And when Secheira began to excuse himself, he told
him that whatever might be said about his not having returned to Europe, his
having kej5t away from confession was inexcusable, and he could not have him
for his friend as long as he was at enmity with God. Se-
cheira was at once
overcome, made his confession, and began a new mode of life under the direction
of Francis.4
Joam de Castro was so
charmed with Francis Xavier, that he exacted of him what was in some respects a
considerable sacrifice, a promise to remain some months at Goa to assist him in
regulating the affairs of his soul. It appears that the Governor returned to
Goa about the same time with Francis. He seems already to have felt the
approach of death, which was very soon to carry him off. He had already
suffered from fever, and was also harassed by the misconduct or imprudence of
some of his officers and soldiers. Aden, then as now a place of very great
importance for any maritime power in the East, had been taken from the Turks by
the petty Prince of Caxem, who, in fear of the common enemy, had put himself
under the protection of the King of Portugal. There was a hope of a triumph
more substantial even than that of Diu, but Aden was lost to the Portuguese by
the timidity of Don Payo de Norona, who was sent from Ormuz to help the new
ally. Norona was afraid of treachery, and retired to his vessel on the approach
of a Turkish army, which took the place and put the prince to death. The
Governor had sent his son, Don Alvaro, with a considerable force to assist him,
but he arrived too late. Another object of the expedition was to eject the
Turks from a fort which they had seized near Caxem itself, and here the Portuguese
made the mistake, against the express will of their commander, Don Alvaro, of
refusing all terms to the garrison, which was ready to treat, and even of
detaining the envoys sent to make the proposals for surrender. The consequence
was that the besieged made so desperate a resistance, that the fort was only
taken at so great a loss of men to the Portuguese as to make their victory
almost equivalent to a defeat.5
This expedition to
Aden is memorable in the life of Francis Xavier as having afforded him an
opportunity of a conquest more truly glorious than that at which Don Alvaro
aimed. It was on this occasion that he embarked on board one of the •ships of
the squadron without giving notice to any one, and with no other provision for
the voyage than the breviary under ’his arm. He had made acquaintance in Goa
with one of the class for whom he had so special a predilection—a rude rough
soldier, of scandalous life, insolent temper, with the habits of almost every
imaginable sin engrained, as it seemed, in his •very nature, whose very
language was so laden with blasphemies as to offend all who came across him. He
had not been to the •sacraments for eighteen years. Francis had poured forth
numberless prayers for this poor sinner, had wept and done penance before
God'for his conversion. When the fleet was to sail he asked him to which ship
he was to belong, and then, without more ado, took him by the arm, said how
glad he was to find they were to be companions, and embarked along with him.
Companions, indeed, they were, almost always chatting together and eating at
the same mess. The soldier gamed as usual, and Francis stood by, always
rejoicing over his successes and full of sorrow when he was unlucky. When the
poor fellow broke out into blasphemies and indecent language, Francis seemed
not to hear. The men were amazed at seeing his zeal so entirely kept under. It
seemed as if the soldier had fascinated him. At last Francis took an
opportunity to ask him.in confidence how long it was since he had been to
confession. The soldier coloured and sighed. His heart was already won. It was
eighteen years, he said, since he had confessed, but the fault was not all his
own. He had been to the Vicar-General -of Goa to get rid of his sins, but the
good priest had been so shocked at the tale which he heard, that he sent him
away as if his soul could not hope for any share in divine grace. Francis took
the Side of the soldier. He said that great charity should be used to sinners,
for whom our Blessed Redeemer had shed His blood, and that each one had his own
burthen to bear, and •so should be compassionate to others. At all events, he
would
make no difficulty
himself as to giving his friend all the comfort in his power. If he had all
the sins of the world on his conscience he would hear his confession willingly.
He had full power to absolve him, and as for his penance, they would divide it
between them, and the soldier should take as much of it as he liked for himself
and no more. God in His infinite goodness desired his salvation, and asked of
him nothing but a sincere repentance for having offended One Who loved him so
much. The soldier was overcome, and begged Francis to help him in his
confession. The fleet just then touched at some place on the coast, and several
of those on board went ashore for a few hours. Francis and the soldier went
into a grove near the beach, and were followed at a distance by some of the
crew, curious to see what would happen. Francis sat down under a tree, and the
soldier made his confession with many tears and sobs, striking his breast and
giving every sign of sincere sorrow. After a time they were seen to part.
Francis went farther into the wood, and after a time was followed by the
soldier. It turned out that he had set his friend the light penance of a single
Pater and Ave, but that he had withdrawn in order to bare his own shoulders,
which he then began to scourge violently with an iron discipline, until the
blood ran down freely. The soldier heard the noise, and ran after him ; then,
baring his own shoulders, he began himself to do penance for his sins, ‘mingling
his blood,’ says the historian, ‘ with that of the Saint.’ After this, the two
friends parted, Francis, to return to Goa, the soldier to fight under Don
Alvaro, but not before he had received a number of rules for his future conduct
from his friend, which he faithfully observed. On returning from Aden he became
a religious, and was considered a model of penitence.6
The following
letter—the only letter remaining to us of this spring and summer, the greater
part of which was spent at
shipboard, and he
could hardly ever find himself on board a Portuguese ship without meeting
several men such as the soldier described in the anecdote ; and it is less
probable that the various stories of such conversions should be repetitions of one
and the same history, than that there should have been scores of instances of
the same charity on his part of which we have heard nothing. For this reason it
seems better not to depart from the statements made by writers like those
quoted above, who had seen the documents on which the processes were founded.
An anccdote very similar to that given above is related in the Rclatio to which
we have often referred, on the authority of a Portuguese soldier named
Figueira, who was a comrade of the man converted. But in that case the number
of years since he had been at confession is given as seven or more. Cochin is
the place at which the vessel touched, and his confession was heard in a church
which is named. Bartoli mentions a certain Leti as the witness in the case
before us, the circumstances of which he gives as they are given above, and
makes Cochin the place. Lucena names no place,'but seems to think that the
embarcation was from Bazain.
May the grace and
charity of our Lord Jesus Christ always help and favour us ! Amen.
It would have been
much more what I wish if I could have seen you before your departure for China,
instead of having to write to you at a distance; but the Governor has desired
me to come hither to Goa, and I am obliged to do as he wishes. I had a plan of
visiting my brethren of the Society on the Comorin Promontory. It would indeed
have been a joy to me if it had been allowed me to talk over with so true and
faithful a friend as you a good many things which relate to my voyage to Japan
which I hope to undertake in a year’s time from this. I have heard from good
authority that a rich harvest of souls can be reaped in those parts, and the
Christian faith propagated far and wide. And now I charge you for the sake of
the friendship between us to provide yourself before you go to China with a
certain ware which is of infinite value, but which the merchants who go to
Malacca and China generally don’t seem to care for. The ware I mean is a good
conscience, a thing which men of that sort know very little about. The
merchants appear to persuade themselves that it will be all over with their
fortune altogether if they look to the affairs of their souls and of their
consciences.
Nevertheless I have
good confidence that, by the assistance of God, my very dear friend Diego
Pereira will take with him a very large supply of this merchandize of a good
conscience, and that he will gain great riches thereby, though the rest of the
merchants by their neglect of these things will be reduced to indigence. I
shall certainly never leave off praying God to guide you in safety to China, to
bring you back to us in safety and much increased and enriched in all the good
things of the soul, far more than in those of worldly wealth. I am sending from
this to Malacca two of our Society, one whose name is Francesco Perez, a priest
who is to devote himself, according to my method, to preaching, hearing
confessions, and instructing the children and the ignorant; and another who is
not yet a priest, and
who is to teach the
children of the Portuguese to read, so that they may in future read pious and
holy books rather than those law reports which circulate at Malacca, the
reading of which makes the children Malacensians instead of Portuguese. May our
Lord Jesus Christ be with you, as I wish Him to be with myself.
Goa, April
2. FRANCIS.
The last sentence of
this letter is somewhat obscure, but it appears to mean that the children had
hitherto had nothing to learn to read from except the public reports of the law
courts, which no doubt had enough to occupy them in a great mart like Malacca
frequented by merchants of so many different nations. Oliveira was to teach the
children to read out of translations of the Lives of the Saints, or other good
books, so that their young minds might not be filled with the quibbles and
chicanery of men who were striving with all their might to overreach each
other.
This summer of 1548
was a time of unusual repose in the life of Francis Xavier. The request of Don
Joam de Castro that he would remain some months at Goa was equivalent to a
command, and he was thus prevented from returning at once to his brethren who
were labouring on the Fishery Coast. We are not even told that he occupied
himself at Goa in any extraordinary work of preaching or catechizing, though
we may be sure that he was not inactive in the confessional. We find pauses
like this, of far longer duration, in the life of the great Apostle of the
Gentiles, when God in His Providence seems to have withdrawn him for months
together from the exercise of his active ministry, in order that he might rest
and occupy himself in meditation, prayer, and contemplation. Even at such
times, as when in prison at Ceesarcea or at Rome, St. Paul could not fail to
make himself felt in his influence on his neighbours, or in his letters to
distant churches, several of which,, with a tender and glowing character of
their own, were written in his captivity. Nor can we suppose that with Francis
Xavier his period of rest was more than comparatively unoccupied. As the true
test of holy activity is the gladness and readiness.
with which it falls
back, when God so wills, upon the better portion of Mary sitting at the feet of
our Lord, so also in apostolical men, their times of contemplation and close
communion with God are the seedtimes and stages of preparation for future
labours. In them these holy men seek out and have revealed to them the
particular purposes of God for their more immediate future, and they store and
strengthen themselves with the light and grace which are to guide and to
sustain them in new enterprises for the glory of God, Who at such times is wont
to overwhelm them with heavenly sweetness so as to grant them almost a
foretaste of the joys of Paradise.
To these summer
months belong a number of anecdotes of Francis Xavier which became current in
Goa, and which have in many cases found their way into the Processes made for
his canonization. He lived as retired a life as he could, spending great part
of his days and nights in prayer, which he Usually made in a ‘ coretto’ 'or
small £ tribune’ adjoining the church, from which he could see the
altar of the Blessed Sacrament. His eyes were often inflamed with tears or
seemed to glance fire; his face was all aglow, sometimes he scarcely knew where
he was or what he was doing, or to feel heat or cold in the intensity of his
concentration upon God. Often he would open his robe and bare his breast to the
air, or pour cold water upon it, as if he felt an insupportable fire within, and
he was heard to cry out in the garden of the college, where he would pace up
and down, ‘No more, O Lord, no more !’ At other times he was seen gently raised
in the air, and his face seemed to send forth rays of light. He was wont out of
devotion to the Blessed Sacrament to administer Holy Communion upon his knees
instead of standing, and once he was seen to float in this attitude along the
rail to give the sacred particles to the people. It is to this time that the
story belongs, which tells how Francis was wont to hide himself in a corner of
the campanile of the church, that he might make his prayer more secretly and
out of reach of interruption, and how when, on a certain day, he had an
appointment at a fixed hour at the Governor’s palace, and had told a lad of the
college to come and call him, the youth found
him so entranced
that, hour after hour, he came back to endeavour in vain to arouse him, until
it was four in the afternoon before he succeeded in making him understand what
he had to do. When the two went out at last on their errand, Francis roamed
about here and there, unable to withdraw himself from the thought of God which
so overpowered him, until at last he was forced to say, ‘ My son, let us go
back, and visit the palace another day, for it is clear that God will have the
whole of this day to Himself.’ Another time he was crossing a piazza so absorbed
in heavenly contemplation that he did not perceive a wild elephant running
loose upon him, nor hear the shouts of the people who were warning him of the
danger, which was only avoided by the sudden turn of the animal in another
direction. Other wonders of a more usual kind are told of this time, how he had
started up from the confessional on a sudden, and had run to a house in the
neighbourhood where a poor man, in despair of finding a maintenance for his
family, had begun to hang himself; how he had by a word delivered a lady who
came to him in great anguish of mind from a troublesome temptation which she
had long suffered; and how, with a poetic simplicity which reminds us of the
anecdotes of St. Francis of Assisi, when a fine horse had been plunging and
kicking savagely whenever an attempt was made to shoe it, he had gone up,
stroked it, and tamed it. ‘ Brother horse,’ he said, ‘ how is it that so beautiful
as you are, you will let no one put shoes on you?’ and the animal yielded to
his words as the fierce wolf of Gubbio had yielded to his namesake.7
The month of June had
hardly begun, when Francis Xavier had to discharge the last offices of Christian
charity to his dying friend the Governor, Don Joam de Castro. He had already
been ailing when he returned to Goa, and his heart had been afflicted by the
failure of the attempt on Aden, and by the misconduct of the Portuguese at
Chaul, in the blame of which his own son had a share. Faria y Sousa, who seems
to lose no opportunity of a sour remark upon the great degeneracy which the
immense temptations of their position in India brought on
7 Massei (from Bartoli and the Processes),
lib. ii. c. 14.
amongst the
Portuguese, tells us that Don Joam was dying of a disease, which in his own
time killed no man, though in old times it had killed thousands; ‘for even
diseases die,’ says the old annalist. This disease was ‘ a keen sentiment of
the miserable state in which he beheld India, without seeing any way to repair
it,’ and some few instances of misconduct just now mentioned. While he was in
this state, a large fleet arrived from Portugal. It was the first which had
been dispatched to the East since the news of the victory of Diu had arrived at
Lisbon. The large number of seventeen ships had been fitted out to do especial
honour to the occasion, and to the Governor, whose exploits were ringing in
every ear throughout Portugal. ‘ It was the first time,’ says Faria y Sousa,
‘that any Governor of India had received honours from his King for any
meritorious action.’ He does not seem to think much of the honours bestowed on
Don Joam. He was continued for three years in the government and raised to the
rank of Viceroy, a title only exceptionally bestowed on the representative of
the King in India. A sum of money was also given him over and above his salary,
and his son, Don Alvaro, was made Capitan Major, or Admiral of the Indian Seas.
Compliments and promises accompanied these honours. ‘ In those days,’ says the
chronicler, ‘great deserts found rewards as niggardly as now great rewards
find niggardly merits to earn them.’
But these rewards,
such as they were, found Don Joam not in a state to enjoy them. He was dying
fast—dying, as Faria y Sousa puts it, because he saw his country’s fame at its
last gasp. However that may be, he died like a Christian hero, and we can see,
in what is told of his last days, the influence of the presence of Francis
Xavier by his deathbed. Don Joam had been free in his letters to the King as to
what he said about persons in India, and on his deathbed he asked their pardon
for what he might Jiave said against them. Finding himself unable to attend to
public affairs, he nominated a council of government—the Bishop, the Governor
of the city, the Chancellor, and two other officials. When he felt himself growing
worse he called them to him, as well as the Superiors of
the Dominicans and
Franciscans, and Francis Xavier, and told them that though he neither expected
nor desired to live, yet in the state in which he was it was necessary to be at
some expense while he hung between life and death; that he had nothing of his
own to provide himself with medicines and attendance, and that he begged them
to order some part of the King’s money to be applied for that purpose. Then he
had a missal brought him, and raising his eyes to heaven, swore on it that he
had never taken for his own use the money of the King or of any one else, and
that he had never made any contract or bargain to increase his own property.
He begged that notice of this declaration should be entered on the King’s
books. Soon after this, having received devoutly all the last sacraments of the
Church, he expired in the arms of Francis Xavier. It was the sixth of June; he
had been Governor for two years and eight months. ‘ They opened,’ says Faria y
Sousa, ‘ a private desk of his, and what they found therein was a discipline
clotted with blood, and three reals. Such was his treasure. He was most devout
to the holy Cross. They buried him in the church of St. Francis, and there were
some demonstrations of sorrow for him—which, however, were remarkable chiefly
because it is so rare to find in India any one who grieves for anything except
for the disappointment of his own ambition or the failure of his own designs.’s
The mention of the
devotion of Joam de Castro to the holy Cross reminds us of some facts
concerning him stated by Lucena, which may serve to make the slight sketch here
given of him more complete, as well as to illustrate some characteristics of
the Portuguese settlers in India. Lucena tells us that during the governorship
of Don Joam a discovery of a curious slab of white marble was made at Meliapor
in digging for the foundations of a hermitage amid the ruins which marked the
spot of the martyrdom of the Apostle St. Thomas. On one face of this slab was a
cross in relief, with a bird like a dove over it, with its wings expanded, ‘ as
the Holy Ghost is usually represented when descending on our Lord at His
Baptism or our * Faria y Sousa, t. ii. p. z, cap. 5.
VOL. II. E
Lady at her
Annunciation.’ This cross was erected over the altar in the chapel which was
built in the new sanctuary. As it was discovered during his governorship, Don
Joam ‘ took it as a heavenly sign of great victories, which God would grant him
for the honour and glory of the Cross;’ and as in the year after the relief of
Diu he obtained some wonderful successes at Sal- sette and in the neighbourhood,
in which great numbers of Mussulmans had been slain with hardly any loss to the
Portuguese, ‘ he considered that the Apostle St. Thomas had gained him these
triumphs, especially as the chief rout of the enemy had taken place on his
feast day, and as that was the first occasion on which, he himself having
requested of his Highness that so it might be, the Portuguese began to invoke
in India the name of the glorious St. Thomas along with that of Santiago at
the outset of their battles against the infidels.’ It was probably in this
spring, perhaps during the weeks which Don Joam spent at Goa, before his death,
in company with Francis Xavier, that the Governor, e
imitating the arch of Titus and the column of Trajan, decorated the walls and
gates and entrances of the city of Goa, and the Government House,’ and had an
arch built of wrought stones which were brought from the mosque of Diu, with
many cannon balls which the enemy had shot into the town on the top, and stone
lions with shields bearing his arms on their breasts. The arch was against the
wall of the Church of the Misericordia, and inside it was a representation of
St. Thomas with his hand in the side of our Lord; and this was solemnly carried
to its place with a grand procession,
‘ borne and accompanied
by the Chapter of the See, the religious orders, the College, the Court, the
civil authorities, and the soldiery and artillery, with salvos of cannon and
musketry and vocal and instrumental music, and all other kinds of solemn and
festive celebration; all which was to the great glory of the Saint, and the
great consolation and spiritual delight of his great devotee, our Father Master
Francis, out of respect and favour to whom Don Joam would have it that this
noble triumphal procession of the sacred Apostle should start from the
College.’9
8 Lucena,
Vida, 1. vi. cap. 4.
Don Joam de Castro died
on the sixth of June, as has been said, and his death released Francis Xavier
from any obligation •to remain at Goa. Francis had intended to revisit his
brethren ■who were
labouring on the Fishery Coast and in Travancore •as
soon as possible. They were in continual danger, and most •of
them new to their work. But navigation was almost impossible till the
beginning of September, and we find that Francis did not leave Goa till that
time. The three months’ interval was spent by him in his usual occupations,
teaching the children and slaves the Catechism, preaching on Sundays and festivals,
and putting himself at the service of any poor soul that was in need of spiritual
charity.
The Governorship of
India was a post never left unfilled. Whenever a Governor or Viceroy died in
India, the ‘ patents of succession’ were opened. After the decease of Don Joam,
as the two officers whose names were first in order were absent from India, the
government devolved upon the third, Don Garcia •de S&, a veteran of nearly
seventy years of age, who had spent a great many years in India, and had very
large experience both in •civil and military matters. His reign was to be even
shorter than that of Don Joam. He was a man of vigour and integrity, and began
by putting in order many matters which had been •left in a state of suspense
during the later months of Don Joam’s government. Whether the hard fighting of
Don Joam had used •up the munitions and armaments, or not, we are not told, but
•Garcia de Sil distinguished himself for the careful provision which he made in
this respect, having good and strong galleys built, and furnishing all the
Portuguese fortresses with artillery and ammunition, as well as gratifying the
soldiers with an
increase of pay. He
was also a very equitable and just civil administrator. He was a good friend to
Francis, and took some measures for the protection of his favourite converts on
the Fishery Coast. Francis foretold his death privately to a friend in Malacca,
Antonio de Sousa, two months before it happened. Garcia died in July 1549. It
is mentioned of him that his integrity was so great, that though he had held
considerable offices ‘ he was forced to give all he had to match two daughters,
and yet the best part of their portions was their beauty, and that he was their
father.’1
Francis also occupied
himself during this interval in giving the Spiritual Exercises to several
persons. The custom of ‘ making retreats’ in common, according to which a
number of persons go through the Exercises together, had not yet become
prevalent, and, in the same way, the Exercises were usually extended, by those
who made them, to the fall space of thirty days. The Japanese Anger and his
companions seem to have gone through the Exercises somewhat later than this;
Cosmo- Torres, already mentioned as having joined the Society, somewhat
earlier. But these were all now at the College of Santa Fe, and would no doubt
be objects of peculiar interest and care to Francis. It was during this time
that they were formed by his fervent and gentle guidance, and that, in their
turn, the Japanese strangers communicated to him so much knowledge about their
country as served to kindle in him more ardently than ever the desire to go
thither and preach the Gospel. We thus find what we may call the domestic
circle in which Francis moved, enlarged and increased in interest. When he
first came to India, he had but two companions, and he had never been ‘ able to
live much with them from the time of the commencement of his apostolical
labours. Now the little band of members of the Society of Jesus was being
multiplied, and Francis had to govern them, form them, and encourage them. For
the rest of his short life, this now became one of his chief occupations :
even when in so distant a spot as Japan we shall find his thoughts occupied
with them, and it is to his care for them*
1 Faria y
Sousa, Asia Portugtiesa, t. ii. p. 2, cap. 6.
53
that we owe some of
the most wonderful and most characteristic of his letters.
The number of his
religious subjects was almost doubled by the arrivals of the year 1548. On the
third of September a ship from Lisbon, under the command of the admiral Joam de
Mendoza, brought the first detachment of a reinforcement of ten of the Society,
the remainder being on board another vessel •of the fleet which arrived later.
In all there were four Fathers, Gaspar Baertz, a Fleming, born at Goes in
Zealand, Melchior Gonzalez, Balthazar Gago, and Antonio Gomez: the remaining
six were either lay brothers, or scholastics not yet ordained— Joam Fernandez,
Egidio Barreto, Paolo Vallez,2 Francesco Fernandez, Manuel Vaz, and
Luis Froes. Francis Xavier left Goa but a few days after the arrival of the
first vessel, but he had time to make the acquaintance of Gaspar, who from this
moment became one of his most useful and valued assistants in the work of
preaching. His history was curious. He had studied philosophy and theology at
Louvain, and had taken the degree of Master at the age of nineteen. After this,
however, he became a soldier in the army of Charles V., and was wont in after
life to reproach himself for what he considered his tepidity in the service of
God by the recollection of the ardour with which, at the cost of so many risks
and hardships and for so poor a reward, he had served an earthly king. It is
not quite easy to trace him through the ten or eleven years of his life which
passed between his leaving Louvain and his entrance into the Society; but he
seems to have felt himself called to serve God for some time before the latter
date, and either thought of or actually practised an eremitical life at Mon-
serrato. Chance or business took him at last to Portugal, where he seems to
have held some not very conspicuous office under the King’s Treasurer, who one
day lost his temper with him and even loaded him with blows; whereupon Gaspar
took up his stick, and presented it to him, begging him to take it and beat him
with it again whenever, without being in a passion, he
2 Paolo Vallez is said by Orlandini to
have been already a priest. Hist. Soc. 1. viii. cap. 100.
thought that he deserved
it, but imploring' him also that when- he thought fit to punish his servants he
would not let his own passion be his counsellor. He entered the Society at
Coimbra in 1546, and seems, like others, to have been moved to the step by the
fervent preaching of Strada. While yet a novice, he showed on several trying
occasions singular modesty and selfcontrol. It is probable that his learning
was hardly known, as he could not speak Portuguese well, and had not been a
student at Coimbra; at all events he concealed all his intellectual and
acquired gifts so well, that he was thought stupid and uneducated, and was
employed either in the kitchen or as keeper of the clothes of the community.
One day the religious were accusing themselves of their faults in public to the
Superior, Simon Rodriguez, and then Gaspar confessed that he had felt a strong
temptation to desire to become a great preacher. Simon at once ordered him to
get on a bench and preach to the community. After he had obeyed and blundered
through an exhortation at which all were inclined to laugh, Simon asked him
what he thought of his own sermon. Gaspar replied that, though he had got on so
badly and might do worse other times, he did not give up the hope of being some
day a preacher. Simon saw what was implied by his humility, simplicity, and
sincerity. He ordered him to leave the employment of the lay brothers among
whom he had worked, and to go over his studies again; then he had him ordained,
and sent him out ta preach.
Gaspar seemed to have
received the gift of preaching along with his ordination, for he turned out at
once so successful and powerful in the pulpit that his sermons became famous
for the conversions which they produced, and he was in great request for what
are technically called ‘ missions’ throughout the country. We are told that
whenever he arrived at a place to^ which he was sent, even if it were already
evening and he had had no time to prepare himself, he used to go up into the
pulpit and preach with all the fatigue and weariness of a long journey on foot
to weigh him down. He was passing from one mission at Figuereiro to another at
Pedroga when the order met him. to-
55
embark for India. He went up into the pulpit at the lastnamed
place, and preached one sermon with immense fervour and success, so that all
the people were at his feet in an instant; he went on hearing their confessions
all night, and until late in the forenoon of the following day; then he said
mass, and went straight to Coimbra, whither he was summoned, and thence to
Lisbon. On his voyage out to India he had displayed the same prodigies of
charity, patience, and humility which had marked the outward voyage of Francis
Xavier himself. He was always preaching, instructing, hearing confessions, or
waiting on the sick, taking on himself all the lowest and most contemptible
offices. The ‘ Capitan Major’ himself, Joam de Mendoza, put himself under his
direction, and a violent storm which fell on the ship in the passage from the
Cape to Mozambique, and which frightened the most courageous and skilful among
the sailors, gave him the opportunity of converting some most hardened and
abandoned sinners, especially women, who were on board. The storm at length
seemed to cease at his prayers. When at last the vessel reached Goa, the whole
crew and all the passengers could speak of nothing but the virtues and sanctity
of Master Gaspar.3
Another of the new
band of Fathers had a reputation as a preacher hardly, if at all, inferior to
that of Gaspar. This was Antonio Gomez, who had been longer in the Society,
having been received into it at Coimbra during Pierre Lefevre’s visit in 1545.
He was thought one of the ablest men at Coimbra, and was Master in Philosophy
and Doctor in Canon Law. When he entered religion, he distributed his large
fortune to the poor.
3 See Eus. Nieremberg, Claros Varones de
la Compania de Jesus, t. i. p. 45, 46 ; Orlandini, Hist. Soc. lib. viii. c.
100-105 > ^artoli, Asia, lib. v. p. 445 seq. Bartoli mentions Caspar’s
having studied philosophy at Louvain, but does not speak of theology;
Nieremberg speaks of both. It seems unlikely, though it is not impossible,
that he would have been ordained and sent out as a missioner in less than two
years after his entrance into the novitiate, unless he had already made his
theological studies. The family name of ‘ Master Gaspar’ was probably as we
have given it, Baertz or Bartz being a common name in Holland. lie is called
Barzseus or Berzceus, Barzeo or Barzee, by the historians, according to the
language in which they wrote.
Two years afterwards,
we find him spoken of as a strenuous and successful preacher of missions in
Portugal, where he went through the whole province ‘ Entre Douro e Minho’ from
town to town with a single companion, preaching two or three times a day in the
open fields, lodging in the hospitals, living on food which he begged himself,
watching by night to prepare what he was to preach by day, and edifying all by
his zeal, charity, and indifference to all earthly goods and comforts. Each of
them, says Orlandini, heard about fifty confessions every day.4
Antonio was appointed by Simon Rodriguez to act as Superior to the rest, and
even to govern after he had arrived at Goa. At the time when this arrangement
was made no one in Portugal knew where Francis Xavier was, as he had not returned
westwards from the Moluccas; but the appointment was unfortunate, and entailed
a large amount of suffering and scandal on the Society in India. Gomez was in
natural gifts and in education superior to Gaspar or any other of his companions,
and no fault could be found with him on the score of zeal. But he was one of
those instances which are for ever recurring in the history of the Church and
of religious orders, of men with great and valuable gifts who are exalted before
the time, without having grounded themselves in humility and solid virtue.
Francis Xavier could hardly have been deceived as to the weak points in Gomez,
though he speaks of him highly at first; never, however, with that warmth and
tenderness which characterize his language to Gaspar and others. The appointment
made by Simon Rodriguez was one which he had no right to make, yet it
embarrassed Francis Xavier, as we shall see, who did not like either entirely
to ignore or to acquiesce in it.
* Hist. Soc. Jesu, 1. vii. cap. 67. He
tells a charaeteristie story of one of these missions at Oporto. A bullfight
was announced for one of the days of the mission. After the morning sermon
Gonsalvez Vaz, Gomez’ companion, gave out that he should preach that afternoon
at the time named for the bullfight, that he invited all to come, and that he
hoped to see who were the servants of God, and who of the world and the devil,
by observing who came to church and who went to the bullfight. He meant to
preach all the same, he said, even if he had only one old woman to hear him.
The church was crowded long before the time of the sermon, and the bullfight
deserted.
57
More than one of the
companions of Gaspar and Antonio Gomez were men of mark and singular worth. One
of the most conspicuous was Joam Fernandez, who never rose beyond the •xank of
a simple lay brother, and yet was of immense service to the young Church of
Japan when he accompanied Francis Xavier thither. He was a rich young merchant
of Cordova, trafficking in silks. Some business had taken him to Lisbon not
more than fifteen months before the time of which we are speaking. A friend
chanced to ask him to come to hear some service in the house of the Fathers; £
it would be the sweetest music he ■ever heard in his
life.’ Joam consented, and found himself present
in a ‘Congregation’
of more than two hundred men, who met once a week for purposes of devotion and
penance. One -of the Fathers preached an exhortation, and then the lights were
put out, and the members of the confraternity took the discipline together,
amid groans and tears for their sins. Fernandez was a changed man at once; he
resolved to give up the world, and become a religious. He asked to see Simon
Rodriguez. Simon Rodriguez, doubting whether the rich young gallant before him
would have the courage to persevere in the humble vocation of lay brother,
which alone, on account of his want of higher education, was open to him, told
him that he could only admit him after long and severe trials. But the first
trial to which he was put was enough. He was asked whether he could bear to
ride through the most frequented street of Lisbon, finely dressed as he was,
upon a donkey’s back with his face to the tail? Without hesitating a moment, he
went through the ordeal leisurely and rejoicing. Simon then received him at
once, in June 1547, and he was sent out to India in the following spring, where
Francis Xavier discerned his merit, cultivated his soul with care, and took
him, as we shall see, as his companion to Japan.
Melchior Gonzalez had
been rather more than two years in the Society, before he sailed from Lisbon:
his life was to be short, but he was to leave behind him the fame of an indefatigable
and most devoted labourer. Balthazar Gago was .another Portuguese recruit: he
had a far longer life before him
than Melchior, and he
was to go to Japan, labour most successfully, and after nearly losing his life
more than once, to return broken and relaxed in spirit to Goa and to Europe.
Paolo Vallez, Luis Froes, and Francesco Fernandez, were all to become famous
for their sufferings and labours for religion. Besides those mentioned in the
list of recruits sent from Portugal, there was another, beside Cosmo Torres,
who had joined the Society in Goa, on whom Francis Xavier’s heart rested with
particular affection. This was Alfonso de Castro, the son of rich and noble
parents in Lisbon. He had known Francis Xavier and Simon Rodriguez on their
first arrival in Portugal, and was one of the lads who were taught by them to
go regularly to confession and communion once a week. He kept up these holy
practices after the departure of Francis, and as he grew up to man’s estate,
the desire of serving God in religion became strong and engrossing in his
heart. He knew that his parents would not consent to part with him, so he
determined to go to India and ask Francis Xavier to admit him. He had a companion
of his own age and of the same mind, and the two young men arranged with the
captain of one of the vessels of the fleet which was to sail to Goa, got off in
secret from the shore, and hid themselves in the hold. They were, however,
tracked and discovered, and then Alfonso pleaded his cause so earnestly and
resolutely, that his parents and friends had not the heart to hinder his
departure. They provided him with what was necessary for the voyage, and then
the two companions were allowed to depart in peace. Alfonso, as soon as the
ship had sailed, distributed all his provisions and outfit to the poorest among
the passengers, and lived during the voyage on alms,, practising humility,
charity, and other virtues in a way that gave the highest idea of his sanctity.
On arriving at Goa, the two. friends threw themselves at the feet of Francis,
and were received into the Society. Alfonso’s companion soon fell sick and
died. Alfonso himself was cherished and carefully trained by Francis Xavier,
who took him in the following year to Malacca, after he had been ordained
priest, and then sent him to labour in the Moluccas, where he was soon to meet
a glorious death.
Only a few days after
the arrival of Gaspar and his companions, and before the arrival of the ship
which conveyed the little band led by Antonio Gomez, Francis set off once more
for the Comorin Coast. His old enemies the Badages had been as active as usual
in molesting the new Christians. Some of the missionaries themselves appear to
have been in great danger* Meanwhile, the newly arrived Fathers began to work
with all the activity of long restrained fervour. Their first occupation seems
to have been to give the Spiritual Exercises to a number of Caspar’s converts
during the voyage. The ‘ Capitan Major’ himself was one of them; another was an
officer whose name is not recorded, sent out to take the command of one of the
king’s strongholds and settlements in the East; another was a doctor of canon
and civil law; Diego Lobo, nephew of the Baron d’Alvito, was another; Luigi
Mendez, four other young nobles, and a crowd of persons of inferior rank, are
also mentioned.5 Of these, Luigi Mendez alone, as far as Bartoli
could discover, entered the Society. Gaspar soon began to preach. Indeed, on
account of his great reputation and the high character given of him by those
who had sailed with himr Francis ordered him to preach at once,
before his own departure, on the Nativity of our Blessed Lady (Sept. 8th), in
the church of the College. A great crowd assembled to listen to him;. but his
voice was so thin and weak that he was heard by only a very few. Francis bade
him practise his voice in the church at night, and in a few days it was strong
and clear enough for any use required of it. Gaspar spared neither his lungs
nor himself. The College was badly furnished with teachers, so he took the
class of grammar and of philosophy himself, and began also to give Scripture
lectures in the book of Proverbs. He went on preaching also in the church. The
second batch of Fathers, under Gomez, arrived the first week in October, afterhaving
been in considerable danger near Mozambique, to avert which, they had produced
a relic of one of the companions of St. Ursula. Gomez, in the absence of
Francis Xavier, seems to have assumed the command of the College : at least we
find
1 Bartoli, Asia, 1. ii. p. 165.
Gaspar and others of
the lately arrived Fathers acting in obedience to him. Gaspar was very
successful in conversions. Among others, he converted a rich Brahmin, whom in
the course of his visits to the prison he found detained there for some crime
not mentioned. This conversion made a great noise, and was celebrated with
public rejoicings. ‘With the force of his spirit, says Gaspar’s biographer, ‘
he soon so moved the city of Goa, that it did not know itself, although it had
sometime had the benefit of the preaching of St. Francis Xavier. Gaspar
preached daily to the nobility in the palace, to the slaves in the streets and
public places, to the poor in the prisons, to the people in different churches,
with an eloquence so new and so truly Christian, producing so many tears and
such changes of life, that our people who had known him in Portugal were
astonished.
He kindled the
fervour of the Portuguese, converted the heathen, edified and did good to all.
It seemed as if he had an infused gift of speaking Portuguese, as he spoke it
as if it were his native tongue, without even a foreign accent.’6
In the midst of all
this fervour and religious renovation, a strange report spread through the city
that Francis Xavier had been murdered by the Badages. The story was told with
great particularity as to the circumstances of the tortures to which he had
been subjected and the constancy with which he had borne them. The report
served to bring out in public the universal opinion of his sanctity. Every one
had something to say about his perfection and his works of charity, his
fervour, his confidence in God under danger, his unwearied patience in
suffering, his humility, his gentleness and sweetness to others, his unsparing
severity to himself. Miracles that had hardly been heard of, secret prophecies which
he had made and which had come true, and a thousand little acts of personal
tenderness and instances of his prudence and wisdom in the guidance of souls,
came to light now. A number of the Portuguese agreed to set out in order to
redeem his sacred relics, as they . considered them, from his murderers, and
others set on foot an application to the king to ask for his canonization from
the
8 Nieremberg, Claros Varoncs, t. i. p. 47, 48.
Pope. The rumour was
soon contradicted : while it lasted, it drew particular attention and
veneration to the rest of the Fathers, and seems to have spurred on their
religious zeal and spiritual activity, till the face of things at Goa was
really changed for the better.
Scattered throughout
the letters of this time which were sent home by the Fathers newly come to
India, are notices of Francis which show the same instinctive appreciation of
his marvellous and most attractive sanctity. ‘ I wish to tell you about Master
Francis,’ writes Enrico Enriquez to Ignatius Loyola in the October of this
year. ‘ Give great thanks to God our Lord, with all of our Society. For what
St. Paul says, that he became all things to all men, that he might gain all,
this Master Francis tries as much as he can et supra quod did potest to
accomplish, and no pen can describe to your Reverence what a reputation he has
in India, from which result much fruit and great praise to God our Lord, and
all the people hold him for a great saint. He is never anywhere where he does
not find superabundant occupations, so much so that a man thinks himself very
well off if he can speak to him.’ ‘ He is a true Father,’ writes Manuel de
Monies a few months later than this; c no one, I think, can see him
without great consolation, the very sight of him seems to move to devotion : he
is a man of middle height, he always holds his face upwards, and his eyes are
full of tears, his look is bright and joyous, his words few and exciting to
devotion, you hear nothing from his mouth but “Jesus” and “ O Most Holy
Trinity.”... And then he broke out, “ O my brothers and companions, how much
better is God to us than we thought of! Consider this and give great thanks and
praise to God our Lord, that in so short a time as it is since our holy Society
was confirmed, being only seven years, it has pleased Him to work in it all
that we see, my dearest brothers : that some of us are in Rome, some in
Valencia, others in Gandia, others in Coimbra, in the College of Santa Fe at
Goa, and in Cape Comorin, and Socotra, and Malacca, and the Moluccas, and
others, whither I am going, in Japan.” These words he said,’ continues Manuel,
‘ with so much devotion, that he moved all of us who
were there to tears
and devotion, only to hear his words so full of love and charity, said for an
example to us and to make us all ■conceive greater
fervour of spirit, and increased desires of suffering ; and to this end, he
related to us the trials and tribulations which he had suffered in the
countries whence he came, in which he did such things and left behind him so
great a fame of sanctity and virtue, that it is not just to write of it whilst
he lives. So great is the esteem in which he is held all over India, both by
great and small, that the man who is most his friend ■counts
himself the most fortunate.’ Another,
Paolo Vallez, Avas sent on straight from Goa after his arrival with Antonio
Gomez, and met with Francis at Cochin : ‘ Who can tell,’ he says, ‘ the delight
which my soul then received? I know not how to sayitj except in poor words :
this is truly a servant of God, and never was any like him ! I do not say his
speech, but his very look kindles in men such a desire to serve God as cannot
be expressed. His mouth neverceased from saying, “Praised bejesus Christ!”
with so much love and fervour as to enrapture all whom he spoke unto.’ Then he
goes on to tell how Francis was never tired of asking about the fathers and
brothers everywhere, especially Simon Rodriguez the Provincial of Portugal,
but Father Ignatius above all, and also Father Strada. Melchior Gonzalez writes
in the same strain. He was one of those who saw Francis at Goa before he left
for Cape Comorin. ‘ Francis is all full of divine love, and seems to feel
nothing else. It would be impossible to begin to describe his virtues; there
would be no end to it—or to speak of his miracles and holy discourses. He is a ■man not
old, and of good health, he drinks no manner of wine, and seems to feel no
privation, because he is wrapt up in the wounds of his Lord. We may all say,’
he adds, ‘ that we have among us a living
martyr, and I think he will soon be really a martyr, for he seems to me to seek
nothing else.’
Notwithstanding their
frequent trials and sufferings, the state of the Christians on the Fishery
Coast was, in many respects, flourishing. About this time we are told that
there were fifty thousand Christians there, with a number of churches ‘ well
T)uilt, and furnished with their altars, frontals, cloths, lamps
which were always
burning, in short, in everything the same as we have in Europe, only that those
churches were more frequented by the Christian Paravas than ours by us.7
InTravan- core, on the other side of the Cape, things were worse for the time,
and Francesco Enriquez was inclined to lose heart and go elsewhere. This
brought him the following tender letter from Francis :
(lxi.) To Father
Francesco Enriquez.
May the grace and
charity of our Lord Jesus Christ ever favour and help us ! Amen.
I would much rather,
dearest brother, talk to you face to face than by letter, and so give you some
little consolation for all the toils and discomforts and trials you are bearing
for the sake of Christ. You do not ask for consolation of that kind which forms
the delight of men of the world who give themselves to all the pleasures of
this world that they may live in gaiety and enjoyments. We must needs feel a
great compassion for the lot of such. The men whose part wre should
envy must be those of whom, as the Apostle says, the world was not worthy.s
Do not grieve, my dear brother, that you make less progress than you could wish
in your careful work among these new converts. As you tell me, the nation is
addicted to idolatry, and the Rajah himself is hostile to our religion and
bitterly persecutes Christians. Well, you do more good than you think, by
regenerating in baptism for the kingdom of heaven the infants whom you so
diligently seek out and collect. For if you choose to look around you in mind,
you will find that of all people in India, whether white or black, very few
reach heaven except those who die before they are fourteen years old, and so
depart from this life with their baptismal innocence.
Do not you see,
dearest brother, that you are doing more good where you are than you think ?
Surely we can see this in the case of the children whom you have baptized and
who
; Lucena,' Vida, 1. vi. c. 6.
* Orig. Dignits non crat
mundus.
are now enjoying the
bliss of heaven, which they certainly would not be enjoying if you had left
those parts and had not begotten them by baptism unto Christ. In truth the
everlasting enemy of souls hates you very much and strongly desires that you
should go out of the country as soon as possible, so that for the future no one
may be called to the Kingdom of Heaven out of the realm of Travancore. It is
one of his snares to hold out to us a hope of greater good for the service of
God elsewhere; he tries to tempt and turn away those who are working usefully
for God where they are at present; and so I am afraid that he may be attacking
you with this artifice of his in order to drive you away from that part of the
country.
But you should
remember that during the eight months which you have now spent there, you have
saved more souls by baptizing infants at the point of death than in all the
years during which you have been in Portugal and in India; so do not think it
wonderful that Satan should give you so much trouble as he does. He does it and
fights for it that he may draw you out of that country into another where you
may look after the salvation of very few instead of many. Now I will give you
some news which I think will be very pleasant to you, that a great many of our
Society have arrived since September from Portugal. When I left Goa I ordered
them to come and help me here; now I am returning to Goa on a matter of business,
which if I can accomplish as I desire, I am in good hopes that a great number
will become Christians. I wish you to pray to God that although our sins hinder
us from being good servants of His, yet He Himself, out of His infinite
goodness and boundless charity towards men, may condescend to use our work,
such as it is, for the propagation of religion.
Punical, Oct. 19,
1548.
It is not quite easy
to trace Francis through each month of the interval between his departure from
Goa in September 1548 and his final sailing for Malacca in the next year. He
seems to have returned to Goa by Cochin before the end of October, but he
certainly spent a good part of the winter at Cochin; in
February 1549 he went
to the Governor in Bazain, and in March he was again in Goa.
At Cochin, where he
is stated by some writers to have spent at least two months, he received to
baptism the young Rajah of the Maldive Isles, who was seeking the aid of the
Portuguese against a rebellion in his rather uninviting dominions. Christian
though he became, the Portuguese authorities were not inclined to help him,
and he lived to an old age in Cochin. He was a witness to one of Francis’s miraculous
elevations in the air while saying mass. We may now give the letters which
remain to us belonging to this winter, reserving for the next chapter those
which have more immediate reference to the arrangements made by Francis in
India before his departure for Japan, the idea of which had been so long in his
mind, and had gradually taken possession of him as that of the work which he
was more immediately called on to undertake. The first letter was written from
Goa during the visit mentioned as intended in the letter to Father Enriquez and
before his departure for Cochin. This letter is a mere fragment, and we can
only guess at its purport. It is addressed to a Father in Portugal, who had
entered the Society in the spring of the year before this. His real name was
Vasco Martinez; but when the foundation of the College at Coimbra was laid in
April that year, it had been agreed, in honour of Ignatius Loyola, that the
first person who joined the Society at Coimbra after the ceremony should take
the name of Ignatius. Martinez bore the name most worthily. He seems to have
written to Francis to ask him to use his influence about a foundation at Villa
Viciosa, which does not appear to have come to anything. The Rocco Martinez mentioned
at the end was probably the brother or cousin of the Ignatius to whom the
letter is addressed.9
8 The register of the College of Coimbra
mentions a brother, whose name is not given, as having gone out to India with
the rest in 1546. He might well be in the College at Goa at the time that this
letter was written.
VOL. II.
K
(lxii.) To
Father Ignatius Martinez, of the Society of Jesus.
May the holy Name of
Jesus be praised for ever ! that we may love Him as we ought.
Although I have
urgently advised in my general letter,... yet I write this to you privately
that the greatest possible care may be taken about this business on account of
its great importance, especially as everything at present seems to be in much
confusion. I am writing to his lordship about the College of Villa Viciosa.
God grant that it may be done just as I have told him it ought, for otherwise
nothing much will be done at all. I am also writing to our Father Ignatius to
explain the reasons for doubt which people will raise, for they are certainly
not light matters. But God remains always the same ; this is His cause, and He
will Himself defend it
Our brother Rocco
Martinez is ill with a fever. We do not think it dangerous. He writes to you
himself. The ships will only wait so short a time that I cannot write more, and
all that is of most importance is contained in my general letter to all. If I
could do anything by private letter, I certainly would very willingly.
May the holy Name of
Jesus ever assist us !
Goa, Dec. 22, 1548.
The ships which
brought the Fathers from Portugal this year must have conveyed the letters from
Ignatius at Rome and Simon Rodriguez at Coimbra which Francis was always
anxiously expecting. It seems that among the despatches from Ignatius there
were letters to Antonio Criminale, Niccolo Lancilotti, Paul of Camerino, and
Alfonso Cipriano, promoting them, as it is called, to their final vows in the
Society in the grade of spiritual coadjutors. Francis must have remained about
two months at Goa before returning to Cochin, if, at least, we can depend
implicitly on the date of the letter last
printed. That he must
have spent some time with the Fathers who had arrived since he left Goa in
September, is probable on every account, and we may discern some fruits of his
acquaintance with Antonio Gomez in the description which he gives to St.
Ignatius, in the letter next to follow, of the sort of person required for the
post of Rector of the College at Goa. We may notice also how especially Francis
insists on the necessity of good practical judgment and prudence, and of the
most delicate of all the virtues required in the missioner,—exquisite purity.
We may reserve further remarks in explanation of this letter until after it has
been put before the reader.
(lxiii.) To the Rev. Father Master Ignatius of Loyola,
General of the Society of Jesus, Rome.
May the grace and
charity of our Lord Christ always be with us! Amen.
My own and only
Father in the Heart of Christ, I think that the many letters from this place
which have lately been sent to Rome will inform you how prosperously the
affairs of religion go on in these parts, through your prayers and the good
bounty of God. But there seem to be certain things which I ought myself to
speak about to you; so I will just touch on a few points relating to these parts
of the world which are so distant from’ Rome. In the first place, the whole
race of the Indians, as far as I have been able to see, is very barbarous; and
it does not like to listen to anything that is not agreeable to its own manners
and customs, which, as I say, are barbarous. It troubles itself very little to
learn anything about divine things and things which concern salvation. Most of
the Indians are of vicious disposition, and are averse to virtue. Their
instability, levity, and inconstancy of mind are incredible; they have hardly
any honesty, so inveterate are their habits of sin and cheating. We have hard
work here, both in keeping the Christians up to the mark and in converting the
heathen. And, as we are your children, it is fair that on this account you
should take great care of us and help us continually by your prayers to God.
You
know very well what a
hard business it is to teach people who neither have any knowledge of God nor
follow reason, but think it a strange and intolerable thing to be told to give
up their habits of sin, which have now gained all the force of nature by long
possession.
This country, too,
always tries the strength to live in, either on account of the great heats of
the summer or of the excessive winds and rains of winter. In Socotra, the
Moluccas, and Cape Comorin, the food and supplies are very poor, and the labour
of body and mind very great indeed and beyond all belief, on account of the
dispositions of the people you have to contend with. Then, also, the languages of
these nations are not at all easy to learn; the dangers to life, both of body
and soul, are many and very great. And yet, that all of our Society may give
endless thanks to God, I am able with all truth to affirm that all your
children of the Society out here in India have great care taken of them by God,
so that we are by His mercy not only exempt from dangers of soul and body, but,
what is a matter of great wonder to all, we are beloved and well regarded by
all the Portuguese, private persons as well as officials and ecclesiastical
superiors, and also by all the Indians, Christians- and heathens alike.
Again, all the
Indians, whether heathen or Mussulmans, as- far as I have been able to make oat
hitherto, are very ignorant. So that those who are to go about in these parts
for the purpose of propagating the Gospel, are not so much in need of learning
as of virtue—above all of obedience, perseverance, patience, charity, and a
very singular purity against numerous temptations to sin ; and lastly, of an
uncommon gift of counsel and prudence in the management of affairs, as well as
strong health and vigour of body and mind, so as to bear labour and
afflictions. I have said this, because I think it necessary that diligent
examination should be made as to the virtues of the workers who may hereafter
have to come to India. And if there are any of them whom you have not
sufficiently proved in this respect, at least,. I beseech you, let them be men
in whom you may place great confidence. Such are the men who are wanted in
India—men
of singular purity
and humility, with no appearance about them of pride or elation.
Any one whom you are
to send to be Rector of the College at Goa, where he will rule the native
students as well as our own people, must have, besides the other qualities
which are necessary in Rectors, two recommendations in particular. In the first
place, let him be conspicuous for singular obedience, so as to win by his
obligingness and humility the good will of the government officials and
ecclesiastical superiors. This is a place of all others where superiors of both
kinds require the greatest possible degree of attention and obedience from
those who are under them. If they see that we observe their wishes and obey
their orders, they are wonderfully kind to us; but if they see any failing in
this, they altogether turn against us. In the second place, he should be very
easy and gentle; affable in behaviour and speech rather than grave or severe,
so ' as both to desire and to be able to bind to himself in every way the
hearts of all, and especially of the students and brethren whom he is to rule.
On no account let him be a man who would rather be feared than loved, and who
would take the line of keeping those of the Society who are committed to him
under rule and subjection as if they were slaves. That kind ot sourness would
make many leave us, and prevent any but a few from joining us.
For my part, I think
that no force should ever be used, except perhaps that of love and charity, to
keep any one against his wish in the Society, and I rather hold that those who
dislike the institute of the Society should be sent away, even when they do
not wish it; but, for those who are fit and proper subjects, they should be
kept in it by the bonds of charity and made to increase in virtue and merits,
especially since in these parts they have to bear so many sorrows for the sake
of Christ 'our Lord. In truth, as it seems to me, the Society of Jesus is
nothing but a society of love and concord, from which all sourness and all
servile fear are altogether foreign and alien. I say all this, that you may
pick out a man fit and adapted for the burthen of the post. He ought, in short,
to be such a man as
even in giving an
order seems rather to desire to do what he is told than to command.
The experience which
I have of these countries makes me think that 1 can affirm with truth, that
there is no prospect of perpetuating our Society out here by means of the
natives themselves, and that the Christian religion will hardly survive us who
are now in the country; so that it is quite necessary that continual supplies
of ours should be sent out from Europe. We- have now some of the Society in all
parts of India where there are Christians. Four are in the Moluccas, two at
Malacca, six in the Comorin Promontory, two at Coulan, as many at Bazain, four
at Socotra. The distances between these places are immense; for instance, the
Moluccas are more than a thousand leagues from Goa, Malacca five hundred, Cape
Comorin two hundred, Coulan one hundred and twenty, Bazain sixty, and Socotra
three hundred.10 In each place there is one of the Society who is
Superior of the rest. As these Superiors are men of remarkable prudence and
virtue, the others are very well content.
The Portuguese in
these countries are masters only of the sea and of the coast. On the mainland
they have only the towns in which they live. The natives themselves are so enormously
addicted to vice as to be little adapted to receive the Christian religion.
They so dislike it that it is most difficult to get them to hear us if we begin
to preach about it, and they think it like death to be asked to become
Christians. So for the present we devote ourselves to keeping the Christians
whom we have. Certainly, if the Portuguese were more remarkable for their
kindness to the new converts, a great number would become Christians; as it is,
the heathen see that the converts are despised and looked down on by the
Portuguese, and so, as is natural, they are unwilling to become converts
themselves. For all these reasons there is no need for me to labour in these
countries, and as I have learnt from good authorities that there
10 The distances given by St. Francis are
sometimes various, and must always be taken as merely rough statements. There
may be some inaccuracy, also, in the transcription of the letters on these
points.
is a country near
China called Japan, the inhabitants of which are all heathen, quite untouched
by Mussulmans or Jews, and very eager to learn what they do not know both in things
divine and things natural, I have determined to go thither as soon as I can.
I undertake this
voyage with great happiness in my soul, and with still greater hope, because I
feel quite confident that the labour we may spend on that nation will produce
solid and lasting fruit. In the College at Goa, which is called the College of
Santa Fk, we have three Japanese students who came thither with me last year
from Malacca. They tell us wonderful things about Japan. They are youths of
very good virtue and extremely sharp wit; Paul in particular, who is sending
you a letter of very good length. In the space of eight months he has learnt
perfectly to read, write, and speak Portuguese. He is now making the Exercises,
and with very good fruit. He is quite well instructed in the Christian
doctrine. I have really a very good hope that by God’s help there will be a
large number made Christians in Japan. I have made up my mind first to go to
the king of the country, and then to the universities and seats of learning,
and, as I hope, with great gain of souls. As Paul tells me, the religions of
Japan are said to have been introduced from Chinghinquo, a city beyond China
and Cathay, a year and a half’s journey from Japan. When I get to Japan I will
write to tell you all about the manners and literature of the people and also
about the religion and the doctrines of Chinghinquo. For in all the Chinese
Empire and in all Cathay it is said that no other teaching flourishes except
that which is handed down in this most famous university. So that when I have
got well acquainted with their literature and the doctrine of this place of
learning I will write to you about it all at good length. And I shall not fail
also to write on the same subject to the University of Paris, that by means of
the people there the rest of the universities of Europe may have information of
these things. Of those of the Society here I think to take with me only one
European, Cosmo Torres of Yalentia, who has joined us out here, and besides
those three Japanese youths
whom I have
mentioned. We shall set out, God willing, in next April.
Japan is more than
thirteen hundred leagues distant from Goa. We must touch at Malacca and
at-China on our way. I cannot find words to tell you how much fruit of divine
consolation and delight I enjoy in undertaking this business. It is well known
that the voyage is exposed to very many and very great dangers from tempests,
shoals, and pirates; so that the ship owners think it a great thing if one ship
out of two hold her course to Japan. But I feel so moved and encouraged in my
inmost heart, that I could never think of abandoning my plan of going to
Japan, even if I knew for certain that I should have to undergo greater dangers
than ever before in my whole life, so great is the hope of propagating the
Christian religion which has arisen in me from what Paul the Japanese tells me,
or rather from what God Himself puts in my heart. How fit and prepared the
country is to receive the seed of the Gospel you will be able to understand
from Paul’s account of it, which I send you along with this letter.
In these parts of
India there are as many as fifteen towns belonging to the Portuguese, in which
many houses of the Society might be set on foot if the King would give
something out of the public revenues for their commencement. I have said
something about this to the King in my letter. I have also informed Simon
Rodriguez of everything, and have also told him that it would be very much for
the interests of religion if, with your leave, he were to come out here himself
with as many as possible of the Society, and a great band of preachers,
inasmuch as by his coming, which of course would have the King’s favour,-
several Colleges of the Society might be founded. And to me, my Father, it does
seem that the coming to India of Simon, who is so high in favour with the King,
will be very seasonable. For he will come with authority from the King, either
to found colleges or to assist the Christians—both those that are so already,
and those that would be, if there were any one to show them favour. I wish that
you would write to Simon what you wish to be done in the matter; for Antonio
Gomez
has told me that
Simon has certainly made up his mind to come out to India with a great number
of our people from Coimbra.
Both at Rome and
elsewhere you have no lack of men of our Society who are not given to preaching
or to literature, and who might be of great advantage to religion out here if
only they had sufficient experience, and if they were furnished with the other
virtues necessary for helping the heathen, but especially with remarkable
purity; and if they had also considerable strength of body and mind, so as to
bear the very great labours that have to be borne in these countries. So you
must provide for us such workers according as seems good to you.
You would also do a
thing well worth your while, and which would, as I hope, be pleasing to God, if
you would send out to us all of the Society who are in India a letter full of
spiritual precepts, as a sort of will and testament by means of which you
impart to the least of your children who are at such a distance from the sight
of you, the riches and treasures which you have received from God. Do it at
your leisure ; but I do beseech you some time or other grant us this favour.
Enrico Enriquez, a Portuguese priest of our Society, a man of excellent virtue
and good example, who is now in the Promontory of Comorin, writes and speaks
the Malabar tongue very well indeed; and so lie alone works with great profit
as if he were a great many. His sermons and private conversations have made him
a marvellous object of love and veneration to the native Christians. I beg of
you to let such a man, so good, so laborious, so useful a worker in the
vineyard of Christ, c who bears the burthen and heat of the day/11
have the consolation of a letter from yourself.
There is a town
called Cranganor, which belongs to the Portuguese, about twenty miles from
Cochin, where Fra Vincenzo, of the most holy order of St. Francis, who is also
socins to the Bishop of Goa, and a most true friend to our Society, has founded
a really fine seminary, where quite as many as a hundred native students are
maintained and formed in piety and learning. In his goodwill towards our
Society Fra Vincenzo does not surpass the Bishop of Goa himself, who now has
juris-
11 Qtti
portat pondus diei ct astus. (Orig.)
diction over the
whole of India, who is very devoted to us, and who desires to have your
friendship; and so I should like you to write to him. But to return to Fra
Vincenzo. He told me> out of the kindness which exists between us, that he
wishes to intrust and hand over his seminary to our Society 3 and he has asked
me again and again to inform you of his intention, and to provide a priest of the
Society who may teach grammar to- the students of this seminary, and preach to
the inmates and to the people 011 Sundays and festivals. There is reason for
this, because, besides the Portuguese inhabitants of the place, there are a
great many Christians living in sixty villages in the neighbourhood, descended
from those whom St. Thomas made Christians. The students of the seminary are
of the highest nobility.
In this town there
are two churches, one of St. Thomas, one of St. James. Fra Vincenzo, whom I
have mentioned, hopes very much that you will get each of them a plenary indulgence
once a year from the Holy Father, on the feasts of St. Thomas and St. James,
and the seven days after each. This would be to increase the piety of the
natives who are descended from the converts of St. Thomas, and are called
Christians of St. Thomas. And besides these indulgences, he expects you to send
him a priest to be a master and preacher in the town. These boons will bind him
so closely to us, that he will be our own devoted friend in life and after
death. He has committed this business to me very urgently. I can’t tell you how
he longs for the indulgences.
I will ask you one
thing for myself: that some priest of ours may throughout the year say mass
once a month for me at St. Pietro in Montorio, in the chapel where St. Peter
the Apostle is said to have been crucified. I wish also that you would charge
some one in the Gesii to write to us regularly and fully concerning the
Colleges of the Society, the professed Fathers, their duties, and the work that
the Society is doing and the fruit it is reaping. I have given orders at Goa
that the letters from Rome be sent to Malacca, and that at Malacca they be
copied and sent to me by many different hands to Japan.
And now, father of my
soul, whom I venerate with all my
heart, I humbly pray
you on my knees, for so it is that I write this letter, as if I had you here
present to look upon, never to cease to implore God for me in your holy
sacrifices and prayers, that as long as my life lasts He may give me the grace
clearly to know and fully to carry out His own most holy Will. And I ask the
rest of our brethren to be entreated to do the same for me.
Your least and
useless son,
Cochin,
Jan. 14, 1549. FRANCIS XAVIER.
The account of himself
and of Japan referred to in this letter, as given by Anger, now called Paul of
the Holy Faith, is still extant, as it was preserved both at Rome and at
Coimbra,, though we are not aware that the documents have ever been printed. In
the letter to Ignatius Anger gives a short history of his adventures and of the
manner of his conversion. The substance of this history has been related in a
former chapter. The other document, about Japan, is long and interesting, and,
together with the statements made by Portuguese merchants trading with that
country, must have formed the foundation of all the knowledge possessed by
Francis Xavier concerning it until he landed on its shores. The most curious
statement in the letter which has just been inserted is that about the place or
university called Chinghinquo—or, as it stands in. the ordinary versions,
Jenico—from which the religions off Japan, and, as Francis tells us in the
companion letter to Simon Rodriguez, of China and Tartary also, are said to be
derived. This mysterious university has puzzled most of the editors of the
letters of Francis Xavier. The most reasonable explanation of the matter is, we
think, to be found in the account of Japan drawn up from Anger’s statements,
and sent to Europe, to which we have just now referred. In that account Anger
gives the story of the origin of the religion in a country (tierra) beyond
China towards the west, called ‘ Chinguinquo or Chenguinco,’ in which was born
the holy prince Xaqua, whose history he then relates. This history is identical
in all its main features- with that of Sakya-mouni, the founder of Bhuddism,
the more
salient points of
whose doctrine and whose five precepts are given in the document. The scene of
Sakya-mouni’s history lies about the Ganges, but it may be doubted whether
Anger’s statement was founded upon anything more than the dim knowledge which
he had that the religion of his country had come from the West.
It may be observed
also that Francis speaks in this, as in the following letter, of arrangements
which he contemplated as if they were already made, considering, no doubt, the
lapse of time which would intervene between the dispatch of his letter and its
reception by Ignatius. No members of the Society were as yet at Socotra. The
following letter is dated on the same day as the last. It must be remembered
that Francis could only send letters at very long intervals, and that he probably
wrote from time to time as he had leisure, and dated the letters when he was
about to make up his packet. This next letter explains more fully his designs
as to Socotra. The mention of Antonio Criminale reminds us that we have said
but little hitherto about this distinguished Father, who was in a very short
time from this to be the first of the Society to receive the crown of martyrdom
in the Indies. He was still in the flower of youth—barely twenty-nine years of
age. He was born in 1520, near Parma, and it was at that city that in 1540 he
fell under the spell which the fervent and gentle spirit of Pierre Lefevre
threw over all who came near him. Lefevre had been sent to Parma in company
ofLaynez, and had given the Exercises to a large number of persons, among whom
was a good priest, Pezzani by name, a friend of the young Antonio, whom he
brought to Pierre Lefevre. Antonio made the Exercises, and put himself entirely
under Pierre’s direction. The next year he went to Rome alone and on foot, as a
pilgrim, and was received by Ignatius into the house of the Society on
probation. He was about to be admitted, when his mother died, and his father
called him home. Ignatius advised him to go, and he so won on his father by his
holy, devout, unworldly manners after his return, that in a few days he
obtained his consent to his entering the Society; and he set out again on foot
to beg his
way to Rome, leaving
behind him a wonderful increase of fervour and piety among his brothers and
sisters. He was received into the Society in April 1542, and at once ordained
subdeacon. Then he was sent, with six other young men, one of whom was the
well-known Pedro Ribadineira, the sportive, boisterous boy, who was a sort of
spoiled child to Ignatius, on a long pilgrimage, which was to lead some of them
to Paris for their studies, others, among whom was Antonio, as far as Coimbra.
He was ordained Priest in 1544, and came to India in 1545, with Don Joam de
Castro, as has already been stated. Having been so much at Rome, he was well
known to Ignatius, and this will explain the special mention made of him in the
following letter. Moreover, Ignatius had just admitted him to his last vows,
and we have still Antonio’s letter of thanks to him for this favour, dated a
few weeks before the letter of Francis Xavier, with which it was probably
enclosed.
(lxiv.) To the Rev. Father Master Ignatius of Loyola, General of the Society of Jesus, Rome.
May the peace and
charity of Christ our Lord be always with us ! Amen.
My own and only
Father in the Heart of Jesus Christ,—I have written to you three letters almost
in the same words and at great length, which I have committed to the care of M.
Simon. Antonio Criminale, with six others of the Society, is in the Promontory
of Comorin. He is in truth, believe me, a holy man—a man made for work in these
countries; and as you have many in Europe like him, I want you to send a good
number of such out here. He is Superior of the others in the Comorin mission.
He is wonderfully dear to the native Christians and to the heathen and
Mussulmans, and I can hardly tell you^how the fathers and brethren under him
love him. Father Cipriano, who already suffers from old age, is to go to the
island of Socotra; he is to leave at the end of January, and will take with him
three of ours—one priest, the rest lay brothers. Socotra is an island about a
hundred miles round, all its inha
bitants are
Christians, but such as have hardly anything Christian but the name, as many
years ago they were deprived of Catholic priests. They say that they are
descended from the Christians converted by St. Thomas the Apostle. I am in
hopes that by the labours of Cipriano and the others they will come to better
things. The island is very poor in crops and provisions; a rough place enough
and full of troubles. And yet Cipriano, who is already sixty years old, is
going there with great good wall, full of confidence that he may do a good work
for God there, and at the same time do penance for the faults of his youth.
Although at first he alleged the excuse ot his declining age, Avhich is not
able to bear much labour, yet he directly afterwards declared that he would go
without any difficulty at all if there were need. Niccolo Lancilotti, although
an invalid, is now better, and is at Coulan, a town of a good salubrious air,
about eighty miles from Cochin. He is there at the head of the foundation of a
College.
And indeed a great
many Colleges of the Society would be started in these parts if Master Simon
(as I have already said in a letter to you) were to be sent out with great
powers from the King, and bring with him a large number of the Society, of whom
six or seven should be preachers, and many fit for hearing confessions, giving
spiritual exercises, receiving heathen into the Church, and all of whom should
be men of selfcommand and experience in affairs. I have also written to the
King concerning Master Simon, that his Highness may send him with power not
only to begin Colleges, but also to confer favours on the native Christians and
the heathen, whom ever so little an amount of favour would make willing
converts to Christianity.
I send you the
Japanese characters. The Japanese write in a very different manner from other
nations, beginning at the top of the page and writing straight downwards to the
bottom. I asked Paul the Japanese why they did not write as we do ? ‘ Why,
rather,’ said he, ‘ do not you write as we do ? The head of a man is at the top
and his feet at the bottom, and so it is proper that Avhen men write it should
be straight down from
top to bottom.’ I
also send you an account of Japan, and of the manners of the natives, which
Paul has given me. He is a very religious and trustworthy man. Two months hence
I shall sail for Japan with Father Cosmo Torres, Paul, and two other Japanese,
if God so will. When I am there I will write you an account of what their books
contain, for I cannot get at this from Paul, who wTas a layman, and
so never had any acquaintance with the literary monuments of Japan, which are
in a sort of different language, like books written in Latin among ourselves.
May Jesus our Lord teach us to do His will,12 and after we have
passed through the troubles of this life, bring us into His blessed and eternal
home ! Amen.
Cochin, Jan. 14,
1549.
The letter to the
king, mentioned just above, must have been different from that which we are
next to insert, which is written with even more than usual freedom and severity
of language. Some persecution had probably been raging in Ceylon against the
new Christians, and the inveterate evil of a conflict of interests and objects
between the king’s officers and the Franciscan missionaries had produced the
usual result of the frustration of the work of the latter. We are not told
whether the king spoken of was the Rajah of Candy, or the Rajah of Jafana-
patam. The Franciscan Superior seems to have made up his mind to go to Europe
himself to plead the cause of religion with the King. His name has already been
mentioned in the letter of Francis to the King, written the year before this.
(lxv.) To John III. King of Portugal.
I do not write to
your Highness all the calumnies, wrongs, and vexations with which the recent
converts to our holy religion out here are harassed and oppressed. The Father
Fra Joam of Villa da Conde, who is on his way to you, will give your Highness a
full and most true account of everything of this sort, and will put the whole
matter, as it were, before your
1J Doceat
nos facere voluntatcm suam. (Orig.)
very eyes. He is a
man to whom your Highness owes very many thanks for the great and innumerable
labours which he has undergone in these countries of India in the service of
God and of your Highness, to make more easy for you the account which the
conscience and duty of your Highness exacts from you before God. But in
measuring the deserts of Father Fra Joam, I would have your Highness take into
consideration not only the exertions, the sufferings, the long watchings, and
other bodily troubles, however many, great, and continuous they may have been,
which he has had to undergo. All these things are mere child’s play and sport
when compared with the distress of mind, the terrible torments which have torn
his soul to pieces, in seeing with his own eyes, and without any power to
prevent it in any way, how the Commandants of your Highness’s forts and the
Procurator of your revenues savagely plunder and ravage and make a prey of these
most miserable neophytes, these tender babes in the faith of Jesus Christ which
they have only just adopted, and whom on that account these same Christian officers,
who subject them to every vexation, ought rather to have cherished and to have
loaded with every benefit. Believe me, Sire, this kind of heart pang is
bitterest of all,' far more than all the pains of the body; it is indeed, so to
speak, a very dreadful kind of martyrdom, more terrible than any torture which
tyrants can inflict, to be forced to keep still and be patient when you see
destroyed in one moment, by the fault of others, all the good that had almost
been brought to its final crown and consummation by most strenuous exertions
and most painful perseverance of yourself and others, continued during a long
space of time.
We have heard it
reported here as certain, that the King of Ceylon is sending some very precious
presents to your Highness, in return for the many great benefits which he
daily receives from you. Now let your Highness understand as an undoubted
fact, that in this man a most fierce and bitter enemy of Christ reigns in
Ceylon, and, what it is almost a crime to say, is authorized and furnished with
arms for injuring the cause of Christ and for oppressing our religion as much
as he can, by
no power on earth
more than by the favour and the gifts he receives from your Highness. These
things are as true as truth itself. Your Highness and others will not perhaps
like to hear them, and I certainly write them with very great reluctance,
especially as I fear that I shall have done so to no purpose; and when we who
are here form our conjectures as to the future from the experience of the past,
there is very great reason for us to fear that after this it will be as it has
been hitherto, and that your Highness will show greater favour to that declared
and bloody enemy of Jesus Christ of whom I speak than to the religious priests
who are working for Christianity in Ceylon. When people see these things going
on before their eyes, the clear evident facts sometimes prompt them to free
speeches about you, which, Sire, with your good leave, I wall here insert. They
say that your Highness does not use your imperial power in India for the
enlargement of the Kingdom of Christ, but only for the purpose of scraping
together riches and securing for yourself, and those who belong to you, human
and temporal advantages alone.
I pray your Highness
to pardon me if I put things as they are, so clearly and without
circumlocution; for I am compelled to do this by my sincere and true love for
your Highness, and the desire which I have for your eternal salvation. I seem
to myself to hear the sentence of God at the great Judgment Day giving out His
decree, or rather declaring then to all what He has before decreed at your last
moment, when you die; the stern necessity of which moment no one however
powerful can avoid, no one, either by artifice of his own or the work of any
one whatsoever, is able to escape. Nor, I beseech you, let your Highness think
much of those commands, many and grave as they are, which you piously and with
such fair show are in the habit of inserting in your royal letters to the
Governor, the Commandants, and the other officials in India, ordering that
before all things else care be taken for religion, and favour be shown to the
Christians; for I, Sire, who am on the spot to see things as they really are
here, am clearly convinced that no hope remains of any true and serious
obedience being ever
VOL. II. o
paid to these
commands. And on this account it is one, and not the least, of the reasons why
I intend to go to Japan, that I may fly away to those islands in the extreme
East, and there labour for God with greater usefulness than has been possible
to me hitherto.
Father Fra Joam takes
with him, in order to be communicated to your Highness, certain statements
concerning the unhappy Christians of the Comorin Coast. I beg your Highness to
have some pity upon them, and not to think it too much trouble to be a father
to them; for they are indeed fatherless, on account of the late death of Miguel
Vaz, in whom they have lost a most excellent and a most true father.
It is now five and
forty years that a certain Armenian Bishop, by name Abuna Jacob, has served God
and your Highness in this country. He is a man who is about as dear to God on
account of his virtue and holiness as he is neglected and despised by your
Highness, and in general by all who have any power in India. God thus rewards
his great deserts Himself, and does not think us worthy of the honour of being
the instruments whom He uses to console His servants. The Franciscan Fathers
alone take care of him, and show him kindness to which nothing can be added.
But for this, the good old man would long ago have breathed out his soul, worn out
by affliction. Allow me, Sire, to advise what I think would be well. I would
very much recommend your Highness to order a letter to be written in your name
to this good Bishop in kind and honourable terms, and to let an order which may
be shown to the Governors and Procurators, your officers, be inserted in the
same letter, enjoining on them, and especially on the Commandant of Cochin, to
show him honour, give him hospitality, and treat him with favour and attention,
especially whenever he asks for or is in need of anything. While I have been
writing this I have seemed to myself to be serving and doing a favour, not so
much to that pious Bishop as to your Highness. For at present, from the charity
of the Franciscan Fathers, he wants for nothing, while your Highness is very
greatly in want of the goodwill and intercession of a man very acceptable to
God
as he is, and this
benefit you will be able to earn by such an act of kindness as I mention. This
Bishop very greatly deserves such treatment on this account if on no
other—that he has spent much labour in attending to the Christians of St.
Thomas, and now in his all but decrepit old age he conforms himself most
obediently to all the rites and customs of our holy Mother the Roman Church. I
know that your Highness is in the habit of writing to the Franciscan Fathers,
and this letter to the Armenian Bishop might be inserted in the same packet;
and I would urge your Highness to write it full of all manner of expressions of
your favour, esteem and affection for him.
And now may God our
Lord impress deeply on the mind of your Highness a clear knowledge of His most
holy will, and may He at the same time supply you with strength and give you
His holy assistance, that you may fully and perfectly execute the same in such
wise as your Highness would rejoice to have done in the final hour of death,
when, Sire, you will have to give to God an account of all your life up to that
time! That moment, which will decide on your eternity, will come more quickly
than your Highness thinks, and §o it is well to take measures in good time that
you may go to meet it well prepared. Kingdoms and reigns pass away, and after
them will succeed a new and most unexpected aspect of affairs, such as never
yet came into the mind of your Highness, not even in thought or in the first
beginnings of suspicion. For you will see yourself despoiled by death of your
kingdom, cast out from all your possessions, and thrust forth into other
realms, far different from these—realms of terror and darkness, into which it
will be a very hard and a very bitter lot to be banished after having been torn
away from those others of your own : more especially if—what God avert!—you
were to be sentenced to remain outside Paradise, and to be denied all hope of
ever entering there.
Your Highness’s
useless servant,
Cochin,
Jan. 26, 1549. FRANCIS.
The next letter which
remains to us seems probably made up of more than one despatched to Simon
Rodriguez by the
same ship which took
the letters to the King and to Ignatius. At least, the copy of the letter
preserved in the College at Coimbra ends with the paragraph at p. 90 about Fra
Vincenzo and Cranganor. We shall speak in the next chapter of the final
arrangements made by Francis as to the posts and employments of the members of
the Society before he left India, and need here only repeat the remark that
neither the mission of Cipriano to Socotra, nor that of Antonio Gomez to Ormuz,
of which place we now hear for the first time in these letters, really took
effect. The rest of the letter needs no explanation.
(lxvi.) To
Master Shnon Rodriguez.
I can find no words,
my dearest Brother Simon, enough to^ express the amount of joy which the
arrival of Antonio Gomez- and the others who came with him caused me. I must
tell you that they are making great progress in piety, and that by the- good
example of their lives, by the sermons they preach, by the confessions they
hear, by the meditations they give, and by their private conversations, they
advance the interests of religion wonderfully, and every one is exceedingly
pleased with them. There is indeed much need of such excellent men of our
Society out here, especially in the city of Ormuz and in the town of Diu,
places which want good preachers much more than Goa itself, so great is the
number of Portuguese who are- there living in a way altogether degenerate
from-Christian rules- and laws. So, in order to meet the necessity, I have
determined to send to Ormuz Antonio Gomez, a man highly gifted’ with powers of
preaching and doing other kinds of work of our Society. Master Gaspar will
remain in the College of Santa F£„ You will most certainly gain great favour
with God if you come out to India with as many as may be of the Society,
bringing seven or eight good preachers with you, and other men of much
experience and moderation. There is no such great need of much learning for the
conversion of the heathen, for the people in these countries are very barbarous
and ignorant, so that men even of moderate learning may do very ser
viceable work for God
out here, provided they are men of greaf virtue and strength. In all the towns
in India where we could place a preacher of our Society with another priest to
help him in hearing confessions and doing the other functions of our Society,
it would be possible to have a house of the Society for the sake of educating
the children of the Portuguese and of the natives.
I have written to our
Father Ignatius to give you leave to come, and also to the King to send you to
India with a large company of our Society and with great authority from
himself. If this shall come about, you may believe me that your coming will be
of much greater advantage to religion than you think. Another thing about which
I have written to the King, is to get him to provide for the children of the
Portuguese whose parents have lost their lives in his service and left their
children orphans and poor. For no one thinks of paying them the salaries and
sustenance which are owing to their parents. So that it would not be out of the
way to found some colleges in India where orphans of this sort might not only
be supported, but also educated. And as the King is bound also to look after
the welfare of the natives, it would be for the interests of religion to give
orders that the children of native Christians in certain places should have the
Catechism taught them. So I am writing to his Highness to assign, if it seems
good to him, about five thousand gold pieces out of the revenue of Bazain for
the opening of a house of this kind. I hope confidently that the King, with the
good help of God, will do all these things by means of your coming out.
I have lately heard
of the country of Japan, which lies beyond China more than six hundred miles.
They tell us that the inhabitants are very clever, very desirous of learning
not only religious truth, but also the natural truths which are a part of
education. The Portuguese who have come back from Japan tell us this, and
indeed it is proved well enough by certain Japanese themselves, who last year
came with me from Malacca to India, and have lately been made Christians at
Goa, in the College of Santa Fe. You will be able to see this
well enough yourself
from the account of Japanese matters which we have sent you, which we got from
Paul the Japanese, who is called Paul of the Holy Faith, a man really of very
excellent virtue and perfect truthfulness. He is writing to you about himself
and his affairs, and the benefits which God has bestowed upon him. So in the
month of April next I intend to go to Japan with Cosmo Torres, a priest of our
Society • for I am persuaded that the Christian religion will be propagated in
those parts far and wide; add to this, that here I am doing nothing, and am not
wanted, since, on account of our brethren who have come out this year, my work
is by no means necessary to the Indians, more especially as in a short time you
are either coming out yourself, or going to send out some one else in your
place with a large body of our Society. I do hope very much that you will come
yourself. I also think that just at your arrival I shall have reached Japan,
and you will set things in good order here according to what I say in these
letters, and then if God, as I hope, gives me a favourable opportunity of doing
some good work in Japan, we shall see one another again at Goa.
Then as time goes on,
a great many of our Society, by the good help of God, will penetrate into
China, and from China into that famous University of Chinghinquo, which lies
beyond China and Cathay. For Paul tells me that all the Chinese, the Japanese,
and the Tartars get their religion from the city of Chinghinquo. The religion
of Japan is contained in certain recondite books which the common people know
nothing of, just as Latin books are not known to them among ourselves. For this
reason Paul, who is a private person and knows nothing at all about the
literature, says he has nothing to tell us about the religious doctrines of the
country. When I get there, if God so- wills, I will write to you at full length
what these sacred books of theirs contain. My plan is, as soon as I arrive in
Japan, to goto the king himself and the principal seats of learning, which are
to be found in the royal cities ; and when I have made myself well acquainted
with all these matters, I intend to write what I have found out, not only to
India, but to the Universities of
Portugal, of Italy,
and above all of Paris, and admonish them, while they are devoting themselves
heart and soul to learned studies, not to think themselves so free and
disengaged from responsibility as to take no trouble at all about the ignorance
of the heathen and the loss of their immortal souls.
Pedro Gonsalvi, the
Vicar of Cochin, who is a very great friend of our Society, is writing to
commend to you some affairs of his own. I pray and beseech you not to fail to
do all that you can in his case, both as regards the King and as regards the
benefits which he asks for the Christians who form his people. You may be quite
sure that h$ is a true and genuine friend of the Society; he takes into his own
house with the utmost kindness all of ours who have to be at Cochin. Another
thing—I want you to get eight or ten casks of wine for the Fathers at Goa, and
those who are dispersed over the whole East, to be used at mass. Wine is very
necessary out here; but it is not only very dear but also extremely scarce. Our
Fathers at Malacca, at Cape Comorin, at Socotra, and in the Moluccas have no
wine for the holy Sacrifice except what is brought from India. The Bishop of
Goa and the Franciscan Fathers have wine furnished them at the public expense
from Portugal; and in the same way the King ought to assign a quantity of wine
to the College of Santa Fk, whence it may be sent to the other Fathers.
Father Cipriano is to
go this year to the island of Socotra with one priest and two lay brothers. In
that island there is a certain Mussulman lord who has gained supreme power by
violence and rules against all the laws of justice and right. He cruelly
oppresses and persecutes the Christian inhabitants ; he takes their children
from them and makes them Mahometans, besides overwhelming the parents
themselves with infinite ills and troubles. I wish you very much to urge the
King, in his great desire to protect religion, to do something at last in the
way of looking after these Christians. He can do it without any expense and
with no trouble, if he will give orders to his fleet on its way to the Indian
seas to put down the Mussulmans, who are really weak. The inhabitants have had
all their
arms taken from them,
and are oppressed by the yoke of a very severe bondage; and so they hate the
very name of the Mussulmans. So I pray you, by Jesus Christ our Lord, to
interfere in favour of the liberty of those Socotrians, since they are really
in a state of such unjust slavery. The whole aspect of the island is really
wretched. Some years ago, when I was on my way to these parts, the lot of the
inhabitants moved my pity very much, so cruelly are they persecuted by the
Arabs, who have the command of the seas. The whole matter, as I say, can be
settled with no expense, at the simple command of the King. Alfonso Souza, who
was formerly Governor of India, can give abundant testimony to what I say, as
he has seen all these things with his own eyes.
I have sent Manuel
Vaz13 back to Goa, thinking it not best to let him return to
Portugal. After seeing Antonio Gomez at Goa, I have thought it better to make
Master Gaspar Rector of the College; so that Antonio may be freed from all
care, and be able to give himself entirely to preaching, hearing the confessions
of the people, and giving the Spiritual Exercises. He has much more facility
for these things than for government, especially as Gaspar is very good in
bearing the burthen of the administration of the house. Give orders, I beseech
you, that every year some of the Society are sent out hither after you, and let
most of them be priests. Write also to Rome and to all places where the Society
exists, that they may send to Coimbra some priests of great experience and
noted virtue, who, not being highly gifted with learning or powers of speaking
so as to be fit for preaching, or not being very useful in Europe for the work
which is done in our Colleges, will be of great use out here in the conversion
of the heathen. For although they may do a certain amount of good where they
are, yet their industry will certainly be much more fruitful in good out here.
If there are any besides who have completed their
. U The text has
Michael, or Miguel, but it is a mistake, founded on the similarity of the name
of the late Vicar. Manuel Vaz was a lay brother, who seems to have lost his
vocation. He had come to India the year before this.
•course at Coimbra, I
think you should send them hither to us for the same reason. I entreat you, do
not permit it to happen that any year should pass without our having a supply
of the Society sent out. Those who are now at the College of Goa have not yet
sufficient experience, learning, and virtue for the conversion of the heathen.
At Bazain the King,
at the request of Miguel Vaz, who was formerly the Vicar General of India,
allotted three thousand .gold pieces for the building of a house in which the
children of the native Christians were to be instructed. It is thought here
that the King wished the administration of that house to be •committed to our
Society; for eight or nine of our Society, and six Franciscans, came out with
Miguel from Portugal. But Miguel landed the Franciscans at Bazain, and gave to
them, to •distribute and dispense, the money which the King at the request of
the Governor Joam de Castro had assigned for the •conversion of the heathen. I
went lately to Bazain to arrange some affairs for the Christians of the
Moluccas, and had some -conversation with the Franciscans. They are reduced to
a very small number, and again and again begged me to send thither some one of
the Society who might provide necessaries for the •converts out of the money so
assigned, and might also administer the Seminary; so I left Melchior Gonsalvez
there with a companion.
Now that Miguel Vaz
and Fra Diego de Borba are lately •dead, the management of the College at Goa
has come to Cosmo Joam, who, having undertaken the care of the revenues and of
the completion of the building, found himself so much occupied by business of
the King’s, that since the arrival of Antonio Gomez he has made over the charge
of the College altogether to the Society. It is now the proper time that the
•cession should be confirmed by royal authority. I would have you get a diploma
issued, and bring it with you to India.
There is a town of
the King’s called Cranganor, fifteen miles from Cochin. There there is a fine
College, which was built by Fra Vincenzo, the companion of the Bishop, where as
imany as a hundred youths, children of the native Christians,
who are called
Christians of St. Thomas, are educated; for there are sixty villages of these
Christians of St. Thomas around the town, and from them the students I speak of
are derived. If you ask what sort of a place it is, it looks really very handsome,
whether as regards the site or the elevation of the building itself. Fra
Vincenzo has done a wonderful work in these parts. He is extremely friendly to
me and to our whole Society. He assures me that he is taking measures to leave
the administration of the College in our hands when he dies. He is very urgent
in asking for a priest of our Society, well versed in grammar, to teach the
pupils and to preach to the people on festival days. We must do as he wishes;
and I beseech you to send out such a priest as he wants who may do just as he
tells him in everything.
At Cranganor there
are two churches; one of St. Thomas, which is very piously frequented by the
Christians of St. Thomas, and another of St. James, adjoining the College. Fra
Vincenzo wishes very much that Indulgences should be obtained for both these
churches, to be a consolation for these Christians and to increase piety. So I
beg you very much to procure, either through our people at Rome or through the
Pontifical Nuncio at Lisbon, a yearly plenary Indulgence for each, beginning
from the Vigil of St. James and the Vigil of St. Thomas respectively, and
lasting for the eight following days. I would have this Indulgence offered
only to those who may have duly approached the Sacraments of Penance and holy
Communion, and then piously and devoutly visited these churches at Cranganor.
If you will manage these two petitions which I have made to you in the name of
Fra Vincenzo, and if at the same time you send him a kind and obliging letter,
you may be sure that you will bind him to yourself and to the Society for ever.
I also beg of you again and again to write in the same way to the Bishop, who
is a very great lover of our Society.
I have written to the
King to ask him to make a certain priest, Estevan Luis Buralho by name, a
chaplain of his Highness. I have done this not so much for his own sake as because
he has some sisters who are orphans and poor, and if
their brother is
looked upon with honour as having a post in the King’s Court he will easily be
able to find husbands for his sisters. In making marriages out here there is a
great desire for connection with men of good family who are in favour with the
King; so if you manage this, you will have safely provided for three orphan
girls. The mother of this priest is married again to Gonsalvo Fernando
Concinati, and her son desires to gain favour at Court in order to make his
stepfather also a good friend to himself and his sisters. He desires therefore
that the King should make this stepfather one of his own honorary Chamberlains,
without salary, and he persuades himself that if he becomes one of the Court
in this way, he will treat himself and his sisters with the love of a father.
The Franciscans are
all our best possible friends, but particularly the Guardiano Antonio Casali.
He will finish his turn of Superior in two years, and wishes very much to
return to Portugal; so I beg of you to get him letters and faculties from the
King, enabling him to go back as soon as his time is over, for he is now in his
fifth year out here, working for God and the King.
Father Niccolo
Lancilotti, whom I have sent to Coulan for the sake of his health, is getting
better every day. He is a man just exactly made to please the people there.
There is now a talk of establishing a College there, for the instruction first
of the children of the Portuguese, and in the second place of the Christians of
Comorin and of St. Thomas. The people of the town are not very numerous, and
are badly off, so that they cannot even begin a seminary of themselves. I have
written about the business to the King, showing him of what great advantage to
religion such a College would be. Please to get the King to send orders to the
Governor of India and to his own Procurator to build the house at the public
expense,, and to build it large in size, so that many orphans both of Portuguese
and native parents may be supported there. Coulan is a place where all things
are very plentiful and very cheap, so that at no great expense a very large
number of students might be supported.
If you come hither
yourself, my dearest brother Simon, your coming will certainly be very greatly
for the benefit of the Christian religion and also for your own delight, but
this is all provided that you come armed with authority from the King both to
advance the worship of God and relieve the native Christians. So I admonish
you again, to come richly supported by the King and the Queen that you may
keep the commandants and royal treasurers to their duty; that will be the one
way for you to do service to India and the worship of Christ greater than any
one would ever expect.
I have received
joyful news from Malacca, as to the good work done by Francesco Perez and Rocco
Oliveira for religion. You will learn all from their own letters. We have also
the best of news from the Moluccas. JoamBeira and his companions are working
under great hardships and in perpetual danger of life, to the great increase of
the Christain faith. The report spread about concerning the murder of Beira
seems, to me at least, to have nothing in it. Only a little before the time
named he wrote me a most diligent account of all that he was doing, all his
trials and dangers. After the ships left Ternate his companions wintered for three
months at Am- boyna. Meanwhile Joam Beira came to Ternate from the Maurica to
the commandant, to ask him to send a force of Portuguese to help the Christians
there. On his return thither from Ternate, it is said that something very sad
happened to him, but I can find nothing about it either in any letters that
have come or upon any good authority. However, I can affirm for certain, that
those who love God and their neighbour are tried out there, like gold in the
furnace. I do not know whether anywhere else in the whole Christian world
those who serve God and work for the salvation of souls have so many labours
and so many and so great dangers of death to try their virtue, as in that land
of the Maurica. I wish you to pray God for those of ours who have gone there,
and for those who are to go, for I have determined shortly to send two or three
of our Society. It is my opinion that those islands of the Moor will give many
martyrs to our Society, and they will soon have
to be called not
islands of the Moor but islands of Martyrdom. So those of ours who desire to
give their lives for Christ may be of good heart and rejoice, for they have now
a training place of martyrdom ready to their hands where they may satisfy their
desire.
The voyage to Japan
and China, as all people warn me, is very full of sufferings and dangers. I
have as yet had no experience of it, but when I have made it—I shall sail,'as
I think, in about two months and a half from this—I will write you word all
about that and everything else. So when you come to India, with the goodwill of
God, next year, as I suppose, you will receive letters from me from Japan.
Nunez Ribera is at Am- boyna, in a very safe town where there are a great many
Christians ; I understand from his letters that he is working with very good
fruit. The two of ours who are in the Comorin Promontory are of great service
to religion. You will be able to understand this well enough from their own
letters which I send on to you, in which they tell you fully all that they are
doing. It has pleased God to call our dear and very sweet brother Adam
Francesco out of this life to Himself, to give him the reward of his many and
great labours here. His death answered to his life, and that, as far as I have
heard from others and as I saw myself, was rich in holiness. He was a very
pious man, and had a great and burning zeal fonbringing heathen to the flock of
Christ. I commend myself to his prayers far more than I commend him in mine to
God, for I hold it for certain that he is now enjoying the bliss for which he
was born.
I am now on my way to
Goa, to prepare myself a good time for my voyage to Japan next April. I shall
go from Goa to Cambaia to the Governor of India, who is now at Bazain, that he
may make arrangements for the interests of the Christians in the Moluccas, and
provide for those of our Society whom I am soon going to send thither. One of
these will be a preacher who may remain in the royal town, and preside over the
commencement of a college where the children of the Christians of the Mauricas
and of the Portuguese may be taught. Another house will also be begun there,
where the orphan children
of Portuguese, as
well as with the Japanese whom by God’s favour I shall send there, will be
taught the Christian religion. And as our people in India are beloved and
acceptable not only to the Bishop and his clergy, but also to the religious and
all others, Christians and heathen alike, I am strongly induced to hope that
our Society may be spread far and wide in these countries.
So do you, my dearest
brother Simon, make it your business to come out hither as soon as possible
with great forces of our Society, partly preachers, partly also workers in
other ways. Only avoid one thing—not to bring many young men, for out here we
want men of from thirty up to forty years of age; men moreover adorned with all
other virtues, but especially with humility, meekness, patience, and above all,
purity. You know my old bad habit, that when I write to you I can never leave
off. Well, this of itself ought to be enough to make you see what pleasure I
take in such an occupation, but especially when I have set myself down to write
after having been challenged to do so by letters from you. So now I will end,
though it is hard to know where to stop. But I do hope that some day or other
we shall see one another again, in China or in Japan, or at all events in
heaven, where, as I hope we have alike been called by the singular bounty and
gift of God into a share of His celestial kingdom, we shall enjoy God the everlasting
Fountain of all good things for ever and for ever ! Amen, j
Cochin, Jan. 28,
1549.
The next letters, the
last sent to Europe at this time which remain to us, are letters of
recommendation; but Francis breaks out, as of old, about what was nearest to
his own heart, when writing to his most familiar friend, Simon Rodriguez. The
merchants who arrived at Cochin from Malacca just at the same time of the year
as Francis himself of the year before, had brought him the good news from
Malacca of the progress of religion, which is mentioned in the letter last
printed.
(lxvii.) To Master Simon Rodriguez.
May the grace and
love of Christ our Lord also help and favour us ! Amen.
Do not be surprised
that I write to you so often. There are a great many here who are going to
Portugal, and ask me for letters to take to you; and I am very glad to seize
every opportunity of talking with you, and indeed I am so bold as to trust that
what I feel so much fruit to my own soul in writing will not be read by you
without pleasure, on account of the love that is between us.
The persons who will
deliver to you this letter are two honourable and good men, excellent
Christians, inhabitants of the city of Malacca, where they have their house and
families. Their reason for their voyage is, that they have to discharge certain
duties and obligations to which they were bound. They will tell you a great
deal about the city of Malacca, about the labours of our Fathers there, and
about the fruit which results from those labours. All these things they are
perfectly well acquainted with, as being eye witnesses of all.
They take with them
also letters from Father Francis Perez, in which I imagine he has done as he
promised to do, that is, given a long, clear, and minute account of the results
with which the functions proper to our Institute are there carried on. They
will also tell you about the affairs of China and Japan, for they have been a
long time at a place which lies so conveniently for traffic with those parts
and countries that the people there know best of all what goes on in them. They
say that all my friends and acquaintances wonder at me very much for trusting
myself to so long and dangerous a voyage. I wonder much more at their little
faith. Our Lord God has in His power the tempests of the Chinese and Japanese
seas, which they say are as violent as any others anywhere in the whole world.
To His power all the winds are subject, all the rocks and the whirlpools and
the quicksands and shoals, which they say are to be found in
those seas in such
great numbers, so dangerous, so sadly famous for the shipwrecks they have
caused. He also holds in His sway all the pirates of whose numberless hordes
they tell us, and who are exceedingly savage and are wont to put to death with
exquisite tortures all whom they take prisoners, and especially all
Portuguese. And as this our Lord God has all these things under His dominion, I
fear nothing from any of them. I only fear God Himself, lest He should decree
some just chastisement upon me on account of my negligence in His service, and
because I am by fault of my own unfit and useless for the work of advancing the
Kingdom and Name of His Son Jesus Christ among the nations who know them not.
Except this, I fear nothing, and I count as naught all those other causes of
fear, dangers, labours, and the like, which my timid friends vie with one
another in pressing upon me as so very formidable. I laugh at them all in full
security, and the simple fear of God alone extinguishes in me all fear of His
creatures; for I know that they can hurt no one, except those to whom and as
far as their Creator allows them to be causes of trouble.
But to return to our
two friends. I pray you for all the regard you have for the love and service of
our Lord God, that for the few days during which they are to be at Lisbon you
take care of them tenderly, see that they are provided with a convenient
lodging, and help them in all things according to your ability and their
requirements. And when you have heard all the many things that they will have
to tell you about India, and you send them back with their business all
finished, then be careful to give them long and accurate letters to carry to
us, informing us all about all the fathers and brothers of our Society who are
in Italy, France, the Low Countries, Germany, Castile, and Aragon, and in
particular about that blessed College of Coimbra which is so dear to me. These
letters you should direct, I think, to our Fathers at Malacca. The original
will be given to them by these two citizens of Malacca on their return home,
and will be kept there, and copies of them will be sent to us from the port of
Malacca—whence many ships sail yearly for China and Japan—by such a number of
ways, that they will
reach us by some one
of them at least which will escape all accidents. May our Lord God bring us
together in His holy glory in Paradise ! Amen.
Your most devoted and
loving brother in Christ,
Feb. i,
1549. Francis.
The other letter of
introduction shows us a little more of the manner in which Francis was always
trying to lead those who applied to him for any favour to look after the
concerns of their soul as well as their temporal interests. It also gives the
first hint of what afterwards exercised an important influence on his schemes
and movements — an increased vigilance and severity on the part of the Chinese
government as to the exclusion of foreigners, especially Portuguese, from
their ports.
(lxviii.)
To Master Simon Rodriguez.
May the grace and
love of Christ our Lord always help and favour us ! Amen.
The person who will
deliver this letter to you is a man with whom I have a certain amount of
acquaintance. He is going to Portugal in order to ask the King for a reward for
some service which he has done to the state, and has urgently pressed me to
give him letters of recommendation to you as to that business. Now I am quite
aware, and I have not concealed from my friend himself, that it would be much
more profitable to employ himself in another branch of the art of petitioning—applying,
that is, to God, and obtaining from Him the pardon of his sins—than to go
supplicating from a mortal king an earthly reward for his merits and good
deeds. But it was not possible to persuade him, at least here, to give up his
hopes and intentions. I am of opinion that when he lands in Portugal you
should try whether the change of scene has changed his mind in this respect;
and if perchance the evils and dangers of the voyage have made him more
amenable to heavenly admonitions, then persuade him rather to stay in Portugal
as a monk than to come out here again as a soldier. If you succeed, you will
have done the poor wretch a very great kindness, and
VOL. 11. h
have made gain of a
soul that was lost. But if his mind be still fixed on transitory things, and he
be not able to rise to such a height of philosophy as I mention, then by all
means let him have your help in obtaining his just demands, and use your influence,
as far as you may, that out of the rewards which he has earned by long service
as a soldier he may have at least so much given him as may be enough for him to
live on at home. And I beg you again and again, for the love of God, to attempt
to get this done for His sake.
After I had written
all the letters which I had determined to send to Portugal by the hand of Pedro
Fernandez, who has discharged in these countries of India the office of Vicar
to the Bishop, some ships arrived here from Malacca, bringing certain news that
the Chinese ports are unfavourable and hostile to the Portuguese. This,
however, will not frighten me from attempting the voyage to Japan, which I mean
by the help of God to undertake, as I have already told you that I have made up
my mind to do. There is nothing more fruitful of good to the soul in this life
of misery than to live in the midst of great dangers of death, the true and
only cause for braving which has been the simple love of God and of pleasing
Him, and the sincere desire to extend our holy religion. Believe me, it is
sweeter for a man to live in labours of this sort, than to pass his time in
peace and leisure without them. May our Lord God unite us in His holy glory !
Amen.
Your most loving
brother in Christ,
Cochin,
Jan. 25, 1549. FRANCIS.
The six weeks or two
months which Francis Xavier spent at Cochin at this time were not without their
activity. Indeed, Francis was there at the special invitation of his good
friend Pedro Gonzalvez, of whom we have found him speak so highly in his
letters, and whose great desire was that his own people should for some time
have the benefit of his apostolical zeal. He preached in the churches,
instructed children, and visited the sick, as usual, and was as successful as
was his wont in the conversion of sinners and in the reform of manners. Two
miracles of this time
have been specially recorded. In the first instance it was a child of four
years of age, who had been many weeks ill of a fever, and was given over by the
doctors. The parents, without making any direct petition to Francis, brought
him in to see the child. Francis made the sign of the Cross over him and
recited a Gospel, and the child at once opened its eyes, gave signs of joy, and
was found to be entirely cured. The other instance was of that knowledge of the
interior state and conscience of another, which is one of the gifts sometimes
communicated to the saints. Francis met opposite the church of St. Antony at
Cochin an acquaintance of his, a man of bad life, who at the very moment was
meditating the execution of some profligate design. The man came up and kissed
his hand, and was received with great kindness. Then Francis changed his look,
became very grave, and asked him how he was. ‘ As well as possible, thank God,’
was the reply. ‘ Well enough as to the body,’ said Francis, ‘ but how as to the
soul ?’ And then he went on to tell his friend all that he had been devising in
his most secret thoughts. No one knew it but the man himself, and he was at
once struck with contrition, made his confession, and gave up his evil life.14
14 Massei,
Vita di S. Francesco, 1. ii. c. 14, p. 246.
COLL. CHRISTI Rc ■ -A BIB. MaJuK TORONTO
The letters written by Francis Xavier after his
return to Malacca from the Moluccas in 1547, show us how firm a hold the idea
of an expedition to Japan had taken on his mind, almost from the first moment
when he had met the Japanese Anger and his Portuguese friends. His was the
heart and soul of an Apostle; and as St. Paul longed for Rome, or Spain, or
even still more distant countries, while he was yet in Asia Minor, or Greece,
or his prison at Caesarrea, so the tidings that told Francis of new islands
where the Gospel had never been preached, seemed almost to put upon his
conscience the duty of devoting himself to the work of carrying among them the
name of Jesus Christ. Moreover, he had done for India, for Malacca, and for the
islands of the Eastern Archipelago, that which was particularly his own
work—the work of laying foundations and of beginning that system of preaching,
teaching, catechizing, and training the people which we see him following
everywhere. It called for all his devotion, energy, firmness, and prudence to
initiate a system which required so much unostentatious labour on the part of
the missioner, and which, if it could but be perpetuated, would certainly, as
far as human measures could secure such a result, have made the growth of the
new Christian populations to maturity and strength certain. But the system
could be administered by men who could never have founded it, and it was the
mission of Francis Xavier to found it in as many places as possible rather than
to remain fixed in any one place after founding it. The labourers who were, to
carry on his work had now been supplied him from Europe, if not in numbers as
large as he had desired, if not such in quality as his sanguine imagination
had represented them to him when his ‘ pro-
phetic mind’1
pictured to itself Antonio Araoz or even Simon Rodriguez himself coming out to
India at the head of a large band of followers, at least sufficiently for the
purpose of working on the foundation which he himself had laid. With India,
Malacca, and the Moluccas so well manned as they now were, or were soon to be,
with priests of this Society, Francis might feel what St. Paul expressed when
he wrote to the Romans from Corinth, that he had ‘ now no more place in these
countries.’- Nor can we doubt that he was also strongly influenced by the
disappointment with which he was met in every attempt to convert the natives
of India on a larger scale than had hitherto been accomplished, and to
penetrate into the interior of the great peninsula itself, partly on account of
the misconduct and bad example of the Portuguese, partly on account of the
avarice and tyranny of their superior officers, partly also on account of that
hatred to the Christian name that was only too natural in nations which could
not help looking upon it as identical with the name of Portuguese.
The expedition to
Japan, which presented itself to his mind with so many attractive features to
recommend it, was therefore an enterprise which Francis might have concluded to
undertake on grounds of simple reason. The Japanese were intelligent, noble,
manly, liberal, anxious to learn and ready to be convinced of the truth. The
field was open, and free from many of the obstacles which were felt so fatally
in India and elsewhere. There were no Cosmo de Payvas, no rapacious slave
robbers, no Portuguese settlers who might outdo the heathen themselves in
licentiousness and fraud, no Jews or Mussulmans to dispute for the possible
converts with the Christian preacher, or to add their own errors, vices, and
dishonesties to the native corruptions of the manners and tenets of the pagans.
Danger itself, the many forms of ‘ peril’ which St. Paul enumerates, x perils of waters, perils
of robbers, perils in the wilderness, perils in the sea,’3 had
become attractive to Francis Xavier, since his experience in the Moluccas of
the immense and most wonderful consolation with which God, who can never be
outdone
1 See vol.
i. p. 99. - Romans xv. 23. 3 2 Cor. xi. 26.
in generosity, is
wont, by way of compensation, to overwhelm those who brave all things for His
sake. And yet it is most certain, that neither the reasonableness nor the
attractiveness of the enterprise decided Francis Xavier to undertake it. As he
had waited so long at Meliapor and elsewhere, before embarking on what he then
thought was to be a voyage to Maca- zar, in order to gain a clear light and
conviction that it was the will of God that he should at that time go thither
and nowhere else, so during all the months which elapsed between his return to
India from the East and his second departure for Malacca, he was studying and
praying and seeking in every possible way to ascertain the particular direction
of the Holy Ghost as to the voyage to Japan. This accounts for whatever appears
like hesitation or indecision in him at this time, though all the while he was
laying his plans and making his arrangements for the long absence which the
voyage was sure to entail upon him. Even up to the very last, after he had
written, as we have seen in the preceding chapter, to Ignatius and Simon
Rodriguez about the certainty of his departure, even while he was at Malacca
itself making his final arrangements, he was still commending the matter with
all earnestness to God in humble prayer for light.
Japan, which in our
time has been almost revealed anew to the civilized world, whose ambassadors
and students we have seen in our streets, whose works of art and ingenuity are
filling us with admiration, while we are looking with intense interest on the
new social and political developments of which it is being made the scene, had
been first discovered by Europeans, seven years before the time of which we are
writing, almost at the same moment when Francis Xavier put his foot on the
shores of India. The famous adventurer, Fernand Mendez Pinto, has told us, in
some amusing chapters of his history, how he arrived with some other Portuguese
in the ship of a corsair at the isle of Tanixooma, the first land of Japan, as
he says, and how he was nearly losing his life, because the son of the King of
Boungo wounded himself and almost blew his thumb off by attempting to fire off
the ‘arquebuse’ of the stranger who
was lying asleep.4
It appears that about the same time that Mendez Pinto and his companions landed
at Tanixooma, three other Portuguese had been driven by a storm into the port
of Cagoxima, in the kingdom of Satsouma—that is, into the very home of Anger,
the Japanese fugitive whom St. Francis Xaxier fell in with, five years later,
at Malacca. These first chance visits of the Portuguese were soon followed by
the establishment of a considerable traffic, and the way was thus paved for the
introduction of Christianity. But it was a singularly favourable circumstance
that Anger and his companions should in the first instance have come to India
and been instructed in the faith. Francis was thus enabled to enter Japan with
devoted friends and disciples at his side, to whom the customs and language of
the country were perfectly familiar. His daily intercourse with them at Goa and
on the voyage must have furnished him with an unusual store of knowledge
concerning the new nation to which he was about to preach, and we see from the
detailed description given of Japan in the papers drawn up by Anger, or from
his dictation, that he and his companions fully deserved the credit for
intelligence and quickness which is given to them in the letters of Francis.5
Before the departure
of Francis for Japan could be thought of, it was necessary that he should
arrange the affairs of the Society in India, which he was to leave behind him
for an almost indefinite period, and with which he could only hope to hold
very rare communications. The first few letters which we have remaining to us
of the spring of 1549, after the dispatch of the vessels to Europe, show us how
much this care pre-occu- pied' the mind of Francis Xavier. He had already
discovered those defects in the character of Antonio Gomez which made it likely
that he would be a bad and unfortunate Superior at Goa, especially if left to
himself without Francis to guide him. On the other hand, Francis was very
desirous of sending a thoroughly active, and zealous, and prudent missionary
to Ormuz,
1 Mendez
Pinto, t. ii. ch. 132 (French Translation). See also Charlevoix, Hist, dn
Japon, t. i. p. 178.
4 We give
this account of Japan in the Xotes to this 15ook.
the far famed
emporium at the mouth of the Persian Gulf, and before he left Cochin for Goa he
seems, from the letters last inserted, to have intended to send Gomez to this
post, placing Gaspar Baertz in his place as Rector of Goa. We are told that on
his arrival, this plan, which would have saved a great deal of misery at Goa,
was changed, on account of the resolute humility of Gaspar, who implored so
earnestly that he might not be set to rule his brethren, that Francis had not
the heart to resist him. It is possible that Francis also saw danger in the
alteration which he had contemplated, of sending Gomez by himself to Ormuz. At
all events, the plan was changed, and Gaspar Baertz was sent to the lonely and
difficult post where he soon won for himself the fame of an apostle.
Ormuz, or Hormos as
it is called by Messer Marco Polo, stood in his time on the Kirmanian coast at
the mouth of the Persian Gulf, but having been laid waste by the Tartars, the
city was soon afterwards transferred to the island, five miles out at sea,
which was so famous as a mart in the time of which we are writing. It had
nothing but its position to recommend it, and since the town on the island was
demolished in the 17 th century by Shah Abbas, it has been valuable only as
supplying salt in great abundance. When Francis Xavier sent Gaspar to be its
Apostle, there was a fine city on the island of some thirty or forty thousand
inhabitants. It had two large harbours, sheltered from every wind, and was a
sort of Venice in the East—a place where the merchants of Arabia, Persia,
Armenia, India, China, and of the eastern coast of Africa, met with those of
Europe. It is one of the hottest places in the world, and by nature one of the
worst supplied even with the ordinary conveniences of life. It had hardly any
fresh water, and all that was not imported was of bad quality. Scarcely any
grass or trees would grow on the parched salt soil. A missionary who stayed
there some time, as Bartoli tells us, ‘ used to say that this island had worse
upon it than the curse pronounced on all the earth in punishment of Adam’s
disobedience, that it should bring forth thorns and briars, because in this
place not even these could grow. An old report said that once the island had
been set burning by
subterranean fire for
seven years together, and that on this account its hills remained heaps of
cinders, just whitened at the top. No birds or animals are seen there all the
year round,’ he adds, ‘but every morning a dew falls which congeals into
grains, has a very sweet taste, and is called “ manna.” ’ Against all these
natural disadvantages the wealth and luxury of its inhabitants had striven so
successfully as to make the city of Ormuz ■one of the
wonders of the East. A proverb said that if the world were a ring, Ormuz would
be the gem set in it. It was a city of fine streets and palaces, the houses
were ingeniously contrived to shield off the intense heat of the sun, and the
cool breezes, which happily blew daily, were conducted by a contrivance of
pipes through every room. The roofs were flat, and the inhabitants slept in the
open air upon them, in large vessels full of water, with their heads only
projecting.6 With all the heat, the climate is not unhealthy, and
diseases are rare, says Bartoli, following other writers; he attributes the
good health of the inhabitants to their perpetual perspirations. Ormuz seems to
have been independent under its own king, when the great Albuquerque conquered
it, assisting a deposed king to regain his throne, building a fortress, and
making it tributary to the ■crown of Portugal.
This was its political condition at the time •of
which we write.
Its moral state was
enormously and infamously bad. It was the home of the foulest sensuality, and
of all the most corrupted forms of every religion in the East. The Christians
were
8 Marco
Polo, t. i. p. 102 (Col. Yule’s edition, 1872), speaking of this country about
Hormos,—the ancient Ormuz, on the mainland, says," ‘The •residents avoid
living in the cities, for the heat in summer is so great that it would kill
them, hence they go out to sleep at their gardens in the country, where there
are streams and plenty of water. For all that, they would not , cscape but for
one thing, which I will mention. The fact is, as you see, that in summer a wind
often blows across the sands which encompass the place so intolerably that it
would kill everybody were it not that, when they per- 1 ceive that
wind coming, they plunge into water up to the neck, and so abide
■ lill the wind has ceased.’
On this Col. Yule remarks (p. 112), ‘The custom
of lying in water is mentioned also by Sir John Mandeville, and it was ladopted
by the Portuguese when they occupied Insular Hormuz, as P. vlella Valle and
Linschoten relate. The custom is still common during great heats in Sind and
Mekran.’
as bad as the rest in
the extreme licence of their lives. There were a few priests, but they were a
disgrace to the Christian name. A zealous bishop had once lived there, and soon
wore himself to death. Mahometanism was in great power, and possessed a very
magnificent mosque. The Arabs and Persians had introduced and made common the
most detestable forms of vice. Ormuz was said to be a Babel for its confusion
of tongues, and for its moral abominations to match the cities of the Plain. A
lawful marriage was a rare exception. Foreigners, soldiers, and merchants,
threw off all restraint in the indulgence of their passions. The children of
Christian fathers and Jewish, heathen, or Mussulman women were brought up in
the religion of their mothers. The riches of the place attracted every possible
luxury to enhance the general licence. Avarice was made a science : it was
studied and practised, not for gain, but for its own sake, and for the pleasure
of cheating. Evil had become good, and it was thought good trade to break
promises and think nothing of engagements, and the most extortionate forms of
usury were common and avowed. One of the successors of Master Gaspar at Ormuz
said, that if a council of devils were to assemble to draw up formulas of
robbery, they would never invent so many and so specious ways of defrauding as
he saw contrived and practised every day by the merchants of Ormuz, who were
called all over the East the ‘Doctors of Usury.’ He added, that if the famous
Doctor Martin Navarrus— Francis Xavier’s uncle—were to come out thither, he
would have to begin his studies again, and take his degree of Doctor a second
time, so much would he have to learn about exchanges and contracts of which he
had never heard. In the midst of all this licence and dishonesty, human life
was of little value, and assassins were easily to be found for a certain sum to
make away with any one who had given offence to another in immoral intrigues or
in money transactions."
Francis Xavier would
gladly have given himself to this stronghold of Satan. He used to say, we are
told, that it would
: This
account of Ormuz is mainly taken from Bartoli, Asia, t. i. 1. 5, pp. 442 seq.
not surprise him if
the whole island were some day to be submerged for the wickedness which
reigned there. And in truth, at the present day, it is more of a desert than
Babylon or Tyre. But Francis was called by God to Japan. It was against his
practice to send any one of those under him to a place where he had not himself
preached and laboured, but Ormuz was bad enough to make him depart for once
from this rule. It remained to send some one in whom he could thoroughly
confide, and to instruct him fully and minutely as to the plan on which he was
to work, leaving him at the same time all the discretion which the
circumstances of the case required. Francis had soon discerned the great worth
of Gaspar Baertz, and though he had wished to place him at the head of the
College at Goa, in many respects the most important post in India, he determined
to send this his best worker to Ormuz, in the same spirit in which he had
himself been given to the Indian missions by Ignatius.
The instructions
given by Francis to Gaspar are almost the most precious part of all that
remains to us of their writer. At first sight they might seem to find their
place by the side of his rules for the daily exercise of Christian virtues, or
of his long explanation of the Creed given in the preceding volume. But they
are not simple instructions—interesting as such would always be to us if they
came from the pen of Francis Xavier. The reader will find Francis insisting
much, in the paper which we are next to insert, on the necessity of a study and
familiar knowledge of mankind for the Christian preachers and apostles, on the
indispensable need of experience and acquaintance with the human heart acquired
by constant and observant intercourse, if any really great effect is to be
produced in gaining souls to God. He is almost severe—at least he seems to.
have felt that what he had said needed some counterbalancing— against the mere
study of books, however good and authoritative, as a preparation for the
apostolic life and ministry. We may be sure, then, that in his instructions to
Gaspar Baertz he has drawn largely on his own experience. It is his own method
of dealing with men which he urges on his disciple.
We may therefore take
a large part of the following treatise, as it may almost be called, as a sort
of unconscious contribution to our knowledge of Francis Xavier given us by his
own hand. In many points this is obvious upon the very face of his
instructions. The immense importance which he attaches to the care of the
missionary’s own conscience as his first and most essential duty, the continual
practice of works of humility and charity, which he recommends, the prudence on
which he insists as necessary in all dealings with men, the attentive humble
consideration to be paid to the Bishop’s Vicar and the priests of the place,
and also to the Governor of Ormuz, the practice of preaching on board ship and
on the Sundays and festivals when the place of destination has been reached,
the labours which are to be undertaken for the conversion of the heathen, the
custom of going round the streets by night to solicit prayers for the holy
souls,—these and several other points which are salient in his instructions to
Gaspar we already know to belong to the daily practical life of Francis Xavier
himself. This being the case, it is easy to see that in other matters he is
also relating his own experience and recommending the method pursued by
himself. We learn thus what was the staple of his sermons, how he dealt with
penitents in the confessional, how he behaved himself with the rough lawless
class of sinners, the merchants, the soldiers, the seamen, or again with the
officers of the revenue and the rich but good-natured voluptuaries who were
thrown across his path or drawn to him by that irresistible attractive- ' ness
which was his special gift, the dowry of his holiness and of his close loving
imitation of Him who was the friend of publicans and sinners. Ormuz, wicked as
it was, perhaps preeminent in wickedness, must yet have been a place not
different in kind as to its inhabitants or their vices from Malacca, or
Ternate, or even Cochin or Goa itself: and we may learn more than we already
know of Francis Xavier, in his familiar intercourse with the many men which he
reclaimed to God at those places, by these directions which he gives to Gaspar
as to the stray sheep at Ormuz. Above all, we may be sure that in the heroic
charity which he recommends in the confessional, when
he says that timid
souls who cannot for shame reveal their sins are to be encouraged, by their
confessor’s revealing even to them the worst sins of his own former life, we
have a lesson which he would never have given if he had not practised it
himself. The same may be said as to the manner in which novices and postulants
are to be dealt with, and the universal rules of prudence, sweetness, and the
careful study of men’s characters before attempting to do them good, which are
here inculcated.
If the letter of
instruction to Master Gaspar be read in the light of these considerations, we
shall come to understand its value, not only as embodying spiritual counsels of
the most exquisite and refined wisdom, but as adding largely to our acquaintance
with the character of Francis himself.
So long a document as
that which we are now to insert could not, of course, have been written all at
once, and we find* that, although there is a tolerably clear sequence and
arrangement in several parts, the writer has now and then gone back to points
on which he has touched before. The letter runs as follows :
(lxix.) To Father Gaspar Baertz, going to Ormuz.
Above all things be
mindful of yourself, and of discharging faithfully what you owe first to God,
and then to your own conscience; for by means of these two duties you will
find yourself become most capable of serving your neighbours and of gaining
souls. Take care always to incline, even beyond moderation,, to the practice of
the most abject employments. By exercising yourself in them, you will acquire
humility, and daily advance in that virtue. For this reason I would have you
not leave to any other, but yourself take charge of, the teaching the ignorant
those prayers, which every Christian ought to have by heart: an employment
certainly by no means ostentatious. Have yourself the patience to make the children
and slaves of the Portuguese repeat them word by word after you. Do the same
thing to the children of the native Christians. Those who behold you thus
diligently employed will never suspect
you of any
arrogance—they will be edified by your modesty; and as modest persons easily
attract the esteem of others, they will judge you more fit to instruct
themselves in those mysteries of the Christian religion of which they are
ignorant.
You must frequently
visit the poor in the hospitals and poorhouses, and from time to time exhort
them to confess themselves, and to communicate ; giving them to understand that
confession is the remedy for past sins, and holy communion a preservative
against relapses—that both of them destroy the causes of the miseries which they
now suffer, and which they fear for the future, by reason that the ills they
suffer are only the punishment of their offences. On this account, when they
are willing to confess, you shall hear their confessions with all the leisure
you can afford them. After this care taken of their souls, do what you can to
help the poor creatures in what they want for their bodies; recommend them with
all diligence and affection to the administrators of the establishment in which
they are, or else procure them from others who can help them the relief which
they need.
You must also visit
and preach to the prisoners, and exhort them earnestly to make a general
confession of their lives. They have more need than others to be stirred up to
this, because many or most people of that sort have never made an exact
confession since they were born. After this, ask the Brotherhood of Mercy to
have pity on those poor wretches, and to labour with the judges to look into
their causes and to provide daily food for the most necessitous, who oftentimes
have not wherewithal to subsist. You must be of all the service you can to the
Brotherhood of Mercy, showing yourself devoted to it, promoting it, commending
it, and most readily working in every way in your power to help it.
If in that great port
of Ormuz you have to hear the confession of any rich merchants whom you find
to have the possession of ill-gotten goods on their consciences, and who are
bound and willing to restore them, but yet cannot make restitution-to the
persons who have been injured, either because they are dead, or because of
themselves they know not who or where
they are, even though
they force upon you the money for restitution, remit the whole thereof into
the hands of the Brotherhood of Mercy, even though you may think of some
necessitous persons on whom such charity might be well employed. Thus you will
not expose yourself to be deceived by the insidious tricks of wicked men, who
affect an air of innocence and poverty ; men full to the throat of imposture
and wickedness, but who cannot so easily deceive the Brotherhood of Mercy, to
whom it will be much safer and more seemly for you to transfer the invidious
and perplexing office of making all due inquiries; thus the alms will reach
those who are truly poor, and the greedy lying of these avaricious impostors
will be defeated. And besides, you will gain the more leisure for those
functions which in a more especial manner belong to your state of life, which
is devoted to the assistance of souls : otherwise this frequent and manifold
care of the distribution of alms would deprive you of no small part of the
leisure which you will need so much. In fine, by this means you will prevent
the complaints and suspicions of men, who from their own common badness, would
be ready to think evil of you, as if, under the pretence of serving others, you
were cunningly playing a game for yourself, and withdrawing for your own use a
part of the money entrusted to you to give away, thus cheating the necessities
of the poor and practising a wicked theft upon them.
In dealing with those
whom in the various intercourse of life you come across, whether in spiritual
or secular things, whether at home or abroad, whether it be in the way of
speech or of company, whether their familiarity or friendship with you be only
ordinary or of the highest degree, always bear yourself as if you had it in
your mind that they might one day become your enemies instead of your friends.
By this management of yourself, you will never let them be aware of any act or
word of yours which, if they were to bring out at any time when in a passion,
might make you blush for it as an exposure of yourself, or be sorry for it on
account of mischief it might cause to your work and business. This perpetual
watchfulness and care is made necessary for us on account of the wicked
ness of this corrupt
world, whose children are continually observing the children of light with
mistrustful and malignant eyes. And the same care is due also for the sake of
your own spiritual advancement, which will make great progress if you regulate
all your words and actions by continual and most attentive prudence.
By this same
precaution you will guard the inconstant minds of your friends against the
danger of change. In any case you will prepare for yourself in their minds many
things which will be your defenders, for they will remember the uprightness of
your conduct, and they will conceive a reverence for you which will put them to
confusion if ever they become your enemies. This consideration of the
instability of men will also make you look more to God, despise yourself more,
and cling to God, Who is ever present to us, with extreme humility and great
sweetness of soul: practises which if we omit, we find a number of things
stealing upon us which hurt the eyes of people who see us, and gradually
alienate from us their goodwill. The examen, which we call particular, will do
a great deal as to keeping up this carefulness. Take care never to fail to make
it twice a day, or once at least, according to our common method, whatsoever
business jrou have upon your hands.
Before all things,
devote your first and principal care to cleansing your own conscience and
keeping it without stain. Let your diligence in preserving or in cleansing the
consciences of others come after this of your own; for how can a man be of use
to others who takes no care for himself? Preach to the people as frequently as
ever you can ; for the usefulness of preaching spreads far and wide everywhere;
and amongst all evangelical employments there is none from which greater fruit
for the service of God and the good of men can be expected.
In your sermons
beware of admitting any doubtful propositions as to which there is difficulty,
because doctors are divided. For the subjects of sermons should be chosen from
clear and unquestionable truths, which tend to the regulation of manners and
the reprehension of vices. Set forth the enormity of sin,
enlarge on the
atrocity of the offence to God’s infinite Majesty which is committed by the sinner.
Imprint in souls a lively horror of that sentence which shall be thundered out
against guilty sinners at the last judgment. Represent with all the colours of
your eloquence those most bitter pains which the damned are eternally to suffer
in hell. In fine, threaten them with death, and especially with sudden and
unexpected death, those particularly who neglect the service of God, and who,
having their conscience loaded with many most grievous sins, think nothing of
sleeping on in supine negligence in such a condition. You are to mingle with
all these considerations the remembrance of the cross, the wounds, and death of
Christ, by which He vouchsafed to atone for our sins; but you are to do this in
as moving, pathetical a manner as possible, by figures and colloquies proper to
excite emotions in the mind, such as cause in our hearts a deep sorrow for our
sins, on account of the offence done to God thereby, even so as to draw tears
from the eyes of your audience, who are then to be led to make resolutions of
cleansing their consciences as soon as possible by confession, and of
celebrating their reconciliation to God by due reception of the holy communion.
This is the one true idea which I wish you would propose to yourself for
preaching profitably.
When you reprove
vices in the pulpit be careful never to speak against or attack any person by
name, especially those who are officers or magistrates. If they do anything
which you disapprove, and of which you think convenient to admonish them, make
them a visit, and speak to them in private; or when they come of themselves to
confession, whisper to them in the secret tribunal of penance, what you have to
say to them. But altogether avoid the speaking against them openly; for they
are a sort of people who are commonly difficult and irritable, and they are so
far from amending upon such public admonitions that they are stung by them, and
become furious, like bulls under a gadfly, and rush headlong to perdition.
Moreover, before you
take upon you to give even private admonitions take care that you know them a
little first, and have
some familiarity with
the people whom you wish to correct, so to prepare your way: and then make your
admonition either more gentle or more strong in tone according to the measure
of your favour or authority with the friend you are reproving, so as to be more
free and severe with one who is more bound to you, and more sparing and
cautious with one with whom you are less familiar. Take care always to temper
the sternness ot your reproof with the serenity of your air, a smiling
countenance, and gentle glances, and much more by the civility of well-mannered
words, and the sincere protestation of your love, which is the only thing which
forces on you that unpleasant but necessary attempt to deliver a friend from
the stain which disfigures him. It is good also to add marks of submissive
reverence to the pleasingness of your discourse, with tender embraces, and all
other fitting marks of the sincere goodwill and unquestionable respect which
you have for the person of him whom you are correcting. These things are the
honey and preserves which are mixed with and which season the bitterness of the
dose, unpleasant in itself, and which will turn out of no use if it be
administered without some such condiment to men whose stomachs are likely to
be turned by it. For if a harsh voice, a rigid countenance, or threatening
aspect and a lowering brow should be added to the natural disagreeableness of
so unpleasant a matter as a reprehension, I am very much afraid that men of
such fastidious delicacy and sensitive ears will not be able to restrain their
bile. They have power at their back, they are accustomed to adulation; and it
is more likely, in such cases that they will shake off all restraint and
moderation, and send their inopportune censor about his business, with a good
deal of abuse into the bargain.
For what concerns
confession, how you are to advise others, and they to practise it, this is the
method which I judge the fittest for these quarters of the world, where the
licence of sin is very great, and the use of penance very rare. Whenever you
find a person who wishes to unburthen in confession a conscience laden with a
long accumulation of sin, exhort him in the first place to take two or three
days of preparation, to examine his
conscience
thoroughly, to go back to the first recollections of his childhood, then
through all the various stages of age and occupation which he has passed
through in all his life up to this time, making up the account of all his sins
of deed, word, or thought, and if his memory require it, writing it down and
reading it over. When he is thus prepared, you can hear his confession, after
which it will generally be well that you should not give him absolution at once,
but persuade him to think it over for two or three days, to withdraw his mind
from his ordinary occupations, and by means of meditations adapted to excite
him to sorrow for his sins, out of love to God Whom he has offended, to prepare
himself to gain greater fruit from his sacramental absolution. During those
three days you shall exercise your penitent in some of the meditations of the
first week of the Exercises, giving him the points, and teaching him the method
of meditation and of prayer, and you shall counsel him also to help himself, by
means of some voluntary penance, for example, of fasting or disciplining
himself, to conceive in his inmost heart a true detestation for his offences,
and even shed tears of repentance.
Besides this, you
must take care, if the penitents have unjust possession of anything belonging
to others, that they make restitution in this interval of time; or if they have
injured the reputation of any one, that they retract what they have said; or if
they are engaged in unlawful attachments and have been living in sin, cause
them to break off those criminal engagements, and remove at once the occasions
of their crime. However solemnly and seriously they may promise to do these
things at a future time, it is not safe to trust them without the actual
performance of their engagement. Let them perform beforehand what they declare
that they will do. There is not any time more proper to exact from sinners
these duties, the performance of which is as necessary as it is difficult. For when
once their fervour and excitement of mind have grown cold, and their familiar
enticements have begun to drag them back with fatal persuasiveness to the sins
to which they have long been accustomed and which they have but just left off
for the time, it will be in vain to ask
them to keep their
promise. Before, therefore, you send them away absolved from all their sins,
insist by all means on their anticipating these dangers. Otherwise, so frail is
human nature, you will have to bewail to no purpose their speedy relapse to.
wards the precipice, from the slippery declivity of which you have not far
enough removed them.
In dealing with
sinners in the sacred tribunal of penance, take heed lest by any hasty severity
you frighten away those who have begun to discover the wounds of their souls to
you. How enormous soever their sins may be, hear them, not only with patience,
but with mildness; help out their bashfulness when they find it difficult to
confess, testifying to them your compassion, and seeming not to be surprised at
what you hear, as having heard in confession sins much more grievous and foul
than theirs. And lest they should despair of pardon for their faults speak to
them of the treasures of the infinite mercies of God. Sometimes when they have
confessed some crime with great trouble of mind, hint to them that their sin is
not altogether so great as they may think; that by God’s assistance you can
heal even more mortal wounds of the soul; bid them go on without any
apprehension, and make no difficulty of telling all. It is necessary to use
this motherly indulgence, so to speak, in order to assist these poor souls in
bringing forth their sins, for in truth it is a most painful labour which they
undergo in bringing to birth the spirit of salvation, until at last they have
emptied the whole terrible sink of their conscience.
You will find some of
them whom the weakness either of their age or sex will make them feel more
ashamed as to revealing to you the foul lusts with which they have stained
them-j selves. When you perceive that, meet them more than half wayJ telling
them that they are neither the only nor the first person J who have fallen into
such foul sins, that you have met with far! worse sins of that kind than those
can be which they want the' confidence to tell you. Impute a great part of
their offence to j the violence of the temptation, the seductiveness of the
occal sion, and the concupiscence innate in all men. More than this! I tell you
that in dealing with such persons, we must sometimesl
ll7
go so far and so low,
in order to loosen the chains of this miserable shame in these unhappy persons
whose tongues the devil has by his cunning tied up, as of our own accord to
indicate in general the sins of our own past lives, so to elicit from these
guilty souls the confession of the sin which they will otherwise hide, to their
irreparable loss. For what can a true and fervent charity refuse to pay for the
safety of those souls who have been redeemed with the blood of Jesus Christ? But
to understand when this is proper to be done, how far to proceed, and with
what precautions, is what the guidance of the Spirit and your experience must
teach you at the time in each particular conjuncture.
You will sometimes
meet with men—and I would that they may be few—who doubt of the power and
efficacy of the holy sacraments, and especially as to the Presence of the Body
ot Christ in the Eucharist. This comes from their not frequenting those sacred
mysteries, from their continual intercourse with pagans, Mahometans, and
heretics, or from the bad example given them by some Christians, and even
(which I speak with shame and sorrow) by some of our own priestly order; for
when they see some priests, whose life is not more holy than that of the common
multitude, still go rashly and almost as a pastime to the altar, they imagine
that it is in vain that we teach that Jesus Christ is present in the holy
sacrifice of the mass, for that if He were there present, He would never suffer
such impure hands to touch Him with impunity.
The way you should
take to set these people right is as follows. First establish yourself in their
friendship by courteous speeches and kind manners, and then endeavour by
familiar questions to elicit their private thoughts. If you find in them the
errors I have mentioned, then search out their causes, occasions, and
beginnings. You will thus understand where to apply your remedy, and then do
this with all diligence and vigour, alleging whatever, as the occasion
suggests, may seem to be of use; take great pains to prove clearly the truth of
that sacred dogma, and never leave off till you have conquered, and till they
protest that they are most firmly persuaded with a faith certain
beyond all doubt that
the Body and Blood of Christ our Lord and Redeemer are most truly present under
the species of bread and wine duly consecrated. After that it will not be
difficult to lead them to cleanse their souls in good faith by confession, and
to receive more frequently the sacred banquet of the table of God with due
devotion.
When in the sacred
tribunal of penance you have heard all that your penitents have prepared
themselves to confess of their sins, do not at once think that all is done, and
that you have no further duty to discharge. You must go on further to inquire,
and by means of questions to rake out the faults which ought to be known and to
be remedied, but which escape the penitents themselves on account of their
ignorance. Ask them what profits they make, how, and whence ? what is the system
that they follow in barter, in loans, and in the whole matter of security for
contracts? You will generally find that everything is defiled with usurious
contracts, and that' those very persons have got together the greater part of
their money by sheer rapine, who nevertheless asserted themselves so confidently
to be pure from all contagion of unjust gain; having^ as they said, the true
testimony of a conscience that reprehends them in nothing. Indeed, some
persons’ consciences have become so hardened that they have either no sense at
all, or very little sense, of the presence of even vast heaps of robberies
which they have gathered into their bosom.
Use this method with
particular diligence towards the king’s ministers, commandants, treasurers, the
receivers, and other officers and farmers of the revenue, whensoever they
present themselves before you in the sacred tribunal—in short, with all who,
under any title and right whatever, have anything to do with the charge and
handling of the public money and dues. Interrogate all these people by what
means they grow rich on the discharge and income of their offices- If they are
shy of telling you, search and scent it out in every way, and the most mildly
that you can. You will not have been long on the hunt before you come on sure
tracks which will lead you to the very dens and lairs of their frauds and
monopolies, through
which an inconsiderable number of men divert to their own private hordes
emoluments belonging to the public. They buy up commodities with the king’s
money, and at once sell them again with an enormous percentage for themselves,
raising the price to an immense rate, which has to be defrayed out of the
pockets of those who are under a necessity from their business of coming into
the market as purchasers of that merchandise. Too often, also, they torture
creditors of the treasury with long delays and cunning shifts, that they may
be driven to compound with those sharks of the state by remitting a part of
their due claim, while the others pocket the remainder, which they call the
fruits of their industry, being in reality the booty gained by their most
unprincipled robbery.
When you have
squeezed out of them the confession of these monopolies and the like, drawing
them out by many and cautious questions, you will be more easily able to settle
how much of other persons’ property they are in possession of, and how much
they ought to make restitution of to those they have defrauded, in order to be
reconciled to God, than if you should ask them in general whether they remember
to have defrauded any one. For to this question they will immediately answer
that their memory upbraids them with nothing. For custom is to them in the
place of law; and what they see done before them every day, they persuade themselves
may be practised without sin. For customs bad in themselves seem to these men
to acquire authority and prescription from the fact that they are commonly
practised. You should admit of no such law ; but should declare seriously to
such people, that if they will heal the wounds of their conscience, they must
restore and altogether give up their unjust possessions, which they have
acquired by bad faith. And at the same time point out to them what these
wrongly acquired possessions are, using the knowledge gained by their own
confessions.
Remember to be
especially obedient and docile in all things to the Vicar of the Bishop. When
you are arrived at Ormuz, you must go to wait on him, and falling on your knees
before him, you
should humbly kiss his hand. Neither preach, nor hear confessions, nor teach
the Christian doctrine, nor exercise any other employment of our Institute
without his permission. Never have any contention with him for any cause
whatsoever, or differ from him. On the contrary, endeavour by all submission,
and all possible services, to gain his close friendship in such sort that he
may let himself be persuaded by you to go through the meditations of our
Spiritual Exercises under your direction; if not all, at least those of the
first week. In the same way cultivate the goodwill of all the other priests by
every kind of good office and goodwill, and avoid like the face of a serpent
every occasion whatsoever of dissension and conflict with them. Pay them all
the greatest reverence and the most particular marks of respect, so as to win
for yourself their love in return. From which it will naturally arise that
they may be inclined to trust to you the care of their souls, and accept
without dislike an invitation to make the Spiritual Exercises, if not for the
whole month as we do, at least by retiring from the world in their homes during
a certain number of days, during which you may visit them daily, and explain to
them the subject of their meditations, taking them from those of the first week.
Pay a great respect
and obedience to the commandant, and make it apparent, by the most profound
submission, how cordially you respect him. Beware of any difference with him,
on whatsoever occasion; even though you should clearly see that he fails in his
duty in matters of the highest importance. Only when you perceive that your
attentions have won for you his favour and good graces, be so bold as to visit
him ■ and after
you have duly declared, in the first place, your love for him, and the concern
you have for his honour and safety, then, with all modesty and gentleness of
countenance, speak of the deep sorrow which affects your heart to see his soul
in danger and his reputation damaged by reports of discreditable doings of his
noised about in the world. Then you shall make known to him the discourses of
the people concerning him, which will probably be put in writing, and go to a
far
greater distance than
he would be willing they should, if he bethinks him not in time of giving
satisfaction to the public. Nevertheless do not take this office upon you
before you are well satisfied that his disposition to you is such that it
appears solidly probable to you that he will take in good part your admonition,
and that it will do him real good.
You must be much less
ready to yield to the requests which many will make to you, that you should act
as their ambassador in carrying their complaints to the commandant. Refuse as
firmly as you can such an office, giving as an excuse your continued occupation
in preaching, teaching, hearing confessions, and in the study and thought
which are required as preparation for these duties. These things will leave
you no time for the laborious and tedious business of frequenting the antechamber
of the great, and spending idle hours in their halls to await the rare moments
of obtaining a difficult admission to their presence. You may add that even if
you had the time, and if access to an audience was always open to you, you do
not well know what would be the use of your interference, for if the commandant
be such as they themselves charge him with being, it would be vain to hope that
a man who is touched neither by respect to God nor by a due regard to his
duty—as they themselves assert—would make any account of you if you were to
suggest better things to him.
The whole time that
remains to you after you have discharged your necessary duties should be spent
in the conversion of the heathen to the Christian religion. In choosing between
different employments and ministrations, take care always to consider that
those the usefulness of which is clearly of wider range are to be placed before
others. This rule will teach you never to prefer the hearing of a confession to
preaching in public, never to omit the catechetical instruction fixed at a certain
hour every day for the sake of exhorting any single person in private, or
attending to any similar work which will benefit only one. During the hour
which precedes the appointed time for the catechetical instruction you or your
companion should go through the piazza and streets of the city, inviting all
with
a loud voice to come
and hear the explanation of the sacred doctrine.
You must write from
time to time to the College at Goa, to- tell them what are the ministrations
fitted to promote the glory of God you are exercising, what order you follow in
them, and what fruit results from them in souls, God prospering your own weak
efforts. Take pains that these statements are carefully made, so that our
people at Goa may be able to send them to- Europe, where they will be a sort of
specimen of our work in these parts, and of the favour of God Who condescends
to grant some success to the trifling labours of this least Society of ours.
Let nothing get into the letter which may give just offence to- any one,
nothing that may not appear likely to induce the- readers at the very first
sight of it to praise God and do Him service. You must also frequently write
letters on the same subjects (with all due caution as to the person whom you
address)' to his Lordship the Bishop and to Cosmo Aiiez; imparting to- each the
happy news of the fruit which by the blessing of God results from the labours
devoted to souls in those parts.
As soon as you arrive
at Ormuz, I would have you go privately to visit the best and most truthful
men you can find there, who have also the greatest experience of the manners
of’ the place and of its commerce. Inquire diligently of them what are the
dominant vices there, what are the prevalent kinds of fraud in the matter of contracts
and loans, and so on. When you have found out these things plainly and
certainly,, you will be able to prepare for ready use arguments and remarks
fitted either to open the eyes or to rebuke the obstinacy of persons who may
come to you, whether in familiar intercourse or in sacramental confession, as
to the palliated practice of' usury, or of dishonestly gainful contracts, or of
any other form or shape of the manifold and various wickednesses which are in
vogue in that mart of Ormuz which is so full of merchants of every nation.
Every night go round
the streets of the city, recommending, to the prayers of the living the souls
of the dead who are suffering for their sins in Purgatory. Use few words in
doing this,.
but let them be well
chosen for moving the compassion of the hearers, and begetting in them some
religious feelings. Add some words also to try and rouse them all to pray for
souls stained with mortal sin, and to obtain grace for them from God to emerge
from so wretched a state. At the end of each exhortation give out the
recitation of Our Father and Hail Mary, and say the first words of each
yourself aloud.
Let it be a matter to
which you pay continual and unrelaxed attention, to show yourself to all those
with whom you have to do with a kind and calm countenance, getting rid of every
sign of severity, overbearingness, arrogance, suspicion, sourness, anger, and
threatening. Othenvise, if the people who come to you find that you are set
against them by these signs of evil disposition, they will certainly be checked
and will turn away from you, without giving you that confidence which is
requisite in order that being with you may do them good. You ought much rather
to put on an appearance of courteous affability, using the gentlest and most
winning smiles, and the like, whenever you have to reprove any one in private
on account of some fault of his which requires admonition. At such times you
ought to take the greatest pains in every way, that your countenance and look
may both breathe all charity and kindliness, through which alone you must give
out that you are impelled to make the man whom you reprove your debtor for the
great benefit of wiping away a stain which defiles him, and that it is not any
aversion or feeling of dislike that makes you break out in reproaches against
him.
If there are any
priests, clerics, or laymen who desire to enter the Society and to make the
Spiritual Exercises, and whom you think proper persons to do so, you can send
them to Goa with a letter stating who they are and what they want. Or even if
at Ormuz itself you think that they can profitably help you, you may then admit
them to live with you, and put them to the proof, as far as may be, with the
usual ‘ experiments’ of the noviceship.
On Sundays and
festivals you should preach at two in the afternoon or a little after, either
in the chapel of the Confra
ternity of Mercy, or
in the church, explaining the articles of the Creed to the men and maidservants
and the free Christians and the children of both sexes of the Portuguese.
Before this, send your companion through the streets of the city with a bell,
and besides ringing it, let him give out an invitation to admonish all to
assemble to hear the explanation of the Christian doctrine—unless, indeed, you
prefer yourself to make this announcement in the streets. Take with you to the
place where the sermon is to be the summary of Christian doctrine and the
•explanation of the articles of the Creed, as well as the rule I have drawn up
for passing daily life in a Christian and holy manner, in which is set down the
manner and method in which Christians who are desirous of eternal life are to
worship and invoke God every day, how they are to guard themselves against
falling into sin, and to do all those things which conduce to the certain
gaining of the end of our being, the grace and happiness which we all desire.
Give a copy of this
rule to those who come to confession to you, giving them as their penance for a
certain number of days to do what is there prescribed. They will thus gain a
habit, and custom will make them easily continue of themselves what they have
at first taken up at the injunction of their spiritual father. For they will
have found out how useful a thing it is, and will be attracted by its
pleasantness, for that form, suggests short exercises of devotion, which are
very good : and we have found by experience that many who have begun to use it
after their confessions, have continued to do so to the great profit of their
souls. For this cause I think it best that you not only should give it to those
who have been to confession to you, but that you should communicate and commend
it to any others who are taking some pains about their own salvation, even
though they are the penitents of other priests. And as I see that you cannot
easily have copies enough of that paper to distribute so largely, I would
advise you to pest it up in some public place —suppose, the church of our Lady
of Mercy—written out on -a board, so that any one who wants to use it may be
able to write it out for himself.
When you have judged
any to be fit to help the Society, and have duly admitted them into it, you
must give them the Exercises for a month, according to our custom, and after
this prove them by trials of such a kind as that there may be no appearance in
them of any ridiculous exposure to the laughter of the public. You may tell
them, for instance, to wait on the sick in the hospitals, and to shrink from no
offices, however humble and disagreeable, which belong to such a place, and to
attendance upon them in their cure. You may bid them also go to the prisoners
in the gaols, and devote themselves with all the sedulity of religious charity
to the consolation and recreation of those poor souls. And you may let them practise
in public any other similar duties which unite our own humiliation to the work
of doing good to others.
But do not either
order or permit them to make sights of themselves to the public in such ways as
would cause men to think them mad. I don’t wish the low mob to laugh at them
and to take pleasure in the mimic, and, as it were, theatrical exposure of
such men to ridicule. The people are to be reminded by the sight of them of
their own duties, and to see in them laudable examples of what is right. It
will be so if they never appear in public except in a dress or guise that
belongs to some good work, as when they have satchels on their shoulders and go
from door to door to beg for the indigent, or when in the sight of all they
carry the contributions which they have collected to the asylum of the poor.
These are the sort of victories over self and over the world which they should
gain; and the people when it sees them should be moved to good, and the poor
should enjoy the benefit of what they do.
But even to these
trials, which are very disagreeable to nature, you must not expose them all
indiscriminately. Find out first what each man’s courage is, and what he can do
without trouble. All men have not equal strength—difference of disposition, of
education, of progress in virtue, causes a great difference among novices, and
this difference must be the first thing to be taken into account by any one who
has to rule them, so that he may settle what sort of exercise suits each, that
is, in
what each may be
tried in such a way that it may be fairly hoped that he will make profit of the
trial, according to the measure of God’s grace communicated to him. Unless the
Master of Novices has the gift of discernment, it will easily happen that some
will be burthened beyond their strength, and so will despond, look back, and go
away, while the same men, if they had had a more experienced guide, might
hereafter have made great progress in religious virtue.
There is another evil
in this illadvised enjoining of mortification which exceeds the power and
condition of novices who are as yet tender babes in the spiritual course—for it
causes in them an aversion to their master, and takes from them all confidence
in opening to him their inmost hearts. But you, or any other who has to train
young souls to religion, must provide, with all possible care, that when they
feel in their minds the suggestions either of depraved nature or of the evil
spirit, calling them away from the right path, they should declare them as
soon as they arise, and be perfectly ingenuous in confessing them. Unless they
do this, they will never free themselves from these snares, they will never
make their way through these insidious obstacles to the height of perfection.
On the contrary, these first seeds of evil which they have unhappily taken in
and fostered by their imprudent silence about them, will gradually grow up into
more troublesome disquietudes, until at last they will make them become weary
of holy discipline, and force their poor conquered minds to look back to the
place from which they came, shake off the yoke of Christ, and rush again into
their old free way of living.
If, either from their
own confessions or from any other signs, you find any to be violently disposed
to vainglory, to indulgence of the desires of the senses, or to any other
faults, you may use the following useful way of suggesting to them a remedy
which may suit their danger. Tell them to take a certain time to get together
arguments of every sort, which they may think most efficacious to use to some
one who is either puffed up by arrogance, or given to self-indulgence, or under
the influence of any other disease of the soul under which they may be them
selves suffering, so
as either to put him right if he has already gone wrong, or to guard him if he
is in danger of doing so. Point out yourself the books or the passages, and be
a guide to them in finding matter which may serve their purpose. When they have
made their collection, order them to make sermons out of it, as if they were to
have to preach them either in the church or in the street, or to the
convalescent in the hospital, or to the prisoners in the gaol. Then make them
actually preach these sermons. We may well hope that they themselves will, of
their own accord, use the remedies which they have prescribed to others, and
that these antidotes against what poisons the soul will sooner exert their
power on the minds of the preachers, to which they have been so thoroughly
applied by the deep study and careful thought which they have spent on the
subject, than on the hearers, who only casually take cognizance of the
thoughts of others put before them without any preparation on their part. No
doubt they will be ashamed to fall into a fault from which they have taken so
much pains to deliver other people.
You may, with due
proportion, use a similar device to cure certain sinners of almost desperate
perversity. These men say they cannot command themselves, so as to put away
from themselves the occasions of their sins, or to restore the property of
others which they possess in bad faith. So, of their own will, they remain in a
sinful conscience, deprived of the sacrament of absolution, and quite aware
that they are justly denied it. And yet the disgrace of the sort of voluntary
excommunication in which they know themselves to be involved, to the scandal of
the public, makes them sometimes feel wearied of their iniquity, and also from
time to time, conceive some fears of the danger of eternal damnation in which
they live.
First of all make
these men friendly to you by significations of kindness, and then suggest to
them in their good sense to think over what they would say to a friend who was
struggling with the same difficulties, in order to cause him to rise up out of
the mire and leap out of the ditch into which he had fallen. Ask them
pleasantly to make a sort of school exercise of the
matter, and to take
the trouble in familiar talk with you to see what their own wits will be able
to do in inventing arguments to be used in persuasion of this head. Hear what
they have to say, and approve of it, and then gently retort upon them what they
adduce, and beseech them for the sake of the friendship which is between you to
do the same kind office to themselves which they have done to others, and to
take to their own hearts and apply to their own wounds the medicine which they
think to have so much saving power in removing the diseases of their friends.
God has created their souls to praise Himself, and so to gain their own happiness,
and when He sees them rushing to destruction down the precipitous paths of
vice, He gives them in His mercy this care for the salvation of others as a
sort of handle by which they may be drawn back from death. They ought first to
have true charity for themselves in proportion to the love which they bear to
others; and He lets this last remain, so that they may be turned back thereby
to take the necessary care for their own salvation which they have neglected so
miserably. This same artifice is not to be dispensed with by usr
whom it becomes as long as life remains and as the opportunity of doing so is
not taken away, to leave nothing untried in the way of bringing souls back to
the service of their Creator, and prevent their eternal loss.
There will sometimes
come to you in the confessional men who are engaged in impure attachments, or
who are full to overflowing with booty which they have gained by rapine, over
which they gloat with greedy devotion. As to getting them to send their
mistresses away from their houses, or to restore to others what they have been
despoiled of by their unjust prac- •tices, you cannot bring them to this either
by love or reverence to God, of which they have absolutely nothing left, or by
the fear of death or of hell, to all sense of which they are hardened. There is
only one way of terrifying such persons, and that is by threatening them with
the infliction of the only ills they are afraid of—the ills of this life. To
such men therefore you should declare, that shortly, unless they make haste to
appease the wrath of God, they will find themselves overwhelmed by cala
mities, their goods
lost by shipwrecks, the authorities prosecuting them, by calumnious lawsuits,
tribunals condemning them, by long sufferings in prison, incurable diseases in
the midst of the greatest poverty and destitution, their miseries mitigated by
no consolation, infamy which will brand them and their posterity with an
indelible stain, and the public hatred and execration of all, such as they
remember well were the lot of such and such persons whom you may name, well
known to them, and who deserved such evils no more than they do. Tell them that
no one can despise God with impunity, and that His wrath is all the more
irrevocably let loose on men in proportion as He has more patiently waited for
their repentance. The image of such calamities may well strike them with a
first impulse of the fear of God, which may be the beginning of wiser thoughts,
instead of the madness in which they have hitherto been involved.
Whenever you are
preparing yourself to talk with any one concerning the things which belong to
the worship of God and the salvation of the soul, put in practice this
precaution—not to say a word before you have divined and discovered by any sign
you can note what is the interior state of the man’s mind. I mean whether he is
quiet or under the influence of some strong passion—whether he is ready to
follow the right path when it is shown him, or whether he is in error with his
eyes open, irrevocably wedded to low cares and objects, to which he has been
hitherto in the habit of postponing his religious duties, and seems likely to
do the same for the future; whether he is the subject of temptations from the
devil, or whether he is left to himself and his own nature—in fine, whether he
is disposed to listen to an admonition, or whether he is rough and irritable to
the touch, so that it may be feared that he will break out into a rage if he be
handled too incautiously.
When you have got
some presumptive knowledge on these points, you must adapt your address to the
person accordingly. Speak gently to the angry, quietly to the troubled, use
some appropriate artifice to insinuate your business into the mind of the
preoccupied; be more free and expansive with well-disposed persons, who are
likely to be docile and easily led to
VOL. II. K
anything that is
good. At the same time, never be foolishly fawning to any one, never stop short
at mere compliments, always skilfully mix up some wholesome medicine in what
you give to the sick man, however much he may turn from it, so that by degrees
he may be disposed to a better state. When any one is all on fire with
excitement from a keen sense of recent injury, then do you also blame the deed
of which he complains. If it be bad in itself, then use what reasonings you
can to persuade him that the doer has fallen out of imprudence, and not sinned
through malice. When you see that your man listens to you, and is not
altogether displeased, you may add that God has perhaps permitted this in order
to punish him for some similar offence which he has himself committed. Then ask
him familiarly, whether he remembers ever to have injured any one in word or
deed? Whether, at least, in his youth he was not somewhat illtempered with his
parents, disobedient to his teachers, quarrelsome with his companions, and may
not have given some one or other just cause to'com- plain of him ? And when he
acknowledges this, tell him that he must think it fair that he is now paid off
in kind. For now he has offered him by God a very precious opportunity of wiping
out his former fault. If, on the other hand, his complaint be not just, take
him in hand gently and gradually, pull to pieces the false arguments by which
he persuades himself of what is so far from being the case. Then increase your
boldness little by little, show him a little gentle anger, as he really
deserves, and then, at last, when you feel you can do it safely, give him a
more severe scolding. These artifices, by the blessing of God, sometimes charm
away the illhumours of men so overwhelmed with troubles, and dissolve the sort
of spell by which they have been bound, so as to leave them free and able to do
what is right. When you have thus made your way easy, you must go on with
confidence, and bring your work to the greatest perfection in your power,
spending yourself to the utmost in your desire to do honour to God, and win for
Him the love and reverence of the souls which He has created to love and to
praise Him.
The injunction which
I have given above—namely, that you should find out from men who are well
acquainted with the matter what are the commercial frauds most common at
Ormuz—I would not have confined either to that place in particular, or to
those specific heads of which I spoke. Wherever you are, even if it be only in
passing and on a journey, always make it a point to try to find out as exactly
as possible from good men who know the ways of common life, not only what are
the prevalent crimes or customary tricks of cheating in such places, but the
whole manners of the people there, the opinions and prejudices of the populace,
what the nation is intent upon, what are the peculiar customs of the country,
the mode of government, the method of the courts, the forms of suits, the quibbles
of lawyers, and whatever has any sort of bearing upon the character of the
state or of civil society there. Believe my experience, nothing of all this is
useless for the physician of souls to know, in order that he may at once
understand their I diseases, may easily provide remedies, and may always have
at command a power of readily and quickly meeting all necessities.
This will teach you
what to dwell upon most frequently in your sermons, and what to insist on
urgently with your penitents. This knowledge will arm and prepare you for your
promiscuous conversations with men, and you will be so fortified by it, as
never to be amazed at anything as new, never to be put into a ferment at any
unforeseen occurrence : it will make you feel at home in all the variety of
questions that will arise one after another, it will make you dexterous in the
multiplied business you will have to transact with men of all sorts, and also
give you authority with all. When men of the world are admonished of anything
by religious persons, they generally despise them, because they think that they
have no experience of affairs. But if they find that any one is quite as well
versed as they are and has as much experience as themselves in the common
usages of civil life, they will hold such a one in admiration, trust
themselves to him, and will not hesitate when he urges them even to do violence
to themselves, and to carry
out whatever he
advises them, even though it be arduous. So you see what great fruit may come
from such knowledge, and therefore you must now consider that it is your
business to labour in acquiring it as much as in old days you laboured to learn
philosophy or theology. And it must be sought, not from dead books written on
paper or parchment, but from living books—that is, from men who have had
experience in affairs, and who know well the manners of the people. With this
knowledge you will do more good than if you poured forth upon the crowd whole
libraries of speculations.
Wherever this
learning of which I speak has won for you any kind of authority or
consideration with some, remember that the first proof of your authority must
be to arrange and bring about without fail that they make an examination of all
the sins of their whole life, and then confess them in the sacrament of
penance, and after this endeavour to excite themselves to a true detestation of
these sins in a retreat and by meditations adapted to them, drawing from them
reasons for such detestation from the majesty of God and the love which all His
creatures owe to Him. You may be sure that this is the foundation of everything
good, this is the principal thing, to which all others must be postponed.
In the next place
take pains to extricate them from the entanglement of legal disputes, which
are the seedplots of hatreds and calumnies. Persuade them therefore to put an
end to their lawsuits by the arbitration of friends, and so save a great deal
of money, of trouble, and of reputation. If they ask you to be arbiter, do not
refuse. You can find time for the matter conveniently both for them and for
yourself on Sundays or days- otherwise free from the transaction of business,
when you can hear one after another the complaints or demands of the intending
litigants, and propose some middle plan of compromise, on. which it may be much
better for them to agree than to run the daily risk of falling from their
condition and making a sad shipwreck of their honour, with all the expense, the
weary delay, the great hazards which they would run through the falsehoods of
bribed witnesses, the deceits of impostors, the num
berless snares of the
gentlemen of the law, the labyrinthine mazes of cavilling pleadings, the heat
and bustle of the'tribunals, the perpetual restless battle of alternate
recriminations, which will roll on backwards and forwards like the tides of the
Euripus. If you dwell on these things you will deliver your friends who are
thinking of entering their causes in the courts from the itch for litigation,
and it will be still more easy, in the case of persons who have already become
acquainted with the air of the lawcourts and been wearied by the tumultuous contests
of the tribunals, to make them entertain the advice of abandoning of their own
accord suits which they have begun.
I know this will not
please the attorneys and advocates and other forensic leeches of various
denominations, who get great gains out of the number and length of lawsuits.
When such persons complain of you on this account, you can partly despise their
complaint, partly you should attack in your own way any of them whom you can
reach, making them afraid to practice their mischievous tricks of protracting
causes by interminable delays, and warning them of the urgent danger in which
they lie of losing eternal happiness. And, that they may look well to an affair
of so much moment, you can invite them to a few days of retreat to be spent in
pious meditations.
You are to remain at
Ormuz until you receive letters from me ordering you to go somewhere else.
Write to me by the ships which go to Malacca, directing your packet to
Francesco Perez. I wish you in these letters to tell me precisely and in
particular whatever of moment has resulted from your labours. Francesco Perez
will take care that they are sent on from Malacca to me in Japan, if it shall
please God to send me thither for the service of His Divine Majesty. If for the
space of three years you get no letter from me, nevertheless remain all that
time at Ormuz, however much you may be invited or called elsewhere by any other
person, for for the next three years I think it well for the glory of God you
should remain there, and I give you a direct order so to do.
After the three years
have elapsed, if no letter from me reaches you, you must still remain at Ormuz
until the Rector of
the College of Santa
Fe bids you leave it. So you should then write to him at great length what you
have up to that time done at Ormuz, what fruit you have gathered by the help of
God, what you expect in future; tell him also the distinct command which I gave
you when I went away as to your remaining there for three years, even although
during that time you might have been called away by the Rector at Goa. For the
rest, you may assure him that since the time fixed by me has expired, you are
now entirely at his command, and ready to do at once whatever he may -order
you. At the same time lay before him any thing which, after you have weighed
all before God, may seem to you , worthy of consideration in deciding what is
best either as to the opportuneness or as to the necessity of your remaining
any longer in that post. When he answers this letter, do whatever he commands
you without any excuse or delay. What I have told you as to sending your letter
to me from Ormuz to Malacca, do not understand as if it would be enough to do
that once a year only. I wish you never to let a single ship sail from thence
to Malacca without a letter from you to me, directed, as I have said, to the
care of Francesco Perez.
When on board the
ship in which you are to embark for Ormuz, I beseech you to take great care of
the layman who is given to you as companion. Persuade him to go to confession,
and when you have brought him by your exhortations to a better life, take
diligent precaution that he may not go astray again. On board ship you must
preach on the Sundays, and on other days when you think it well so to do. I
leave all that matter to your own discretion, so as to decide, when you have
considered all circumstances, what is expedient for the moment. In your
sermons make no display of erudition or of memory, reciting a great number of
passages as proofs, or authorities from the old Fathers. Let a few of these,
well chosen, be enough. Let a great part of your discourse be taken up with
graphic descriptions of the interior condition and disorder of souls in a state
of sin. Let your sermon set before their eyes, and let them see in it plainly
as in a mirror, their own restless devices, their cunning artifices, their most
vain hopes and imaginations,.
all the deceitful
designs which they entertain in their souls. Add also the miserable ends to
which all these things lead, unravel the sophisms of the captious suggestions
made to them by their deadly enemy the devil, show them the way to extricate
themselves from his toils, and heap upon them motives of fear to terrify them
if they do not do this.
The truth is, that
men listen attentively to those things above all which reach their inmost conscience.
Sublime speculations, perplexed questions, scholastic controversies, soar not
only above the intelligence of those who are creeping along on the ground, but
also above their interest. They make a great deal of empty thunder and vanish
away without any fruit. You must show men clearly to themselves, if you wish to
have them hanging upon the words of your mouth. But to set forth what their own
interior feelings are, you must first know them ■ and the
only way to know them is to be much in their company, to study them, observe
them, pray with them. So turn over and over again these living books; it is
from these that you will gain everything—how to teach them with efficacy, how
easily to act on and affect and turn and move sinners wThither it
behoves them to be moved for their souls’ salvation.
Do not however
neglect the study of dead books on account of this. Holy Scripture, the Fathers
of the Church, the sacred Canons, ascetical books, and those which treat of
moral subjects, duties, rights, and their distinctions—all these must be
diligently consulted at proper times. It is in them that we find how to remedy
temptations, the arguments by which to persuade, the motives of heroic
affections, and examples of all that is praiseworthy taken from the lives of
the Saints. But after all, these things have no warmth or life, and are of
little avail, unless the minds of the audience are first opened so as to admit
them into their own depths. And the certain key thus to open them is that
picture and representation of each one’s interior state of which I have spoken,
skilfully drawn by a preacher who has full knowledge of the ways of men, and
set in a good light before the eyes of everybody.
Since the King in his
munificence has ordered that what
is necessary for your
support at Ormuz should be provided at the expense of his treasury, you should
avail yourself of this favour from our excellent Sovereign, and accept from his
officials alone the means of which you are in need. What others offer you,
even of their own accord, reject; for it is of signal importance for the
authority and liberty of one who has the charge of souls to be under no
obligation on the score of the supply of his food, which is in fact to owe his
life and breath, to any one of those whom it is his duty to direct in the way
of salvation, and to correct and pull up whenever they go astray. The common
saying is very true as to gifts of this kind : ‘ He that takes, is taken;’ for
he loses all confidence as to finding fault with or using his right of censure
with a man towards whom he has allowed himself to take up the humble position
of a dependent, and thus bound himself to him by the reverence due to a
patron. Hence it is that we are sometimes in such difficulties as to finding
words in which to reprove people who feed us when they deserve reproof; or, if
sometimes our zeal and sense of duty impose on us to do violence to our shyness
in this respect, yet still we do not gain much good, for the people look down
as with a kind of superciliousness as if they were our masters, and had
lawfully purchased that position, as they think, at the cost of the benefits
which they have conferred upon us.
This is true in
general of all—but more particularly is it true of certain persons, concerning
whom I think it necessary to put you on your guard. There are men who are
deeply plunged in vice, and who will yet affect familiarity with you, and will
even vie with one another in seeking to win your friendship by kind offices. It
is not that they have any desire of profiting from your conversation and
discourse so as to amend their own wicked ways, for they have made up their
minds to abide in them to the last. It is that they wish to stop your mouth and
tie your tongue, for their own consciousness of guilt warns them to be afraid
of your censure. I think you should not altogether repel these persons, nor
entirely reject their good offices. Do not refuse eve,n their invitations to
dinner, or their
l37
presents, if they are
slight and of little value, such' as water, fresh fruits, and the like, to
reject which is commonly considered among the Portuguese in the East as an
insult to those who offer them. Let them see plainly, and even declare to them
freely, that you accept their presents only on the condition that they are
ready to take in good part admonitions and exhortations from you; that you also
will promise to come and sup with them on the express understanding that they
will prepare themselves on your invitation to make confession of their sins and
approach the Eucharistic Banquet in Holy Communion. And those little presents
of food and dainties which I said had better not be refused for fear of
injuring your friendship, send as soon as ever you have received them to the
sick in the hospitals or to the prisoners in the gaols or to other indigent
persons. The people will see and approve of and applaud the use which you make
of the presents that you receive, and will absolve you from all suspicion of
liking delicacies or of seeking favours which may turn to your own profit.
As to where you are
to live, you must decide when you get to Ormuz, considering the state of things
which you find there, making your choice to live either in the public hospital,
or in the house of the Confraternity of^tercy, or in a small house near the
church, as shall seem most expedient. If it shall happen that I call you to
come to Japan, write at once to the Rector of the College here, in two or three
different ways by the ships which sail to Goa from Ormuz, asking him to provide
■some one
of ours who may be fit to help and console the people of the lastnamed city,
and to send him as soon as possible fto take your place at that post.
Finally; I earnestly
commend to you to take care of yourself beyond everything else. Never cease to
remember that you are a member of the Society of Jesus. In all the particular
occasions of doing work of various kinds which will present themselves at
Ormuz, your own practice and experience on the spot will teach you what is most
for the service of our Lord ■God. There is no
better or surer teacher of prudence than experience. Be careful diligently to
commend me to Him Who is
the Lord of botli of
us in your own daily prayers, and let those whom you direct in the service of
God do the same. And let my last charge in this long exhortation be this—at
least once a week read over carefully the whole of this paper, lest at any time
you should fall into some forgetfulness of the things which are enjoined to you
therein. May God our Lord accompany you on your voyage and lead you safe to
your destination : and may He also abide with us who remain here ! Farewell.
Goa, March
1549. FRANCIS.
Gaspar Baertz seems
to have left Goa for his mission at Ormuz towards the end of March, not long
before Francis himself started for Cochin, whence he was finally to embark for
Malacca. In the course of the winter two new priests of the Society had been
ordained by the Bishop of Goa; Manuel de Moraes and Alfonso de Castro, both of
whom have been already mentioned. Manuel had been destined by Francis Xavier to
accompany Cipriano on the mission to Socotra, and went to Cochin from Goa to
meet his colleague; but at the last moment Francis changed his mind, gave up
the idea of Socotra for the present, and sent Cipriano to Meliapor, determining
to take Manuel with him to Malacca, and thence to send him to the Moluccas.
Manuel sang his first mass at Goa soon after his- ordination ; Alfonso de
Castro seems to have wished to make a longer preparation, and embarked without
having yet offered the holy sacrifice.
The arrangement to be
made at Goa, now that Gaspar Baertz was out of the question as Rector of the
College there, appears to have cost Francis Xavier much anxiety. We have
already seen that he had had to urge obedience and submission to the secular
Superiors of the College on Father Paul of Camerino.s This
difficulty no longer existed; and Father Paul was a man of very great virtue,
humble, simple, sanctified,, laborious, and a great lover of poverty and
abjection of every kind. He had never left Goa since his arrival, and was to
labour there until his death, eleven years after the date at which we have now
arrived. His chief work was the unostentatious 8 See Letter? 1. and
lii. (vol. i. pp. 360-370).
hard drudgery of
attending to the young native scholars of the College, to whose spiritual and
bodily welfare he was devoted, and whom he succeeded in forming to sober
Christian virtue and to great zeal for the Catholic faith. He was a man of
comparatively little learning, and, it would seem, no talent for preaching; and
his offer of himself to Ignatius, before leaving Rome, as a helper and even
servant to the Fathers who were to be sent by the Pope to India, may perhaps
have been one of the incidents which suggested the institution in the Society
of the ‘ grade’ of Spiritual Coadjutor. Father Paul was quite in his element in
the continual labours of humility and charity to which he had devoted himself,
his constancy in which won him the esteem and veneration of all who knew him.
We are told in particular of his devotion to the sick, especially the poor creatures,
slaves and others, who were to be found lying in the streets, turned out of
doors by their masters—these he used to carry himself to the hospital, and wait
upon with a charity which moved those who saw it to intense fervour.9
Paul was hardly a man for government, and yet Francis Xavier had already
discerned in Antonio Gomez the defects which might render him positively
mischievous. Yet Antonio had been appointed Rector, as we have seen, by Simon
Rodriguez. He was a Portuguese, and as such acceptable to the Fathers his
fellow countrymen scattered over India, and he seems also to have stood very
high in the favour of the Governor. It is probable that, if Simon had never
made the appointment, Francis Xavier would have kept Antonio in a subordinate
place; as it was, he hit upon a middle course, which need not have involved any
inconveniences if it had not been for the character of the two men who by it
were placed almost side by side. This middle course was to continue Antonio
Gomez in the Rectorship of the College, but at the same time to make Father
Paul the Superior of the whole Society in India in the absence of Francis
himself, and therefore Superior also to Gomez.
The following letter
was probably written to serve as a record
* The fullest account
of Father Paul is to be found in Bartoli, Asia, lxvii. p. 734 seq.
of this arrangement,
and we may discern in its earnest exhortations to peace and harmony the
anxiety which Francis felt as to what might happen when his back was turned,
and when he was too far off to remedy any trouble, even by letter. The exhortations
of which we speak are addressed to Father Paul, but it is not difficult to see
that they were meant more for Antonio Gomez than for him.
(lxx.) To Father Paul of
Camerino.
As I am on the point
of departing for Japan, I beseech and entreat you, the Superior of the College
of Goa, by all the desire you have to please our Lord God, and by the love
which you feel towards our Father Ignatius and the whole of the Society of
Jesus, first and above all things endeavour, by very great humility, very
attentive circumspection, by always taking pain§ most maturely and rightly to
make up your judgment in everything, to live in tranquillity, concord and love
with Antonio Gomez and with all our brethren who are scattered in various
places in India. From the intimate knowledge which I have of all the workers of
the Society of Jesus who are at present serving God and the Church throughout
these countries, I am easily led to think that they do not need a Superior to
guide them in the way of the service of God, but still, that they may not lose
the opportunity of earning merit by means of obedience, and because the order of
right discipline so requires, I think it convenient that some one should be
set over them to whom they are to be subject. And so, relying on your modesty,
prudence, and knowledge, I have thought it the best thing to do to put you over
them as their Superior and guide, to whose authority, with the limitations
which I shall presently point out, all are to be subject, whether of our
Society or the extern students at Goa or elsewhere, who have hitherto been
accustomed to obey the orders and authority of the Rector of the College of
Santa Fb. You then will exercise authority over them, until such time as some
legitimate revocation of the same shall be duly signified to you.
And now here are the
restrictions which I wish to place upon that authority, for certain just
causes. In the first place,
I command that
Antonio Gomez is to have full and absolute rule, with perfect right, over the
extern students of the College, whether Portuguese or natives. I also appoint
that he shall have the free administration of the revenues, and all the money
of the College, to demand and receive it from those who owe it, and to spend it
on what is necessary for the house as shall seem good to him. So you must not
interfere in any way with his doing this, nor demand any account from him of
it. Everything also that relates to the dismissal or admission of students,
whether Portuguese or Indians, by him, you must leave to his cognizance and
judgment, approving as good whatever he may decide, and never interposing your
own authority as to anything of the sort. If you have any difference of opinion
with him as to anything of these, give your advice or make your reauest to
him, but never prescribe anything in a matter of this kind in virtue of
obedience. Moreover, I commit to him alone the punishments to be inflicted on
boys of either kind, as well as the whole arrangement of the domestic
discipline, and the distribution of all offices, and the appointment or choice
or rejection of the servants of the College. And I order that he shall discharge
all these duties in his own way, without any questioning or contradiction from
you or any one else.
And here, once more,
because the matter is so important, I beseech you, and, by the obedience which
you have freely promised to our Father Ignatius, by virtue of which I command
you what I now wrrite, I adjure you, and entreat you in every most
efficacious way in my power, that there never come be-, tween you and Antonio
Gomez any discord or disunion, any verbal altercation, any beginning or
appearance of quarrel, but rather the truest brothership proved by signs from
each of you that your wills are perfectly united, and that you have the
greatest love for one another; that you are with one heart bent upon promoting,
each one on his own part, with the utmost diligence, the common good of the
whole household. And this- union of aim should be always manifesting and
declaring itself,.
so as to cut away
every occasion of offence and murmuring whether within or without the College.
Whenever any of our brethern
who are working for the benefit of the people of the Promontory of Comorin, by
continually visiting their villages, may write to you, as Niccolo from Coulan,
or Cipriano from Meliapor, or Melchior Gonzalez from Bazain, Francesco Perez
from Malacca, or Joam Beira and his companions from the Moluccas, to ask for
your help with the Governor or the Bishop whose favour may happen to be needful
to them by reason of some business, or to beg of you for any other kind of help
or service, spiritual or bodily, whatever it may be, of which they chance to be
in need, then leave everything else and devote yourself to the carrying out
their requests with the utmost diligence and charity. And speak to Antonio
Gomez, that he may at once strenuously and with open hand do whatever lies in
him to do in that regard. And when you write to those most laborious and
harassed workers, who are bearing in the sun and dust the burthen and heat of
the day at their own extreme cost and sweat, take care that you never let the smallest
drop whatsoever of sourness find its way into your letter, but let it, on the
contrary, breathe the most exquisite love and sweetness. Let all savour or
shadow of reproach, or complaint, or all mention of anything that may offend
them or make them sad, be utterly absent from what you write. Supply them at
once attentively and liberally with all they ask for as necessary for their
support, their clothing, for the keeping up or restoring their health; for you
must have deep compassion on the great and continual labours which they
undergo, working with all their might in the service of God, and which they
bear up under day and night without any admixture of human consolation.
This I would say most
especially of those who have the care of the Christian congregations in the
Comorin Promontory and in the Moluccas, for these men are most truly weighed
down by the overwhelming burthen of a most heavy cross. So, for God’s sake,
lest they should break down under the weight, be most careful, with the utmost
solicitude of which you are cap
able, that they never
ask in vain or ask twice over for anything >that you understand them to
want, either for the comfort of the soul or for supplies for the body; for if
these last fail them, it is certain that their souls also will grow faint and
give way. They are in the ranks of the fight, you are safe in the camp, which
you have to guard ; and I am so decided in my judgment that this duty of yours
to help them in every way is so just and ought to be so entirely put before
every other, that I do not hesitate to adjure you, in the name of God and of
our Father Ignatius, to strive with all your might to leave nothing undone on
your part in the way of the most extreme diligence in discharging it with the
utmost alacrity, and giving them abundantly, and more than abundantly, what
they demand.
And as to what
regards yourself more particularly, my dear brother, I beseech you again and
again to go on increasing in virtue by continual progress, letting your
wholesome example be like a shining light before the eyes of all, as hitherto
indeed you have always done. Never let an occasion of writing to me pass by. I
shall expect from you long and full letters, telling me a number of pleasant
things about yourself, about the whole community, about your mutual concord,
about the inseparable charity between you and Antonio Gomez, about each of our
fathers and brothers who are working in the Comorin Promontory; about Cipriano,
who is living at Meliapor, about those of the Society who have landed from the
ships which are to come this year from Portugal, who they are, how many of them
have a good talent of preaching to the people, who are priests, who are lay
brothers. I require you to be particular in telling me which belong to these
two classes, their number and kind, their names, their qualities, their
strength, and the virtues which they possess; all must be written out at
length. There are at least two certain ways by which you can keep up this
correspondence with me. Twice every year a King’s ship leaves Goa: in September
for Banda, in April for the Moluccas. Each of them touches at Malacca on its
way, and there is our brother Francesco Perez, who will receive the letters
directed to me, and will take care to send them to me in Japan, by opportu
nities which will not
fail him. And please take care to read over the paper which I leave behind me
for you once every week, and to refresh your memory, not only of my commands,
but also of me myself, in my absence; and I write this to be a spur to you to
make you commend me to God in your prayers, and to have me recommended in the
prayers of the brethren at Goa, and of all your devout penitents, male and
female.
I have charged
Antonio Gomez, that if any preachers come out from Portugal, he is to send some
of them to our stations up and down India—Cochin, for instance, where there is
so much want of a good preacher of our Society—also to the parts about Cambaia,
or suppose, the city of Diu. I recommend the same matter to you also; so if the
ships that are to come out this year bring any good supply of men of our
Society who are good at preaching, arrange with Gomez about distributing them
conveniently, so that by one or other of you they be without fail sent to the
places I have mentioned. And as I am afraid that the many occupations which
your manifold duties of government involve will not easily leave you any free
leisure for writing diligently and minutely to me all these things which I
desire to know, I think you should commit this as a business to our good
Dominic, or to some other of the Portuguese in the house, and order him
carefully to collect and make notes of all things that are worth knowing, the
news of which from time to time may come to Goa by various hands, concerning
our Fathers who are scattered in the various missions or stations, and
particularly about Gaspar, who is at Ormuz. Just before the regular time for
the departure of the ships for Malacca you can collect wliat he has written,
and put it up in a packet directed to me, and add in your own hand anything
that you may happen to have to inform me about in private.
As you have never yet
had the opportunity of seeing with your own eyes the work that is going on in
the various missions which depend upon this College, or what is the state of
the places in which our Fathers are labouring, and as you have had no
experience of the sort of life they lead in the Comorin Coast, at Meliapor, at
Coulan, in the Moluccas, at Malacca,
and at Ormuz, I would
never have you by an absolute command bid any one of those who are working
there come to you. For it may happen that on account of your ignorance of what
is going on in those places you might by so doing give a fatal blow to some
good work already begun, and there might be some matters on which great
exertions have been spent, and which have thus been brought very near a
prosperous issue after having had long to wait for it, which might be
altogether thrown into confusion by your calling away those engaged in the work
at an inopportune moment, and mischief might be done to the cause of the
salvation of souls and of God’s glory which it would be very difficult to
repair. This is the reason why I am writing as I am at this moment to Father
Antonio Criminale, not himself to leave his post at the summons of any one whatsoever,
and not to permit any one of his fellow workers in teaching religion to the
Christians of Comorin to leave his station, whoever it may be who recalls him,
unless, looking at the circumstances on the spot, he thinks it can be done
without any inconvenience. I give the same orders to the others who are on the
same stations, neither themselves to leave work which they have begun, nor to
permit their companions in labour to be taken away from their work and go
elsewhere, for to do this would be to spoil great hopes and to lose precious
opportunities of enlarging the kingdom of Christ, by retiring at an improper
time and at a moment when to do so is greatly injurious to the interests of
God’s service. So it will be more prudent for you never to interpose your
authority in these matters or to give in virtue of obedience a command as to
which you are not sufficiently certain whether it is expedient that it should
be carried out or not.
However, though I
particularly forbid that any one of ours who is labouring in the missions
should be ordered by you to come to Goa, unless you have first inquired as to
their opinion in the matter and ascertained their consent, yet, on the other
hand, if any of them from urgent causes come to you without your orders, I bid
you receive them very kindly, treat them with special charity, and attend to
their wants with all good-
VOL. II. I,
will, whether it be
that they want some bodily remedies or relief, or whether their souls are out
of order, and they have come either of their own accord, by reason of their own
danger, or by the persuasion or bidding of their companions who may feel some
brotherly anxiety about them, to seek some spiritual medicine, confession or
correction, or a few days of retreat. All these good offices you are to show
them with all fatherly charity, taking care that they do not perish, or get any
hurt to their souls. And now, my dearest Brother Paul, I do most urgently
entreat you to observe all these things which I have said in this letter.
Entirely yours,
April
1549. Francis.
We find in the
foregoing letter an enumeration of the stations of the several Fathers in
India, which records the final arrangements made by Francis before sailing for
Malacca. Niccolo Lancilotti was at Coulan, Melchior Gonzalez at Bazain, and
Cipriano at Meliapor. Antonio Criminale was still the Superior of the Fathers
on the Comorin Coast and in Travancore. The strict prohibitions issued by
Francis against the removal of any of these missionaries from their post must
have very much curtailed the powers, which would otherwise have been exercised
by the Superior at Goa. We have seen the severe injunction laid on Gaspar
Baertz with regard to Ormuz. The disposal of the Fathers who might arrive from
Portugal after the departure of Francis is left to some extent to Antonio
Gomez, who is apparently associated with Paul of Camerino in the government of
these new subjects. We shall observe something of the same sort further on. It
is probably to be accounted for by the fact that not only was Gomez a
Portuguese, while Paul of Camerino was an Italian, but that Gomez, as has been
said, had been appointed Superior by Simon Rodriguez, and it was probable
therefore that the new comers, who were likely to be Portuguese themselves,
would be addressed to him. Francis was therefore obliged to provide against any
clash of authority in the way indicated, and he may well be supposed to have
half foreseen the difficulties to which Master Simon’s unfor
tunate appointment
might ultimately lead. But he had now done what he could to secure the good
conduct of the affairs of the Society at Goa, and provided by earnest
injunctions the largest and most charitable succour possible for the hardworked
missionaries throughout India in any need that might come upon them. Here,
again, we may be sure that the rules which he gives to Father Paul were but the
expression of his own overflowing lovingheartedness whenever he had the
opportunity of assisting his brethren. The time was now come for him to sail
again eastwards, and on the 25th of April he embarked at Cochin10
for Malacca, taking with him, as has already been said, Father Cosmo Torres,
Joam Fernandez, Anger otherwise Paul of the Holy Faith, and the other Japanese,
Emmanuel, a Chinese student of the College of Santa Fe, as well as Alfonso de
Castro, Manuel de Moraes, and a brother, Francesco ■Gonzalez.
The three last were destined for the Moluccas. During the few days that the
party spent at Cochin, Alfonso de Castro so won upon all who saw him and heard
him preach, that the inhabitants petitioned Francis to leave him with them to
found a college of the Society. But Francis was inexorable. Alfonso was
destined to win a crown of martyrdom in the Moluccas.
10 It was on
this voyage to Cochin that the anecdote occurred which is mentioned vol. i. pp.
hi, 112, of Don Diego di Norona, who was at first scandalized by the familiar
manner in which Francis conversed with the .-sailors, soldiers, and others who
were on board with him.
The voyage of Francis Xavier and his little band
of companions from Cochin to Malacca was prosperous, though Lucena speaks of
one storm in the course of the passage, when the captain was so alarmed at the
danger which threatened his heavily-laden vessel that he had given the order to
throw some of his cargo overboard, but was prevented by the intercession of
Francis, who assured him that the wind would fall, and that they would sight
the land before night. All came about as he had said. But this incident
probably belongs to a later voyage to the same place. This voyage, however, had
its memorable conversion. A man of noble birth was one of the passengers, and
he was accompanied by a wojnan with whom he was living in a scandalous manner.
Francis, as usual, made himself the intimate and affectionate friend of this
poor sinner, and paid him so much attention, without taking the least notice of
the well- known profligacy of his life, that, as Lucena tells us, those on
board the vessel were inclined to say of him as the Pharisee said of our Lord,
that if he had been a prophet he would have known what sort of a person his
chosen companion was. When they disembarked at Malacca the victory was won.
‘ Sir, it is now time
!’ said Francis. The man was at his feet in a moment, he made his confession,
provided for the poor woman, and began to lead a good life.
Francis was received
with great joy at Malacca. He had not been at that city since a short time
after the great defeat of the Acheenese fleet; and besides, the zeal and
charity of Francesco Perez and Rocco Oliveira had produced a great change for
the better in the population. They came to meet him at the port, singing the
canticles of the Christian doctrine which he had taught them.
Francis himself, in a
letter which we shall presently insert, ..gives an account of the extraordinary
fervour and almost superhuman exertions of Father Francesco Perez and his
companion. The humility, poverty, and mortification in which they lived,
preached as powerfully as the words which the Father uttered in the pulpit, and
they had already received several applications from men who desired to be
admitted to the Society. As they had no power to receive postulants, they could
only .give the applicants the Spiritual Exercises, and practise them in some of
the trials which were usual in such cases. The most conspicuous of these
recruits was a young Portuguese ot noble family, nineteen years of age, Joam
Bravo by name. He had probably come out to India to seek his fortune either as a
soldier or a merchant, and had chanced to sail to Malacca from Goa in the
King’s ship, bound for the Moluccas, commanded by a relation of his own, Don
Diego Sousa, in which ship Francesco Perez and his companion had been conveyed.
Bravo was* attracted to thoughts of a more perfect life, and to the Society, by
observing the holy, mortified lives of Perez and Oliveira. After making the
Exercises, he would have returned at once to Goa to seek his admission from the
hands of Francis Xavier, but that the arrival of the Father at Malacca was
known to be so close at hand that he might have crossed him on his way. Bravo,
therefore, waited. Meanwhile, he struggled vigorously to conquer himself in
all possible ways, waiting on Perez and the other as their servant, attending
the sick in the hospital, going about the city to beg for food and alms: a
greater humiliation to him than it might have been to others, as he was well
known and had many noble relatives who laughed at him and reproached him.
Francis Xavier received him into the Society, and took the pains to give him a
carefully drawn paper of instruction, which is happily preserved to us. Joam
Bravo afterwards became a very eminent Father in the Society, and spent his
life in the Indies.
The time passed by
Francis at Malacca before embarking for Japan was rather more than three weeks,
as we are told that he arrived on the last day of May. Before proceeding
further with our
narrative, we may here insert some of the letters written during this interval
of preparation. The first is to the King, in which Francis formally announces
his intention of sailing, without fail, to Japan. It is pleasant to find him
speaking so gratefully of the assistance afforded to him by the Governor of
Malacca, Don Pedro de Silva, who remained airways a firm friend to Francis
Xavier. He was the third son of the great Vasco de Gama, the discoverer of the
route to India by the Cape of Good Hope. On his return to Portugal Vasco was
made a Count, and also created Lord High Admiral; and we shall find Francis
speaking of him under these titles. His eldest son was Estevan de Gama, of whom
we have already heard, as Governor of India before Martin Alfonso de Sousa. The
second son was Cristoval, the famous captain in the Portuguese invasion of
Abyssinia in 1541. Pedro was the third son. The fourth will appear later on in
our history in colours as dark as those in which his three brothers are painted
are bright. He was the Don Alvaro d’Ataide, the ‘Capitan’ of Malacca in 1552,
who opposed to the utmost the embassy to China, on which Francis Xavier had
reckoned to secure him an entrance into that country.
(lxxi.) To
John III. King of Portugal.
Sire,—I had often
heard and deeply considered the many and marvellous things which various
persons—and those good judges in the matter, as having been themselves on the
spot— report concerning a remarkable disposition which is observed in the
island of Japan for the reception of our holy religion. Upon this I thought
that I ought strongly and urgently to beseech our Lord God to vouchsafe to let
me feel some interior movement in my heart which might signify to me whether it
were His holy will that I should go thither, and also to give me strength to
accomplish what He might command me. It has pleased His Divine Majesty to grant
my prayer. For I feel the most intimate certainty and conviction in my mind,
that it is expedient for the service of God that I should go to
The c Capitan’ of Malacca.
Japan. This has given
me a ready and vigorous confidence, and I have put an end to all delay in the
matter by sailing from India, that I may follow the undoubted call of God, Who
urges me on to this voyage by frequent and strong interior impulses.
We have now got as
far as the port of Malacca on our way to Japan. There are two of our Society
with me, and three Japanese Christians, lately converted, but very good. After
having been fully instructed in the mysteries and doctrines of the life and
teaching of our Lord Jesus Christ, they were baptized at Goa in the College of
Santa Fe. They have learned to read and write in our manner, they recite the
prayers of the Chunh, and make meditation at regular hours. What moves and
affects them most of all is the consideration of the labours and sufferings of
Christ, and the remembrance of His cross and death. They often meditate upon
these things with very deep and strong sentiments and very tender affections.
They have exercised their minds with very great attentiveness in the ascetic
mediations of Father Ignatius, and have carried away from them most remarkable
fruits in the clearer knowledge of God. They frequent of their own accord the
sacraments of confession and communion, and they feel urged to join us in this
voyagi to their own country by great desires of leading their own people to the
religion of Christ.
We, the six whom I
have mentioned, arrived at Malacca on the lait day of May of this year 1549.
The Commandant of the fortress of Malacca has received us with the usual
kindness. He at once offered us most readily all the favour and assistance
tiat could be expected from him towards the carrying out and promoting this
expedition of ours,—undertaken, as it is, with g-eat hopes of serving God and
pleasing your Highness : and hs sedulous carefulness in all good offices has
gone far even oeyond the courtesy of his words. He has put himself to so much
pains in seeking for us a comfortable ship, and providing us with every other
convenience for going whither we are found with all safety and ease, as to
fulfil most abundantly all tie liberal and kind promises which he made to us on
the
first day of our
landing here. Nothing could exceed his extreme courtesy in readily and with
full goodwill offering to us whatever was in his own power to give; and as for
what had to be obtained for us from others, by canvassing, influence, and
request, he has exerted himself so much in bringing people round to us by every
effort in his power, and doing all he can to make them well disposed to us, and
he so has worked in our cause in a way that has shown us signally his very
tender charity towards us, that we feel ourselves quite unable ever to reward
his goodness to us as it deserves. If he had been our own brother we could not
have expected from him any greater or more efficient kindness. So that I pray and
beseech vou, Sire, that, for the love which you have for God our Lord, your
Highness will condescend to repay in our stead the very great debt we owe to
Don Pedro de Silva on this account. He has commanded that we should be largely
supplied with whatever is necessary for us, not only for our support during the
voyage from this place to Japan, but also for our expenses anc sustenance
during a considerable stay in that country, as well as for the building of a
chapel in which we may offer the holy sacrifice of the mass to God. For this
particular purpoie he has given us thirty measures of the best pepper picked
out of the whole quantity that was then at Malacca. He has also given us many
beautiful and very costly presents to ofer to the King of Japan, that he may be
favourably inclined to us by means of them, and so be more easy in admitting us
into his kingdom and tolerating us there.
I tell your Highness
all these particulars, that you msy understand what benefits and honours I
receive from your faithful subjects in the Indies. I really believe, Sire, that
I shall spedc the simple truth when I say that no one ever came to India wlo
has received so much honour and favour from the Portuguese who reside there as
has been shown by them to me. The whde of this I owe to your Highness, and to
your frequent and efffcient recommendations of me to those who are the
administrates of your Highness’s royal power throughout the countries cf the
Indies. And as among them Don Pedro de Silva, the Com
mandant of your fortress
of Malacca, has been signally eminent in assisting me, paying me honour, and
making me presents, and has bound me to him by a series of benefits which my
own want of means and power forbid me from ever returning in kind as they
deserve, I beg your Highness to allow me to find in your liberality the means
of supplying the deficiency caused by my poverty. I shall gain all I want if
your Highness will vouchsafe for my sake to show large and bountiful favour to
this good officer, and to others who have made me so deeply their debtors, and
thus repay back to them that which I owe to them without having the means of
rewarding them.
May our Lord God of
His infinite goodness and mercy fully .and thoroughly enlighten the mind of
your Highness with the clear knowledge of His holy will, and give you moreover
the grace perfectly to execute what you know to be pleasing to Him, exactly as
you would rejoice to have done at the moment of your death, when you will be
placed before the judgment seat of God to give an account of all that you have
done throughout your whole life. Most strongly do I again and again beseech
you, Sire, not to be slow about at once doing, in preparation for that last
trial and decisive moment, everything that can now be done in the way of
dispatch and anticipation. For at the time of our last sickness, and when
death is at hand and draws nigh, then the wretched mind of the sick person is
so fixed upon what it has to suffer for the moment, the anguish, the bitter and
numberless sorrows which then press upon it, as by no means to have time to
attend to other cares or thoughts except those which that terrible scene, which
then for the first time presents itself to the soul, strikes home to it
—thoughts very sad indeed and very tormenting, though to no profit, the images
of which no one can form for himself unless he has had experience of them.
Your Highness’s
useless servant,
■ Francis.
Malacca, on the
I'east of Corpus Christi, 1549.
The next letter,
written at the same time, is to the Fathers •at Goa.
(lxxii.) To Fathers Paul of Camerino, Antonio Gomez, and
Balthasar Gago.
May the grace and
charity of our Lord Jesus Christ be ever in our souls ! Amen.
I write these few
lines to you hurriedly, for I am quite sure that you will not fail to be pleased
to hear how our voyage has fared, and about our arrival at Malacca. We sailed
from Cochin on April 25th, having first experienced there an incredible amount
of kindness at the hands of the Franciscan Fathers. They received us with the
greatest show of charity, and there- was certainly no room for any suspicion
that it was not sincere. We owe them very much on that account, and shall
always acknowledge that we owe it. Our run to Malacca took us not quite forty
days. We arrived there strong and vigorous, both myselt and Father Cosmo Torres
and the rest; no one was ill, no one had even sea-sickness, or even the
slightest tendency to internal derangement. The weather during the whole
voyage was very fair. No danger or even alarm from the Acheenese pirates. Such
prosperity did it please our Lord God to grant to that our voyage, to Whom we
one and all pay very great praises and thanksgiving on that account, and we beg
also that you will do^ the same for us. We disembarked at this port of Malacca
on the last day in May.
The Commandant and
the whole city, from the highest to the lowest, received me with great marks of
joy and goodwill. Onour first interview I commended to the kindness of the
Commandant the voyage we intend to make to Japan. He at once in the most ample
manner offered all that was in his power, and then carried out in deed with
very great diligence- what he had promised. He has shown so much kindness and
activity that he has wonderfully bound us and all our Society to him thereby.
In all the pains which he took about our business his very great love to us was
conspicuous. Indeed, for our sole sake and at his own expense he was willing to
fit out
and send a Portuguese
ship to Japan, and he would have done it also, if he had been able to find a vessel
fit for the purpose. When this plan became impossible, he bethought him of a
Chinese vessel of the form which they call a junk. The captain of this is a
Chinese, by name Ladro, and though an idolater, he has a home and family at
Malacca. This man promised that he would take us straight to Japan, but the
Commandant did not think that it was safe to trust too lightly to the word of a
heathen, so he exacted a contract, by which the man pledged as the security for
the promise he had made his wife and his whole household property, on condition
that unless it be shown by letters in our own handwriting which he brings back
from Japan that he has taken us thither straight according to the agreement,
his wife whom he leaves at Malacca and all that he possessed in the Portuguese
dominions should become confiscated to the royal treasury. Besides this, the
Commandant has furnished us in the most provident liberal manner with all
things that we require for the voyage as far as Japan, and for establishing a
home there for ourselves. He has also spent two hundred gold pieces upon
presents for the King of Japan, to make him favour us and our preaching. We
sail to Japan in a straight course, without making any delay at all in the
ports of China. We trust that God will prosper our voyage, and bring us in
safety to that country where His holy Name may be glorified, being made known
by us first of all to those blind nations.
On Trinity Sunday
Alfonso duly offered his first mass to God, with solemn music and all full ceremonies,
having a deacon and subdeacon to assist him. A great number of clerics in
surplices came in solemn procession to the house of the Confraternity of Mercy,
where we were lodged, and conducted the new priest, whom we also followed, to
the principal church of the town, and after the mass was over they brought us
back to the same place. He was assisted in this function by the Vicar of the
Bishop and our Father Francesco Perez, Father Cosmo Torres doing the part
ofdeacon. The same day I preached a sermon to the people, who were wonderfully
delighted and deeply moved to reverence at so grand a ceremony, having never
seen a first mass
offered to God with so much ceremony so carefully observed.
I expect to receive
from you a letter, lengthy and diligent, telling me clearly and particularly
both all about the general state of the whole College, and how each one of the
fathers and brothers who are living there are, how he is in health, what he is
doing, what progress he makes, how industriously and how fruitfully he is
labouring. You will grudge me a thing which produces the sweetest possible
fruit in my soul, if you cheat me of any part of this information which I
desire so much. Besides this, I desire to know how many of our Society have
landed from the ships which have come from Portugal, of what quality they are,
how many of them are priests, or clerics, or lay brothers, whether any of them
have a gift for preaching, and how great a gift, and what other good endowments
they possess. I should like this subject of itself to fill two or three sheets
of large paper. Lastly, tell me about all our brothers in the Comorin Coast,
those who are at Coulan, Meliapor, Ormuz, and Bazain; write so as I may know
everything as if I had it there before my own eyes. This letter I wish one of
you two, Father Paul or Father Antonio, to write to me, and besides that, I
wish you to tell each one of our fathers and brothers who are living with you,
that I beg them very much not to think it too much trouble to write to me
letters of their own telling me the state of their souls. Such is my special
affection to each one that it will be a delight to me to hear what are the
heavenly gifts by which each one is refreshed by God, what are his peace and
joy of mind, what the alacrity with which he presses on to perfection by his
service to God our Lord. I should wish also that some one of the native
students—suppose Diego of Mozambique—should write to me in the name of all, and
do not let our people wait till I extract from them letters in return by
sending them letters of my own to begin with, for though I have quite charity
enough for this, yet I have not leisure enough, as all may easily see. I wish
this letter to be communicated to them all, and they each one to receive it as
written to himself by name. All these letters which I speak
of are to be sent, as
I have before told you, to Malacca to Francesco Perez, who will take care to
send them on straight to me in Japan.
Remember yourselves,
and take care, I beseech you, that all our Fathers and brothers remember also,
earnestly to commend to God in their daily intercessions and prayers, the Commandant
of Malacca as if he were myself. The benefits he has conferred upon us and upon
the whole Society are so splendid, that we are altogether unable to repay him,
unless we obtain help from the almighty beneficence of God our Lord to make up
for our poverty and weakness, and so free us from the very disgraceful stain of
ungrateful hearts. The letters from Lisbon or Coimbra or Rome from Father Simon
or others which you will receive directed to me, I have already told you to
send to Malacca by the ship which leaves Goa for Banda; but if they do not come
to hand in time for that, then let them at least be put on board the King’s
ship which is to be sent in April to Ternate, and by the same means and
occasion do not forget to inform our Fathers in the Moluccas of all that has
happened worth mentioning in Europe and in the Indies.
But if you shall see
in the bundle of letters for me from Europe any that have the royal seal upon
them, as to these I give you this particular order. You must unseal those
copies of them which come to you by the first ship, and read them, then make
them up again into a packet and send them to Malacca. I wish these letters to
be read first by you two, Father Paul and Father Antonio, for this
reason—because I think there will be in them some mention of two matters of
business for the full execution of which in my absence you will have of
necessity to do something. A long time ago I wrote to the King about Donna
Isabella, formerly Queen of Ternate, the mother of the King who reigned there
before the present King. When I was there this lady became a Christian by my
ministry.
I also wrote about
Balthasar Veloz, a near connection of the King of the Moluccas whose sister he
has married; a man full of great love to our Society, who is very diligent and
very useful indeed in working for the conversion of the heathen to our
Lord. The King is
always so kind to me that I have reason to hope that he will answer me on these
two heads, and indeed I expect that very probably certain royal diplomas which
I have endeavoured to obtain in favour of both these persons who have deserved
so well of religion will be sent along with these letters to me. If it turns
out that I am not deceived in this, then I again and again entreat you to
forward these diplomas, with the greatest care, to the charge of our Fathers at
Ternate by the royal ship which leaves Goa for the Moluccas in April.
But if the King’s
letters say nothing about this, and if there is not to be discovered in the
whole packet any letter from the King directed to both or at least to one of
these two persons, then I beseech you Father Paul and Father Antonio to go at
once to call on the Lord Governor and pray him very earnestly to let
examination be made whether in the packet of letters from the King to himself
which has just arrived, there be found orders as to an annual pension to be
paid to Queen Isabella; or as to a certain honour or exemption granted to
Balthasar Veloz by favour of his highness. And if these are found, then prevail
upon the Governor both to do of his own accord everything else that may be
necessary to give a full practical effect to the liberality of the King, and
also to intrust the diplomas to you, who will take care that they be delivered
to those whom they concern. That which relates to the Queen Isabella it will be
enough for you to commit to our Fathers who are stationed at Ternate; as for
that which is for Balthasar Veloz, I think you should address that yourselves
in a special packet with letters from you, filled with every kind of expression
of gratitude and desire to serve him, taking great care to let him see that by
doing benefits to those of ours who are within his reach, he binds to himself
all the members of the Society in every place to a return of goodwill, which
will always show itself by efficient service whenever occasion arrives.
And now, Father
Antonio Gomez, I urge upon you in the strongest and most urgent manner I can,
to show with all diligence to the Reverend Fathers of the Order of St. Francis
and
St. Dominic—I had
almost said, not only reverend, but to be honoured by us as the blessed in
Heaven are honoured—the highest possible charity, the most humble veneration
and the most obsequious devotion in every thing, not only paying exquisite
respect to them as a body, but also proving to them each singly, as you have to
deal with him, your true and most sincere love by means of every kind of
courtesy and attention. And make it a rule that every kind of dissension with
them, every beginning or appearance whatsoever of rivalry or jealousy, is to be
avoided by you and by all of ours as you would avoid a wild beast or a venomous
serpent. And as to this matter consider this—that in order to prevent feuds,
and in order to extinguish in their very birth the enviousness and the
suspicions which are the seeds of discord, nothing can serve more efficaciously
than that every one of our Society should show the utmost modesty at all
times, modesty not at all put on or false, but founded on that intimate
lowliness of heart which induces of itself to all external humility. And I
would have you by no means keep shut up in your own minds these your thoughts
and affections towards those most honourable religious of those illustrious
Orders, but show them in action, visiting them courteously from time to time,
and as far as may be upon any occasions which you may take advantage of, or
even which you look out for, winning their goodwill by all kinds of honour and
attention ; and let the public itself see this, so that those who desire to
see priests contending with one another, may understand at once that they must
hope for no spectacle of the sort from you or on account of you. Moreover you
must make it a study to win to yourselves the very populace itself and every
human being of whatever kind where you are, and cause all to bear you goodwill,
for their own sake. For that is the only way for you to be able to help them
for the salvation of their souls. And the principal means and hope of gaining
this kind of popularity—popularity not sought for the sake of gain, but in the
cause of religion—lies in this, that in all your words and deeds and gestures
you show in your daily conversation the perfectly modest composure of a mind
that despises itself, true
fraternal love
amongst yourselves, and towards all others ir> general the most unfeigned
charity, ever ready to show itself in acts.
This last matter, I
mean as far as relates to love among our own people for one another, I wish
you, Father Paul, who are the Superior of the rest, to consider as particularly
addressed to yourself. Take it in good part that I pray you here again once
more, and that I beseech you to leave nothing undone that can make you an
object of love to our brethren who are under your rule, and to think it a much
more important thing that they love you with all their heart than that they
obey your very nod. What follows now is for all of ours in India. I now give
them warning that they should be prepared in mind and ready at a signal, if
perchance I should find that there is greater opportunity of working with ease
and profit in Japan than where they are, and should call them to come in large
numbers to the richer harvest there. I quite expect that I can hardly fail very
soon to summon some of them thither, and that the rest will have to follow
after no long interval, as soon as the first successes have given us a pledge
for further hope.
All of you take the most
constant care that the Bishop may always have towards you the most lively
goodwill and the most hearty favour. I would not have you content yourselves
with mere signs of honour and barren declaration of veneration as the proofs of
your devotion to his service—you must go beyond even all manifestations of the
most submissive reverence to him, and as far as he may permit you, take upon
yourselves a share of his labours, and by very readily putting on your own
shoulders a part of that immense weight of work which is so heavy upon him, of
his care of all the Churches, in as far as he may desire to let you bear the
burthen for him, relieve the grey hairs of that excellent old man and father,
the supreme ruler of what belongs to the Christian religion in these parts. You
must accomplish to the very utmost all his commands, and execute his desires
even if they are only hinted to you by a nod, and in this matter I would have
you make no limit at all to your obedience to him, except only that which is
the utmost limit
of your whole
strength strained as far as is possible to you with all the exertions you are
capable of.
In the next place, I
must communicate to you the anxiety which torments me, that, as far as our
moderate powers allow, we should repay the great debt which we owe to our
excellent and most liberal King for the great benefits with which he so
unceasingly honours us, and also to the Portuguese in India for the very great
love with which they treat us. It is easy to see that it is not in our power to
return their good favour in any other way than by prudently and constantly
applying ourselves, by means of the ecclesiastical ministrations of our
Institute, to the work of securing the eternal salvation of the Portuguese
wherever they are, either passing from place to place or fixed as residents.
This work especially requires good preachers, and it has been long a pain to me
that such preachers are sadly wanted in many settlements of the Portuguese,
which are now numerous enough and are in great need of such helps. Even if we
had not a duty of gratitude to make us supply such a need, we should be obliged
to it by a feeling of common charity.
Now this want is felt
more especially in Cochin and Bazain. For this reason I feel obliged, Father
Antonio Gomez, to order you in virtue of holy obedience, that when the
preachers who are expected very soon from Portugal arrive, you send one of them
at once to Bazain and another to Cochin, even if there come no more than two,
and there should be no one left for the College at Goa. For you yourself can go
on doing that work as you have done hitherto; and see that you make no delay at
all about this. Besides that my own formed opinion and certain judgment make me
give this order, I have also pledged myself as to this to his lordship the
Bishop, to whom I now write that I have ordered that it should be so done,
every other consideration being postponed. May God our Lord in His infinite
mercy thoroughly impress upon our minds a clear knowledge of His own most holy
will, and at the same time furnish us continually with strength to obey it,
with all that utmost and full perfection with which we should rejoice to have
obeyed it at the moment of our death.
VOL. II. M
I explained to you in
the letters which I wrote from Cochin how necessary it is that a house should
be given to the Society at Coulan, to which our fathers who are labouring in
the instruction of the Christians along the Comorin Coast may betake
themselves, and from which they may start from time to time, and in which there
may also be set up a school for the boys of those countries; to which also our
missionaries who break down under the immense fatigue of that work they have to
do, whose strength gives way from time to time and who contract very serious
diseases, may be taken and receive all due care. So, my brother Antonio Gomez,
arrange with the Governor and with the Chief Treasurer to find some way of
bringing about this good work, which will not bear delay, by sending as soon as
may be to Father Niccolo at Coulan some money or some other means by which he
may be able at once to set in operation so very urgent a business.
What I am now going
to add concerns you, Father Balthasar Gago, for I want your help in a certain
business. I have already charged Father Paul and Father Antonio to send me information
about our domestic affairs, under which name I may include all that relates to
the persons, the houses, and the acts of our fathers and brothers of the
Society in India. But it is necessary also, or at least very useful, that I
should have intelligence of what goes on in distant parts and what is done by
extems. This business I have set apart for you, confiding very much in your
charity towards me, so I pray you take the trouble for me to look through the
letters and despatches concerning European affairs which are brought to India,
and also to make inquiries of persons who come out hither, and then from what
you have read and heard make a selection for me, under these heads which I
mention. What is the condition of our Society at Rome? How much has the College
at Coimbra increased? Whether in either place any, and how many, of ours offer
themselves to be sent out to help us here ? Does the business of the mission
to ./Ethiopia go on well, or is it abandoned ? Has the Patriarch who was to
have been sent out here,been as yet named? How soon is it said that he will
sail? What is our
good Father Simon
thinking of, or what is he doing? What are the reverend fathers of the
Franciscan and Dominican orders undertaking in India ? What is the fruit which
results from their labours for souls ? Have they had supplies of their own
brethren sent out to them from Europe, especially of preachers? I wish also
that you would particularly tell him whether our good friend Cosmo Anez is well
and flourishing ? With what good success does our Lord God prosper his home and
family? And then at the end tell me what I delight to hear about yourself, your
health, your progress in the spiritual life, the desires you feel of doing
great things and suffering hard things for the glory of Christ. And although I
know that you will do all this of your own accord and very willingly for my
sake, because you are so good and kind, nevertheless I add, in order that you
may not be deprived of the merit of obedience, that I distinctly order you to
do it. And lastly, I inform you that you must be ready and prepared, and look
for a signal from me that you are to start, for I shall call you out here
sooner than you think.
Once again I address
myself to you, Father Antonio Gomez, charging you most urgently, that if our
fathers on the Comorin Mission should bring to you their requests or
complaints, or those of the Christians whom they have to look after, who are
sometimes wretchedly oppressed by violence and injustice, from the Commandant,
you exert yourself strenuously to help him, leaving every other business aside
for this, in which you should get Ruy Gonzalez to help you; as he is the Patron
and father to those poor people, and has much influence with the Governor, he
will be both able and willing to collect them powerfully.
And now it remains
that I should beg the prayers of all of you to strengthen our great weakness in
this perilous, doubtful, long, and laborious voyage of ours to Japan. I
beseech you therefore all alike, as many as live in the College of Goa, to have
the kindness to implore in your daily prayers and sacrifices the special help
of God for Father Cosmo Torres, for Joam Fernandez, for Paul the Japanese, and
his two com
panions, Manuel the
Chinese, and Amador, and lastly for myself.
We are told here a
great many things about Japan which fill us with the greatest hope that our
voyage thither will lead to results which will abundantly repay the labour.
They say that you can see there far and wide the fields white with the harvest,
that many of the people are wearied with their ancestral superstitions, that
many are desirous to hear about the law of Christ, the reputation of which has
reached them with very great commendations \ they show us letters also of some
merchants dealing in the kingdom of Siam, who testify that some Japanese had
landed there and had been heard to say that their countrymen wished to see some
European priests come amongst them to teach them the true doctrine concerning
God. Such are our hopes, and we are eager to fly to the spot where they may
become true, our hearts full of spirit and of that confidence which is a sort
of augury and presage, and which finds nothing too great to promise to itself
in the way of success. But may God grant that our own sins may not intercept
the rich streams of gifts of grace and heavenly succours, without an abundant
torrent of which all labour for the conversion of the heathen is. in vain!
Farewell. Your most devoted brother in Christ,
Malacca,
Feast of Corpus Christi, 1549. FRANCIS.
It is evident that
Francis Xavier was anxious to start as soori as possible for Japan. He was
already aware of what he afterwards mentions in his letters, that to reach
Japan that year he must leave Malacca in June. We may attribute to the
shortness of the interval which he had at his disposal the inability of the
Commandant of Malacca to find a Portuguese ship in which he might embark. We
are told by the historian of the life of St. Francis that many Portuguese merchants
came forward to offer their vessels for this purpose. It was thought that the
presence of the Apostle on board any ship would secure her safety from' the
great dangers of all kinds by which the navigation to Japan was beset. But the
ships were not ready for sea : repairs were wanting to one, another had not
completed her cargo, another
was not yet manned.
For some reason or other, every Christian ship was at this moment unavailable.
Paul of the Holy Faith is said to have made a pungent remark on this occasion.
< All this
happened,’ he said, ‘ by a singular providence of God. If the Japanese his
countrymen had seen on the one hand Master Francis preaching the holy law of
God, and at the same time and place had also seen, on the other, the Christian
merchants doing things contrary to the same law, they would have formed their
judgment of it rather from the deeds of the merchants than from the words of
the preacher, and would have told Master Francis, how could it be that the
Christians looked forward to the good things of heaven after death, if they
lived now as if there were no goods but those of this world ? He thanked God,’
he said, ‘ that no European entered Japan along with Francis.’
The mention of the
Bishop’s Vicar in the foregoing letter introduces us naturally to what the
biographers of Francis Xavier tell us of another great triumph of his charity
which was gained during this stay at Malacca. It has already been said that the
city was never altogether converted by his preaching, and it was to be the scene
of his last and most terrible disappointment. It would appear that one reason
at least for the comparative stubbornness of a part of the population was to
be found in that which is the greatest affliction that can befall a Christian
community—the bad example and the negligence of the chief of the clergy. The
Vicar of Ormuz, to whom Gaspar Baertz was instructed to pay so much submission
and charitable attention, was a man whose life was a scandal to religion.
Alfonso Martinez, who had been Vicar at Malacca for thirty years, was another
instance of a lax and negligent ecclesiastic, though we are not told whether
his life had been positively bad in the ordinary sense of the term. He had
always been a friend to Francis Xavier, who, on his arrival at Malacca this
time, found him dangerously ill, and what was far worse, in a state of despair
as to the salvation of his soul. He had lived all those years in a state of
carelessness, and now that his last hour seemed to be approaching, he passed
from indifference to melan
choly, and from
melancholy, as we have said, to despair. In vain did his friends try to rouse
him to confidence in the mercy of God: he replied only by howls and groans,
declaring that for him the time of mercy was past. At last, when he was told that
Francis had arrived, it seemed as if a ray of hope had pierced the gloom of his
heart, and he endeavoured to rise from his bed and dress himself that he might
go to meet his dear friend. But he fainted away from weakness on making the
effort. Francis was soon at his side, exhorting him to confession in his own
loving and forcible manner. But at first he was unsuccessful: a fresh access of
despair fell on the poor soul which had so long neglected its duties, and
Francis seemed to plead in vain. At last he turned to God in ardent prayer, and
bound himself by vow to offer a large number of masses, in honour of the most
holy Trinity, our Blessed Lady, the Angels, the Saints, and for the holy Souls
of Purgatory. Martinez was softened, made his confession with great contrition,
received the last sacraments, and expired peacefully in the arms of Francis
Xavier. The Vicar mentioned as assisting at the first mass of Alfonso de Castro
may probably have been the successor of Martinez, as we are not told that the latter
held his office down to the time of his death.
The remainder of the
letter which has last been inserted is remarkable, even among the letters of
Francis Xavier, as an evidence of the thoughtful and tender anxiety with which
his heart lingered over the brethren whom he had just left behind him in India.
He had not long parted from them, and we cannot suppose that he had not given
them, before leaving Goa, many of the injunctions, about writing to him both as
to the external affairs of their mission and the state of their own consciences,
which are here repeated. Even the little boys of the college are to let him
know how they are. He would gladly write to each one of his brothers, but one
letter must do for all. Again, all must pray much for the King, and for Pedro
de Silva the good Commandant of Malacca. Great care is to be taken about
keeping up the best relations with the Bishop and with the members, all and
each, of other religious orders in Goa.
Then his mind runs
off to the Queen Isabella of the Moluccas, and to Balthasar Veloz, for both of
whom he has asked certain favours from the King, which the fathers at Goa are
to see, if possible, secured to them without delay. Then again, he is not
content with the letters which he hopes to receive from Fathers Paul and
Antonio Gomez, the Superiors at Goa: he must have Father Balthasar Gago
epitomize for him all the news which arrives from Europe, and all matters in
India external to the immediate affairs of the Society. On the other hand,
Francis says but little in this letter of his own expectations as to Japan, and
we might suppose that it was written before the arrival of the good news as to
the embassy from a Japanese prince asking for instructions in Christianity
which came to cheer him before he left Malacca; unless indeed, as was likely,
some other letter was written to Goa at this time, which has not been preserved.
Alfonso de Castro and
his companions were to sail for the Moluccas, but perhaps would leave Malacca
after Francis himself. Our next letter seems to have been sent to Joam Beira
at the same time.
May the grace and
love of Jesus Christ our Lord always help and favour us ! Amen.
The Fathers who are
now leaving this fpr your parts will tell you with all fulness all about our
brethren who are dispersed in various places in India, and who are everywhere,
by the grace of God, labouring usefully for the propagation of the kingdom of
Christ, as well as about those who are working in Portugal, and what fruit
results from the labours of all. As I am sure of this, I can spare myself the
trouble, by no means light, of writing at great length to you what you will
hear much more conveniently and leisurely from them, who are fully furnished
with all the information on these subjects, and will give it you in familiar
conversation by word of mouth. As for myself, I have to tell you that I have
now made up my mind and determined
to sail to Japan,
since I have learnt from competent sources that the natives there appear to be
admirably disposed to receive the preaching of the doctrine of the Gospel in
such a way as to give hope of great fruit.
We go together, six
in number, three Europeans and three Japanese. These last are very honest men
and very good Christians. They were baptized at Goa, and learnt, in the College
of Santa Fe, to read and write in our language. Each of them has made the
Exercises for a whole month, with very great fruit to his soul, and up to this
time they have gone on adding to this fruit by daily and by no means small
advances. They are all impelled to return to their country by their great
longing to communicate to their friends and families the treasure which they
have found for themselves, and of leading their fellow countrymen away from
foolish superstitions and reconciling them to Christ, the only light and
salvation of the world. It is said that some of the great people in Japan are
thinking of sending an embassy to the King of Portugal, to ask him to send them
some priests who may preach to them the law of Christ. We all go in very high
spirits and confidence, hoping that some remarkable fruit will come from our
voyage, the almighty power of our Lord God helping in His mercy our own weak
efforts. I am now pretty well aware how much good can be done in these parts;
and if, when I reach those islands at the end of the world, I come to think
clearly that more return for our labours may be justly expected there, I mean
to call you all to join me, and transplant you to work in places where a larger
harvest may be reaped. So you must prepare your hearts and work up your zeal
even now, that nothing may prevent you from obeying me without delay, as soon
as you receive my letters calling you away to Japan.
Father Alfonso is to
go to you, and his station is to be at the fortress of Temate, where he is to
preach both to the Portuguese and their slaves and servant-girls, and also to
the free native Christians. He is also to explain the Christian doctrine every
day, as I used to do when I was there; and once a week he is to explain the
articles of the Creed and the Ten Command-
merits to the wives
of the Portuguese assembled in a separate congregation, and to teach them also
the way of properly and profitably frequenting the sacraments of penance and
holy communion. When I called to mind what I saw there when I was on the spot,
it seemed to me expedient that Father Alfonso should stay at least a year at
Ternate, and even for a longer time, if it seemed useful to you, forming your
judgment from experience of the present. He is a clever and able person; and
after he has fully discharged his ministry for the good of souls, I think he
will still not lack leisure, industry, and influence for the transacting of any
business of yours, or of the Christians in the islands in which you are
stationed at various places for the purpose of instructing them, providing you
in due time, from the mart there, with whatever you may want, and, as often as
it may be necessary, gaining the favour of the Prince of Ternate, or of the
Portuguese Commandant or Treasurer, on behalf of you or your friends.
Manuel de Moraes and
Francesco Gonzalez are on their way to you, to be under your authority at the
Moluccas. You have great reason to rejoice that these two, as well as Alfonso,
whom I have already spoken of, are sent to you. They have all of them those
gifts from wrhich you may well expect great assistance. I am looking
for letters from you telling me that j you have been gathering in a rich
harvest into the garners of the Church where you are. Would that they might
tell me that the Kings son had become a Christian ! I knew, when I left, that
he was thinking of something of the kind. As to the islanders of the Moor, what
will they tell me ? Will it be that there is a sign of hope that they are about
to return to a better mind, and make peace with us ? As for your people at the
Moluccas, I wish to know whether they show any inclination or disposition to
believe the preaching of the Gospel. Also as to the neighbouring countries, if
any good news of the same kind should reach you concerning them, I beseech you
do not cheat me of it. How glad I should be to hear from you that a door was
opened to the Gospel at Macazar; that Tolies or Celebes seemed not averse to
the Gospel! Do not fail to
tell me how the Prince
of Ternate behaves with regard to the Christians; whether he shows any, and how
much, favour to the ministers of the Gospel and the whole affairs of religion.
Tell me everything of this kind fully, so that one may be able to judge in what
proportion the fruit corresponds to the labour spent in that part of the world,
and whether it is expedient to send further supplies to increase the number of
our workers there. Take care to inform our Father Ignatius at Rome, and Father
Simon Rodriguez at Lisbon, as to how many idolaters have become Christians
where you are, what progress the converts have made, what sort of constancy
they show under persecution, what are the number of sermons delivered and
sacraments administered, what profit in souls results from the sacred
administrations of the priests, and how assiduous and strenuous they are in
their ministrations. And also any other tidings of the same sort, which may be
published in Europe and rouse the minds of those who hear them to give praise
to God.
But in writings of
the kind I speak of two things must be carefully observed: first, to make a
selection of what you insert, leaving out whatever may give offence by casting
reflections upon any one, and whatever it may cause unpleasantness to mention,
and also to be prudent in adapting your whole style and tone to the gravity
becoming an ecclesiastic; so that your accounts may be such as may be passed
from hand to hand, made public, and communicated to externs as well as to ours,
as soon as they arrive in Europe. For you must know and consider that such
descriptions of what is being done in such remote parts of the world are much
sought for and eagerly read throughout Spain, Italy, and elsewhere. So that it
is very proper that we should take very peculiar care and caution as to what we
write to be sent thither, in order that our letters, which will certainly fall
into the hands not only of friends but also of persons not very favourable to
us, sometimes even of those that have some jealousy or hostility to us, may, if
it is possible, give satisfaction to all, and stir up all to give thanks to,
and congratulate with, God and the Holy Church, and, at all events*
never afford any
legitimate cause to any one of offence or sinister interpretation. I would
also have you write circular letters to the same purpose to all our brethren
throughout India, to give them the good news of the happy success of what you
are doing for the glory of God. '
When you have
occasion to ask anything of the Lord Governor or his lordship the Bishop,
write privately to Antonio Gomez, and ask him to manage the business for you by
a private interview. Ask him also for what you may want for the support and
clothing of our fathers and brothers. I have told him to be at your service for
things of that kind, and to take care that all the supplies which you let him
know that you are in need of be duly forwarded to you by the ship which is
usually sent every year from Goa to Ternate. Lastly, you must take care to keep
me informed, by letters by no means perfunctory, but going fully into detail,
as to all that may happen, good or bad, concerning your own labours, the issue
of the preaching of the Gospel, domestic discipline, and the progress in virtue
of all of ours; all which letters, as well as those which I have already
enjoined upon you, you must duly seal up and send to Father F. Perez at
Malacca, to whom I have given in charge to avail himself diligently of the many
opportunities which that crowded mart affords of ships sailing in every direction,
so that the letters may be faithfully forwarded, and the correspondence between
us, which is so necessary for the government of the Society, may be carried on.
If any of our Society
should wilfully fall into a fault for which he ought to be expelled from it
(and, as you know, an obstinate refusal to obey would be among the chief of
such faults), then, according to the arrangements which I have made with his
lordship the Bishop, and which I communicated to you last year, you will order
such a one in virtue of holy obedience and under pain of excommunication to
present himself as soon as possible to his lordship, by whose authority he must
hereafter be guided, because the Society will no longer acknowledge him as her
child. And what I have thus ordered you/you must clearly let each one of those
whom you have
with you know so to
have been enjoined upon you, that every one may understand at what peril he may
commit such a fault. And let no one flatter himself that, however much he may
fail •in his resolution to gain perfection, and however slow and obstinate he
may be, that he may nevertheless consider it certain that he will remain and
persevere in the Society.
May God bring us
together in His holy glory! for as for this life, our pilgrimage lies in such
different directions that it •does not seem very likely that we shall at any
time meet. Farewell.
Malacca, June 20,
1549.
P.S. A fear occurs to
my mind, when I think of the occupations you have where you are, whether you
have leisure enough to write the letters which I have spoken of to our Father
Master Ignatius, Master Simon, to all our brethren in India, as well as about
your own affairs to Goa. So I suggest to you the means of making the work
shorter, which I now •state. You will have, as I have said, our good Alfonso at
Ternate. I think that you should order to be sent to him from all the stations
of ours throughout the Moluccas accounts, however hastily made up, as long as
they are true and exact, of all that is done, stating what kind of ministerial
functions our priests are discharging, with how much exertion, and what fruit
of souls; whether they are exposed to any persecutions, of what sort and from
whom, how much constancy they ■show in resisting
them, and what victories and successes they gain by the aid of God. They should
state also what are the ■dispositions and
conditions of mind among the heathen in those parts, and what hope there is for
the future from them. And as Alfonso is not only prudent, but also fluent, with
a good style and hand, he, out of the accounts sent to him, will •make up
letters in the name of you all such as it is well to send to Europe and India.
Moreover, he will manage any business you may have, partly with the Commandant
at Ternate, partly by means of Antonio Gomez at Goa. He will leave to you one
only concern of which you cannot at all put off the bur
then on to the
shoulders of another,—the business, namely, of writing to me, as I by all means
desire, and as it is necessary that you should write, as to the state, the
spiritual progress, the talents, the virtues, or the imperfections of each one
of ours who are fighting out there under your leadership.
It is said
here that you have been killed in the Isles of the Moor ■ but these
rumours can be traced to no authority. We do not mean to give ear to such evil
reports; and we hope, on the other hand, that by the good favour of God our
Lord you will live many years yet to work in His service. If, however, contrary
to what we believe and desire, then I give orders that all of our Society who
are at present in the Moluccas, or shall hereafter arrive there, are to obey
Father Alfonso. As to this matter, I here subjoin an order, which is to be duly
promulgated, as follows : ‘ Father Ribera and Niccolo Nunez, if Father Beira
should die, are to obey Father Alfonso. Manuel de Moraez and Francesco
Gonzalez, who are in the Moluccas, 1 order you in virtue of holy obedience,
that if Joam Beira should have happened to die, you acknowledge Alfonso de
Castro as Superior, and obey him. But if, as I think most probable, and as I
hope is the case, Joam Beira is still alive, I desire and command both of you
to obey him exactly as your lawful Superior.' Francis
The date of these
last letters shows that the term of the short stay made by Francis and his
companions in Malacca was nearly expired when he wrote them. The Feast of Corpus
Christi fell that year on the 20th of June, and Francis was to sail on the
24th. Yet the number of letters which remain- to us, dated before his
departure—though it is probable that some which he wrote at the time have not
been preserved— shows us how much he must have been occupied with his correspondence
during the last half week. We may, however,
■ well
suppose, as has been already said, that he began *his letters long before he
finished and dated them. The next two letters in the collection are addressed,
the one to the Society at Rome, the other to the Society at Coimbra. They are
almost abso
lutely identical in
their contents, and it seems at first sight more probable that Francis only
wrote one, which was copied at Coimbra in a somewhat shorter form, and thus
forwarded in copy to Rome, than that he wrote both the letters, as they remain
to us, in full. But, on the other hand, it was undoubtedly his custom to write
the same letters twice or three times over, and we cannot think that the
collectors would give us the letters twice over unless two separate copies had
been made by Francis himself. We shall give the copy which seems to have been
made last of the two, as it is somewhat fuller than the other.
We find mention in
this letter of the desire of one of the princes of Japan to become a Christian,
and of his sending an envoy to the Governor of the Indies to obtain teachers.
The story about the Portuguese merchants who were put into an old haunted house
by the Japanese is highly characteristic both of the times and of the country,
which has retained even down to our time that jealousy of foreigners which
shows itself in excluding them as far as possible from unrestrained
intercourse with the population and from residence amongst them. We may defer
any remarks on the remainder of the letter until after its insertion.
(lxxiv.) To the Fathers and Brothers of the College of
Coimbra.
May the grace and
love of Christ our Lord always help and favour us ! Amen.
I wrote to you at
full length last January, and besides this, I feel confident that all our
brethren who are scattered about in these parts, each one from his own station,
has done the same, according to my orders to them, telling you what rich and
happy fruit of souls this vineyard of the Indies produces, and how prosperously
the Christian religion increases in growth, not only in the royal garrisons,
but also in the other towns which belong to the heathen.
I came hither from
India last April, in order to embark at this port of Malacca for Japan. I have
two of our Society with me—one a priest, the other a lay brother—and also three
Japanese converts whom I have first had well instructed in fundamental knowledge
of the mysteries of our Lord Christ and of the Catholic Faith, and then
baptized at Goa. They were instructed in the elements of the Christian doctrine
in our College of Santa Fe, where they also learned to read and write in our
language. They also made the Spiritual Exercises for a month with very great
attention and extreme desire to profit from them. Nor was God wanting on His
part to meet this goodwill of theirs which He had Himself prepared, for He gave
them very deep feelings as to the immense benefits which they had received from
the great liberality of Him their Creator, which they then gratefully thought
over for the first time in their lives, blaming themselves for and weeping over
their former blindness as to acknowledging the same. This made them feel such
burning affections of the love of God in return, of devotion, and other like
virtues, that all of us who used to live with them at that time would have
thought ourselves very well off indeed if we had been affected in like manner.1
They are now using
with much care the proficiency which they have gained of reading and writing
after our manner, in acquainting themselves with writings, generally those
which explain the mysteries of our Lord, and in reciting at a certain hour
every day the Psalms and other prayers of the Church. I asked them once, when
they were doing this, what part of such volumes they felt the greatest delight
in reading aloud, and they answered me that it was the history of the
sufferings and
1 This
sentence is a little varied in the copy of the letter addressed to I Rome: •
1
After duly receiving baptism, they exercised themselves with great I diligence
and equal fruit in meditation on the truths relating to man and gto God. But by
the singular goodness of God they were so strongly roused (to the knowledge of
His heavenly bounties towards them, and they were loaded with divine grace to
such a degree, that we may well wish that all of you might share in the great
blessings which God, so to say, heaped upon them with a full hand.’
death of Christ.2
What confirms what they said is, that we have observed them give all signs of
tender compassion at any chance mention or remembrance of the pains and death
of the Lord Jesus; and not only this, but turn to the thought of themselves, go
back to it from time to time, and that they are invariably very deeply moved at
that consideration. All the time that they were making that month of retreat at
Goa, we used to see that they were visited by wonderful joy and heavenly
sweetness, and often melted into calm and happy tears.
Before they were put
under the training of the Spiritual Exercises, we had kept them for several
months at learning by heart the articles of the Christian faith and the
mysteries of the life of Christ, and in making their minds familiar with the
cause of the Incarnation of the Son of God in the womb of the Blessed Virgin
Mary, and the whole plan of the redemption of mankind. I have often asked them,
which of all the sacraments of the Christian law seemed to them of most
salutary use ? and they always answered that, on account of their usefulness
and universality of application, which extended to every kind and circumstance
of condition and place, they gave the first rank of all principally to two
sacraments, those of holy Penance and of holy Communion. They used to add, that
all the doctrines of the Christian religion appeared to them to hold together
so aptly among themselves, that they thought that no one of sound judgment
could help approving of them if ever he came to know them. I have heard one of
these men, who is called Paul of the Holy Faith, sighing deeply and exclaiming,
‘ O unhappy people of
Japan, who adore the creatures which God has made in order that they may be
your servants f I said to him, ‘ Paul, why do you talk so ?’ He answered, ‘ I
pity my poor fellow countrymen, who give divine honour to the sun and moon,
whereas those stars are servants to those who acknowledge the Lord Jesus, and
by His command they give
1 The Roman letter goes on as follows :
‘ They therefore make
this their chief reading and meditation. As long as they were making the
exercises they received so much heavenly joy from them, and so many pious
tears, that the effect remained for many months.’
177
light to men by day
and by night, that they may use that light to understand the glory of Jesus
Christ the Son of God.’
But to return to our
voyage. We arrived at this city of Malacca, three of the Society with three
Japanese, on the 31st of May of the year 1549. We were met as soon as we landed
by consistent statements of many persons at once, who vied one with another in
telling us wonderful news as to the very excellent hope that might be
entertained of the great likelihood of success for the preaching of the Gospel
in Japan. Their authority consisted in some letters which they showed us,
lately received from some Portuguese merchants their friends who were trading
in that country. In one of these letters it was stated that a certain Prince in
these islands of Japan, a man of great wealth and power, wished to become a
Christian, and had already sent an ambassador to the Governor of India to ask
in his name that some teachers of the Christian religion might be i sent to
Japan, by whom he might be instructed in the faith.
There were some other
letters directed to me personally, which informed me that some Portuguese
merchants on landing at a certain city in Japan, and seeking for a place of
abode where they might lodge, had had assigned to them by the petty Prince of
the district some buildings which had been left without inhabitants, because
experience had proved that they were much infested by ghosts. The Portuguese
entered them without knowing anything of this inconvenience, which the Japanese
very cunningly said nothing about. For some nights they were continually
surprised to find that when they lay down to rest the clothes and coverings of
their beds were pulled off, without their being able to see any one. At last a
servant of their party was frightened out of his wits in the dead of the night
at the appearance of a terrible spectre, and cried out so loud in betrayal of
his fright that he woke them all up. They leapt up from their beds, seized
their weapons, and ran to the poor fellow who was shouting, as if they were
going to repel a night attack made by thieves. But they found the door fastened
and the servant safe and alone. They asked him why he had made such a noise,
and he could give no account of it, except that he had
VOL. II. n
seen a most terrible
appearance, which, however, had vanished when he had made the sign of the
Cross. After this the same servant set up a great many figures of the Cross in
various places about the building and at the doors of the rooms. Meanwhile,
the neighbours, who knew all about it, came to ask how the strangers found themselves
in the haunted house, and they were full of wonder at their remaining there so
long without hurt. And as it chanced that they had heard the servant shout out
in the night and the noise made by the^others in running to his assistance with
their weapons, they asked the next day, what had been the reason of their panic
that night? The Portuguese then stated what had happened to them, and the
Japanese confessed that the building had for a long time been considered as
infested by a certain evil spirit. As that kind of plague is common in those
parts, they asked the Portuguese, if they had any remedy at hand which would
cure it, to be so kind as to say so and communicate it to them. The Portuguese
answered that nothing was more efficacious for the driving away of malicious
spirits than the sign of the Cross. Soon what had happened and what they had
said got to be spread abroad widely, and crosses made of paper, or wood, or any
such substance, were to be seen at the doors of nearly all the houses in the town
; the natives, who were often wont to suffer great molestation from the visits
of hellish ghosts, making use with great eagerness of the defence which had
been made known to them against such assaults.
The same letter,
addressed to me, also added, that the Japanese nation appeared to be extremely
well disposed to receive the preaching of the Gospel. It is very circumspect
and prudent, judging of things by motives of reason, and also wonderfully
curious to learn anything new that is brought to it. For this reason I for my
part have conceived a great hope, relying on the assistance of God, that very
considerable fruit will result among some of the Japanese, perhaps in all of
them, and that a great number of those wandering souls will join themselves to
the fold of the holy Church, unless indeed our own sins hinder our Lord God
from vouchsafing to use us as the instru
ments of His glory.
Still, I did not all at once act upon these fair auspices which seemed to
invite me to the expedition. Since then, I have long and carefully deliberated
in my own mind, looking out and searching by all possible indications for some
sign of the will of God in this matter.
However, when once I
had clearly recognised in myself the intimation and conviction that it was
altogether the desire of God, and that it was a matter which His service
required, that I should go to Japan, I gave myself up to the plan so entirely
and irrevocably, that it seemed to me that if I were now to desist from what I
had begun, I should be more wicked and more detestable than the very idolaters
of Japan. I am confirmed in my purpose because I see that the enemy of the
human race is setting a great many devices in motion in order to make me give
up the thought of it, and this makes it by no means obscure that he dreads no
small defeat and destruction to his own interests if it is carried out. He may
make whatever disturbance and opposition he will, and we shall go on all the
same in perfect carelessness as to the empty bugbears he may raise. We have
got ready all that is wanting for the celebration of the Holy and Unbloody
Sacrifice, with which we intend to offer the Sacred Host, and so take
possession of those countries and nations in the name of Christ our King. What
may be the success attending our first beginnings, you will fully learn next
year, if God wills, by letters which you will then receive from me.
I h;ive already made
up my mind, as soon as ever I disembark, to go to the King of all Japan
himself, wherever he may be, and lay before him the message which I have for
him from the Supreme Emperor of all nations, our Lord Jesus Christ. I am told
that the King has always with him a large band of men of letters, who are full
of confidence in their own genius, learning, and eloquence. I do not fear much,
relying on God, from the opposition of all their learning; for what good learning
can people have who do not know Jesus Christ?3 And as
3 The letter to Rome continues thus :
‘ But he who looks to
nothing else but the grace of God, the preaching of the Gospel, the salvation
of souls, what shall he refuse,' what shall he
we care for and seek
for nothing else but the glory of God and the manifestation of Jesus Christ
unto the salvation of souls, what kind of loss or danger can there be of which
we ought to be so very much afraid? It is true that we are defenceless and unarmed,
yet it is easy for God both to shield us from all harm in the midst of the
hostile armies not only of the large nation we are going to, but also of the
devils who are so much irritated against us, and also to help us to be
conquerors. And if anything else please Him, we do not count it bitter,
whatever it may be that is according to His will. In such case as this, it is
victory even to fall, provided that the body alone fall, and the mind remain
unconquered.4 There is only one kind of wound at all that is to be
feared, and that is when the mind is wounded by giving consent to sin. But as
God our Lord is wont to give to all sufficient grace to serve Him and to
abstain from sin, we trust in the divine mercy that this grace will by no means
be denied to us. All that is good or bad in us consists in our using well or
using ill the grace of God, and we rest with very great confidence, first on
the merits of our holy Mother the Church, the Spouse of Jesus Christ our Lord,
and then specially on the merits of all who belong to the Society of Jesus, and
of all the faithful of both sexes who are serving God under their advice or
direction; so that, with all these embracing us under their patronage and
assisting us by their prayers, we hope to be able to co-operate faithfully with
and make good use of the grace which God our Lord will offer us in due time.
It is a great comfort
to us to know that God, who judges the inmost feelings of the human heart, sees
clearly with what wish, with what aim, with what prayer, and in search of what
it is that we are moved to undertake this voyage to Japan. Our
fear? For if we shall
find ourselves not only in the land of barbarians, but even in the realm of
devils, yet no barbarism, no rage of demons will be able to hurt us, except by
the permission and concession of Almighty God. ’
4 Letter to Rome :
‘ One thing alone we
fear, least we offend God Himself; and if we avoid offending Him, we promise
ourselves certain victory over our enemies, He favouring us.’
own consciences tell
us that in that expedition we seek and desire nothing else at all, save only
that we may lead the souls of men, created in the image of God, to the
knowledge of their Creator, that the Supreme Author of all things may be
praised as He deserves by the creatures whom He has made in His own likeness,
and the frontiers of the empire of our holy Mother Church, the Spouse of
Christ, may be advanced and her realm enlarged. And so we go glowing with
vigorous confidence, and we venture to presume and reckon on as a thing certain
and as if our hope had received a pledge of its fulfilment, that this voyage of
ours to Japan will unfailingly issue in happy and joyful success. There are two
things which support me against all the threats and preparations of the devil,
who is already threatening hostilities and letting us know clearly enough that
he means war to the knife, in order to frighten us from our course. The first
of these is, as I have just said, the conviction that God knows with perfect
clearness the rectitude of my intentions in undertaking the voyage. The second
is, the most certain knowledge of the entire and absolute dominion of the will
of God over all created things, so that no one of them can do anything at all
except by the permission of God. And that this law binds the devils themselves,
and that, however much they may wish to hurt any one, they cannot do so unless
they first obtain leave from God, is clearly seen in the history of Job. The
sacred Scripture bears witness, that his most savage enemy Satan could not in
the slightest degree harm that holy man without the assent and pleasure of God.
I say all this
because it is a matter of the greatest certainty that the passage from Malacca
to Japan which we have made up our minds to attempt is beset with very urgent
and imminent danger of death of a dreadful kind. There will be all the extreme
violence of most furious storms, there will be danger that cannot be detected
beforehand from hidden rocks and quicksands, there will also be the risk of
fierce attacks from the pirates who infest those seas. The fear of these perils
is by no means a vain fear, as is proved by the number of examples increasing
with the number of those who make the venture, in
which persons who
have attempted this voyage have been shipwrecked or reduced to slavery. It is
commonly said here that it is a matter of experience, and which cannot by any
human means be avoided, that out of all the ships which sail from this or any
other neighbouring port for Japan, one in every three is lost by one of the
three causes of destruction which I have mentioned—storms, rocks or shoals, and
pirates.
I have often, in
thinking of these things, had the fear come into my mind, lest most of the
learned men of our Society, when they are sent out here to preach the Gospel,
and come to experience for themselves the severe labours that are requisite,
and the very great risk that there is to body and life, which, from the very condition
of the enterprise we have in hand and the state of affairs as they are here, we
are obliged to expose to continual danger, might have a kind of scruple about
it, as if we were committing the fault of rashness, and as if all this were in
some way to tempt God, which the sacred Scriptures speak of so severely. But
when I have thought over the whole matter at full leisure, I did not find it
difficult to get rid of the objection, and to lay aside all fear. For I am
confident that the fatherly Providence of God over our Society will in His own
sweet way bring about, that all those noble gifts of learning and eloquence
which the men I speak of have brought to our Society, may be so tempered by
our training and the holy discipline of religious life, as to be always under
the control of the Holy Spirit, Who will animate these men as He does the other
members of the Society.5 Unless this were to happen, I for my part
should have great fears for them, nor should I be able to feel at rest, having
before my mind continually what I remember to have heard our blessed Father
Ignatius say, that the true children of the Society of Jesus ought to make
great exertions in order to conquer themselves, and to seek out means of
driving away from their minds those terrors of things that appear formidable,
s The
letter to Rome has it thus :
‘ But when I have
recollected myself, I cease to fear, since I am confident that the spirit of
the Lord which dwells in the learning and learned men of our Society would
moderate all this, otherwise learning would bring much more hurt than
advantage.’
which hinder men from
putting their full hope and entire confidence in God. For though a lively hope
and faith of that sort be a gratuitous gift of God, which He bestows on those
on whom it pleases Him to bestow it, nevertheless for the most part He gives it
to those who keep a stem hold over themselves, and who leave nothing undone by
means of which they may obtain the full subjugation of all their feelings, out
of their love for God, to considerations of His divine service and glory.
There is, believe me,
a wide difference between those who trust in God while they are nevertheless
furnished with all things which are necessary for the support and convenience
of life, and those who do the same in extreme destitution and entire want of
all the supports of life, into which state they have thrown themselves of their
own accord for the sake of imitating Christ. And it follows from this that
there is also a great difference between those who place their trust and hope
and confidence in God without being in danger of death, and those who trust in
God and hope in Him, and at the same time of their own accord and free will
expose themselves, in order to give Him pleasure, to evident danger of death,
while they have it in their own full power and choice either to avoid such or
to encounter them. And to my mind it seems that a man who in this way has made
his choice to live in continual danger of death, out of the mere desire to
serve God, and casting aside all other motives or aims, will very soon feel a
great weariness of this present life and a great desire for death, that he may
thereby be graciously removed unto a better life, and may reign with God in heaven;
since this life, as we call it, is rather one long death and a state of exile
from that glory, for the enjoyment of which we are intended by our Creator.
Our good brothers and
companions, the Japanese who are going with us to Japan, tell us that the ministers
of religion there will be scandalized if they see us eat flesh or fish. We go
therefore with our minds determined whatever may be the severity of the diet
which it may be necessary for us to use, to take away all occasion of such
offence. Those who come from
Japan tell us that
there is in that country a great multitude of men of that sort, who lead what
looks like a kind of religious life, and practise severe asceticism. They say
that these men have very great authority with the people, so that high and low
alike all hang upon their nod, and are ready to do any service at their
command. I tell you this that in your prudence you may form an idea what great
and fierce battles are ready for us in Japan, and that in your charity you may
strive to obtain for us from Him Who is the Lord of all of us, by means of your
daily sacrifices and prayers, the aid that is necessary in order to conquer
such bitter foes. And I hope that in this way we shall be kept up by the merits
and prayers of all the sons of the holy Society of Jesus.
They say that we
shall set sail either on the feast of St. John Baptist of this year 1549, or on
the night before. We have settled to sail straight for Japan, and for a
distance of about two hundred leagues to run along the coast of the celebrated
kingdom of China, never disembarking or approaching the shore, until we reach
Japan. The sailors say that this may be on about the tenth or fifteenth of the
following month.6 And when this happens, by God’s favour, you must
expect long and full letters from me, in which I shall inform you of the
position and character of the country, the nature of the people who inhabit
it, their disposition, manners, laws, superstitions, errors, studies,
universities, and learning—of the exercises which are practised in acquiring
it, and the method by which it is taught.
Our good Paul gave me
great pleasure once, telling me about a certain monastery in his country, where
there are a number of members of the community who devote themselves to
literature. He said that there was one who was their superior, a certain old
man who appeared to excel all the rest in wisdom, and who from time to time
makes an address to all the community assembled together. Then he bade each one
of them by himself meditate for the space of an hour on some prescribed
subject, such as this or another like it—what the soul might seem likely to say
to the body at the last moment of their
6 i. e. (as in the letter to Rome) ‘ the
middle of August. ’
separation ?7
what it will think, when it has been set free from its connection with matter,
and finds itself in the severe pains of hell, or of the fire of Purgatory under
the earth ? for even these men seem to have got hold of some kind of knowledge
of these things. When the hour has been spent in consideration on this
subject, the teacher I speak of is wont to question his disciples one by one,
as to what each one has found out in his meditation, and to praise them more or
less, according to the merit of what they produce, or even, if any one brings
up something which is quite unworthy of notice, he gives him a scolding. He
told me also that these cenobites are in the habit of preaching to the people
about once a fortnight, that they have a large audience of men and women, and
are listened to with much attention and emotion, that often a good part of the
audience, especially the women, are moved to tears, particularly when, as is
often done, the orator displays a painted representation of the torments of
hell. So Paul told me, speaking of what he had seen.
I asked him, whether
he remembered any sentence which he had carried away from those sermons ? He
answered that one of these preachers whom he was listening to had once said
that a wicked man or a bad woman was worse than the devil, because what the
devil could not do by himself, he did by the means of bad men and women, as is
seen in thefts, in false witness,8 and in other crimes, which are
brought about at the persuasion of the devil, and by the actions of bad men
following that persuasion. All who tell us what they have seen of the Japanese
agree in one thing, that they are a nation with an exceeding eagerness for
knowledge. I shall tell you at full length what my own practice and experience
among them may teach me. May God our Lord through His infinite mercy unite us
in His
7 This sentence is rather differently
given in the letter to Rome :
‘ As for example,
when death at the last breath stops the voice, if the power of speaking were
then given to the soul departing from the body, in what words would it address
its body at that moment of separation ? Also if there were to be any one who
had been recalled from hell to life, what would he seem likely to say to others
?
* The Roman letter has ‘ perjury. ’
glory! for in this
life I do not well know when or how we can hope to see one another. However,
obedience could bring I even that about, for obedience finds it easy, whenever
it pleases, | to arrange things which appear in themselves to be most difficult
!
The useless servant
of all my brethren of the Society ofi j the Name of Jesus,
Malacca,
June 22, 1549. FRANCIS.
It cannot surprise us
if we find in the account given by Francis Xavier of the institutions of Japan
features which are not prominent in the Japan of the present day, or at least
in the very partial descriptions which have come to us, chiefly from the pens
of diplomatists and political representatives of European powers, who have
seen almost nothing of the country, except the modern capital, Yeddo. This
remark applies j more particularly to some passages in the letters which will
be given in the next chapter, with regard to the universities or- I academies
of Japan, and the communities of religious per- I sons of both sexes, the names
of which, it is only natural to suppose, may have become altogether
transformed in the successive stages through which they have reached us since
they were taken down from the lips of Anger—or, as he was probably called in
Japan, Han-Siro—by Francis or his companions. The passages about the dangers of
the voyage, the sources of his- own confidence, and his consciousness of his
own purity of intention, are probably the simple outpourings to his distant
but much-loved friends, so few of whom, comparatively, he had j ever seen in
the flesh, of the thoughts and feelings of which his mind was full ■ but they
were not without their usefulness to those to whom they were addressed,
especially at Coimbra, to which he had come to look as the nursery of the
future mis- sioners of India and Japan. The same may be said of the doubt which
Francis speaks of, more fully in the letter sent to Coimbra, than in the copy
of the same which was addressed to- Rome, as to the view which learned
theologians might take of the peril to which the missioners exposed their lives
on such voyages as that which he was now about to undertake. He was-
perhaps thinking that
he might have to call on some of those who had already arrived in India, or
were on their way thither, to follow him to Japan, and he may well have wished
that they should begin at once to practise that perpetual abnegation and
self-conquest which alone could fit them to brave the dangers, both physical
and moral, which awaited them in the enterprise. As to the concluding
paragraphs of the letter, in which Paul of the Holy Faith is quoted as to the
interior practices of the monasteries of bonzes, and as to the preaching to
the people of some of the cenobites, there is nothing in these statements inconsistent
with what is witnessed to by travellers both of earlier and later dates.
Preaching was the great means for propagating his religion employed by
Sakya-mouni. The cenobite systems of Buddhism, as well as the other religions
existing by its side in Japan, have probably decreased in internal strength and
vigour, as well as in external influence, since the time when Han-Siro took
refuge in a monastery of bonzes, after committing a homicide; but even in the
present day the practices of which he gave report to Francis Xavier are not
unknown.
We have already said
that the letter on which we are now commenting was written twice over, and
addressed to the Society at Rome, as well as to the College at Coimbra. These
letters, however, by no means exhausted the activity of Francis Xavier during
this, short stay at Malacca, busy as he must have been about the arrangements
for his voyage, and occupied as he could never fail to be, in a city where he
was so well known, with works of charity and religious zeal. The next letter in
our series is dated the same day with the foregoing. It seems at first sight to
be a simple expression of the hearty admiration and joy of the writer at the
labours and success of Francesco Perez and his associate; but we find as we
proceed that Francis is to impose a command on Gomez and Paul of Camerino to
send fresh labourers to the mission at Malacca, and that his commendation of
Perez, the missioner already there, is intended to introduce the order almost
as if it were a petition. There is a remarkable buoyancy and glow of hearty joy
through all his writings at this time.
(lxxv.) To Father Paul of Camerino and Father Antonio
Gomez, at Goa.
May the grace and
peace of our Lord Jesus Christ be always in our souls ! Amen.
As soon as I landed
here I was struck with greater wonder than I can easily find words to express,
at seeing with my own .eyes the immense harvest which in this city of Malacca,
as in some large field of rich corn, is gathered into the barn of Christ by the
labour and industry of the single evangelical workman Father Francesco Perez. Every
Sundayand feastdayhe preaches in the morning to the Portuguese in the largest
church in the •city. In the afternoon in the same place he diligently expounds
thq articles of the holy Creed to the less instructed free men or to the slaves
of both sexes. Once in the week in the church of our Lady the Mother of God he
preaches to a •large congregation of the wives both of the Portuguese and of
the native Christians a sermon adapted to their capacity and •condition. And
besides all this, every single day he teaches and explains in the most
laborious manner the elements of the Christian doctrine to a very large crowd
of boys in the church -of the Confraternity of Mercy. Besides these things,
which might certainly be enough abundantly to occupy a single man, it would not
be easy to count the number of penitents whose confessions he alone hears.
Here then is a worker
in the Lord’s vineyard who is certainly no sluggard or idler. We see him
exerting himself so unweariedly and so continuously that he has to cheat himself
of •the time necessary for eating and sleeping. I certainly hope ■that he
will never hear from our Lord that reproach in the holy parable : ‘
Why stand ye here all the day idle ?’ for, in
truth, no one can ever find him at any hour either of the day or night when he
is not intent on the work of extricating souls from the snare of sin, and
making them advance in the service of God our Lord, Who made them. When he
preaches there is such a concourse that the largest churches will not hold the
congrega
tion. In familiar
intercourse he is wonderfully courteous and affable, so as to attract at once
all whom he comes across, and he is singularly popular with all, high and low
alike. He is the beloved favourite of the Commandant and also of all the
inhabitants, and is commonly honoured with the reputation of a truly
apostolical man, very dear to God on account of his insatiable desire to gain
souls to Him.
I confess to you, my
brothers, that when I saw all this I was- ashamed of myself, when I beheld with
my own eyes how great a store of rich spoils was being continually added, by
the help- of God, to the treasuries of the Church by this one man of weak
constitution and continual ill health. The consciousness of my own sluggishness
smote me in my inmost heart with a feeling of shame and confusion. Just
consider—the multitude of men who are continually being roused to the serious
amendment of their lives by the private or public discourses of Francesco Perez
is so great, that they would keep at least six priests well practised at
hearing confessions well occupied all day long, with nothing else to do. And
yet this same man, in addition to all these occupations, discharges fully and
well all the duties of domestic chaplain, as it is called, in the Confraternity
of Mercy,, and you know how constant and manifold those duties are- What can I
say to this, except confess once more, that I and' those like me ought to be
covered with shame, that we who are in health and strength do but little, while
the weak and the invalids are enriching themselves with the spoil of so many
souls snatched from the jaws of hell?
Then there is Rocco
Oliveira, the companion of Father Perez, who also works as strenuously and as
usefully as the Father. He is master of a numerous school of boys. Some of them
he teaches to read and write our language, to others he teaches Latin grammar.
He has been so long at this that many of them have now finished their
schooling, and have gone home again, having got through the whole course of
which they are capable, and at home they show by the simplicity of their
manners and the good examples they give in every respect, to the great joy and
thankfulness of their parents, how great the
difference is between
boys well taught and boys untaught. They read with ease, and understand as far
as is necessary the common summaries of the Christian doctrine; they recite
the prayers of the Church from book, and this so modestly that all who see them
are provoked thereby to give praises and thanks to God, for they carry themselves
with as much recollection and composure of countenance as the novices of
religious orders at home. No one can ever hear an oath or an improper word from
them, not even of the lightest kind, such as is more easily pardoned. Among
other edifying things of this kind which our good Rocco has established, is one
which is very highly approved of—he often brings out his schoolboys in a long
procession, answering one to another by twos and twos, with their eyes fixed
on the ground, their walk grave and slow, singing the litanies, or other sacred
chants of the same kind. These processions, which are very pleasant sights, are
in great demand- among the people, especially for the purpose of adding dignity
to funerals, whenever one of the Christians here happens to die. The elder lads
take the bier of the deceased man on their shoulders, and carry it to the place
of burial. There is not one of them who does not know perfectly the Our Father,
the Hail Mary, and the Creed, as well as some other Christian forms of prayer,
and who cannot repeat them at any moment without mistake. They all know how to
serve mass reverently, and all hear it every day. They meet at school early in
the morning, and after midday, after hearing the explanation of the Christian
doctrine which Perez repeats every day, they go to school again, when Oliveira
teaches them. After they have heard and repeated their lessons, and gone
through the rest of their school work, they kneel down, and in a loud voice
recite, all together, their holy prayers. When I see all this my mind is filled
with incomparable consolation. Pray God, I beseech you, to preserve the good
that has already been gained, to promote what has been begun, to crown with
increase these first fruits, to the praise and glory' of His holy Name, and to
the more perfect service of His own divine Majesty.
Alfonso is going to
the Moluccas, where he alone will have
to do what the two
whom I have been speaking of, Perez and Oliveira, do here. It is with
difficulty that I can move him hence, because, as I trust you will understand
well enough from what I have just said, his work here was very necessary. But
as that which is most urgent has to be attended to first of all, you must now
assist this station of Malacca as soon as possible by sending it the aid which
it so eagerly craves. So send to this place without delay a priest of ours, who
is well versed in settling cases of conscience, that he may relieve Francesco
Perez, who is oppressed by, such a number of different kinds of work, of at least
some part of the burthen of hearing confessions every day. There is no other
Portuguese settlement in India that can easily compete with Malacca in its need
of good confessors. There is here an incredible confluence from all parts, on
occasion of the various traffic, of a multitude of Europeans -and Indians
alike. All the former and a great number of the latter profess the Christian
religion, and on account of the frailty of our human nature they have great
need of the remedy of sacramental penance, and, if they do not find priests to
administer it to them at the convenient moment, they live in very great and
most urgent danger of losing the eternal salvation of their souls. So if within
the year 1549 any priests of our Society arrive from Portugal, it will be easy
for you to send to this place some one of own your community (whose place the
newly arrived fathers may supply) by the ship which sails from Goa to Malacca
in the month of April in next year, 1550. I say the month of April, for though
I know there is another ship which usually sails thither from Goa in the month
of September, I am still unwilling that the supply of a priest, which is so
much needed for the city, should be put off to the later time of passage.
See, moreover,
whether you have in the community any one of our brethren who, though he be a
layman, has still so much education as to be able to teach boys to read and
write. I should very much desire that such a person should be assigned as
companion to the priest whom I have already appointed to come out here, that he
may to some extent supply the place
of Rocco Oliveira,
who must of necessity go to Goa next year, to receive there the priesthood, and
when he has been ordained, to return as soon as possible to Malacca. So, now
that I am about to set sail for Japan I leave this order, that in the year 1550
Rocco Oliveira is to be sent to Goa by the ship which regularly sails for that
port in the month of November, together with our novice Joam Bravo, whom I
desire to study grammar there. It is therefore my decided will, and so I
command you, Father Paul of Camerino and Antonio Gomez, in virtue of holy
obedience, to send to Malacca in the month of April next year, or if some
unforeseen cause which cannot in any way be evaded should prevent this, then as
soon as you possibly can, the two whom I have spoken of, a priest able to hear
confessions, and another of the Society fit to direct the school.
I am writing to
Father Niccolo to be Superior of and to watch over ours who are at Meliapor,
and also those who are living on the Comorin Coast and at Coulan. In the same
way I am ordering the missioners of Comorin to obey Father Niccolo, and to
have recourse to him about their own affairs, as often as either for themselves
they need assistance, or for the Christians of whom they have charge they
require favour and patronage, writing to him at Coulan or at Cochin, for on account
of business he is always passing to and fro from one of these places to the
other. I have also given order to Father Niccolo, to ask from Goa for whatever
he may be informed that the people at Comorin have need of. And I desire you,
Father Antonio Gomez, to carry out at once whatever he requests, and I charge
and enjoin you as earnestly as is possible to let yourself omit in that regard
nothing which belongs to the very height of diligence and the most devoted
charity. Father Niccolo is to be subject to Father Paul, as when I quitted
India I remember to have left him orders to be. The pupils of the College of
Goa, whether Portuguese or natives, are to be governed as Father Antonio Gomez
wills. Antonio Gomez himself, as I have already ordered, must be subject to
Father Paul of Camerino, who is also to be Superior of those who are stationed
at Bazain and at Ormuz, so far as I have given orders
I93
and explained
distinctly to them. And I command both of you to take great pains that
everything in India goes on in this order and discipline, and also to inform me
of all that passes. Farewell.
Your most affectionate
brother in Christ,
Malacca,
June 22, 1549. FRANCIS.
The mention of
Niccolo Lancilotti, who was stationed at Coulan, and who is in this letter
appointed local Superior of the missioners on the Comorin Coast and at
Meliapor, is so far surprising, as it seems to supersede the former appointment
of Father Antonio Criminale in the latter capacity, at least as regards the
labourers near Cape Comorin. Lqncilotti has already been mentioned in the
letters more than once as an invalid, whose health was gradually recovering
itself under the comparatively salubrious air of Coulan, where he was posted.
He felt his own want of strength keenly, if we may judge from a letter which he
wrote to Ignatius Loyola,s in which he speaks of himself as an
unfruitful tree, only encumbering the ground, while his brethren, strong and
vigorous men, were doing so much on every side of him for the service of God.
This inactivity and unfruitfulness, however, were by no means barren in
results. He was usually the only priest at Coulan, and so had alone to bear the
burthen of preaching to the Portuguese, instructing the heathen and intending
converts, and keeping up the faith of those already converted. He had soon the
care of the seminary projected, as we have seen, by Francis Xavier,9
and which was founded and maintained at the King’s expence, in accordance with
the suggestion of the Saint. In the care of the boys, for whose benefit the
seminary was instituted, he showed great devotion and singular prudence : his
pupils turned out more like religious novices than secular youths. He was also
noted for remarkable gifts in the way of direction and government, was much
valued by the fathers in India on that account, and highly trusted by St.
Ignatius. It would seem that Francis Xavier had already discovered these rare
qualities in the invalid missioner
8 Quoted by Bartoli, Asia, 1. vii. p. 728.
• See the Letter to Simon Rodriguez, ante,
p. 91.
VOL. II. O
at Coulan. It is
remarkable also that Antonio Criminale was already dead when Francis wrote the
letter which we have last inserted. It seems hardly possible that he could have
known this, though there might perhaps have been time for this news to reach
him before he left Malacca; but it appears incredible that Francis, whose own
perpetual prayer it seems to have been that he might have the grace to suffer
martyrdom for the cause of Jesus Christ, should not have made any mention of
the glorious death of his religious brother, if the tidings had reached him at
this time.
Criminale had, in fact,
laid down his life like a good shepherd for his flock. The little island or
peninsula of Remanancor, lying close to the land at the northeastern extremity
of the Fishery Coast, seems to have been famous for a pagan shrine, served by
Brahmins, and resorted to by pilgrims from all parts of southern and central
India. Near this spot was a Portuguese fort, at a place called Beadala,
already mentioned in one of the letters of Francis Xavier.10 The
Commandant of this had dug a trench across the narrow tongue of land which
connected the pagoda with the coast, apparently by way of bravado and insult to
the natives. The challenge was taken up, however, much to the cost of the
Portuguese themselves, by the old enemies of everything Christian along the
coast, the uncontrollable Badages. An army of six thousand men marched upon
the fort, or rather on a much easier prey, the Christian population in the
neighbourhood. The Portuguese garrison, numbering only forty men, embarked and
made off, notwithstanding the earnest entreaties of Antonio Criminale, who
happened to be on the spot, and who urged them to endeavour to come to some
arrangement with the enemy. Several Portuguese were wounded in their flight,
and five died. The alarm and misery of the unfortunate Christians thus
abandoned to their fate can easily be imagined. The Father, urged to seek his
own safety with the Portuguese, refused, and remained to share the fate of such
of his poor flock as could not escape by sea. The accounts of his martyrdom are
remarkable. As the Badages 10 Letter xxxi. vol. i. p. 225.
approached, he threw
himself on his knees, his arms extended in the form of a cross, and his eyes
raised to heaven. First one party and then another passed him, and struck by
some sudden respect, left him unhurt; but before he could make his way to the
church, he was wounded, stripped, and left lying with a lance through his body.
He detached the lance, and went on slowly crawling to the church, when another
party of the Bad- ages fell on him and dispatched him. He was only in his
thirtieth year, and was the first of a long series of members of the Society
who obtained the crown of martyrdom in the Indies.
We have still three
more letters remaining to us, written by Francis Xavier during this short
period of expectation at Malacca ; and if those which have already been
inserted tell us so much of his zeal for souls, his simplicity of intention,
his intrepidity in the face of danger, and his tender care for his religious
brethren, the three which.follow next in order reflect other features of his
character, without some consideration of which our estimate of him would be
incomplete. The first letter, which is addressed to the same fathers at Goa as
the last, shows his inexhaustible charity under a new and pleasant form. It is
written with that peculiar liveliness of which we have seen instances in his
letters to Le Jay and Laynez from Lisbon11—instances which make us
regret that we have fewer letters of this kind, addressed familiarly to friends
without any fear of their being shown to others. We can almost picture to
ourselves the rough, honest, truthful cavalier to whom Francis suggests, not
only that it is time for him to settle down after so many adventurous wanderings,
but also that he should marry a certain virtuous and worthy young lady, an
orphan at Goa, whom her future husband had never seen. We can imagine the
commendations which Francis would bestow upon her in order to win his friend to
promise on the spot to marry her. Then there is a different and scarcely less
picturesque sketch presented to us—the good dame besieging the doors and
parlours of the College of Santa Fe with daily attentions, sending in clothes
or food as she guesses that the fathers or brothers may be in need, always
ready to take
11 Letter ix. vol. i. p. 95.
in a poor
girl rescued from evil ways, to help a family in sudden distress, to nurse the
sick, or to assist in the instruction of a convert. Such she used to be : but
now misfortune has fallen upon her. She is a widow, and her only child, a fine
marriageable girl, good, simple, modest, and attractive withal, is an orphan,
with but slender dowry, except that her father held an office under the
crown—for which he probably had to pay— and in the patent which conferred it a
clause has been inserted, by virtue of which she may take it with her as a
marriage portion to any one who may win her for his wife. There is a little
difficulty in the way of the arrangement contemplated by Francis, as the
office in question is rather beneath the dignity of his friend, whom he
proposes as husband to the orphan girl, and he accordingly furnishes Antonio
and Paul with excellent reasons, by means of which the Governor, Don Garcia da
S&, or— as Francis had already predicted his speedy death—his successor,
may be persuaded to let the office be sold, and the money thus raised applied
to swell the scanty portion of the intended bride. .
(lxxvi.) To Father Paul of Camerino and Father Antonio
Gomez.
May the grace and
love of our Lord Jesus Christ be always with us to help and favour us ! Amen.
Since I wrote to you
at such great length, something has happened which has made me think it well to
say a few words to you once more. You must understand that I have fallen in
here with an old friend of mine. I have very few so dear to me. His name is
Cristoval Carvalho. He is unmarried, singularly virtuous, rich, of good
family, altogether highly accomplished, and of good parts. In the desire which
I profess of helping on every one to salvation, I began to urge on my friend,
for the sake of the affection between us, and to implore him for the love of
God, to make up his mind to give up the rattling, desultory, wandering sort of
life which he has been leading, so
full of danger to his
property and even to his life, and, what is of much more importance, exposing
him to the greatest peril of losing his eternal salvation. How long was he to
go on passing from place to place, a stranger everywhere, never more than a
chance guest wherever he happens to be ? would he never have a home of his own
to be quiet in ? would he never find an unoccupied moment to recollect his
thoughts and put his conscience in order ? and so on. Well, on all this he
showed himself by no means inclined to despise my benevolent exhortations. Indeed,
he confessed that he was beginning to feel somewhat bored by his perpetual wranderings.
He had been afloat long enough, and was now looking with a yearning heart for
the port and fixed anchorage of a settled life. In fact, he was minded to plant
his home somewhere or other; to collect under a rooftree of his own the ample
means which he had gained by traffic of so many kinds, in which he had been
prosperous enough, and there apply his wealth, which he had no occasion to go
on increasing, in whatever way might be required by calls of charity and
religion, and of gratitude to God Who had given it to him, as well as by the
repose which was suitable to his years, which have now got on to the point at
which decline begins, and by the care of his bodily health.
While we were talking
of all this, there came most happily into my mind the remembrance of that good
lady, whose maternal love for our Society, evidenced as it is by diligent and
daily services, has made us dub her with the title of our ‘ Mother.’ So I
proposed to Carvalho to marry the daughter of this good dame. I spoke, as I
could with all truth, of the good disposition, the virtue, the high character
of the girl. My man was by no means deaf to wrhat I said; indeed, he
was much moved by the very sincere praises which I gave to that good maiden and
her qualities. In short, he promised that he would marry her. Now, I have no
doubt at all, that he will be as good as his word; he has always been a man of
such truthfulness, and besides, the unfailing and staunch friendship which he
has always kept up with me is another security. Especially too, as he quite
sees that the step will be a very excellent, useful, and
honourable one for
himself—one that will enable him to lead a peaceful, happy, and tranquil life.
So I have not hesitated to communicate the whole matter to our Mother, in a
letter which I have written to her, as if it was quite sure to come off, if she
consents to it; and I cannot doubt that she will do so, and think it a great
happiness to gain so splendid an alliance with such a man as Cristoval, good as
well as rich.
The affair is, as you
see, in good train; but nevertheless there are many obstacles that intervene to
prevent the execution of such plans, and in this case I see clearly that the
affair will not be easily managed, unless you take it up and urge it with all
your might. So I pray and entreat you both to remember the great devotion to
us which that good Mother of ours has shown; her acts of daily liberality to
us; her immense charity and goodwill; and then to consider that God now offers
you a very precious occasion of repaying all her benefits to us by a return and
recompense prompted by our gratitude to her, which is indeed only one favour
against many, but which still will be so important in itself as to weigh in the
scale as if it were a whole host of acts of kindness. So pray exert yourself to
the utmost, both working yourselves, and also asking and using the credit and
efforts of the first Treasurer,12 to the same end, in order that
that afflicted family may not lose the benefit of this most happy opportunity.
Do, I pray you, all that you can, that, now that Divine Providence, in its care
for the lonely state of that most honourable widow, and for the bereaved condition
of her orphaned daughter, as good and innocent a girl as any in the world,
offers this means of relief to each, they may each have the full benefit of it.
I don’t think you
will have much trouble in bringing Cristoval Carvalho to the necessary point.
I know well his constancy and faithfulness, and I can’t fear for a moment that
he will recall his word, or refuse to accomplish what he has promised me. As
for the Treasurer, in order to get him to do what he can, it will be enough to
allege, as you may with perfect truth, that the matter is one which he may most
properly use his au- 11 Probably Francis’ friend Co>mo AiTez.
thority to bring
about, for it belongs, above all things else, to the praise and service of our
Lord God. And in the next place it is one in which he ought to feel the highest
concern, because upon it depends the good estate and the safety, the whole interests
of the peace and hopes, of a family which has been left under his charge, of a
lady of the highest character, who is his own relative, and of a young maiden
who is really one in a thousand in point of worth, who looks to him as her
guardian for help and patronage. I am in high hopes that when you say this to
that good and prudent man, the Treasurer, God will, in His goodness, aid you,
so that you may easily persuade him to what we desire.
And now you know very
well that our Mother has in her possession a royal rescript, duly signed and
sealed, granting her power to transfer the office under the crown which her
husband, Diego Froez (to whose soul may God give glory !), held while he was
alive, with all its emoluments, to any one to whom she may choose to give her
daughter in marriage, and thus, in fact, to make the post a part of her dowry.
This being so, it will be necessary to get the Governor to allow the office to
be assigned to some one else, who will pay a sum of money for it, which may be
applied to the completion of the girl’s dowry. The reason why this is
necessary, is that Cristoval Carvalho is too high in rank and too rich not to
think it beneath him to have anything to do with that employment, especially
as, as I have said, he is tired of troubles and of business, and what he so
looks for in his married life is ease and repose from his past labours. I
feared from the first that this might be the difficulty in the matter—that
perhaps people would be found at Goa to contend that such a rescript should be
observed to the letter, exactly as it stands in the text, that thus what his
Highness had written should be stuck to against his own intention, and against
the manifest equity of the case, and to strive, by this false allegation, to
prevent the King’s benevolence from taking effect, and to shut this orphan
maiden and her widowed mother out of their fortune. If anything of this kind
should oppose itself, I beg of you to act on the other side, exert yourselves
to
the utmost, and use
all the energy in your power, by yourselves, by means of the Treasurer, and by
means of any one else whose credit and intercession may seem likely to be of
any avail, in order to bring the Governor and the King’s officials, in whose
power the matter lies, to put this benignant interpretation on the will of his
Highness in granting this privilege. Every one can surely see that the King
simply intended that the daughter of Diego Froez should have the advantage of
the reward owing to her father. He could not have intended that, if it should
chance that she should come to be married to a man who was not fit to
administer _ her father’s office, this poor young lady should be mulcted of a
large part of what her father has left behind him. I do hope confidently that
God, Who is the Defender of the widow and the Father of the fatherless, will
help you to win this most equitable suit. And I am so earnest in desiring you
to take it up and urge it so strongly, that I really think that you cannot,
without incurring the guilt and shameful stain of ingratitude, which would fall
in disgrace upon the whole of the Society, omit any possible industry or
diligence in this matter of so much importance to our good mother, until you
succeed in getting rid of all obstacles and bringing to a happy conclusion this
marriage, which I am sure God approves; that so provision may be made for the
good condition, comfort, and dignity of a lady who has conferred such singular
obligations upon us, and of that virtuous modest maiden, her daughter.
You will find
Carvalho himself very easy to manage, and docile in all that may be required of
him. As I said, he has promised me, and he is a man of stainless faith, but
more than this, he has let me see well that he thinks very highly of such a
connection as that I am speaking of, and he has the greatest hopes of finding
that this marriage will give him the rest he wants, the tranquil happiness for
what remains of this life, which he so much longs for. And now I think I have
said enough to explain this desire of mine, and unless I am mistaken, to make
you approve it. I shall consider it a most joyful piece of news and a great
favour to myself, if I hear from you that I have
gained my point. May
God unite us in His glory ! for whether we shall ever see one another again in
this life is at present very uncertain. Farewell.
Your brother in
Christ,
Malacca,
Eve of St. John Baptist, 1549. FRANCIS.
The next letter,
written at the same time, .is on quite a different subject—the excellent
qualities of one of the King’s officials at Malacca. He seems to have been
auditor of the revenue, and as such to have had need of great integrity and uprightness
in deciding questions which came before him. Francis pleads earnestly with the
King for some greater reward than his friend has as yet reaped in the salary or
perquisites of his office.
(lxxvii.)
To John III. King of Portugal.
Since your Highness,
in your royal letters from Portugal, has commanded me to give you a written
report of those who in these regions of India faithfully and diligently
discharge the duty committed to them, I would have your Highness know that
Duarte Barreto, who has lately been managing the affairs of your realm at
Malacca, has in the discharge of his office left nothing undone which could
have been looked for from a man of skill, industry and faithfulness. He has
taken care of the interests of the revenue, he has done good service to the merchants,
by deciding the cases before him justly without respect to persons, and he has
moreover conducted himself in all respects in such a manner, that his
administration as magistrate has done honour to your Highness among the natives
in this part of the world, for men have taken him as a specimen, and have
commonly thought that you are in the habit of sending to them as officials of
your kingdom men whom you know to be very well furnished with those virtues
which you most highly approve, and which you yourself possess in abundance.
For my part, I
consider that the glory of kings and princes who have widely extended dominions
is concerned in this, that they commit those parts of their dominions, which
they cannot
administer
themselves, to men to whom it may be honourable for themselves to be thought
like, men of whom the people may think, when they have seen them and had
experience of their honesty, gravity and justice, and learnt to honour and
value those virtues in them, that they behold and have before them, in the deputies
sent to live among them by their sovereign, an express portrait of the noble
and honourable qualities of their absent sovereign himself. Duarte Barreto
belongs beyond all others to that most excellent number and kind of ministers,
who make their supreme happiness consist in rendering perfect service to their
King. On this account he is a man who deserves that your Highness should deign
to advance him in substance and in dignity, and whose very distinguished
services you should think it well to seek occasion to remunerate. In order to
act as he has done, he has had to undergo a great deal of labour, and, as there
are abundance of bad characters out here, to take up a good many quarrels and
fight many battles.
The appointment at
Malacca, of which I spoke, cannot well be considered as an adequate reward for
his sedulous diligence during so many years. In the first place, it has
happened by some chance that it brought him in very little; and in the second
place, he was not able to hold it for the full term; and so he has left this
place a poor man. Be good enough, therefore, Sire, to make some provision for
him, as a man who in truth has well earned any favour, however great, from your
Highness. I pray that God may add many years to the prosperous and happy life
of your Highness, and that He may grant you in His clemency to know in this
life His most holy will, and mercifully supply you with abundant strength of
soul to think and act and feel as you would rejoice to have done in your last
moment.
Your Highness’s
useless servant,
Malacca,
June 23, 1549. FRANCIS.
One letter more
remains to us, which from the particular manner in which it is dated seems to
have been the very last work of Francis Xavier before embarking for Japan. The
little
church of
Our Lady of the Mount, near Malacca, was near the favourite abode of Francis
when at that place, mentioned in the preceding volume.13 It was
there that he was saying mass at the time when the insolent challenge of the
Acheenese Commander to Don Simon de Melo arrived, which led to the organization
of the Christian armament, whose signal victory over the barbarians was
announced by Francis in the pulpit at the moment at which it took place.14
There then, the night before he sailed, with his mind full of Japan and of the
dangers of the voyage he was so soon to have, Francis must have stolen away
from the countless friends who would be anxious to see him and force on him
their offerings or good wishes at so critical a moment, and spent a part of his
few remaining hours in quietly drawing up a rule of life for Joam Bravo, the
newly admitted brother of whom mention has already been made. The next evening,
‘ about sunsfet,’ says Mendez Pinto, who was at Malacca at the time, ‘ he
embarked in a small junk belonging to a Chinese corsair called Necoda, and then
the next morning set sail and departed.’ He was soon to be alone with his few
companions amid the strange crew of superstitious idolaters in whose company he
was to suffer so much, as we shall see when we come to speak of his voyage. The
admiring crowds, the friendly generous merchants, Don Pedro de Silva, the son
of the great Vasco de Gama, who had shown him so much kindness, Perez and
Oliveira with their troops of penitents and happy Christian children streaming along
the streets in procession, all were soon to be as far from him as if he had
left them behind in another world. And in the far distance beyond Malacca,
there were others, still dearer and subjects of greater anxiety or affection
from whom he was separating himself, with great likelihood of never meeting
them again—his beloved children on the Comorin Coast, the missioners to whom he
had entrusted them, Niccolo at Coulan, Cipriani at Meliapor, Antonio
Criminale, as he may have thought, among the pearl fishers, and then his old
companion Paul at Goa, Antonio- Gomez, the subject of many an earnest prayer,
and his chosen 13 Vol. i. p. 348. 14
Vol. i. p. 412.
disciple Gaspar
Baertz at Ormuz, for whose benefit he had poured out so much of his own
carefully stored experience of men, and of the means of leading them out of the
mazes of sin and reconciling them to God. And far beyond these again there lay
Italy and Rome, and Lisbon and Coimbra, each with their little knot of friends
for whom his heart yearned, as it seems, all' the more intensely as the time
since they had parted grew longer and longer, without making their associations
and memories less fresh within him. There was Simon his peculiar friend and
brother, there also that father of his soul, whose name seems to force itself
upon his pen even in this last paper which he drew up, which describes so
simply and plainly that daily rule of life which, in principle, was the great
security for the unity of spirit between the widely scattered members of the
Society, and those maxims of selfknowledge and selfconquest which he himself
had learned so many years ago when he first became the disciple and child of
Ignatius.
My dearest brother,—I
should wish you to follow with the greatest constancy every day the following
order for your religious life. In the morning, as soon as you are awake,
meditate on a mystery of the life of Christ, beginning from His holy Nativity
and going on in continuous order to His triumphal Ascension into heaven. You
have the matterfor these meditations arranged in order in the book of the
Spiritual Exercises. You must spend at least half an hour in this holy
meditation, with the same attention and devotion of mind, and all the
observances and rules which you remember that you used when you went through
the exercises of your month’s retreat. You must go on every day to a new
meditation, so that when, for instance, on Monday you have contemplated the
Nativity of Christ, on Tuesday you must consider His Circumcision, and so on in
order, until by the end of the month you have gone through all the actions of
the Lord Jesus and come to the end of all, that is, the glorious Ascension.
After this you should begin again, and go through the
same round from the
first, proceeding from one mystery to another that comes next to it, and so
spend another month in going over the same steps as before. At the end of each
of these exercises you must renew the vows which you have once made, especially
those chief vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, making them, I say, over
again, and offering them to God, reviving and rekindling the same deep fervour
with which you made them the first time. Besides other fruits that you will
gain, you will by this repetition of your vows blunt the assaults of
concupiscence and of our infernal enemy, both of which will be always inciting
you to evil things, and for this reason I think you should never omit this
renewal.
After you have dined
and rested a little afterwards, you must repeat your morning’s meditation, and
spend half an hour upon it, considering again the same mystery, and you must
add again at the end the renewal of your vows. This must be a fixed and
immutable rule for you, always kept up amid all the variety of your actions during
the day, and no avocation or occupation must be so important to you as to
prevent you from giving a full hour every day to this pious meditation of the
most holy life of Christ our Lord. And in this matter the division which I have
arranged for you will be convenient, so that you may put aside half an hour out
of the morning, and half an hour out of the afternoon for this purpose. It
seems to me that the most free space for the last will be the time towards
evening when Father Francesco Perez, with whom you live, holds his catechetical
school : that will be a time when you will be at lesiure to attend to your
afternoon prayer.
At night, before you
go to sleep, you must examine your conscience, enquiring into the thoughts,
words, and deeds of the whole day, and also whether you have left out anything
of what you ought to have done. Examine all these things as if you were
presently going to cleanse your soul in sacramental confession to a priest, and
then conceive deep contrition for what you have done amiss, or for what you
have omitted, out of regard to God, Whom you have offended thereby, and Whom
you love above all things, and then pray Jesus Christ earnestly
to prosper you, and
promise amendment. After all this, recite the Pater and Ave, and compose yourself
to rest in such a way that sleep may steal upon you with your thoughts fixed on
divine things, and your mind preparing itself to spend the next day in greater
holiness.
When you wake the
next morning, raise your thoughts at once to heaven, and while you are putting
on your clothes and washing your hands and face, call to mind the faults into
which you fell the day before, and ask of our Lord grace to avoid them that
day. Then make your morning meditation, as you have done the day before, and in
the same way go through your other duties in order. Be so constant in this
method of life, as never to think it lawful for you to give up the least part
of it, except when hindered by illness, and whenever as long as you are well
and strong, you shall, under pretext of any intervening cause whatever, either
have put olf or not fully performed any of these things presented to you, make
it a matter of conscience and confess your fault before the Fathers, asking of
your own accord to have punishment given you for your negligence in either
omitting, or doing in a perfunctory way, a thing which has been so urgently
enjoined upon you by your Superior.
For the rest,
whatever you may have to do, wherever you may go, in whatever you may be
engaged, whether occupation or relaxation, always be on the alert and endeavour
strenuously to exert all your strength in striving to conquer yourself in
everything, break your desires, embrace what your feelings shrink from, and
especially to beat down your innate appetite for praise and superior
excellence, and spare no pains at all until pride be tom out by the roots, and
you are able to bear willingly to be put down below everything and even to
rejoice to be despised. Be sure of this, that without this submissiveness,
without this command over the evil movements of the soul, you will do no good
either to yourself or to others, nor will you be able to please God or to
persevere in the Society of Jesus.
Obey the Father with
whom you live in all things, and execute with the greatest alacrity whatever
he may order you, however disagreeable it may be; never resist him, never make
for
any cause whatever
any exception to what he orders, and listen to what he says and bend yourself
entirely to his word as your director in all things, exactly as if our Father
Ignatius were present and were to command the same things. What- I ever
temptations, of whatever sort or manner, you find yourself assailed by, tell
them at once with the greatest candour to your Superior, and persuade yourself,
as of a matter of the greatest certainty, that there is no other way to avoid
yielding to | them; and besides this advantage, there is another great gain j
for the soul attached to this openness in confessing the secret movements of
the heart. For by that means we gain great favour with God, a sort of favour
which brings with it a pledge of great reward hereafter, on account of the
generally trouble- i some victory which we win over our natural feeling of
shame.
Yes, and a great blow
is inflicted thereby on the hopes and in, siduous machinations of our hellish
foe, whose principal power : to hurt us lies in his remaining concealed, and
who is disarmed I if he be dragged into light, and then it turns out that all
his perverse expectations are dashed to the ground, and he is made a
laughingstock of those whom he was plotting against, and who are safe and
secure against him. Farewell.
Most cordially and
affectionately yours,
Francis.
In the Chapel of our
Blessed Lady of the Mount, near Malacca, the night before the Feast of the
Nativity of St. Jolm the Baptist, 1549; just about to set sail for Japan.
(i.) Account of Japan
sent to Father Ignatius Loyola at Rome, drawn from the statements of Anger
(Han-Siro), the Japanese Convert.
In his letter to Ignatius Loyola, St. Francis
mentions the account of Japan given by his convert Paul of the holy Faith. We
find this document, with another similar account, written by Jorge Alvarez (a
Portuguese merchant), in the volume of letters preserved in the College of
Coimbra. The first we give in a close translation :
Information
respecting the island of Japan, given by Paul, formerly called Han-Siro,
recently converted to our holy Faith, a native of the said island.
Northwards from
China, and further east, the Portuguese merchants discovered an island called
Japan, in the same latitude as Italy: it measures (according to the account
given me) 600 leagues from east to west, and 300 in width. From that island
came, in the month of April last, a man of great intelligence and sagacity
named Angero, bringing with him two servants. Among other things, he asked
information concerning our holy Faith, and having been instructed therein,
after a short space of time he became a Christian, taking the name of Paul. He
remained with us in this our College of St. Paul of the holy Faith, in Goa,
where he learned to read and write Portuguese, and translated into his own
language a short summary of the doctrines and practices essential to our holy
religion. This man gave himself to prayer and contemplation, calling on and
sighing for our Lord Jesus Christ; his goodness is so great that it cannot be
easily told. Whilst a catechumen he gave, at our request, an account of the
customs and laws of his country ; but since he was not initiated in the sects
as some of his countrymen who are held to be learned, and he only knew the
common language, on this account he related things only according to the
current popular opinion. This information I transmit to you as he told it to
us, intending to write all more certainly by and by, and how our Father Master
Francis has by that time been there, and has himself made personal acquaintance
with the inhabitants and the writings of that country.
In the first place,
he informed us that the whole island of Japan is subject to one king; under him
there are great lords,
like our dukes and
counts ; their number amounts altogether to about fourteen in all Japan ; and
when one of them dies, his eldest son inherits the entire estate, the younger
sons having some castle allotted them for their maintenance, on condition that
they maintain obedience to the head of the family, so as not to divide the
estate. The least of these nobles, he says, can send into the field 10,000 men,
others 15,000, others 20,000 or 30,000. The chief ruler or king is called Voo;
he is of a more noble race than the rest, and can only marry in his own family.
He has jurisdiction in things spiritual as well as temporal, and over both
seculars and religious, these last being very numerous in this country ;
indeed, his authority seems like that of the Pope amongst us. Though he has
authority over all, he never makes war or puts any to death ; all such things
he leaves to another among them, who is like the Emperor, and is called Goxo,
and with whom rests all the government, and who rules the island. He is under
the obedience of the aforenamed Voo, and when he visits him, he kneels and
bends his head on his thigh; and, though he has a great court of lords,
captains, and soldiers, who superintend matters connected with carrying on war
and justice, if the Goxo should do any evil, the Voo can cause him to be
deprived of his kingdom and beheaded. The less obey the greater very much, on
account of the stern justice they use. All crimes are by them punished with the
same severity. The Voo lives as follows : he takes a wife of his own family,
and when the moon begins to wane he begins to fast and to separate from his
wife, and give himself to meditation and prayer for fifteen days, eating very
little, and being dressed in white the whole time, and wearing a large crown
upon his head, until the moon changes: but when she begins to increase, he at
once begins to lead a life of pleasure with his wife, goes to hunt, and enjoys
many other amusements. If his wife dies before he is thirty he may marry again,
but not after that age; and the rest of his life he must keep perpetual
chastity, and live like a religious, and at no time may he have intercourse
with any woman but his wife.
Besides the great
lords, the nation has other gentlemen, merchants and officials of every grade,
as amongst ourselves. Generally no one has more than one wife. If she prove
unfaithful, and the husband can surprise her with her paramour, he is
authorised to kill them both ; if he kill only one, public justice proceeds
against the other, and puts him to death ; but if he kill neither, it is
considered a disgrace to him. When a wife is believed guilty of adultery, yet
cannot be taken in the act, she is sent home to her
VOL. 11. P
father’s house, and
then the husband does not lose his honour, but may marry again, she herself
being for ever dishonoured and not allowed to remarry. It is thought infamous
for one who lives with his,wife to have intercourse with another woman. The nobles
send their sons to the monasteries to be educated as soon as they are eight
years old, and they remain there until they are nineteen or twenty, learning
reading, writing, and religion; as soon as they come out they marry, and apply
themselves to politics.
There are in these
islands three sorts of religious, who have monasteries like our friars, some
within the cities, and some without : those in the cities do not marry, live
on alms, and shave their heads and beards. They wear long habits with wide
sleeves, almost like our friars; in winter they cover their heads, but the rest
of the year they are always uncovered ; they eat together like^ friars, and
fast many times in the year. These religious eat no animal food, in order to
afflict their bodies and extirpate all sinful desires, and this abstinence is
common to all the religious. They rise in the middle of the night to say
prayers, which they chant for about half an hour, and then sleep till dawn,
when they again arise, and say other prayers ; they also recite prayers at
sunrise, at midday, and in the evening; at this last time they sound a bell,
and all the people fall on their knees to pray, as we do at home. These
religious pray in a language not understood by the common people, just as our
priests do in Latin.
These religious preach
frequently to the people ; their sermons are well attended, and they move both
themselves and their hearers to tears. They preach that there is one Supreme
God, Creator of all things ; and that there is a Purgatory, Paradise, and Hell,
and that all souls, alike good and bad, go to Purgatory, and then separate,
the good for the place where God is, the bad for the abode of the devil, who,
they say, is sent by God into the world in order to chastise evildoers. These
religious lead a very virtuous life, except that they are stained by an
abominable sin connected with the boys they have to teach in their monasteries,
although they teach the people that this is a great sin, and praise chastity.
They wear long black robes from head to foot, and are very learned. Each house
has a Superior, whom all obey, and they receive only virtuous persons to become
priests. There is another sort of priests, whose members dress in gray; these
likewise do not marry. They have religious houses for women, like nuns. It is
said that they have intercourse together, but that the birth of children is
prevented by certain drugs. All the houses of these religious men have nuns’
houses by their side. They are persons of little learn
ing ; they pray in
the same manner with those before mentioned, and sometimes they fast. There is
also another sort of religious, who go clothed in black robes and do much
penance. They go to prayer three times a day, at morning, at evening, and at
fhidnight. All the houses of prayer of these religious are alike, and contain
images made of wood and gilt. There are also pictures painted on the walls. All
adore one God, whom they call Dinicho in their language, or sometimes Cogi. The
second order of gray religious mentioned above, when they make prayer in their
choir, make it together with the nuns, the friars on one side, the nuns on the
other, chanting alternately, at midnight as at other times.
This excellent man
also narrated to us the history of a man who is esteemed a saint among them, as
we say. He said that there lived once in a land beyond China, called
Chenguinquo, a king named Sanbon, whose wife was called Illagabuni. One night
this king dreamt that a son was to be born to him, t who should be a
very great man and regarded as a god in all those lands. This dream he told to
his wife, who nine months later had a son, whom they called Xaqua, at whose
birth two huge winged serpents were seen to float over the palace, descend to
where the child was without doing him any harm, and presently disappear. When
Xaqua was nineteen years old, his father wished him to marry ; but he,
impressed with the miseries of this life, fled by night to the mountains, where
for the space of six years he lived a life of solitary penance. At the end of
this time he reappeared amongst his countrymen, and began to preach with great
fervour and eloquence to all those people. His reputation for sanctity soon
spread, and he acquired unbounded influence, so that he remodelled the laws of
the country, and taught the people how to adore God. It is said that Xaqua made
8000 converts, some of whom carried his doctrines into China, preaching his
laws and religion; that they converted China and the kingdom of Chenguinquo,
making the people destroy the idols and pagodas ; and that they were
established in China and Chenguinquo, and thence came to Japan, making the
people do the same; and even now fragments of ancient statues are found there,
as they are found at Rome.
This Xaqua taught
that there is one God, Creator of all things ; and exhorted his followers to
accept five precepts : 1. not to kill ; 2. not to steal ; 3. not to commit
fornication ■ 4. not to be passionate for things that cannot be remedied ; 5.
to forgive injuries. He also wrote many books full of much virtue and very
useful, wherein he taught the manners which men ought to observe, each
according to his state.
He prescribed
frequent fasts, and taught that penance is highly pleasing to God, and of great
necessity for the salvation of sinners : he urged religious to be diligent in
visiting the sick and exhorting them to make their wills; and when they see the
sick person to be in danger of death, they are to preach to him of the goods of
the other life, and tell him not to be pained about present things, since all
is vanity. And when the sick man dies, the said religious are to come in
procession, chanting, and take the body to the cloister of their monastery,
always asking God to pardon his sins ; and they are to bury all poor and rich
without any difference, nor receive anything for this as a reward, he being
held a bad man who would receive it, though it is true that he exhorted them,
if the family of the dead offered some alms, to take them.
This good man also
affirmed that in Japan they do penance in this way, fasting and observing
chastity a hundred days continuously, and then retiring into a wood situated
on the side of a mountain, in which live some austere anchorites and in which
many fearful sounds and horrible cries are heard, and strange fires seen. The
penitents remained here seventy-five days, eating only as much rice as could be
contained in the palms of the hands, and drinking water. At the end of the time
they all united, and went to a desert beyond the forest, sometimes more than
iooo at once, and kneeling before a pagoda each one confessed aloud the sins of
his whole life, all the others being silent and very attentive, and after this
each one swore on the idol to keep the confessions of the others secret. All
the time they never sleep nor-undress, they wear a coarse rough dress, are
tightly girt, have their heads uncovered, and never sit. Each day they walk
five or six leagues in the neighbourhood of the forest, all together as in
procession, and at certain fixed places they rest a long time and light a large
fire and warm themselves. There is a master who guides all their prayers and
penances, and if any one sleeps at this time of rest, the master beats him; and
if any one falls ill and cannot go on, they leave him alone, and he dies
abandoned, while the others continue their march. But if any one die before the
others, they all help to bury him, and leave in writing on a post the name of
the dead man and where he comes from. And these pilgrims carry a tablet on
which is their name and that of their home.
Paul also says that
these pilgrims often see many monstrous phantasms and diabolical illusions, the
devils often presenting themselves amongst them, so that a hundred persons
seemed two-
hundred, each person
having as it were his own double by his side ; and the master seeing that some
had not the tablet with their name, would bid his penitents be quiet and pray
earnestly to Dinicho their god to deliver them from such company; and on this prayer
the devils would disappear, and leave the penitents to finish their exercises
in peace, at the end of which they were found weak, worn, and disfigured by
their friends who come to revest them in their ordinary apparel and conduct
them home.
Paul told us also
that there are in Japan many sorcercrs and enchanters ; however, they are
little esteemed by wise and prudent men; there are also very great astrologers,
who foretell events to come. The natives write chronicles of their history,
much as we do ourselves, and they resemble us also in their manners and
subtlety of invention. Indeed, the author of our present information gives
tokens of a mental power which many of us might envy; nor is his cleverness of
an unpractical kind, being shown in action as well as in speech. He appears
much shocked at the vices which he cannot but perceive amongst Christians. He
thinks that all the Japanese will become Christians, because it is written in
their law and in their books that all laws are to be one, and they expect a
more perfect law than their own, and he cannot imagine one more perfect than
ours. He says he is very happy in having received so great a blessing from God,
in that he has been taken as the instrument to introduce Christian people into
Japan, who may preach this holy law ; and although he is married, he offers
himself to go to Japan and stay with the fathers who go there two years more,
until some good beginning of a Christian community is made there, and until the
fathers know the language.
He says that the
climate is very healthy, and that hurricanes and earthquakes are of frequent
occurrence. The fruits and metals are much the same as those of Europe; also
the animals and birds, which are both very numerous ; there are few poisonous
serpents. No wine is made from grapes, but a fermented liquor is distilled from
rice, as from barley in Flanders ; there are wild vines in the woods which bear
grapes. The people eat rice with meat and dsh as in India. Wheat is plentiful;
it is not made into bread, but used for pastry and the like, rice being used as
a substitute for bread. The flesh ofwild fowls is eaten, but not that of
chickens; indeed no domestic animal is used as an article of food. He says that
in this country there is a duke who has on his banner a sign like a cross, and
none but his own family can bear it. The whole nation pray on beads as we do ;
those who can read use little
books, and those who
pray on beads say on each bead a prayer twice as long as the Pater nostcr.
These strings of beads, or rosaries, have one hundred and eight beads. They
say that their learned men teach that each man has one hundred and eight sorts
of sin, and that he must say a prayer against each of these. This prayer is in
a tongue not understood by the people, as Latin with us. When they get up in
the morning, they say nine words, raising the fingers of the right hand, to
defend themselves against the devil. The religious make profession and vows of
chastity, poverty, and obedience, and practise this in humility before they are
received into religion.
The climate of Japan
resembles that of Italy, and the natives are much like the Italians in height.
They are discreet, magnanimous, and lovers of virtue and letters, honouring
learned men very much. Their customs of government in peace and war are like
ours. Justice is very expeditious. A man is allowed to kill his own slave for
an insult or injury. The supreme dignity of the Voo, who is like the Pope,
descends to his eldest son or to his nearest relation by the father’s side. So
it is with the other princes. The Goxo intervenes if these quarrel among
themselves ; and if any one is contumacious or disobedient, he makes war on him
and takes away his realm and cuts off his head; yet the dignity is not taken
out of the family, but descends to his next heir. They use prayers, alms,
pilgrimages, and fasts for the remission of sins of the living and the dead
many times in the year, eating, when they fast, at the same hours that we do.
In a mountain in the island there are 5000 religious, very rich, with many
servants, well housed and clothed. They observe chastity so much that no woman
is allowed to enter the monastery, nor anything female. Women after childbirth
are fifteen days without any one touching them, and do not go to church for
forty days. Poor women who have many children kill the youngest that they may
not grow up to suffer poverty, and this is not punished.
He said also that
1600 years ago or more, the idols were destroyed in the kingdom of Jenico
(Chenguinquo), by which you go to Japan, passing by China and Tartary, and also
in this island, by means of the doctrine of Xaqua. When he preached about hell,
he said that souls were tormented therein by the demons with divers torments,
the damned being in perpetual flames, and other similar pains. He said there
was a Purgatory, where the souls which have not done sufficient penance in
this- life for their sins are detained until they are purified, and that in
Paradise are the angels, who are contemplating the majesty of God. They believe:
that the angels are
defenders of men, and for this reason they carry with them images of the
angels, who, they say, are spirits made of other substance and elements than
ours. They use many prayers in praise of God, and practise contemplation, especially
the religious. They assemble round the altar when they chant, and they ring
bells to assemble the people for the sermons, and sacrifices, and other common
prayers ; and when any one dies they assemble to bury him or to burn him, with
many lighted candles. All their laws and scriptures and prayers are in a language
which is not the common tongue, as Latin with us. We asked this good man
whether they practised sacrifices; and he said that some of the priests,
especially the prelate, in certain vestments, come into the church, and in
presence of the people they burn certain scents, like incense—aloe-wood sticks,
and certain odoriferous leaves—upon a stone like an altar, chanting certain
prayers. The churches of this people have the same privilege as ours, so that
the officers of justice cannot seize or take any one from them, save only for
theft. They have in their temples many images of saints (men and women)
painted, of large size, with crowns and glory like ours ; and they venerate the
saints as we venerate ours ; and although they adore one God, Creator of all
things, yet they pray to the saints to intercede with God for them.
This nation eats all
kinds of food, and does not practise circumcision ; so that it would appear
that the Gospel had been preached in the country, and that on account of sins
the light of faith had been obscured, and that then some heretic like Mahomet
had taken it away altogether. While I was writing this paper there came to me
an Armenian Bishop, who has been more than forty years in these parts, who said
that lie had read that the Armenians had preached in China in the beginning of
the primitive Church. Nevertheless, it would be very well that the light of the
holy faith and of the doctrine of the Gospel should be once more made to shine
upon these nations ; and although from Rome to Japan there are 8000 leagues of
journey, yet to those who love God and the salvation of souls all the toils and
dangers of the world are pleasures. If God will, our Father Master Francis, together
with Paul (the author of this information), and two men of Japan who are
already Christians, and three others, fathers or brothers of our Society, will,
if God so please, sail to Japan this next April, and in two years your
Reverence will have information of the good which we may hope to do in that
country by the grace of Jesus Christ our Lord, Qui est benedictus in scecula sccculorum. Amen.
Cochin, beginning of
January 1549. Laus Deo.
(2.) Account of Japan
by Jorge Alvarez.
This notice is
contemporaneous with the foregoing. We can only find room for an abridged
account of it.
The writer, who
appears to be the captain of a ship, begins by enumerating the principal ports
of Japan, and goes on to give a brief account of the country. He describes it
as beautiful and fertile, abounding in vegetable productions of every kind,
these being for the most part the same as those indigenous to Portugal. The
natives obtain three crops every year. They use horses for all agricultural
purposes, as there are scarcely any oxen to be met with ; and indeed very few
domestic animals of any kind. Game is abundant, and eagerly sought after as an
article of food. The common people ensnare their prey by means of nets ; the
upper classes employ falcons, the highest nobles being pejmitted to use eagles.
Deer are always shot with arrows. Fish of every kind abound both in the sea and
in the rivers.
There are hot springs
in several places. One stream is remarkable for being intensly cold at its
source, and becoming lower down just as hot; it makes its way through a bed of
mud to the sea. In this mud the poorer inhabitants scoop hollows, which fill
with tepid water ; in these they bathe themselves at sunrise and sunset. The
women have a custom of dipping their heads three times under the water, some of
which they carry away with them in wooden vessels, sprinkling it with their
fingers through the streets as they return home, and on the floors of their
houses, reciting at the same time certain words, ‘which,’ says the writer, ‘I
could not understand, though I feel certain they were rather a devotional
exercise than a mere ordinary custom, as not all the women practised this.’
Japan is frequently
visited by earthquakes. It is surrounded by numerous volcanic islands of
various dimensions, which smoke all the year round, and not unfrequently emit
fire. Hurricanes are of common occurrence at the time of full moon ; but in the
month of September there always comes one hurricane more furious than the rest
and of longer duration ; while it prevails, ships are frequently carried a
long distance inland. These tempests, however, give warning of their approach,
being invariably preceded by a fine rain, so that the natives are enabled to
adopt measures for insuring their personal safety. The houses are low and
firmly built for the sake of security, with straw-thatched roofs fastened on by
means of large stones. They are divided into rooms and
anterooms : locks and
bolts appear to be unknown. Each house is surrounded by an enclosure, which
serves the purpose ofa kitchen garden ; and every abode is provided with a
separate water supply; also with an oven, a loom, a wooden mill for grinding
rice, and a stone mill for grinding corn. The stock of poultry belonging to
each family is confined to a single cock and hen.
The natives are for
the most part of middling height, hardy, well made and fair complexioned. The
nobles wear their beards •cut short, after the manner of the Moors, the lower
orders wearing theirs long ; all appear to shave their cheeks and the crown of
the head, leaving the hair long behind. They keep their heads •constantly
uncovered, the old men alone wearing, in cold weather, a silken cap. The men
wear an undergarment of flax, reaching to the knees, with sleeves as far as the
elbows ; the lower part of the arm being always bare. Over this shirt is worn a
sort of jacket, made of unbleached flax and somewhat elaborately adorned with
various devices, coloured in white, gray, black, and blue, so as to distinguish
the wearers. The costume is completed by pantaloons of ample dimensions, open
at the sides and fastened in at the waist by a leathern belt; and in muddy weather
a sort of half boot is added to protect the foot.
The Japanese seem
upon the whole to have made a pleasing impression upon our sea captain, to
judge from the account he now proceeds to furnish us with, and which we will
give in his own words. ‘ This people is very proud, and easily offended : all,
old and young, use cutlasses and other arms, which they are allowed to wear
from the age of eight years. They are almost all skilled in the use of arrows,
and carry large bows, like the English. They protect their bodies by means of
coats of mail and iron, close fitting, and painted. They are not a covetous
race, but on the contrary liberal, and very hospitable to strangers, with whom
they seem eager to make friends, and from whom they seek to gain information
about other countries, although unable to do so to any great extent, owing to
their ignorance of the proper questions to be asked. They are very particular
about having their hospitality returned ; those who came on board our ships
were most anxious to gratify their curiosity in every respect. Theft they hold
in peculiar abhorrence, even the least dishonesty being punished with death :
whenever they hear of a thief being at large, the chiefs sally forth to hunt
him down, and it is regarded as a great honour to be the first to discover and
kill him.’
We have next a few
details respecting the food of the inha
bitants, and the
manner in which it is partaken of. They eat three times a day, and always very
sparingly, eating but very little meat, and never the flesh of any domestic
animal. Their food appears to consist chiefly of various kinds of grain, as
rice, millet, and the like ; they seldom, if ever, make bread. Arrack, made
from rice, is the universal beverage; but drunkenness is apparently unknown,
for as soon as any one feels himself getting out of his own control, he ceases
his potations, and betakes himself to sleep. The Japanese eat sitting
crosslegged on the ground, like the Moors, and use sticks like the Chinese :
they eat out of earthenware bowls, painted black outside and red within. Cold
water is never drunk, either in summer or in winter. There are many inns in
Japan, where travellers can obtain refreshments, and pass the night also,
should they be so minded.
No one can have more
than one wife; the women are married by their parents, and great is the
vexation if any match is not approved of by those in authority. Should any wife
prove idle or faithless, her husband may send her home, if she have not already
borne him children ; but after she has had children he may put her to death at
once for either of these faults, without himself incurring any penalty. The
result of such stringent regulations is that the women jealously guard the
honour of their husbands, and are willing to live quietly and attend to their
houses. There are no prisons, as every one is expected to execute justice in
his own home. The rich men and nobles are allowed to possess slaves; but these
latter have so much liberty that if they da not desire to remain with their
master, they have only to inform him of their wish, for in this case he is
obliged to find them another owner ; or if he fail to do so, they are free to
escape from him if they can ; if they run away without any warning, they are
liable to be put to death. The Japanese have a special liking for coloured
people, Caffres being their chief favourites: to see them they travel
considerable distances, and they treat them with all possible distinction.
They are much
attached to the person of their king, the highest nobles considering it an
honour to ha've their sons employed about the court; every one is expected to
enter the presence of royalty upon his hands and knees. Even among equals
guests are received kneeling, the entertainers remaining in their humble
posture until the new comers are seated. All persons, of whatever rank, who
chance to meet the King out of doors, remain bent double until he has passed,
and when persons of the lower orders encounter their superiors, they remove
their shoes and bow
down in very lowly
guise. They are accustomed to speak almost in whispers, and ‘ despise us
foreigners,’ remarks our informant, ‘on account of our loud talking.’ They sit
round in a circle in their houses, even at meal times : they are fond of music,
their principal instruments being drums and fifes; they have fixed rules of
entertainment, but are no lovers of games. They are good horsemen, their horses
being numerous and small ; the princes and nobles have very fine horses, which
they breed themselves.
The abodes of the
chiefs are strongholds situated on an isolated hill, always about two leagues
distant from the coast. The hill made choice of must not be rocky, and must
possess a supply of water; when the dwellings are erected, the earth excavated
to form the gangways is used to construct a wall, which encircles the whole
group of buildings and is raised to a height greater than that of any of them,
in order that they may be protected from the hurricanes. The dwelling of the
chief is distinguished by its central position and greater height. ‘ I
myself,’ says the writer, ‘visited the fortress of the king ; it contained
nineteen separate houses, but no less than forty-seven gates opening into as
many passages or streets. The enclosure encircling it was composed of sandstone
; the walls, of which the width was greater than the height, were of solid
earth, strengthened by palisades ; the entrance into this stronghold is high
up and difficult of access, it is so narrow that horsemen can only enter in
single file. In fact I have never seen any fortress, even of stone, which
appeared more impregnable.’ The natives have in their houses idols, to which they
pray as soon as they are up in the morning with their beads in their hands ;
and at the close of their devotions they pass them three times rapidly through
their fingers, accompanying this action with a threefold prayer—for
preservation from evil, for temporal blessings, and for deliverance from their
enemies. Some persons, in expiation of some crime committed in early life, or
through the effect of some great sorrow, take vows of poverty and chastity,
leaving their wives if they have any, dividing their goods between their idols
and the poor. The women are comely, with fair skins and pleasing manners; they
do all the work of the house, as weaving, cooking, and the like. Good wives are
held in much esteem by their husbands ; indeed they altogether rule them and go
hither and thither as they list, without ever thinking of asking leave of their
lords. The women wear a long garment reaching from the neck to the feet,
fastened in at the waist; over this they wear petticoats, like European women,
and like them too they much admire long and thick hair, and spend a great deal
of time
and care on dressing
their heads. They shave the forehead to a considerable height, are Very Qevout,
and go constantly to the temples to pray and recite their rosaries.
These Japanese have
two kinds of temples. One kind adjoins the dwellings of the priests or bonzes,
who live in community, each, however, having his own cell where he sleeps and
studies. They all rise in the night and say office together, the oldest reading
out, the others responding. Towards evening they sound bells, which they strike
with hammers of iron or copper; they also use gongs, borrowed from the Chinese,
as are all the sacred writings they possess, and many of their religious rites
as well. From time to time they say their beads, like the laity. They live on
vegetable food, and are much thought of both by small and great, so that even
the king is to a certain extent subject to them. The least able members of the
community are sometimes sent out to beg in the streets and villages, or made to
employ themselves in helping the aged women who do their housework. Their
houses of prayer are well kept; the idols being gilt, and having heads like
those of the Cafifres, with pierced ears like the Malays ; these temples are
surrounded by trees, and afford sanctuary for a certain number of days to every
class of criminal, excepting only thieves. Some of the idols resemble Christian
martyrs and confessors, as St. Stephen and St. Lawrence ; they are represented
as shaven. Round the sides of-the temples are arranged cushions, on which the
bonzes sit to pray ; the central space being appropriated to the people who
kneel there, men and women together, and invoke the martyrs with uplifted
hands.
Then we have farther
details concerning these bonzes, which we will give in the writer’s own words :
‘ The bonzes are all
shaved with razors; they have rooms built at a short distance from their
monasteries, where they go twice a day to perform their ablutions. They heat
the necessary water at stoves erected for the purpose, the wood for the fires
being given them for the love of God. They wear wide shirts like those
oflaymen, and over these a black habit reaching to the feet; they have stoles
round their necks and wear caps like women, and no trousers. They are
exceedingly anxious to hear about our religion and are much amused with our
images, which they place on their heads ; they seem to wish to visit our
country. There are orders of black and gray friars ; all practise community of
goods. They can read and write Chinese, but not speak it, and are thus
constrained to carry on communications with the
Chinese by means of
writing, as these latter cannot speak Japanese. They celebrate the obsequies of
the dead, and also pray for the sick in the following manner. All the fathers
assemble in the temple, where they sit in order, the oldest nearest to the
altar, and so on, the youngest being in the middle; they have a large trumpet,
and after one of the oldest fathers has recited prayers, they blow this
trumpet, and all respond in unison or in harmony. The ceremonies last from
daybreak until midday; during this time food is brought to the bonzes by those
who have engaged their services- and who make a point of being present with
their relations.
‘These orders include
women as well as men ; the women live in houses apart and take vows of
chastity, any breach of which is severely punished ; they have no peculiar
dress. Many members of the highest families enter these orders, some married
women even leaving their husbands in order to do so.
‘There is also
another order for men ; they have different and smaller idols, which are shut
up in tabernacles and only brought out on festivals. These idols are kept in
houses built in groves at some distance from any habitation, and are regarded
with much veneration. The priests who serve these temples dress like the laity,
and carry arms ; on their heads they wear square caps, reminding one of the
sail of a ship, and a small cape reaching below the beard. They are much given
to witchcraft, and wear their beads round their necks, by which mark they may
be known : they admit women to play a part in their worship, but are none the
less obliged to observe strict chastity. They have no connection with the
other sort of bonzes, but resemble them in possessing no sacred books of their
own, and in using the same kind of bells.’
Their manner of
conducting funeral obsequies is told as follows: ‘Four or five fathers repair
to the temple, taking with them an old woman ; as in the former case, those at
whose request the ceremonies are performed supply the officiating minister with
food and wine. One of the priests opens the tabernacle, and having taken out a
drum, a pair of castanets, a hoop with bells, and a woman’s gown and coloured
scarf, he closes it again. The woman proceeds to put on the dress and fasten
the scarf around her ; then she performs upon the various instruments, singing
and dancing, while the bonzes join in the chorus for the space of half an hour
; at the end of which time they again eat’ and drink, and thus the ceremony
ends. I have seen one of these idols; they are ugly and ill made. As far as our
discoveries have at present extended, there appears to be but one language in
use throughout the country.’
[We need hardly enter
into the many questions which might be raised by a comparison of these accounts
of Japan, which are obviously written in the most perfect good faith, with the
present state of the country, in many respects, no doubt, greatly different
from its state in the sixteenth century. The first account, taken down from the
lips of Han-Siro, afterwards Paul of the holy Faith, is clearly the work of a
religious of the College at Goa, and may be somewhat coloured by the desire
which such an enquirer would naturally feel to discover as many resemblances to
Christianity as possible in the religion of the country to which so much
attention was then drawn within the walls of the College. These resemblances
extended, in the mind of the writer, not only to external rites, but also to
many religious doctrines. The merchant, Jorge Alvarez, whose name appears in
the travels of Mendez Pinto, takes a more simply external view of the Japanese
than the writer in the College. Both of them seem to speak more highly of the
morals of the Japanese in general than modern travellers would speak. A great
number of details in each account would be recognized as answering to what is
found in the present day by readers familiar Avith late books about Japan, but
it would be a task beyond our present purpose to attempt to point these out.
The accounts must be taken as interesting in themselves, because they are among
the earliest statements concerning Japan which can have reached Europe in the
sixteenth century, and interesting also for our present purpose, because they
show us what Francis Xavier had heard about this country and its inhabitants
before he himself landed on its shores.]
FROM THE SAILING OF FRANCIS FOR JAPAN TO HIS LAST RETURN TO INDIA.
I549-IS52.
Voyage to Japan and stay at Cagoxima.
Some of the biographers of Francis Xavier have
introduced their account of his labours in Japan by a long description of the
country, its history and natural characteristics, its population, and its
political and religious institutions. Japan was as much of a new world to their
readers as Mexico or Peru to the contemporaries of Cortes or Pizarro. In our
time, as has been already said, Japan has become once more, at least partially,
open to Europeans, and there is hardly a country in the East which has
attracted so much attention, or about which so much has been written. It is
true that the modem accounts of Japan and the Japanese are slight, superficial,
and partial; we have been told very little that was not known in the
seventeenth century concerning the country itself, as distinguished from its
capital and the few ports which the late treaties have opened to Western
visitors, and the more substantial parts of such knowledge as has been laid
before us seem rather to have been derived from Charlevoix or Kaempfer, than
from the personal investigations of the writers of our time. We may, however,
presume that enough is generally known about Japan in our day, to excuse us
from the task of attempting a new description, unsatisfactory as such an
account must always be, when it is not based upon a personal acquaintance with
the country.
The story of the
seven weeks’ voyage between Malacca and Cagoxima is told by Francis himself in
the first part of a long letter which he had an opportunity of sending, with
others, to the Fathers of the Society at Goa, after he had been between two and
three months in Japan. The accommodation on board the small junk must have been
of the most inconvenient kind, and though the vessel was of course decked,
there were pro-
VOL. II. Q
bably no cabins, no
means of shelter, or privacy, or protection against sun and sea. The crew was
composed of superstitious pagans, who might, humanly speaking, at any moment
have taken it into their heads to throw the Christians overboard, and who must
have had many temptations to illtreat them. This does not seem to have
prevented Francis Xavier from remonstrating with them on their idolatrous
practices, though they disregarded his words entirely. The physical sufferings
of the voyage were thus the lightest part of what he had to bear. On the other
hand, the navigation was prosperous, and the greatest danger which the
missionaries ran was the risk of delay in some port of China, which would have
deferred for many months their arrival in Japan.
The following letter
(which we must divide, in order to give the account of the voyage by itself,
before speaking of what passed when it was over) must have been written from
time to time between the Feast of the Assumption—on which day St. Francis
Xavier and his companions reached the harbour of Ca- goxima—and the beginning
of November, when it was dispatched to India. It is remarkable for the
comparatively large space occupied by reflections and exhortations. This shows
us how much and how practically Francis Xavier was already thinking of
summoning some of his religious brethren to join him in Japan. Indeed it was
accompanied by another letter, in w’hich three Fathers were actually summoned
thither. We also see how interior perfection was the one quality which he desired
above all others in his assistants, and how anxious he was to lose no
opportunity of doing what was in his power to form in them the true apostolical
spirit. The letter is spoken of by himself as a letter on ‘ the interior
feelings of the mind,’ and he desires it to be sent round and read in all the
missions of the Society in India. It must therefore be considered as an exhortation
as well as a narrative.
(lxxix.)
To the Society at Goa.
May the grace and
charity of Christ our Lord always help and favour us !
I wrote to you at
great length from Malacca about our voyage thither after we left India, and
about all that happened there as long‘as we remained. Now for the rest. We
arrived in Japan, by the favouring help of Almighty God, on August the 15th,
having set out from Malacca on the Feast of St. John Baptist at evening. We
sailed on board the ship of a heathen merchant, a Chinaman, who promised the
Commandant at Malacca that he would carry us to Japan. By the goodness of God
we had very favourable winds. However, as perfidy so often rules barbarians
like him, our captain at one time changed his intention, and began to give up
keeping to his course to- 1 wards Japan,'and loiter about the islands that came
in the way, for the sake of wasting time.
There were two things
in this which we found especially hard to bear. The first was that God had
given a most favourable wind, and yet we were not using it, whereas if it
failed, we should not have been able to hold on our course to Japan, but should
have been obliged to winter on the coast of China, and, of necessity, wait over
again for a favourable season and state of weather. The other was that the
captain and sailors were always, against our will and in spite of all our
efforts to prevent them, offering abominable worship to an idol which they had
with them on the poop, and consulting the devil from time to time, whether it
would be advantageous or not to sail to Japan? They would also ask him whether
we should be able to hold on our course with favourable weather? and as they
told us, the result of the lots was at one time good, at another unfavourable.
When we had sailed
three hundred miles, we put in to a certain island, and there made ready our
rigging and equipment for the very severe storms of the Chinese sea. Thereupon
our sailors offered many superstitious sacrifices to the idol, and
fell again to casting
lots, asking the devil whether we should have good winds ? By chance the lot so
fell as to promise us a very favourable wind, so that we were not to stay any
longer where we were. So without delay we heaved up our anchor and set sail in
high spirits; they relying on their idol, which they worshipped with great
devotion, burning candles and sticks of aloe-wood on the poop; and we trusting
in the God Who rules heaven and earth and sea, and in Jesus Christ His Son, for
the sake of propagating Whose religion we were on our way to Japan. But while
we were thus on our way, these pagans took it into their heads to ask the devil
whether their ship would return safely to Malacca from Japan? The lots declared
that she would reach Japan, but would not return to Malacca. Hereupon the
pagans came to a stand, and at last made up their minds to give up for the
present the voyage to Japan, to winter in China, and to put off going to Japan
till the next year. What do you imagine we thought and felt during that part of
the voyage, while the devil was being consulted by his own worshippers as to
our voyage to Japan, and the captain of the ship managed the whole business
just as the devil willed and chose ? Well, as we were sailing on slowly, on a
single day and night, off a port in Cochin China, belonging to the Chinese,1
two very serious things happened to us.
It was the Feast of
St. Mary Magdalene about vesper time, and as the sea was swelling, and the
water became rougher on account of the wind, the ship being anchored off a
shoal, Emmanuel the Chinese, one of our companions, fell head foremost, as the
vessel rolled, into the sink of the ship, which was open. We all thought he was
killed, for he had fallen from a great height, and the sink was full of water.
However, by the goodness of God he escaped death. He stuck some time in the
pump, with his head downwards, and up to his middle in water, and at last with
great difficulty and exertion we got him out, badly wounded on the head. He lay
a long time without coming to himself, but by God’s great mercy he was at
length restored to health. Just as we had begun to attend to his cure, 1
Probably Touron: Leon Pages, t. ii. p. 142.
there comes another
roll of the ship, and the daughter of the captain was cast overboard into the
sea. The violence of the storm was so great that our efforts to help her were
all in vain, •and she sank in the waves in the sight of her father and of all
of us, close to the ship. There was so much wailing and groaning all that day
and the night which followed, that everything seemed -very mournful and
miserable, whether from the grief of the barbarians, or the danger in which we
were. For the pagans turned .at once to appeasing their idol with sacrifices
and ceremonies; they spent the whole day and night, without taking any rest, in
killing birds and placing dishes before the idol. And when the captain asked
why it was that his daughter had perished ? the lots told him that if our
friend Emmanuel had been killed in the sink, his girl would not have come to
harm. You see what great danger we were in, as our life depended on the answer
given by the devil and on the will of his servants.
What would have
become of us, if God had permitted that most bitter enemy of ours to deal with
us according to his own desires ? For my part, when I saw such great and open
insults offered to Christ our Lord by those abominable rites, and yet could in
no way hinder them, I prayed many times to God, that before we were lost in
that tempest, He would deliver those men whom He had created in His own image
from their very great and impious errors, or, if He was to permit them to
remain in these same errors, at least that He would allot very severe torments
to the common enemy of man who was the author of all those superstitions, every
time that he incited the captain to consult him by lots or to worship him as
God.
On the same day on
which these troubles happened and during the night which followed, it befell
me, by the good gift of God, to feel and experience a great many things
concerning the very .great frights which the devil, when by God’s permission he
has the power given him, is wont to inflict upon timid men exposed .to danger,
as well as concerning the means of defence which we ought to use in such a case
and at such a time against the assaults of the enemy. It would not be at all
useless for you to know them, but for brevity’s sake I pass them by. The sum of
it all, and the most
certain safeguard, is this, to have the greatest I presence of mind and courage
against the enemy, utterly dis-' trusting yourself, and entirely relying upon
God, so as to have all your strength and all your hopes placed in Him, and by
no means in the world to allow yourself to seem to fear or to doubt I of your
victory, with a patron such as He is and One so great 1 for your defender. It
very often came into my mind that if I God had really increased at my prayer
the punishment and pain I of the devil, then it was very likely that the latter
might vent I his rage and hate upon me, for he very often threatened me I and
gave me to understand that the time was come when he 1 would avenge on me the
increase of his pain.
But the devil can
never hurt any one at all, except as far j as God Himself permits it: so that
at such times we ought j much rather to fear having any distrust in God, than
to fear the 1 assaults of our enemy. For God does permit our foe to harass I
and vex those who are led by their own timidity not to trust in I their
Creator, who do not seek for strength in Him, and do not I place their hopes on
Him. This plague of timidity makes many I men who have begun to serve God lead
a sad and anxious life, in that they bear the sweet yoke and cross of Christ
and yet I do not advance bravely and constantly. Timidity causes us 1 this
evil, a very great, a very fatal and mischievous evil—that having begun to lean
only on your own weakness, when there is need for far greater strength and for
resources such as God alone can give, your courage fails in difficult matters,
so that you do not make good use of the help of Heaven, which invites you to
have a good hope of victory. On the other hand, presumptuous men,—who are led
by their selfconfidence to rely more than is right on their own strength, and
who despise lesser conflicts with temptation, although they have never trained
I themselves in these to victory,—these are even more weak , than timid men
when great dangers and sorrows beset them. For their undertakings have turned
out in a way so entirely contrary to their expectations that they lose all
heart and are ! dejected in small matters as well as in great. So that they go
into conflicts of this kind with so much repugnance and so I
much fear, as to run
a great risk of their salvation, or at all events of losing all tranquillity.
For they do not acknowledge their own weakness, and thus they consider the
cross of Christ too heavy to be borne, and their life must of necessity be
anxious and bitter.
For how can we expect
it to be with us, dearest brothers, at our last moments, unless we have
practised ourselves in having a good hope and in confidence in God during our
lives? At that time we shall certainly find ourselves surrounded by far greater
dangers, temptations, and sufferings both of mind and body than ever before.
For this reason it is right that those who have a desire to serve God should
take great pains in little matters, and lower themselves and empty themselves
as much as possible, so that they may have an utter distrust of themselves,
and an immense trust in God, and thus they may become accustomed, when great
dangers of life or death or great trials present themselves, to have great hope
in the goodness and mercy of God. And this they will gain, if they conquer themselves
in things, however little they may be, to which they have an aversion, and if
they devote themselves altogether to the study of Christian humility, and so
are entirely free from selfconfidence, while they raise up their hearts to
placing the very highest confidence in God.
For in truth no man
is really timid and weak who knowingly leans upon the assistance of God.
However many may be the hindrances to perseverance and perfection of virtue
which the enemy of us all may place in your path, yet after all you will run a
far greater risk in great difficulties and troubles if you distrust the aid of
God, than if you confront the perils which our deadly foe raises against you.
Would that pious men, in the place of those fears and terrors which the devil
uses in endeavouring to deter them from the service of God, would substitute
the fear they ought to feel of God their Creator in case they should chance to
give up what they have begun for Him. Would that they would once for all make
up their minds that it will be far worse for them to neglect the will of our
Divine Master than to brave what is in truth the impotence of the devil! 0 good
God ! if they would
do this, how full of sweetness would their life be, and what progress would
they make in virtue, taught by their own experience the knowledge that of
themselves they can do nothing, but on the other hand that they can do all
things with God to help them ! And how, too, would our foe be broken down and
perplexed, seeing himself conquered by those whom he more than once before had
overcome !
But now to return to
our voyage. As soon as the tempest had relented, we raised anchor and set sail,
resuming with many tears the course which we had interrupted. In a few days we
reached a port of China, called Canton, and then the sailors and the captain
himself thought that they would winter there. We opposed their decision, partly
by prayers, partly by threats that we should complain of their breach of faith
to the Commandant at Malacca. So God in His goodness put it into their minds not
to stay longer in the island of Canton, but to weigh anchor and sail for
Tchin-tcheon. God was also so good as to give us a continually favourable wind,
and in a few days we drew near to this second port on the Chinese coast,
Tchin-tcheon. They were just about to enter the port with the intention of
spending the winter there, because the season for sailing to Japan was nearly
past, when on a sudden a boat puts out to us in a great hurry, telling us that
the harbour is invested by pirates, and that it will be all over with us if we
come any nearer. This bit of news frightened the captain, who moreover saw that
the brigantines of the pirates were not more than four miles distant from us;
and so, to avoid that immediate danger, he determined to shun that port. But
now the wind was adverse to a return to Canton and favourable to sailing to
Japan, and so we held our course thither against the will of the captain, the
sailors, and the devil himself. So by the guidance of God we came at last to
this country, which we had so much longed for, on the very day of the Feast of
our Blessed Lady’s Assumption 1549. We could not make another port, and so we
put into Cagoxima, which is the native place of Paul of the holy Faith. We
were most kindly received there both by Paul’s relations and connections and
also by the rest of the people of the place.
[Cagoxima, the port
at which Francis Xavier and his companions landed, lies on an arm of the sea
which deeply indents the coast of the southern and most westerly of the islands
of which Japan is made up. It has not, unfortunately for its ini habitants,
escaped, like so many other of the cities of the country, the notice of the
foreign visitors of Japan in our own time. It chanced that a relative of its
ruler, the Prince of Satsouma, was the daimio who thought himself insulted by
an English party in the streets of Yeddo in i860, and as in the fray that
ensued an Englishman was murdered, the strange logic of international law made
it appear necessary that Cagoxima should be bombarded and set on fire some
months after the accident. Its great distance from Meaco, the seat of the
Dairi’s government, made it seem an unfortunate necessity for Francis Xavier to
land there; but it is probable that the misfortune was in truth a great advantage.
Certainly, as Francis informs us in his letter, the people and the prince alike
received him at first very well. Paul of the holy Faith was welcomed by his
family and friends; and when he proceeded, some days after his landing, to pay
his respects to the local prince of Satsouma, a few miles off, he was very
graciously and kindly received. The prince particularly admired a Madonna with
the Holy Infant, a picture which had been brought from India, and which Paul
took with him to show at court. The prince’s mother was charmed with it, and
desired to have a copy made for herself. Paul talked a great deal with them
both of India, the power of the Portuguese, and the Christian religion, and the
princess asked him to let her have the chief heads of his new faith in writing.
From this time Paul was actively employed either in translating the Creed and
Catechism into Japanese, or in spreading the knowledge of the Christian religion
among his own family and friends, a very large number of whom he ultimately
succeeded in converting.
Meanwhile, Francis
was preparing himself for his arduous enterprise very quietly and intently;
practising great humility, praying a great deal by day as wrell as
by night, offering up constant austerities to aid his prayers, and learning
the elements
of the language with
all the docility, and far more than the patience, of a child. He soon got to
know the Commandments and Creed in Japanese, and was able to give a short
explanation of both. Paul's help was invaluable to him. In this way six weeks
passed on. When St. Michael’s Day came, Francis chose it for his first open
advance, a visit to the Prince of Sat- souma. The Prince received him
hononrably, and a few days later gave him leave to preach the Christian law,
which he allowed any of his subjects to embrace if they chose.
The first step was
thus gained; but the public preaching was not long to continue unmolested.
Francis had, in the meanwhile, done his best to secure another advantage. He
had visited and even cultivated the bonzes. They were the teachers of the
people, held in extraordinary veneration among them notwithstanding the
wellknown impurity of their lives, and if, as was hardly possible, they could
have been gained over, or induced to remain tolerant of the new religion, the
most powerful impediment to its spread would have been removed. The letter
before us hints at the cause, or rather at some of the many causes, on account
of which the influence of the bonzes was sure to be thrown into the scale
against the Christian teaching. It was not only that their occupation would be
gone if the people were converted, but their habitual practice of impurity of
the most unnatural kind, which they were even ready openly to defend, and which
by reason of their sanction passed as a thing not forbidden by the natural law,
was certain to steel their hearts against the arguments and evidences adduced
in support of the truth.
It must be
remembered, in reading the statements in this and other passages of this letter
of St. Francis Xavier in which he speaks of the bonzes, and generally of the
religion of the Japanese, that his acquaintance with the details of the forms
of falsehood against which he had to contend was necessarily imperfect and
superficial. The writers of the century following the time of his preaching
tell us many details about the religious state of the couutry of which he
could hardly have been aware. He looked upon it from outside, as a foreign
Catholic
looks, for example,
upon the Protestantism of Great Britain or Germany, with no intimate knowledge
even of the nomenclature of the various sects into which the heterogeneous
mass is really divided, and much less with any idea of the immense variety of
forms of opinion and practice which exist side by side in any Christian country
which has renounced unity and thrown aside dogma and Catholic tradition. Such a
man would see no difference between a Ritualist and a Plymouth brother, he
would imagine that the influence of Oxford and Cambridge would be paramount in
the Free Kirk of Scotland and among the Welsh Methodists, and might suppose the
Wesleyan meeting houses which he might see by the roadside to be under the
jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Canterbury. In reality, of course, no
latitude of syncretism which prevails among Christians can be like that which,
in a country like Japan, would mingle into a whole, the incoherence of which
would not at once be detected from without, the old native paganism of the
worship of the Kamis, with the more splendid, and in many respects less
corrupt, superstitions of Buddhism, with the doctrine of Confucius, imported
from China, and with the other elements of which the popular religion was made
up. It is most probable that the people themselves knew but little of the theoretical
and doctrinal differences between the various religions which invited their
devotion and imposed on their credulity.
The reason for these
remarks will be obvious to any one who has made himself acquainted with the
accounts of the several religions of Japan given by the later authors already
named. The description given by Francis Xavier of the old bonze called
Ningh-sit with whom he had so much conversation, as it seems, with Paul for
his interpreter, would seem to point to a member of the Buddhist hierarchy. Yet
this same old man is said to have been doubtful about the immortality of the
soul; a statement which would naturally imply that he was an official of the
Sintos, that is of the adherents of the older paganism of the Kamis, which
seems to have been the indigenous religion of the race. But there were
originally no priests, properly so called, in the religion of the Kamis. The
shrines were
attended by secular
persons, who wore a particular dress when occupied in religious rites, and who
held aloof from the common people at all times, as possessing themselves
something of a sacred character. Thus what bore the appearance of a priesthood
was developed, even in the religion of the Kamis, though ’■the ‘
bonzes’ were properly Buddhist ecclesiastics.
In the same way, the religion of the Kamis came to have, what it had not
originally, its external pomp of worship, processions, litanies, offerings, and
images supposed to be miraculous. The fundamental idea of Buddhism required
these things quite as little as that of the earlier of the Eastern religions.
They grew up around it because they are, in reality, the expression of the
natural instincts of humanity in presence of what it supposes to be divine
truth and power. The monastic and religious system, again, is more congenial to
Buddhism than to the Kami religion : and yet we find among the latter both
religious men and religious women, the Kanousis and the Bikunis. It is
therefore hardly worth while to inquire whether the Ningh-sit mentioned in the
letter before us were really a Buddhist ‘ bonze,’ or a Sintoist. In the former
case, we should have to suppose what is so often found among the official
adherents of a false and imperfect religion, that is, that scepticism as to
one of the fundamental doctrines of his own creed had invaded his mind. Indeed,
it is remarkable all through the slight but very significant and interesting
accounts which have come down to us of the disputes waged by Francis Xavier
with the bonzes and learned men of Japan, that the question so often turned,
not upon what may be called the more positive and distinctive parts of the
Christian faith, the Incarnation, the Atonement, and the like, but upon matters
which touch the natural law, the doctrines of natural religion, the Providence and
the justice of God.
After these general
remarks on the false religions with which Francis Xavier was now confronted as
the Apostle of Christianity, we may continue the letter of which a part has
already been given.]
(lxxix.) Continued.
We shall write to you
about Japan just as far as we get acquainted with it, and what we ourselves
have learnt. In the first place, the nation with which we have had to do here
surpasses- in goodness any of the nations lately discovered. I really think
that among barbarous nations there can be none that has more natural goodness
than the Japanese. They are of a kindly disposition, not at all given to
cheating, wonderfully desirous of honour and rank. Honour with them is placed
above everything else. There are a great many poor among them, but poverty is
not a disgrace to any one. There is one thing among them of which I hardly know
whether it is practised anywhere among Christians. The nobles, however poor
they may be, receive the same honour from the rest as if they were rich; nor
can any noble, however poor and needy, be induced to contract marriage with
even the richest plebeian. They think that by coming down to ally themselves
with plebeians they lose a great deal of dignity and estimation, and thus it is
that they despise riches in comparison with dignity. They have a great many
observances of courtesy among themselves. They are very fond of arms and
weapons, and rely upon them very much. The highest and lowest alike always wear
their swords and' daggers—even boys of fourteen years of age. They never bear
an insult either in word or deed.
The common people pay
very great respect to the nobles, and these in their turn think it a great
honour to themselves to wait on the Kings and Princes and obey their word. They
seem to me to do this rather from their desire of honour than out of fear, lest
by not behaving thus they should lose anything of their own dignity. They are
sparing and frugal in eating, but not in drink. The wine they drink is made of
rice, for here there is no other. They abhor dice and gaming as things highly
disgraceful, because gamesters are greedy of other men’s goods, and their
desire of gain leads them on to the desire of stealing. They seldom swear, but
when they do, they swear
by the sun. Most of
them can read, and this is a great help to them for the easy understanding of
our usual prayers and the chief points of our holy religion. They have not more
than one wife. There are few thieves among them, and this is on account of the
severity of the punishments inflicted for theft, as all thieves are put to
death. So there is no kind of theft which they do not hate in a remarkable
degree. They are wonderfully inclined to all that is good and honest, and have
an extreme eagerness to learn.
They listen with great
avidity to discourse about God and Divine things, especially when they can well
understand what you say. Of all nations I have ever seen I cannot remember
-ever to have found any, either Christian or heathen, so averse to theft. They
do not worship any gods under the form of beasts. Most of them venerate certain
ancient men, who, as far as I have been able to ascertain, used to live after
the fashion of the old philosophers; most of them worship the sun, some the
moon. They listen willingly to things consonant to nature and reason; and
although they are not themselves free from crimes and wicked practices, yet, if
you show them that their sin is contrary to reason, they readily acknowledge
its guilt and obey the law of reason.
I find the common
secular people here less impure and more obedient to reason than their priests,
whom they call bonzes. These men are so given up to the most abominable kind of
lust as to make open profession of it. This plague is indeed so common to all
here, men and women alike, that the mere custom of it has taken away all their
hatred and horror of the crime. We often speak against this detestable form of
wickedness, and when we show them how wicked and how hateful to God the people
are who commit such great impurities, we find that others listen to us with
favour and are well disposed, but the bonzes themselves, when we admonish them
to abstain from such filthy lusts, try to turn the edge of what we object to in
them by laughter and jokes. However severely we reprehend them, they are
utterly hardened to all shame, as if their turpitude had gone so far that they
no longer feel it at all.
There is a sect of
these bonzes who have a dress externally not very unlike our own monks. They
wear a habit of an ashen colour, with their heads and beards always shaven—it
seems as if they were shaven every third or fourth day. Their discipline and
rule of life are very lax. There are communities of women of the same sect,
with whom they live promiscuously ; so they have a bad name among the people,
who do not approve of their great intercourse with the women. They say that
when these women find themselves with child, they use medicines to procure
abortion. And, as far as I can judge from the community which is here, I do not
think the people have too bad an opinion of them. These bonzes hate and are at
variance with some others, who dress rather like the clergy among ourselves.5
5 The
following passage from Kaempfer (.History of Japan ap. Pinkerton,
Voyages, &c., t. vii. p. 788) will perhaps explain this passage on the ‘
bonzes’ and religious women here spoken of:
‘ Multitudes of
beggars crowd the roads to all parts of the empire, but particularly on the so
much frequented Tokaido. ’ [The Tokaido, or royal road from Nagasaki to Yeddo,
was made by the famous Taicosama, the persecutor of Christianity, many years
after the time of Francis Xavier.] ‘ Among them are many lusty young fellows,
who shave their heads. This custom of shaving the head hath been originally
introduced by Sotoktais, a zealous propagator of the Fotoge, or doctrine of the
foreign pagan worship’ [by this, Kaempfer means Buddhism], ‘ and was kept up
ever since. For being vigorously opposed in the propagation of his doctrine by
one Moria, he commanded all that had embraced his worship to shave part of
their heads, to be thereby distinguished from the adherents of Moria ; and he
likewise ordered that their male children should have their whole head shaved,
after the manner of their priests, and by virtue of this solely enjoy the
privilege of begging.
1 To this shaved begging tribe belongs a
certain remarkable religious order of young girls called Bikuni, which is to
say as much as nuns. They | live under the protection of the nunneries at
Kamakura and Meaco, to whom they pay a certain sum a year, which they get by
begging, as an acknowledgment of their authority. Some pay besides a sort of tribute
or contribution to the Khumano temples at Isja. Their chief abode is in the
neighbourhood of Khumano, from whence they are called Khumano no Bikuni, of the
nuns of Khumano, for distinction’s sake from other religious nuns. They are, in
my opinion, by much the handsomest girls we saw in Japan. The daughters of poor
parents, if they be handsome and agreeable, iipply for and easily obtain this
privilege of begging in the habit of nuns, knowing that beauty is one of the
most persuasive inducements to travel' lers to let them feel the effects of
their generosity. The jammabos, or
There are two things
here which altogether astonish me. One is, that the most abominable sins are
thought nothing of —and this has come about by the fault of their ancestors,
who were corrupted by this plague of impurity themselves, and have left to
their posterity the example of such foul lust. And it is very true that the
daily habit of vice of this kind quite depraves
begging mountain
priests . . . frequently incorporate their own daughters into this religious
order, and take their wives from among these bikunis.’ Kaempfer goes on to
speak of the manners of these bikunis as not wanting in external modesty,
though he says that they are free with any traveller who encourages them, and
that they are really neither poor nor virtuous. Then he goes on to speak of
the ‘mountain priests.’ ‘They have their head, or general of their order,
residing at Meaco, to whom they are obliged to pay a certain sum of money every
year, and in return obtain from him a higher dignity, with some additional
ornament whereby they are known among themselves. They commonly live in the
neighbourhood of some famous Kami temple, and accost travellers in the name of
the Kami which is worshipped there, making a short discourse of his holiness
and miracles, with a loud coarse voice : meanwhile, to make the noise still
louder, they rattle their long staffs, loaded at the upper end with iron rings,
to take up the charity money which is given them; and last of all they blow a
trumpet made of a large shell. ... In some places they accost travellers in
company with a troop of Bikunis, and with their rattling, singing, trumpeting,
chattering, and crying, make such a horrid frightful noise, as would make one
mad or deaf.’
If modem travellers
are to be trusted, the Japanese are no longer so truthful and so averse to
cheating as Francis Xavier states them to be. But they may naturally feel on
the defensive with foreigners who force themselves upon them, as has been the
case of late years. The other statements in the text, as to the practice of
abortion, and the rivalries and feuds between different religious communities,
are abundantly confirmed by other writers. Taicosama (Fide-Yosi) interfered by
force to put an end to the rivalries spoken of.
‘Each one of the
thousand divinities of the Buddhist mythology,’ says M. Humbert, ‘ had made
room for itself in Japan, and had its temples, its- statues, its monastic
confraternities. Bonzes, religious men, nuns, abounded throughout the empire,
principally in the centre and southern part of Nippon. Each convent vied with
its neighbour in industrious arts to obtain the greatest following. But
gradually the rivalry became so outrageous, that jealousy, bitterness, hatred,
poisoned the mutual relations of certain powerful and ambitious orders.
Invectives were followed by acts. The imperial police threw itself across the
first encounters of tonsured heads; but it was soon unable to oppose a barrier
to the torrent. Bands of furious monks, in frocks and cassocks, armed with
sticks, pikes, and flails, rushed at night on the property of the confraternity
which gave them umbrage, ravaging all that they came across, ill-treating,
killing or dispersing the
human nature, just as
continued carelessness and sloth in the practice of virtue gradually undermine
all pursuit of perfection of life. The other thing is, that though the bonzes
lead more depraved lives than the rest, and though all know this, they are
still held in so much honour by them. The bonzes have besides many other
errors; but that I may not detain you about them, I may say that the more
learned any one among them is, the more shamefully does he err.
I have often
conversed with some of them who are more learned than the rest, and especially
with the bonze who in this place is respected and honoured by all, both on
account of his reputation for learning and high place in their priesthood, and
also on account of his great age, for he is already eighty. He is a sort of
bishop among them, and is called Ningh-sit, which in the Japanese language
means ‘Heart of Truth.’ Happy man, if the name really fitted him ! I have had
many talks with him, and have found him uncertain and doubtful whether our soul
be immortal, or whether it perishes at the same time as the body; and he was
not consistent with himself, at one time affirming this, and at another denying
it. I am very much afraid that the rest of these men of letters are much like
him. You would hardly believe how singularly fond he is of me ; and indeed
both the bonzes and all the others are delighted with our company. What they
wonder at above all is that we have come the whole way from Portugal to Japan,
a voyage of more than six thousand leagues, for no other purpose than to deal
with them about divine things, to set forth the Christian faith, and show them
in their errors the way of eternal salvation. They all declare that it must
have been God Himself Who gave us this mind.
One thing which I
very much wish you to know, in order
conventual victims of
their attack, and retiring only after having set fire to the four comers of the
“bonzery.” Sooner or later, however, the aggressors were assailed in their turn
at unawares, and underwent the same treatment. Six times in the course of the
twelfth century the monks of the convent on the Ye'isan burnt the ‘ bonzery’ of
Djensjosi: twicc the monks of this latter reduced to cinders the convent of the
Ye'isan,’ &c. &c. Japou IllustrS, t. i. p. 276.
VOL. II.
R
that you may give
great thanks to God is, that this island is well fitted and prepared to receive
the Gospel. If we all knew the language, I do not doubt but that a great many
Japanese would become Christians. God grant that we may soon acquire it well!
as we have already for some time begun to understand it. In these six weeks, by
God’s favour, we have got so far that we already give explanations in Japanese
of the Ten Commandments. Now my chief reason for writing all this so fully to
you is, that you may rejoice and give thanks to God our Lord, for that new
regions are thus laid open, in which your own industry may some day find a
large field for exertion, and that you may in the mean while furnish yourselves
with solid virtues and a great desire of suffering many things for Christ. And
what I could wish to sink deep into your hearts and always remain there is
this, that a ready and entire will to practise humility and lowliness, a will
by which you devote yourself and your life to the glory of God, is a sacrifice
more pleasing and acceptable to Him than even a great number of very important
services rendered without a will of that kind.
Do you therefore be
ready, for perhaps in less than two years I shall write and summon many of you
to Japan. In the mean while meditate upon and cultivate humility with all
diligence; conquer yourselves in all those things from which our depraved
nature shrinks; and make it your constant work by God’s grace to know
yourselves thoroughly. Self-knowledge is the nurse of confidence in God, and
the motive of Christian humility. It is from distrust of ourselves that
confidence in God is born, true and genuine confidence. This will be the way
for you to gain that true interior lowliness of mind, which in all places, and
especially here, is far more necessary than you think. I warn you also not to
let the good opinion which men have of you be too much of a pleasure to you,
unless perhaps in order that you may be the more ashamed of yourselves on that
account. It is that which leads people to neglect themselves, and this negligence
in many cases upsets as by a kind of trick all that lowliness of which I speak,
and puts arrogance jn its place. And thus so many do not see for a
long time how
much they have lost,
and gradually lose all care for piety .and all tranquillity of mind, and thus
are always troubled and anxious, finding no comfort either from without or
within themselves.
I do therefore pray
and beseech you to cast away all confidence in your own powers, in human
wisdom and reputation, and keep all your hopes and thoughts continually fixed
on God' alone. If you do this, then I shall consider that you are sufficiently
armed and prepared against all the troubles which may beset you either in the
mind or in body. For God lifts up and strengthens the humble, those especially
who in the practice of even humble and abject offices keep their eyes, as on a
mirror, on their own weakness, and conquer themselves nobly in such practices.
These are the persons who in the greatest labours and sufferings will show
virtue and constancy, and neither Satan and his ministers, nor the storms of
the sea, nor savage and barbarous nations, nor anything else, will be able to
separate them from the love of Christ.4
For they know for
certain, from their confidence and hope in God, that nothing can ever have
power to hurt them without His permission, that all things are ruled and
governed by God’s decree and counsel; they are shielded by the guardianship of
God, and there is nothing that they can fear, save this one thing alone, lest
they may offend Him. If sometimes it be that by the permission of their
heavenly Lord they are harassed and vexed by the devil or by men, or by
anything else, then they feel sure that their virtue is being put to the proof,
or their vices or faults are being punished and expiated, and that thus they
are either gaining an increase of merit or of humility. And so they give God
all due thanks for these great benefits, and, that they may not be wanting in
gratitude to those who furnish them with matter for the exercise of virtue and
for gaining reward, they pray with all their hearts to God for peace and pardon
for them. Such as these I trust you, by God’s help, will become.
For my part, I know a
man who, when he had got the habit of placing all his hope and confidence in
God, even in the very
* Latin, 'Toterit cos
scfararc a caritate Christ!. ’ Rom. viii. 39.
midst of dangers, was
in a wonderful way laden with heavenly gifts, which it would be long to give an
account of. And as we must suppose that the trials already passed are lighter
than those which are to come upon us, I pray and adjure by Jesus Christ those
who are hereafter to come to Japan, that they prepare themselves for the
hardest things, and break down and tame their own desires, which are the
hindrances to such great good. Take heed to yourselves, dearest brothers, for
there are many now tormented in hell, who after having by their discourses
opened the way to heavenly bliss to many, yet have themselves at last come to
those eternal punishments, because they have been inflated by the false and
deceitful idea of their own excellence, and so have wanted this humility of
heart. But there is no one at all in hell of the number of those, who, when
afflicted by the sufferings of this life, have made it their business to
fortify their souls with that interior humility of which I speak.
Always keep in mind
that saying of our heavenly Master ‘ What does it profit a man if he gain the
whole world, but suffer loss of his own soul ?’5 Take heed lest you
have any confidence in yourselves, and because you are older than others in
the Society, therefore prefer yourselves to those who have come later. I should
feel much greater joy of heart if (as I hope may be the case) I should hear
that any elder one among ours was very often thinking within himself how little
progress he had made, after spending so many years in the Society; how much
time he has lost, not only in remaining still but even in going back—since in
the way of perfection not to make progress is to recede.0 Those who
dwell on such thoughts are sure to feel ashamed and to reproach themselves with
their indolence and sinfulness, and so, roused up by the spirit rather of
interior than of exterior humiliation, gain courage and strength to make up for
their losses. And so they become examples to those with whom they live, both
novices and the rest.
Come
therefore,—practise yourselves, all of you, assiduously
5 Orig. Latin, Quid prodest homini si nniversttm
mundum lucretur
animcc vero sua detrimentum patiatnr V Matt. xvi. 29.
* Orig. Latin, In via
pcrfcctionis non progredi rcgrcdi cst.
in these meditations,
when you feel the desire of being conspicuous soldiers in the armies of Christ
our Lord. And believe me, that those who may come here will have their virtue
well tried, and whatever extreme diligence you may have used in acquiring
virtue of any kind, you will find none that you have not use for. I do not mean
by all this to make out that it is difficult and arduous to serve God, for we
know that His yoke is easy and sweet. For if you seek God in truth,7
and enter vigorously the path which leads to Him, you will certainly find so
much delight proceed from His service, as will easily mitigate and soften
whatever sharpness or bitterness there is in conquering yourself. O good God !
men do not understand what great and pure pleasure they forfeit because they do
not resist vigorously enough the assaults of the devil—a thing which deprives
our poor weak hearts not only of acquaintance with all the goodness of God, but
also of the consolations of this miserable life—especially when such a life,
without any of the sweetness which comes from God, is continual death rather
than life.
I fear that the devil
should beset some of you, putting before you certain very great and wonderful
exploits which you may achieve for the service of God in other places and occupations.
What would he do, I wonder, if he got you into a position more open to his
assaults? All his plans have this aim, to make you solicitous and anxious, so
as to be no good ■either to yourselves or to others
among whom you work. And so he whispers to you : ‘
What are you doing ? Do you not see that in your attempts here you are spending
your work in vain ?’ This is a thought which tempts most of those who have
given themselves to the service of God, and I urgently pray you over and over
again to resist it bravely and constantly, for in truth this evil is so
pernicious to piety and perfection in virtue, that it makes us not only run
slowly in the course which we have begun, but also proceed as far as we do with
great trouble and anguish of mind. So let each one of you, wherever he may be,
study to help first himself and then others in this, and let him make up his
mind that he can nowhere do more service- 7 Orig. Latin, Si qiurras Datrn in veritate.
able work for God
than in the place which has been assigned him by his Superiors. And at the same
time trust, that when the fit time comes, God will put it into the minds of
those who govern you to send you to that particular place above all others
where your work will be most fruitful. In this way you will be happy and ready,
and make great progress in virtue, and spend all your time well; and time is a
thing the value of which is ^ ery great indeed—though many do not know it—since
of all our idle time so accurate an account has to be given to God. But men who
are anxious and uncertain in mind neither make any progress where they wish to
be, because they are not there, nor, where they are, do they do good to
themselves or others, because their thoughts are elsewhere.
I would
have all of you that are living in the College of Santa Fe exercise yourselves
long and much in the knowledge of your own weakness, and fully open your faults
to men who can help you by counsel and other assistance, such as your confessors,
and other men of experience in the community. The reason for this is, that
when you are sent to these parts you may be able to take care of yourselves and
of others, by means of the experience and knowledge which you have gained from
those who guide your lives. You may assure yourselves that you will be attacked
by new kinds of temptation when you are sent out in pairs or even singly, and
find yourselves by sea or by land surrounded by danger from storms or from
savage men, —dangers of which you have before never even thought. So that if
there be any who have not much and for long practised themselves in taming the
evil motions of their hearts and in making themselves acquainted with the
snares of our most crafty enemy, I leave to their own judgments to consider how
great the danger will be in which they will find themselves when they are
confronting and attacking the world which lies all in darkness and iniquity.8
And who will be able to escape the assaults of the enemy except those who have
made much way in humility ? • %
There is also another
anxiety which worries me, namely,
' Latin, Qiti tohts posit us cst in maliguo. i John v. 19.
lest the
devil, transforming himself into an angel of light,9 should deceive
some of you by his tricks, setting before your mind the great obligations to
God under which you live, and all the miseries out of which He has delivered
you by calling you into the Society of His Son, and so lead you into a .vain
confidence and security, so that you ask to be sent out here before the time,
reasoning with yourselves in this manner, that if already in so short a space
of time God has bestowed on you at Goa so many great benefits, He will
certainly give you many more and much greater when you are sent out hither for
the conversion of the heathen. And when the devil has cast this thought into
your minds, he may easily persuade you that you are doing nothing where you
are. _
But this attack of
the enemy may be repelled in two ways. First, if you consider that there are
many wicked men who, if they were to wash off the filth, so to speak, of their
former life, and were to be placed in that same school of virtue in which you
are, would not only change their manner of living, but would also, to your very
great shame, surpass you in virtue and diligence. I say this to put you in mind
of what is the truth, that is, that the reason why you abstain from more
serious faults is that where you are there are no occasions of offending God,
and many of enjoying Him. Persons who do not know whence this very great
blessing proceeds are apt to attribute it to their own virtue, and so neglect
things that seem small while they are in themselves great, while the persons
who despise them so foolishly are small indeed, and themselves worthy of all
contempt. In the second place, you must take diligent care to refer all your
desires and judgments to your Superiors, having perfect confidence that it will
turn out that God will give them in His goodness that mind and purpose in
governing you which will be more profitable to your true interests.
Moreover, take care
never to ask anything of them with importunity. Some do this, and urge their
Superiors so much that they extort from them what they desire, however hurtful
it may be; and if it be denied them, they complain openly that
* Latin, Transfigurans se in angehim htcis.
their life is
unpleasant and bitter. Poor men ! they do not understand that all that
bitterness and trouble arise and are increased from this,—that after having
once given and devoted their will to God, they neglect their vow, and endeavour
to turn their will the other way and regain it for themselves. The more they
try, to follow their own will, just so much in proportion is their life more
anxious and their mind more disturbed. There are many of these men who are so
much their own masters that they hardly ever obey their Superiors willingly— except
when they are commanded to do what they themselves wish.
For God’s sake take
care not to be of this class. In all matters at home, carry out with the
greatest care what your Superiors put upon you to do, and by the help of God,
avoid the suggestions of the devil, who tries to persuade you that you can gain
more profit in some other office, that so you may not well discharge the
business which is given you to manage. This is a kind of artifice with which he
is wont to assail those who are employed in letters and education.
I implore you again
and again, for the sake of Jesus Christ, endeavour in all humble and abject
duties to win great victories over the devil. And in doing what you are set to
do, take even much more pains to resist the temptations which belong to the
duty, than in making great bodily exertion and labour to discharge what is
ordered you. For there are some who satisfy their duty exteriorly, but not
internally, because they take no pains at all to keep under the evil movements
of the soul, and to get rid of the impediments to the discharge of the duty
which the devil puts in the way in order to retard them in the way of virtue.
These men generally lead a sad and anxious life, and make no progress in piety
and virtue. Let no one deceive himself. No one can ever excel in great things
who does not first excel in small.
There are a great
many errors of a number of persons to be met with in this matter, but those who
chiefly fall into such faults are men who, under the guise of piety and of the
desire of converting souls, take measures to escape from the light
cross—for light it
is—of obedience in order to take up another far heavier. Miserable men ! they
do not consider that one who cannot bear a slight burthen will much less be
able to bear a great one. Those who with but little virtue and little power of
obedience are eager to undertake great things, as soon as they find themselves
oppressed by the weight of these matters, condemn their own folly and cast off
the burthen altogether. Even of those who will come from the College of Coimbra
to India, I fear there may be some who, as soon as they see themselves in
danger in those terrible storms of the ocean, may wish themselves rather in the
College than in the ship. So it is— there is a certain kind of pious fervour
which waxes cold even in the voyage to India.
Again, others, if
they have kept their ardour till they have arrived, yet, when they go about
through the countries, of the heathen and begin to be oppressed by troubles in
one place and to be exposed to danger in another, then, unless virtue has taken
deep root in their hearts, they easily give way, and so at last that fire of
zeal which they brought with them is extinguished, and the same men who when
in Portugal were all in love with India, now that they are in India feel a
great longing for Portugal. The same thing may come over some of you who are
accustomed to the blessings and conveniences of the College, and have conceived
a great and ardent zeal and are very eager to be sent forth to become hunters
of souls. When they are in the midst of this conflict which they had so much
desired, and when their ardour has cooled down a little, perhaps it may be
that they will not be able to live, for the wish they have to be in the College
again. Do not you see, then, what is the final issue of these sudden and
premature fruits of charity, and how dangerous great attempts are, unless our
strength corresponds to them ?
I do not, however,
say this in order to repress your noble impulses to piety, or to deter your
ardent minds from difficult enterprizes, so that you may not show yourselves
excellent workers in the propagation of the Christian religion, and leave to
your successors illustrious examples of virtue and holiness.
I only say it in
order that you may endeavour to be great even in small things, and learn
clearly from your temptations and conflicts with the devil what your own
strength is, and then altogether place your entire hope, confidence, and
security in God alone. If you do this with constancy and perseverance, I have
no doubt that you will daily increase in submissiveness and in piety, and will
by and by gather in a very large number of the heathen to the fold of Christ,
and all this with great agreeableness and tranquillity of mind, in whatever
part of the world it. may be that you have to work.
For it may well be
expected that men who have learnt what are the troubles and diseases of their
own minds, and who take great care to heal them, should also charitably attend
to the wounds of others, and help them in their dangers even at the risk of
their own life. For men who make it their study to find out and cure their own
evil affections find no trouble in discovering and curing those of others. So
also those who are- moved by the sufferings of Christ our Lord find it easy to
move others to the same feelings. And I do not see how you can communicate any
emotion to another, unless the same be first thoroughly impressed and burnt in
upon yourself.
But now let me at
last return to the narrative we began about affairs in Japan, from which we
have been digressing. In the native place of Paul of the holy Faith, in whom we
have found a true and genuine friend, the governor of the city, the chief
citizens, and indeed the whole place, have received us very kindly. Everybody
came with great wonderment to visit the new priests from Portugal. They are not
displeased with Paul for having become a Christian, but rather respect him for
it, and all his kindred and others who have any relationship to- him
congratulate him on having gone to India, and having seen things which no
others of his countrymen have ever seen. The Prince of this place was six
leagues away from Cagoxima, and when Paul went to pay his respects to him, he
was very glad of his return, and showed him much honjour, asking himself also a
great many things about the manners, the power, and the resources of the
Portuguese. When Paul told him all about
them, he seemed to be
very highly delighted with what he heard.
Paul had taken with
him a very fine picture of our Blessed Lady with the Child Jesus sitting in her
lap, which we had brought from India. When the Prince saw the picture which
Paul had brought he was quite struck with wonder; he at once i fell on his knees
and venerated it in the most pious manner, and ordered all who were present to
do the same. After this 1 his mother saw it and gazed upon it, and
was filled with wonderful admiration and delight, and a few days after when
Paul had returned to Cagoxima, she sent a man—and a very good person he was—to
see about getting a copy of it taken somehow or other. However, there were no
means of doing the thing at Cagoxima, and so the matter went no further. The
same lady sent us a request by the same hand, that we would give her in writing
the chief points of the Christian religion. So Paul devoted some days to this
work, and wrote out in his own native language a great many things concerning
Christian mysteries and laws.
You may take my word
for it, and also give God great thanks, that a very wide field is here opened
to you for your well roused piety to spend its energies in. If we knew the
Japanese language, we should long ere this have been at work at this large
uncultivated field with great fruit of souls. Paul indeed has diligently
preached the Gospel day and night to some relations and friends, and has thus
brought to the faith of Christ his wife and daughter, as well as many kinsmen
and intimate friends. And, as far as things have gone as yet, those who become
Christians do not find themselves commonly blamed for what they have done. As
the Japanese for the most part know how to read, they soon learn our prayers by
heart.
May God grant that in
order to explain His divine truths we may master the language as soon as
possible, for then at length we shall be able to do some good work for religion
! At present we are like so many dumb statues in the midst of the people. They
talk about us and discuss us a good deal among themselves, and we are able to
say nothing all the time, not
knowing their
language. We are making ourselves children over again in learning the elements
of it. Would that we may match the simplicity and candour of children ! At all
events Ave are at present making ourselves like them, both in learning the
tongue of the country and in meditating on their simplicity.
We owe indeed a great
debt to God for this, for bringing us into these heathen countries, where we
may forget ourselves altogether. Everything here being in the hands of heathen
and of enemies to the true religion, we have no one but God to hope in, no one
but Him to have recourse to for protection. At home in Europe, where the
religion of our Lord Christ flourishes, it somehow or other happens that the
people we have to deal with, and created things, such as the love of our
parents, our country, our relations, the intercourse we have with our friends,
the conveniences of life, the remedies against disease, and the like, are so
many hindrances to our fixing and placing our whole and entire hopes on God
alone. But here, where we are so far from our home, among barbarians, utterly
destitute of all human defence and resources, it is a matter of necessity for
us to rely only on our confidence in God. And the thought of the very great
benefits thus conferred on us by God is a source of no common shame and self
reproach to us.
For we almost see
with our bodily eyes the goodness of God towards us. So that whereas, having
come to these parts out of a desire to extend our divine religion, we thought
that we were doing something worthy of reward from God, we now clearly see that
it was indeed a very special blessing which God conferred on us that we came.
He, by bringing us to Japan, has set us altogether free from that love of human
things, which was a snare and net to us, so that we had not had much hope in
God. I beg you to help me to give thanks to our Divine Lord for such great
favours, that I may not fall into the fault of ingratitude; a fault which turns
aside the flowing source of God’s bountiful goodness, and hinders him who has
been ungrateful for lesser gifts from receiving others still greater.
And moreover wre
think we ought not to hide from you other blessings also which we find granted
to us by God out
here, in order that
you may join us in giving endless thanks' to God the Giver. In other places the
food is plentiful, and thus it excites the appetites and fosters them, to the
detriment of frugality and temperance. Hence there commonly follow many serious
evils either to soul or body. Intemperate persons suffer, on the one hand, many
things and painful things from their doctors, and, on the other hand, make
their life a troublesome one or perhaps even bring it to its end. And when they
are under treatment they find their medicines much more disagreeable than they
have ever found their good meals pleasurable. The troubles caused by their
medicines are followed perhaps by other sufferings which are very far more
severe ; for they are often obliged to trust their very lives to the doctors,
and these make a great many mistakes and apply a number of useless methods of
cure before they hit upon what really heals the disease.
For this reason I
consider it a great benefit God has done us, in bringing us to this place where
we are, which is altogether destitute of delicacies, and where, however much
we may wish, we can give our bodies no indulgences at all. People here never
kill fowls or eat them. The common food is vegetables and rice ; wheat, fish,
apples, and other fruits are considered luxuries. Thus it is that on account
of their temperance most people here enjoy very good health: you see a great
many old people about. This in itself is enough to prove that our nature, which
otherwise might seem to be quite insatiable, is really contented with little.
For ourselves, we are in excellent bodily health : may God give us the same
health in our souls !
There is also another
thing, which I am almost compelled to mention to you. God seems to be holding
before our eyes a certain great blessing, and I wish you to help us by your
prayers and sacrifices to obtain it from Him. There are a great number of
bonzes in Japan, who are very much looked up to by the people, although their
vices are very well known by all. The reason why they are held in so much
honour seems to be their singular abstinence as to food, for their laws forbid
them to take any flesh or fish, or wine, they live on vegetables, apples,.
and rice alone, and
they take food only once a day. These bonzes, as I said, are numerous. Their
monasteries have but small revenues, but on account of their great frugality,
and also because those of them in particular who dress like our clerics, keep
at a great distance from all familiarity with women, which is a great crime
with them, and devote themselves rather with all diligence to the expounding of
certain histories or rather fables of their superstitions, they receive great
veneration from their countrymen. Now the Christian truth is opposed in the
highest degree to their bad tenets and errors, and so there is a chance that as
soon as we begin to preach the Gospel and refute the lies which they teach, we
shall have them all attacking us with great hostility.
We have indeed only
one thing in view, which is to bring the Japanese to the knowledge and faith of
Jesus Christ our Lord, and we trust that we shall accomplish this by the help
of Him whom we serve. And it does not seem that we have any danger to fear from
the people itself, unless perhaps it be roused against us by the bonzes. Not
even with them shall we enter into any conflict rashly, but at the same time we
shall not be wanting in what is due to the glory of God and the salvation of
souls. We know well enough that they cannot hurt us unless God permit it. But
if it should be so that we lay down our life in so pious and good a cause we
shall certainly count that among God’s greatest benefits to us, and we shall be
grateful to our enemies themselves, for bringing us to the end of this
continual death which is now our life and to the entrance of that life which is
blessed and eternal. We are determined not to desist from proclaiming the
truth by any threats or terrors of theirs. If God bids us rather lose our own
life than give up the salvation of their souls, we are determined to obey His
command, with His own good assistance and supplied by Him with strength and
courage, for the sake of drawing the Japanese out of all the darkness of their
superstitions into the light of the Gospel. I have very great hope that the
help of God will not be wanting to us in such a matter, since we entirely
distrust our own strength, and have placed all our hopes
in the might and
supreme power of Christ our Lord, and in the patronage of His most holy Mother,
of all the Angels, and •especially of the Archangel Michael the Prince of the
militant Church. We also place much hope in that Archangel under whose
protection and guard the country of Japan is placed, and to him and to the
other Angels, guardians of men, we daily commend ourselves and our
undertaking, that they may not cease to implore God for the conversion and
salvation of the Japanese who are under their care. Moreover we continually implore
the aid of all the blessed in heaven, in this horrible danger and loss of
souls, and we supplicate for the preservation of so many images of God,
pleading the merits of all these powerful intercessors to their Creator. And
we do not doubt that whatever fault we may commit by negligence or carelessness
in this very supplication for the aid of the heavenly host, is made up for by
those blessed allies of ours, who offer with the greatest eagerness and
diligence to the most Holy Trinity these poor desires of ours to do what is
pleasing to God.
The protection of so
many and so mighty defenders encourages us far more to hope for victory, than
do the great and frequent snares and threats of the devil deter us from this
conflict. We should certainly do the most foolish thing in the world, if we
were to rely on our own power or wisdom. But God in His good Providence allows
so many terrors, sorrows, and dangers to b'e put in our way by our enemy, that
He may break down our spirit, give us lowly hearts, and train us to
submissiveness of mind and humility, so that we may never in future feel any
trust in our own prudence, but all entire trust in His Divine Protection. And
in this He shows at once very clearly His own goodness and how much He
remembers us, for He continually sends us internal teachings that we may learn
how entirely nothing is what we can do in our own strength, suffering our minds
often to be molested by small troubles and dangers, in order that we may never
trust in ourselves, and so wait on the support and aid of our most loving
Father. For if people undertake anything with self confidence, they often find
trifling hindrances more troublesome and more
difficult to
overcome, than even very great dangers and calamities prove to be to those who
distrust themselves entirely, and have placed upon God all their reliance.
It is a great matter
for our consolation that you should not be ignorant of any serious care or
anxiety that besets us, so that you may help us either by your sacrifices or by
your prayers. God knows our many and great faults, and we are very- fearful
that the fair wind of His Divine help may never carry our endeavours to their
desired end, unless there be some great improvement in our life and manners.
For this purpose we must use the prayers of all the members of our Society and
of all that love it, that by their means we may be presented to the universal
Church the Spouse of our Lord Jesus Christ, and we trust that she will
communicate to us her innumerable merits and commend us to her Spouse and to
our Father Jesus Christ, and to His most holy Mother. And so They in their turn
will obtain of the Eternal Father, the Source and Author of all goods, that He
may always keep us in the path of duty, and, overpowering our faults by His own
infinite goodness, may continue ever to heap upon us His heavenly gifts. For in
truth for His sake alone it is that we have come to this strange country—and of
this He is my best witness, Who sees clearly all our minds and intentions—and
from a desire of delivering the souls of men from the long established bondage
of the devil, who aims at being worshipped as God on earth, since he could not
attain to that in heaven, whence he has been cast down, and so vents his hatred
upon men and among them upon these miserable Japanese.
But now we must give
you an account of our stay at Cagoxima. We put into that port because the wind
was adverse to our sailing to Meaco, which is the largest city in Japan, and
most famous as the residence of the King and the Princes. It is said that after
four months are passed the favourable season for a voyage to Meaco will return,
and then with the good help of God we shall sail thither. The distance from
Cagoxima is three hundred leagues. We hear wonderful stories about the size of
Meaco : they say that it consists of more than ninety
thousand dwellings.
There is a very famous University there, as Avell as five chief colleges of
students, and more than two hundred monasteries of bonzes, and of others who
are like coenobites, called Legioxi, as well as of women of the same kind, Avho
are called Hamacutis.
Besides this of
Meaco, there are in Japan five other principal academies, at Coya, at Negu, at
Fisso, and at Homia. These are situated round Meaco, with short distances
between them, and each is frequented by about three thousand five hundred
scholars. Besides these there is the Academy at Bandou, much the largest and
most famous in all Japan, and at a great distance from Meaco. Bandou is a large
territory, ruled by six minor princes, one of Avhom is more powerful than the
others and is obeyed by them, being himself subject to the King of Japan, who is
called the Great King of Meaco. The things that are given out as to the
greatness and celebrity of these universities and cities are so Avonderful as
to make us think of seeing them first with our own eyes and ascertaining the
truth, and then when we have discovered and know how things really are, of
writing an account of them to you.10
They say that there
are several lesser academies besides
10 It is of
course almost impossible to identify the names of the places, or of the orders
of religious persons, as given in the versions of Francis Xavier’s letters. The
‘ academies’ which he names above may probably have been monasteries of bonzes
of different sects, in which learning was especially cultivated. We have
sometimes felt tempted to think that the long residence of Francis at Paris and
the immense debt which he felt to the University there, made him ready to see
universities everywhere. As to Japan, however, there seems no doubt that there
were numerous seats of learning. Meaco itself was almost a city of ‘bonzeries,’
in many of which letters were highly cultivated. The names mentioned in the
text may some day be recognized. It is curious that in the abridged copy of
this letter sent to Coimbra, of which we shall speak hereafter, the name
Frenojama is inserted in the list of ‘academies.’ Frenojama was certainly the
name of a seat of learning, as it is mentioned as such in the speeches of the
bonzes with whom Francis Xavier disputed before the King of Boungo (see chap.
iii. of this book). Bandau or Bandou, which Francis seems to have thought to be
a separate island, was the name of a tract of country in the more northern part
of the large island of Nippon (the chief island of Japan), and seems to have
included the neighbourhood ofYeddo itself. It is mentioned as conquered by the
Cambacundono in 1589. Charlevoix, Hist, du Japon, t. i. p. 538.
VOL. II. S
those which we have
mentioned. If we see that the minds of all these natives are fit and prepared
for Evangelical cultivation, perhaps we shall write to all the chief
universities of Christendom, to relieve ourselves of a certain religious
scruple which we feel by casting it upon them, in that they might so very
easily, with the power of all their virtue and learning, prevent such immense
loss, and-bring numberless heathen to the knowledge and worship of their
Creator and their Saviour. We shall write to their members, as to our Superiors
and parents, to look upon us as their younger brethren, and at the same time
explain what joyful and abundant harvests of souls maybe reaped here by means
of them. Therefore we shall ask them again and again, that if any of them
cannot come hither themselves, at all events they may countenance those who may
have devoted themselves in this way to the glory of God and the salvation of
souls, and will find awaiting them here greater and more solid consolation of
soul than at home. And if the matter shall be of sufficient importance to
require it, we shall also not hesitate to inform the Holy Father himself
concerning it, since those who are prepared to come to the worship of Christ,
the bosom of the Church, and the obedience of the Supreme Pontiff, must be a
part of the charge of him who is the Vicar of Christ, the Father of all
nations, and the Pastor of all Christians. And we shall also diligently invite
all the pious religious orders so dear to God, who are burning with the desire
of extending the Christian kingdom, to come out at once and slake that heavenly
thirst for souls which they feel in these islands of Japan, as well as in the
country of China, which is far larger than this, and which it is said that it
is easy to enter from hence without any fear of hurt from the natives, if you
have the public guarantee of the King of Japan, whom we hope, if so it please
God, to find well disposed towards us, and whose friendship also we hope to use
for that purpose. For the King of Japan is a friend of the King of China, and
on account of the friendship between them he is said to have with him a ring
and seal, in order that he may give to his subjects who are going to China a
public passport signed by the royal seal. It is said that a good many
Japanese ships sail
to China, with a voyage of ten or twelve days. We are in great hopes that if
God gives us only ten years of life, we shall see many great results produced,
partly by those who may come out hither to us, partly by those here whom they
may bring to the knowledge and practice of the true religion. Within the course
of next year, the fiftieth of this century, we shall write to you more at full
length concerning the state of things at Meaco and at the universities, as far
as relates to Christian interests. This very year two bonzes, who have been
educated in the Universities of Meaco and Bandou, and several other Japanese
with them, are going to India to learn the mysteries of our religion.
On St. Michael’s day
we had an interview with the Prince of Cagoxima. He received us very
honourably, and advised us to keep with the greatest diligence the precepts of
our Christian law. If he come to see that it is true and good, the devil will
burst with rage. A few days after, however, he gave leave to all who are in his
dominions and under his power to embrace the Christian religion if they will.
These bits of good news I have wrapped up in the last sheet of my letter, that
you may the more rejoice and give thanks to God. This winter we shall spend, I
think, in explaining the articles of the Creed at considerable length in the
Japanese language, with the intention of having the explanation printed, so
that as we cannot ourselves be present everywhere to help everybody, the Christian
religion may be spread in as many places as possible, as most of the Japanese
are able to read what we shall print, and our good Paul will most faithfully
render into his native language all that may seem necessary for salvation.
Now therefore that so
large a field is laid open for your virtue to work in, it is time for you to
prove to God and the inhabitants of heaven how strongly you are impelled to
piety and devotion. To do this you must manifest the most thorough humility of
mind in your life and exterior, and leave all care of your own reputation to
God. He of His own accord will win for you esteem and authority among men, or
if He does not do this, it will be for your sake that He does it not, because
He
sees that there is
danger lest you should attribute to yourselves what belongs to Him. There is
one thought which is a great consolation to me—that I persuade myself that you
always remark so many faults in your own souls for you to reprehend, that you
have a great hatred for all arrogance, and that at the same time you have the
highest desire for absolute and consummate virtue, so as not to leave room for
anything on account of which others may blame you. In this way you will come to
look on the praise of men as a cross, inasmuch as it reminds you of your own
faults.
But now I will at
last make an end of my letter, although indeed there could never be an end of
my showing you how much I regard you, all and each. If the hearts of those who
love one another with the love of God could be seen, then, dear brethren, you
would certainly see your own images imprinted on my heart. And indeed,
perhaps, if you were to use it as a mirror you would not be able to recognize
yourselves therein, because I have a very high respect for your virtue, and
you, on the other hand, have a great contempt for your own weakness, and on
account of your remarkable humility you would never recognize yourselves in my
heart, although there would be yotir images imprinted thereon for you to see. I
beseech you, brethren, regard one another with true and genuine love, and
never let any feeling of offence spring up among you at any time; turn with all
diligence those noble desires, which you feel of working and suffering for
Christ, to the study of mutual love and to the removal of all offence if any
should chance to arise. You know well that divine saying of Christ our Lord, ‘
In this shall men know that you are My disciples, if you have love one for
another.’10
. May our Lord Christ
show what His holy Will is, and give us out of His great goodness strength
perfectly to accomplish it! Yours wholly in Christ,
Cagoxima,
Nov. u, 1549. FRANCIS.
10 Latin, In hoc cognoscent omncs quod
discipnli inei cstis, si dilcctionem habucritis inter vos. St. John, xiii. 35.
We are not told by
what means this letter with the others which follow was dispatched to India:
but we know that Portuguese ships were frequenting the Japanese ports,
especially one or two at no great distance from Cagoxima, and we may conclude
that the Domenico Diaz, mentioned in the letter below to Don Pedro de Silva,
was either the captain of one of these vessels or a Portuguese who had accompanied
Francis in this or another voyage, and who was leaving Japan by one of these
ships. Up to the time at which the letters were written, all had gone on fairly
as to the propagation of the Gospel in Japan: though we can see that Francis
was anticipating opposition, and even persecution which might imperil his life
and that of his companions. We need not therefore speak of the change of
affairs at Cagoxima till we come to the next chapter. The letter which has last
been inserted was accompanied by a long despatch, in most respects a duplicate
of that of which we are speaking, to the Society at Coimbra.11 This
duplicate, however, leaves out the part of the letter more particularly
intended for the members of the Society in India, all of whom it would almost
seem as if Francis thought of transplanting indue time to Japan. Francis also
sent the following formal letter, ordering three of the Indian subjects to join
him as soon as possible, though it could not be in less than a year and a half
or two years. Gaspar Baertz and Balthasar Gago are already known to us. The
third, Diego Carvalhez, is a new name, nor does the register kept at Coimbra of
the fathers and brothers dispatched from Portugal to the Indies tell us
anything about him. It is probable that the omission of his name is to be
accounted for by the fact that he was a Spaniard, and was not sent to India
from Coimbra. At least there was a Diego Carvalhez who entered the Society at
Alcala in x547. He had belonged to the household of Pedro Ortiz, of whom
mention has already been made,12 and who befriended the Society in
its first years in Spain. Pedro had taken into his own house near Alcala a
number of students of the Society who had fallen dangerously ill, and more than
one of his household had sought admission
11 See the Notes to this book. 12 Vol. i. p. 45, 49.
into it in
consequence of the edification which they had received from its members when
on their sickbeds. Diego, who entered in 1547, seems to have been sent out to
India before lie was ordained priest, as we find Francis arranging for his
ordination before he was sent to Japan.12
(lxxx.) To the Fathers Gaspar Baertz, Balthasar Gago, and
Diego Carvalhez.
May the grace and
love of Jesus Christ our Lord always help and favour us ! Amen.
As I find that where
I am in these kingdoms of Japan things are well disposed for a very
considerable advancement of our holy Faith, and as my memory recalls to me that
you have long been animated by burning desires to promote the glory of God by
helping your neighbours to find salvation for their souls—I have come to
conceive the confident hope from this knowledge which I have of you, that by
the help of our Lord God you will not be wanting in virtue and interior
humility, by the aid and protection of which you may be able to accomplish what
you desire, and at last arrive at the fulfilment of what you have so long
prayed for. I command you therefore, in virtue of holy obedience, in order that
you may have the greater merit, that unless any one of you be hindered by his
state of health, you, Master Gaspar, Balthasar Gago, and Diego Carvalhez,. come
to Japan, to the city of Meaco, whither I am soon to go, and where I hope to
meet you. And you, Balthasar Gago and Diego Carvalhez, all through the journey
are to obey Master Gaspar, in whose prudence and humility I trust and confide
that he will discharge the office of Superior with the attention and diligence
which are meet. And as I am perfectly certain that as soon as you see this
letter you will come hither without any delay, your piety, of which I have
seen so many proofsr so persuading me, and the perfect mind in which
you are as to readiness to obey, even with danger of death, for the
12 lie is said by Leon Pages to have died
soon after the letter sum* moning him to Japan arrived. See Orlandini, Hist.
Soc. Jesu, vii. 49.
love of Him Who first
was made obedient for us even unto death; therefore I shall add nothing to what
I have already- said as to you and your journey hither, hoping that God will
bring you on your way and that I shall soon see you here safe and sound.
Written with his own hand, by your most loving brother in Christ,
Cagoxima,
Nov. n, 1549. FRANCIS.
The next letter, also
sent at the same time, shows that his labours in Japan did not make Francis unmindful
of the wants of India.
(lxxxi.) To the Society at Goa.
May the grace and
charity of our Lord Jesus Christ always help and favour us ! Amen.
If you have me so
much in remembrance as I have you, we shall both find it easier to bear the
longing we feel to see one another in the body, as we are nearly always present
to one another in the mind. I commend to you, as urgently as I possibly can,
the garrisons of the Portuguese throughout India, which are without priests of
ours. I do this on account of the extreme benefit and obligations conferred on
all of us who are in India by the King of Portugal. If the preachers of the Society
from Lisbon have arrived at Goa, you will provide for these garrisons by their
means ; if it is not so, then you will supply them with others of the Society
who by their virtue and humility may help the Portuguese, hearing confessions,
holding discourses, training children and servants in Christian piety, rousing
others to a good life by means of pious meditations, and discharging the other
offices of our Society. Indeed good men are always preaching to the bad by the
example of their life, and in this way they often do more good than others who
preach in the pulpit—for there is far more power to move men in deeds than in
words.
If you have in the
College at Goa persons of our Society who are fit to teach the Christian
doctrine to the young in all the churches in the city, I think you should send
them at the
accustomed hours, so
as to teach the Catechism every day, and on Sundays and Festivals to add an
exhortation apposite to the part of the Catechism which has been explained, and
at the same time to tell some of the remarkable doings of some Saint. The
Rector of the College should do the same in the largest church of the town. If
there are besides in the house other preachers who are fit to teach the
children the rudiments of Christian doctrine, I shall be very much pleased if
they so teach them, and if by the fragrance and example of their virtues they
rouse others to the pursuit of piety. But let all use the common vernacular as
spoken among the Portuguese, and which the native Christians and slaves
generally use. This is also what I used to do when I was at Goa—for that kind
of speech flows more easily into the ears and minds of the audience. And let
me know from time to time what is being done in this respect.
I most earnestly
exhort you to attend first of all to yourselves. That is the principal thing.
‘For he who is bad to himself, to whom is he good ?’12 How can any
one take care of others who neglects himself? How will any one be attentive
and diligent in other persons’ concerns, who is careless as to his own ? As for
the pupils of the College, take care that the larger number of them be Japanese
or Chinese; teach them good manners and to read and write; practise them
particularly in Portuguese, that they may serve as interpreters here, where
they will be of great use. I really think that there is no part of the world
where greater fruits of souls can be gathered than in Japan and China. Two
Japanese bonzes, who have given up their sacrilegious priesthood and have been
converted to Christianity, will arrive at the College at Goa this year. Take
care to treat them courteously and kindly, just as I used to treat Paul of the holy
Faith, the Japanese, when I was with you. The character of the Japanese is such
that nothing in the world can bend or guide them, except kindness and
benevolence. You will send me the three Fathers I have demanded. The letter
about interior dispositions of mind, which
13 Latin, Qui enim sibi tiequam est, cni
bonus erit ?
I have placed in the
same packet with this, I should like to have sent round to the other houses of
the Society in India and read aloud there. May Christ our Lord in His goodness
and mercy unite us all in His eternal joys ! Amen.
Cagoxima,
Nov. 5, 1549. FRANCIS.
The next letter is
very characteristic of its writer. We have already seen how far Francis Xavier
was from putting full •confidence in Antonio Gomez, whom he had yet felt almost
obliged to leave in a post of so much power and responsibility as that of
Rector of the College at Goa. It may at first, sight seem strange that he
should address him as the Superior who had the management of the Fathers in
India, and was to be looked to to carry out the orders as to the dispatch of
some of these to Japan, given in the foregoing letter. As a matter of fact,
Antonio Gomez was already upsetting the College of Santa Fe, and had almost
entirely set aside the authority of the good and simple Father Paul. The proper
place to speak of all that had passed at Goa will be when we come to the return
of Francis Xavier from Japan; but the letter on which we are now occupied
needs for its full illustration some such knowledge of the character of the
person to whom it is written as is contained in this simple statement of fact.
Francis probably thought it best to address his letter to Antonio, adding the
saving clause that it was also for Father Paul,—who was, after all, to give the
final command which was to dispatch the missionaries to Japan, —both on account
of the fact already mentioned, that Antonio was a Portuguese, and was looked
upon as a representative of Simon Rodriguez, and also because he thus secured
the execution of his own orders more certainly than if the letter had been
addressed to Paul alone. But we cannot read it at all carefully without seeing
that Francis measured Antonio with perfect sagacity. Cosmo Torres was wishing
for him in Japan at once —perhaps Antonio might have been ambitious of so
glorious a field of labour for himself. His faults were not want of energy or
of self devotion, but of judgment, of humility, of charity, and .gentleness in
dealing with men. His character would have been
a noble one, and
capable of the greatest services, if he could have given up his own ideas and
his own ways : in short, if he could have schooled his heart and soul in those
lessons of humility, self distrust, and obedience on which Francis insisted so
much in his instructions to the missionaries. Francis would have him Avait,
ripen, attend first to his own perfection, and thus become a fit instrument of
the glory of God. His letter is full of charity, and at the same time not
Avithout its note of sternness, especially in the passage in Avhich he AA'arns
Antonio against disobedience.
One of its chief
purposes, hoAvever, is connected Avith a different subject. He is most anxious
to secure a ready means of conveyance for the successive bands of missionaries
AA'hom his ardent soul already saAv on their Avay over the dangerous seas
Avhich lay between India and Cagoxima. He has an expedient ready at hand for
this object, and so he has carefully made a list of the sorts of merchandize
the sale of which Avas sure to be profitable in Japan, and Gomez is to flaunt
this list in the eyes of the governor and of the officials of the revenue, in
order to get them to take the necessary steps for establishing, as A\re should now say, commercial relations between the Portuguese crown and
the empire of Japan, a step Avhich would lead to- a considerable enrichment of
the royal treasury and, no doubt, to large gains on the part of the officials
themselves. If the arrangements which he proposes can be carried out, there
Avill be a ‘ royal ship’ sent every year from Goa to Osaka, the port o£ Meaco,
the Venice of Japan, as it has often been called. But if this cannot be, at
least the governor may give the commission of opening the Japanese trade,
Avith a monopoly of the market, to one of his own friends, who Avill be quite
ready, in view of the large return held out to his hopes, to equip a ship at
his- own expense, in which case, as Francis puts it, there Avill be no fear of
a rotten or unseaworthy vessel being sent. We shall, find that the subject is
again broached in the next letter, to Don Pedro de Silva, the ‘ Capitan’ of
Malacca. The careful precautions on which Francis insists in order to prevent
the ships Avhich may be dispatched to Japan from turning aside to the
nearer ports on the
Chinese coast, may remind us of the danger which he had himself undergone of
losing many months on his voyage to Japan by the same sort of lingering.
(lxxxii.) To Father Antonio Gomez, of the Society of fes
us.
May the grace and
love of Christ our Lord be always with us to help and favour us ! Amen.
As the letter which I
wrote the day before yesterday (common to all of you of the Society of Jesus
who are living at Goa) is so long and deals so much in detail with everything,
there is hardly anything left for me to write to you in particular except this
one: that you are continually present to our mind and memory. Nor does my heart
ever cease from ardently wishing for your soul more grace and spiritual
progress than perhaps you desire for yourself. I should wish indeed that you should
take care of all our brethren scattered over India, whom I have committed to
your charge ; but be sure that above all others I recommend to you yourself,
and that I have no greater desire, and consider nothing to be of greater
importance, than that you should apply all your efforts to be always advancing
and urging on to better things your own soul. And if I came to know that in
this business you relaxed even the least point from the extreme of vigilance, I
should not think you by any means fit to have committed to you the salvation of
others, or indeed any affair at all of serious importance. But if, as I rather
inclinc to think and as 1 pray God that He may grant, you are strenuously and
vigorously continuing to press on with relentless speed to the great end ever
kept before your mind, of bringing about the greater glory of God by your own
perfection, getting rid of all obstacles whatsoever, and if I come to know
this for certain, then I should by no means be without hope that the time may
come when 1 may call you out hither, to send you to Meaco or Bandou, that is
into the very strongholds and headquarters of the supersti
tions of Japan, where
you may find abundant means to fulfil the holy desires which you have
conceived.
Be careful not to
omit to write to me fully and at good length about all our brethren who live
scattered about India, as well as those who are in Portugal and at Rome,
telling me what each one is doing, and with what fruitfulness they are
labouring in the vineyard of the Lord. I have great hopes of much fruit to my
soul and of exceeding consolation in reading these letters of yours, and I pray
you not to cheat me of this, and not to spare either paper or pains in doing
it: especially as I, who, as you well know, have no great abundance of leisure
at my disposal, have taken the trouble to inform you in a letter so lengthy as
that which I made up yesterday of all that I think can be pleasant or useful
for you to know. So I expect and request that you on your part will repay my
diligence gratefully and in kind. I wish you to be careful and sedulous in
arranging that the Fathers whom I send for from Goa to Japan should get
themselves free at once, laying everything aside, and be ready at the appointed
time. I wish you also to use in urging this matter the authority over such
concerns which I have conferred upon you. You know the way of doing this
efficaciously as well as kindly, adapting yourself to the capacity and
character of each person.
Father Cosmo Torres,
who is very fond of you, is writing to you, and in the vehemence of his
affection for you is desiring for you a great many things, which I fear are not
quite good for you just at present. No, let what is at present unripe come to
maturity, and let us wait for the opportune moment, which will arrive in due
time. Meanwhile, be assured of this, that I intend you for greater and nobler
things than either you or this good Father who is so devoted to you desires. It
will hardly fail to come about, that before three years are over you will have
letters from me calling you out hither to go to one of the most famous
universities of these kingdoms, where perhaps you will enjoy far greater
showers of Divine consolations than you imagine, and will gather a very much
more copious harvest of souls than any that you reap, however large it may be,
from
your labours in
cultivating the Indian mission. But about this at another time. What is now
urgent is this. I was fearing that perhaps some rather tender affection might
steal over you towards some one of those of the Society whom I am calling out
hither, and so, under some specious pretext or other, you might think it lawful
to make an exception and keep such a one with you, substituting another in his
place. Now I tell you again and again, beware of attempting anything of the
kind. Be quite sure that if, which God forbid, you were to do such a thing, you
would grievously sin against your particular duty in a matter of the greatest
importance, against the explicit command of your Superior, and would become
guilty of a fault which God would punish by no means lightly. For your own
sake, as well as on other accounts, I desire to prevent this; and so I order
you, in virtue of holy obedience, to send off at once every single one and all
of those to whom I am writing by name and summoning them hither, leaving out no
one and changing no one on any pretext whatever, and to take care that they may
be ready for the voyage when the time comes for the ships which are bound for
these parts to set sail. By the ships which sail from Goa for Ormuz—usually not
before March—send thither a copy of my longer letter written on the day before
yesterday, and at the same time the letter which I am writing to Master Gaspar
in particular, bidding him come to us as soon as possible, so that he may have
it early, and may be able to get himself ready to come out hither in good time
before the April of the next year, availing himself of the vessels which
usually sail to the East about that month. For we ourselves left Goa for our voyage
hither in that same month of April.
If it should happen
that any one of those whom I send for should die, then arrange about
substituting another for him with Father Paul. And when you have both agreed in
approving of some one for this purpose, then order him on my part in virtue of
holy obedience to come out with the others. For I think it good to lay this
precept of taking the voyage, by virtue of the authority which I possess, on
each of them, that they may not lose the reward of obedience. It seems to me
expedient that they
should bring with them two lay helpers, or at least one. These lay brothers,
besides being industrious and hardworking men for the duties of domestic
service, however humble they may be, must also be men of tried virtue, as to whom
we may be safely confident that they will be secure from ! falling into sin,
whatever occasions may present themselves. This is so important a matter that I
repeat my commands. You must choose, I say, for this work men whose constancy |
in good has been perfectly proved by trial; men whose innocence maybe safely
exposed even to the most attractive seductions of temptation, for such are
very abundant in this country, which presents so many most dangerous snares and
pitfalls as to be in truth the ruin of those who do not walk cautiously,! and
who are deficient either in attention so as to avoid, or in •courage so as to
break through, the nets to catch souls which are most insidiously set on every
side.
While these Fathers
are making their preparations for departure, I should like you at full leisure
to deal with the Go-■ vernor and get him to write a letter
to the King of Japan, adding also some presents, to be given to him together
with the letter. This will have much weight in recommending the preaching of
the Gospel to these nations. When besides its innate power from above it is
assisted by these external vouch-j •ers also, I have good reason to hope for it
very great success,! so much that I believe that in a short time a flourishing
Church, of Christ will be formed in Japan by the conversion of very) large
numbers. Moreover, as we must win everyone by his1 own bait, and as
people who are accustomed to calculations of temporal profits are not so much
moved by what is shown them as to spiritual gains, you must take care
diligently to explain to the guardians of the royal revenue at Goa, that they
have now a very uncommon opportunity of opening a new source of income from
Japan which will be of great advantage -and value to his Highness. It would be
easy to obtain permission for a house in the maritime city of Osaka, the chief
emporium of all Japan, to be publicly assigned to the officials of the King of
Portugal, as well as storehouses for European
goods. These could be
exchanged at a high profit for silver and gold of the best quality, large
quantities of which are brought to Osaka from the mines of the country, which
are very productive; a factory and exchange would be set up, all to the great
benefit of the royal revenue of Portugal. Un less this hope be set before them,
I am very much afraid—and I should like much that my suspicion should turn out
vain and false—that the people who manage the King’s interests at Goa will not
easily be induced to send a large vessel to Japan in his Highness’s name, for
the single and simple purpose of conveying preachers of the Gospel to that
country. We shall be very glad indeed that Christ should be made known, even
though it be as it were by a bye blow. We shall consider it a gain, if the
Kingdom of Heaven be taken account for even as a sort of appendix to a search
for wealth of this world, the ministers of religion who are necessary for the
salvation of souls being safely conveyed to a spot where a ripe harvest invites
them, on a ship principally destined to establish the relations of human
commerce. If however, on account, perhaps, of the present state of India,
affairs should not be yet far enough advanced for the sending of an ambassador
and a ship in the name of the King or of the Governor, he might still do a great
favour to sonic one of his own kinsmen or acquaintance by granting him leave to
make the embassy on his own account with the monopoly of trade with Japan,
which would be of immense profit Unless I am mistaken, such a person would
very willingly fit out at his private expense a good merchant vessel for this
voyage, as he might look with great probability, indeed with a sort of
certainty, for very large gain from such a venture.
You can tell well
enough what rich merchants there now are at Goa, and what is the fortune and
the ambition of each of them. Get some one of them, and that you may tempt his
palate with a foretaste of the gains to be gathered in Japan— which happen now
to be so serviceable to religion—set before him, and indeed before any of them
whom you think it may be of use thus to tempt, the catalogue which I send
herewith of
the goods which could
be at once sold here for a great price, of which there is abundance in India.
The thing to be done would be to put a large quantity of these goods on board a
ship to be dispatched hither, and if the owner were unwilling to run the risk
himself, he might give the command to another, whom he could trust as his
agent; and we will exert ourselves to the utmost to help on the rapid sale of
the merchandize thus sent, and, from the knowledge we have at present, we are
able to promise that great profit is open to any one who would undertake the
speculation. Well, if you set all these things properly before the right
people, there is sure to be some one roused by the promise of money to be so
gained, so as to be ready to make any agreement that may be insisted on as the
price of such expectations. Then there will be no danger lest an unseaworthy
ship should be chosen. They will take care that the vessel to which they mean
to commit so large a part of their property be the best furnished that can be
found, and they will spare no pains and no expense. Thus we shall gain on our
side, that is, the preachers of the Gospel will be taken on board the same vessel,
and be sent where there is so much need of them with the greatest possible
security.
You have now my ideas
as to the way of procuring a convenient passage for our brethren from your
parts to these islands. As to this, I will add a bit of advice gathered from
our own experience. Any one who wants to reach this safely and quickly, must
sail from Goa in April and from Malacca in June. So you must take care that the
ship which is to come here have all its freight and plenty of provisions on
board, and leave Goa and Malacca at the dates I have mentioned, nor let its
commanders let themselves be induced, by any consideration whatsoever, to turn
aside from their course on the way to any port of China, under any pretext at
all either of a profitable market for their goods or of taking in supplies,
which they must be abundantly furnished with from other sources. Don’t let them
even disembark on any of the islands which lie in their course for the sake of
trading, except indeed under urgent necessity of watering, which must be done
with the greatest haste and expedition. Let
them be assured, let
them trust our experience, that any one who wants to avoid the most serious
danger ought to sail on a straight course, and without stopping anywhere at
all, from Malacca to Japan; and any one who does otherwise will run a good
chance not only of a most prejudicial and tedious delay, but of incurring
danger to life. And as to the amount of time which he will lose, to speak of
nothing else, you can guess from a comparison of the result of taking the two
courses respectively. The direct course from Goa to Japan, when the ship sails
with the utmost slowness, takes four months and a half. If you turn aside to
China, your ship will hardly reach Japan within seventeen months after it has
left Malacca.
And as I know how
much power avarice has over the minds of merchants, when it sets before them
the attraction of a good prospect ready at hand, to make them disregard all
promises and adopt sudden resolutions, I should think it worth while to scheme
a little so as to take away the material cause for any trafficking in Chinese
ports, and that you should take care that the vessel does not carry more pepper
than what the merchants know can be well got rid of in the Japanese trade. If
they are aware that they have on board so large a quantity of that staple that
they can afford to get rid of their superabundance in the Chinese ports, and
still have plenty to sell to the Japanese, then it will be hardly possible to
restrain them, when they are so near the marts of China, from following the
dictates of their own avarice and interrupting their course, however much the
season may be against such a measure, however much the sailors may exclaim. So,
when the ship which is to bring out the Fathers is being laden, you should get
from the proper authorities an order that not more than eighty bags of pepper
be put on board. That is about the quantity which can be quickly sold at Osaka
at a very high profit.
There is also another
precaution which I should like to be taken in order so much the more
efficaciously to restrain the avidity of the merchant captains. Ask his
Excellency the Governor, who will make no difficulty to granting you such a
favour, to order an express clause to be added to the rescript in which
VOL.' II. t
he commits to the
commander of the vessel which is to come hither the charge of taking out our
Fathers to Japan, in which it may be stated that he expressly forbids him to
land at any port in China for the sake of trafficking. For as the last moment
of favourable weather for those who wish to reach Japan from China is fixed at
the first of August, so that unless on that day they sail with the regular
winds, which blow for about a month after that, the people acquainted with
nautical matters say that there is no hope of getting to Japan that year, it is
manifest that merchants sailing from Malacca near the end of June will not be
ready for the voyage across to Japan at the beginning of August if they
entangle themselves in business in the Chinese ports, which would imply a delay
which would lose them the opportunity of the run to Japan, and force them to
wait again, till the next year comes round, for what they called the monsoon,
that is, wind and weather favourable for the voyage across, which will not
recur till that stated time. And as this would be a severe injury to the
preaching of the Gospel, which is above all other things dear to the King, the
Governor could give full notice that if any one does this he will incur the
penalty inflicted on those who knowingly oppose the King’s command, since he
has only received the commission to convey the Fathers to Japan under the
expressly stipulated condition of sailing thither straight without turning
aside, otherwise the King wouldJiave intended them to be intrusted to another
ship and another captain.
Send to the Fathers
who are at Cape Comorin a written copy of the long letter which I wrote to you
on the third of this month. As soon as we have any certain hope from Meaco, I
will at once write to you fully, as also to our brethren at Coimbra, and our
Fathers at Rome. If Diego Carvalhez has not as yet been ordained priest, you
must ask his lordship the Bishop to ordain him. Manage to make Ruiz Gonzalez
your friend, and show him all possible kindness, for it is of importance to us
to have his goodwill, since the Comorin Christians are under his charge, so
that the Fathers of our Society who are looking after the religious affairs of
the Promontory are daily in need
of his favour in many
ways. I want to hear from you about Melchior Gonzalez, about the College at
Bazain, the Franciscans who before held it, whether any friars of that Order
have lately come from Portugal, whether the College which has oncc been given
up to our Society is still governed by ours, and whether it is expected that it
will be so perpetually. So take care to inform me fully about all these things
in your first letter. Tell me also about Father Niccolo, what fruit follows
from his labours at Coulan, and whether he diligently presses on the affair
which I so earnestly commended to him as a thing so highly necessary for
teaching the children of the Comorin Christians to read and write, and for the
help of our Fathers who are sent to those parts. I again and again beg of you
never to fail to help those Fathers as to anything that they are in need of;
rather be yourself on the watch for them, anticipate their requests and even
their desires, on all occasions making application to the Governor and the
Treasurer, so that all that is necessary may be supplied them, and even, when
there is urgent need, and no more ready way of assisting them presents itself,
providing for them in the mean time out of the home funds of the College. I
desire also to hear from your letters whether the preachers of our Society who
are expected from Portugal have yet arrived at Goa, how many they are, and with
what gifts each of them is endowed. When they are distributed, you must consider
before all other places the city of Cochin, for I know how much it is in need
of the work of a good preacher. All these things that I write to you are to be
considered as written to Father Paul also, to whom you will communicate them,
and to whom it will belong to assign to the preachers the places to which they
arc to be sent, and to send them thither by his authority.
Two Japanese bonzes
are going to India from hence, who have been brought up in the Universities of
Meaco and Bandou. Take care to be attentive to them in all things, with every
mark of goodwill. The Japanese character is won by love and kindness. Take
care by all ways in your power to be in very good favour with his lordship the
Bishop and also with his Vicar,
showing them the
highest love mingled with great veneration, serving them at a nod, and obeying
them in all things. They are our superiors, and whatever we have to settle with
them will be arranged incomparably more quickly and easily by obedience and
humility. I beg of you again not to omit any particle of extreme diligence in
dispatching to this country at the appointed time the Fathers whom I am calling
hither. If God prospers our designs and helps our labours, you will some day
receive from me letters which I shall write from Meaco before a year is over.
May our Lord heap upon you all as much grace here and as much glory in Paradise
as I desire for myself!
Cagoxima, Nov. 5,
1549.
The above has been
dictated by me, and what follows I add with my own hand. For the love of our
Lord God I beseech you take most diligent pains to make yourself beloved by
all and every one of our brethren. You will gain this if you console those who
are with you with good and gentle words, and those who are at a distance with
frequent and kind letters. I should very much wish you to have a fixed place
and time for continually explaining the Christian doctrine to the ignorant,
and I should wish you to do this in the cathedral church, and that in the same
place you should on Sundays and feast- days preach to the people in the
morning, and in the afternoon explain the articles of the Faith to the slaves
and to the children of the Christians in the language which they understand,
as I used to do when at Goa. I desire this, that you may give an example to
others. I also pray you most earnestly, write to me minutely about the interior
state of your soul. You know how much I should rejoice, if I should learn from
this manifestation the things which I so anxiously and solicitously desire as
to your progress towards perfection ! Among the many bits of extremely happy
news which I might receive, I should count it among the first of all if I were
to hear from the concordant witness of many that you were very much beloved by
all the brethren of our Society, whether those who are under the same
roof with you, or
those who are occupied elsewhere, far off or near, in other houses or in the
missions. If I hear that they are all dear to you, that will be very pleasant,
but it will only give me half the joy I want. In order that it may be full and
complete, I must be persuaded both that you have a most tender affection for
all of them, and also that you in return are extremely loved by them. Farewell.
Yours in the Lord,
Francis.
We have already
spoken of Don Pedro de Silva, the Commandant of Malacca, to whom Francis
Xavier professed himself so deeply indebted for his assistance as to his
voyage to Japan. His first batch of letters sent from that country is closed by
one in which he thanks Don Pedro with all the effusion of his affectionate
heart, and at the same time seeks to interest him in his own plan for the
establishment of a regular commercial intercourse between the Portuguese
authorities and the newly opened empire.' He also recommends to him some
Japanese who were to visit Malacca.
(lxxxiii.)
To Don Pedro de Silva, Commandant of Malacca.
We have at length
reached Japan, sir, borne thither not more by favourable winds than by your
good offices to us. For, next after the benevolent Providence of God, the
prosperity of our voyage has been secured most of all, as we gratefully acknowledge,
by the extreme kindness and liberality shown by you to us when we were making
our preparations for departure. You provided us in the most loving manner not
only with abundance of stores for the voyage, but with the best vessel of all
that were to be had at the time, and with everything of the same sort that
could be useful to us. You cut, by means of the continual favour shown us by
one in so eminent a position of authority, all the knots and delays which
presented themselves in the business; and not only this, but to crown all your
goodness, you added
many precious gifts, by means of which we might win for ourselves that goodwill
from the princes of this country which is so necessary to us.
With these
presents in charge, we arrived, by the help of God, on the 15th of August, the
happy and auspicious day of the feast of our Blessed Lady’s Assumption, at
Cagoxima, the native place of Paul of the holy Faith. On his account we were
received with all goodwill by the chief magistrate, the prefect, and all the
people of the place. That same Paul, our faithful companion, began immediately
to show his zeal for the religion which he had so unfeignedly embraced. He
spent his whole days and nights in setting the Christian doctrine before his
parents, kinsmen, friends, of all age and class, persuading them of its truth,
and this with so much effect that now, when I am writing, he has made
Christians of his mother and wife, his male and female relations, and whole
cousinhood of both sexes, besides a large number of his other friends and former
acquaintances. .
The soil of this
country, as far as I have hitherto been able to perceive, is now so well and
happily disposed to receive the* seed of heavenly doctrine, that we have the
best right to expect a plentiful harvest of souls if only cultivation be not
wanting. The nation is one with which reason prevails over passion very
generally. They commit many sins, but the sins they commit do not establish a
prescription against the authority of right reason, because they generally sin
through ignorance ; so that it is easy to see that they will amend if they be
taught. Thus even bad customs leave to reason its empire in some sort unimpaired,
since they are not followed openly against its decree, but rather insinuate
themselves in an irregular and underhand manner, as it were, without
establishing themselves in possession. Thus it is that this nation has not much
accustomed itself to indulge in full licence of following vice against the vain
reclamation of reason, as is the case elsewhere, where men sin knowing what
they are about, and with unblushing malice.
We should by this
time have already gone to Meaco, where the Emperor of Japan and the chief
princes of the nation liver
if we had had
seasonable winds to allow of the voyage. We are told that after four months
from this time the regular setting in of the winds which will take us thither
is expected. Then, if God so grant, we shall sail to Meaco. There are many and
wonderful reports about that city, the royal capital of Japan, which I shall
entirely believe when I have seen it for myself. They say that the number of
houses in it is reckoned at ninety thousand. Two Portuguese who have been
there, one of whom is still in Japan, say that the city of Meaco seems to them
larger than Lisbon. The houses are all of timber, built up with woodwork and
floors one above the other, as in our country. If it please God, in the next
year from this I will tell you all about these matters in a long letter drawn
from my own experience. My mind is filled with much hope, that by the good
favour of Jesus Christ a large part of Japan will embrace our holy religion, on
account of the authority which reason, when it is clearly understood, exercises
over the nation.
And a good part of
this great fruit which we expect as so very probable will be set down to your
liberality and kindness, by which, partly by your words and your own exertions,
partly by the efficacious orders which you issued when it was necessary, and
also by the giving those beautiful presents out of your abundance with which we
might win the favour of the King of Japan, you delivered our plan of preaching
the law of Christ in this kingdom from infinite difficulties, which we ourselves
should have been too weak to overcome. This makes me trust that, by the help of
God, you will finish and bring to the glory of full and complete success the
work which your father, the Lord Conde Almirante,12 so long ago
began ; and that you will have all the greater merit with God, in that your
father gained for the King of Portugal by the opening up or the frequentation
of the route by sea to these nations of the East, hardly any other fruit than
the advantage of temporal gain; whereas you, with far higher fortune, by so
kindly assisting our voyage hitherwards, have brought about the eternal benefit
of the extension of the kingdom of Christ and the spreading of the
12 Vasco de Gama.
glory of God. I write
this that you may understand how much you are bound to God for choosing you for
so great a work, and for casting deep into your mind the seed of that most
praiseworthy design of enlarging the frontiers of our holy religion in these
parts of the world. Nor, believe me, will a man who seeks first the kingdom of
God ever want abundance of opportunities of human prosperity. For, unless I am
mistaken', this expedition of ours to Japan promises to produce rich results
to the King and to his realm, the interests of which you devote yourself to
with so much faithfulness and diligence.
Osaka is a maritime
city, the chief seat of trade in Japan, two days’ journey from Meaco. With
God’s help, it will be easy to obtain that right of domicile in that city
should be given to the consuls of the King of Portugal, as well as power to
build storehouses where they might keep merchandize from India and Europe,
until they might be exchanged at leisure with the precious metals of the
country of Japan, with manufactures and produce, but especially with silver
and gold, which are brought for sale from nearly all parts of these islands in
great quantity to that port, which is the richest that they have. In order that
such commerce, which would be very profitable on both sides, may be the more
easily established, I shall try to persuade the King of Japan to send an
ambassador to India, who might see how great an abundance there is there of
things most useful for the convenience of life, yet of which Japan is
destitute, and on his return might arouse his countrymen to the desire of such
things, and so render them more inclined to agree to conditions of mutual
traffic. The result may be, that without difficulty an agreement may be made
between the Governor of India and the King of Japan, both as to other
regulations of commerce, and also particularly as to the establishment at
Osaka of a factory and register of the Portuguese revenue.
I have great
confidence in our Lord Jesus, that before two years are over I shall write to
you that we have at Meaco a church dedicated in honour of our most holy Lady
the Mother of God, that henceforth those who sail for these islands may be
able, in the terrible
storms of the Chinese Archipelago, to invoke the Blessed Madonna of Meaco. Now
if you could trust me so far as to allow me to take the office of your agent in
these parts, I would venture to promise that I will manage, whatever portion
of your property or money you should like to commit to me in such capacity, to
return you the same increased by an interest of more than a hundredfold, and
with your profit quite secure from all dangers of shipwreck or sea voyage. This
would be an amount of good fortune in traffic as to which there is no risk,
such that no Captain of Malacca before you has ever made money more safely or
more productively. Would you like to know of what kind of this most rapid and
profitable investment I am speaking ? I will tell you without circumlocution.
Make up your mind, I beseech you, to give us something to divide among the poor
Christians of this country—those who are and those who are to be. This money so
invested, I promise you, on the security of Christ Himself, will be returned to
you in heaven multiplied a hundredfold, without being exposed to the uncertainties
of winds and waves, or to the arms and snares of pirates. While I have been
writing this I have been rather afraid that I might not find your mind at
present ready to run the hazard of this investment which is to have its profit
in hope. And yet nothing can be safer. I know, however, that you Commandants
of Malacca have such lofty notions, that although you are generally
sufficiently alive to chances of gain in other ways, you usually neglect this
most certain method of quick and large returns.
The corsair who
commanded our vessel died here at Cagoxima. He did his work for us, on the
whole, as we wished, throughout the voyage, and yet we were not able to repay
him by good offices either when we came to port or when he died. He himself
chose to die in his own superstitions; he did not even leave to us the power of
rewarding him by that kindness which we can after their death do to other
friends who die in the profession of the Christian faith, in commending their
souls to God, since the poor fellow by his own hand cast his soul •into hell,
where there is no redemption.
Many Japanese are on
their way hence to you. They have been induced to do this by what they have
heard our friend Paul relate of the wonders of the power and virtue of the Portuguese.
I pray and beseech you, by all that you owe to God and your own noble
condition, receive them with all honour and liberality, and let them be lodged
splendidly and comfortably with gentlemen of Portugal of wealth and high
character, who have received injunctions from yourself to show them all
kindness. This will do much, believe me, towards drawing them on to embrace the
Christian religion, if they find by their own experience that Paul’s account of
the Portuguese is true.
Domenico Diaz, to
whom I give in charge my letter, to be delivered to you, is a very great friend
of mine, as dear to me as I am dear to him. His kindness and goodness to us has
been proved by me by continual services during our unbroken companionship in
this long voyage. You will do me a special favour if you would discharge for
me, since I cannot do so myself, the debt of kindness which I acknowledge that
I owe to a man who has deserved very much at my hands. May our Lord God
lengthen your life to many years, and take you back in health and prosperity to
Portugal, as you and your lady wife desire! Farewell.
Your friend, with all
my soul,
Cagoxima,
Nov. 5, 1549. FRANCIS.
The arrival of this
letter, together with that of the Japanese recommended by it to the good
offices of the Capitan of Malacca, was made the occasion of public
demonstrations of joy. Don Pedro had the royal standard hoisted on the
fortress, the guns fired a salute, and a grand procession was organized to go
to the Church of our Lady del Monte to give thanks for the good news which
seemed to promise the conversion of Japan. Magistrates and soldiers joined the
Vicar General and clergy in this procession. The streets were hung with
colours, and lighted up at night. The Vicar sang high mass in presence of all
the authorities. Soon after this, the Japanese strangers were baptized, Don
Pedro de Silva himself standing as their godfather.
Firafido, Amanguchi, and Meaco.
The
letters
which have been inserted in the last chapter must have been sent to India by
some Portuguese merchants trading on the coast at one of the ports not far from
Cagoxima,. if not at that place. It appears that the Prince of Satsouma had not
been altogether uninfluenced by their presence in the kind reception which he
accorded to Francis Xavier, and in the permission which he had given him to
preach the Christian law in his dominions. The Japanese princes seem to have
been eager to gain the advantages of trade with Portugal for their own ports,
and the prince looked for this temporal advantage in his toleration of the new
priests from Europe. He was soon disappointed, and this downfal of his
expectations prefaced the way for the change of his policy in regard to Francis
Xavier. The port of Cagoxima does not seem to be well sheltered,1
and was in this respect much inferior for the purpose of the Portuguese ships
to that ofFirando or Firado, on an island of the same name, some fifty or sixty
miles north of Nagasaki, which, at the time of which we are writing, had not
yet been founded. Firando is said to be difficult of access oil account
1 The ‘ bombardment’ of Cagoxima by an
English force in 1867 was occasioned by a storm, which came on in the bay while
the squadron which had been sent to demand satisfaction was lying there, after
having seized some steamers belonging to the Prince of Satsouma. lie had made
no resistance, but when the storm arose, ‘not doubting,’says M. Humbert {Japon
Illustre, t. ii. p. 391), ‘that the gods who were the protectors of the- Great
Niphon had of themselves aroused from the bottom of the sea the dragon of
tempests, with whose aid he could not fail to annihilate the barbarians, ’
orddred the batteries of the port to open upon the ships in their distress.
This caused the action, which ended in the burning of the captured ships, a
number of junks, the docks, workshops, and powder magazines, and a part of the
town itself.
of rocks and shoals,
but a safe harbour when it is once entered.2 It chanced that the
Portuguese merchants discovered the superiority of Firando just at the time of
Francis Xavier’s early sojourn at Cagoxima, and the change which they made in
simple provision for the safety of their vessels brought on the storm which
must have been for some time gathering over the missioners in the dominion of
Satsouma.
We do not know the
exact moment, after the leave given by the prince for the public preaching of
the Gospel and for his subjects to embrace Christianity, at which this change
of affairs took place. Some time probably elapsed after Francis Xavier
dispatched his letter. Meanwhile he had been preaching freely; he had, as we have
seen, had many friendly interviews with a chief of bonzes, the Tunda, as he is
said to have been called, of one of the Buddhist monasteries in the neighbourhood.
Francis Xavier does not tell us himself of other incidents which attended his
preaching, which have come to us on the testimony of eyewitnesses. No reader of
his life will be surprised to find that now again his apostolate was illustrated
by miracles. The most famous of these could not have been the first, for it was
wrought in favour of the only daughter of a nobleman whom, in his agony of
bereavement after her death, the new converts urged to recommend his case to
the God of the Christians, and to have recourse to the prayers of the great
teacher of the Portuguese. The father went to Francis Xavier, and threw
himself at his feet; but sorrow choked his utterance, and he could say nothing.
Francis retired for a few moments with Joam Fernandez into the little oratory
in which he said mass, and after a short, fervent prayer, came back to the poor
suppliant and told him to go, that his prayers were heard. He said nothing
more, and the nobleman was grieved and hurt. In this frame of mind he went
homewards, and was met, first by a servant, who told him that his daughter was
alive, and then by the girl herself, who ran to him and threw herself on his
neck. She said that as soon as she had breathed her last, two horrible demons
had seized her and were about
2 Humbert,
Japon llliislrt, t. i. p. 17.
to cast her into
hell, when two men of venerable aspect came and rescued her, and the next
moment she found herself safe and well. The father took her to the house where
Francis Xavier and Fernandez were staying, and as soon as she saw them, she
cried out that they were the two who had delivered her. Both father and child
were at once instructed and baptized. Another miracle, different in character,
is recorded of this time. A Japanese had been insulting and jeering at Francis,
who turned to him and said gently, ‘ God preserve your mouth, friend !’ The man
was struck at once with a horrible and noisome cancerous disease in his mouth.
These and other miracles served to increase the credit of the missioners, and
it seemed likely that large numbers would become Christians at Cagoxima.
The change was not
long in coming. The bonzes, who had hitherto at least listened to the new
doctrines, and two of whom had even become converts, took the alarm, and went
to the prince, threatening him with calamities of all kinds if he allowed the
worship of the ancient gods of their country to be scorned. It may be
questioned how far their influence might have weighed with him, but for the
chance coincidence of their remonstrance with the abandonment of Cagoxima as a
mart by the Portuguese. The prince was incensed at what he considered
ingratitude, withdrew his permission as to the teaching of the Christian law,
and forbad any one, under pain of death, to become Christian.
It does not appear
that this edict of the Prince ofSatsouma was followed by any active measures of
persecution : but the whole attitude of the people changed with regard to the
Christian teaching. For many months Francis Xavier confined himself to the
careful instruction of the neophytes who had already been gained, chiefly the
family and friends of Paul of the holy Faith, who were able to assemble from
time to time for prayer and worship, to studying the language of Japan, and to
translation into that tongue of the summary of the Christian doctrine and of
the mysteries of our Lord’s life, of which mention has already been made. The
rest of his time was spent in prayer and
in the exercises of
penance. This was the laying of the foundation of that famous Church of Japan
which was to give an almost unexampled instance of heroic fortitude and
constancy under persecution. The converts became more and more firm in the
faith, and seem from the first to have been possessed with the spirit which
afterwards animated so many thousands of Japanese martyrs. They were singularly
devoted to their new faith and its teachers.3
Meanwhile the months
passed on, and there was as yet no favourable opportunity of proceeding to
Meaco. This is explained by a passage in a letter written by Father Cosmo
Torres, the companion of Francis Xavier at this time, who states that the
Prince of Satsouma had promised to find them a ship for Meaco, but that
afterwards he advised them to delay until the wars raging at that time around
the capital might be over. Perhaps the prince’s interest in the voyage had
cooled down, but the wars were no fiction. At the beginning of September 1550
Francis determined to pass to Firando. The same reason which had turned away
from him the favour of the Prince of Satsouma might secure him that of the
less important and powerful
3 We have at this time a considerable gap
in the account of the residence of Francis at Cagoxima. It is very possible
that this city was his ordinary place of abode, but it is not necessary to
suppose that he made no excursions to places in the neighbourhood, and there
are certainly notices of his activity elsewhere for which it is difficult to
find a more convenient time than this. Thus he is said to have been walking
once by the seashore, where some fishermen were dragging in their nets, which,
to their great affliction, were empty. Francis blessed the nets with the sign
of the Cross, and bade them cast them again into the sea. This time the nets
were found full to abundance, and that part of the sea remained afterwards
remarkably productive. Another anecdote speaks of a town which was visited by a
severe pestilence, which was delivered by his prayers. The conversion of a
large number of the people was the consequence, lie also cured a deformed
child, taking him in his own arms, healed a leper and gave sight to a blind man
by making the sign of the Cross over him, and wrought several other miracles
recorded in the Processes, which are not assigned to any place or time. See
Massei, 1. iii. c. 7, who quotes the evidence of Martino Lupo from the
Processes, and the Resumo Ilistorico (Goa 1861), by Felippe Neri Xavier, an
exceedingly useful little work, 011 account of the number of its references to
scarce books about the East, and its stores of local information. We regret not
to have known of it until the present chapter was passing through the press.
lord of Firando,4
and he might find there some Portuguese merchants who might give him news of
India and perhaps even letters from Europe. The Christians of Cagoxima were in
deep affliction at losing him. Paul of the holy Faith was set over them as a sort
of head.
Francis travelled on
foot, carrying himself the little bundle in which was contained all that was
necessary for the celebration of mass. He took with him his European
companions, Cosmo Torres and Joam Fernandez, a convert named Bernard, the prophet
of Cagoxima, and another Japanese. He had not gone many miles on his road when
he was invited by one of the great lords of the country, whose name is given as
Ekandono or Eshandono, to visit him in one of the great castles which are described
by travellers in Japan.5 Ekandono had heard wonders of the ‘ bonze’
from the west who had been teaching a new religion at Cagoxima, and was eager
to see and hear him. Francis preached with great earnestness and power, and was
able to
4 Francis
speaks, however, of Firando as belonging to the kingdom of which Amanguchi was
the capital.
4 ‘ The castles of the Japanese nobility
arc built either on great rivers or upon hills and rising grounds. They take in
a vast deal of room, and consist commonly of three different fortresses or
enclosures, which either cover and defend, or, if possible, encompass one
another. livery enclosure is surrounded and defended by a clean deep ditch, and
a thick strong wall built of stone or earth, with strong gates. . . . The
principal or innermost castle or enclosure is called son mas, that is the true
or chief castle. It is the residence of the prince or lord who is in possession
of it, and as such it is distinguished from others by a square, large, white
tower, three or four stories high, with a small roof encompassing each story,
like a crown or garland. In the second, called ninmas, that is the second
castle, are lodged the gentlemen of the prince’s bedchamber, his stewards,
secretaries, and other chief officers, who are to give a more constant
attendance about his person. The empty spaces are cultivated, and either turned
into gardens or sown with rice. The third and outwardmost is called soiogamd,
that is the outwardmost defence, as also ninnomas, that is the third castlc. It
is the abode of a numerous train of soldiers, courticrs, domestics, and other
people, everybody being permitted to conic into it. The white walls, bastions,
gates, each of which hath two or more stories built over it, and above all, the
beautiful tower of the innermost castle, are extremely pleasant to behold at a
distance.’ Kaempfer’s Ilist. of Japan (l’inkerton), p. 772. A similar
description is given by M. Humbert, Japon Illustre,, t. i. p. 33, and an
engraving, p. 27.
baptize seventeen
persons before he left the castle. Among these, though in secret, was the lady
of the house and her eldest son. Ekandono himself was doubtfully inclined, but
allowed of their baptism. Francis left them a copy of the Japanese explanation
of the Christian doctrine, and carefully regulated the exercises of piety and
manner of life of the little community.
Neither Francis nor
either of his two companions mention this incident,—indeed, his own account of
his work during that year is unusually concise, as we shall see. But this
little Christian community was found many years afterwards (in 1562), in a
state of innocence and fervour, which shows the blessing which rested upon the
work of Francis Xaxier, as well as the instructions which he gave and the
system which he established in order as far as possible to secure the
perseverance of converts under such circumstances. In the year last mentioned,
Father Luis d’Almeyda was sent to visit the Christians in Firando, Cagoxima,
and Boungo—a kingdom in the neighbourhood of Satsouma of which we shall have
more to say presently. On his way he was told to call at the castle of
Ekandono, and his letter gives a description of it which seems to justify the
wonder with which it filled him. It had, he says, ten distinct bulwarks or
walis connected by drawbridges, ‘ so high that the head swims when you look
down,’ and a very deep ditch : all was said to have been cut out of the rock by
sheer work, but Father Luis thought it could hardly be the work of man. In the
centre of these outer fortifications rose the principal castle, where the
visitor was received with much joy, especially by the lady of the nobleman who
owned the castle, and fourteen others whom Francis had baptized himself. They
came round him, he says, ‘asking for news of Father Francis, and of the
progress of Christianity in other parts of Japan, rejoicing much in the good
tidings which I gave them, for it was many years since they had seen Father or
Brother of the Society. He that after God kept them in the faith was an
honoured old man, a sort of “ majorduomo” of the castle, whom all loved very
much on account of his virtue.’ He and the lady related many miracles which
God had wrought since Father Master Francis went
away, for he had left
them some devout prayers and litanies written by his own hand (which the lady
kept as relics), and these they used to apply to sick persons and so heal them.
One of these sick had been Ekandono himself, whose life had at one time been in
danger, and who had been at once cured. Once a week the Christians all met to
take the discipline together with a discipline which Francis had left behind;
but the old man considered it so precious that he would not let any one give
himself more than three strokes with it, lest it should be worn out. Almeyda
baptized some children, two of whom were lads, sons of Ekandono, whom he found
perfectly prepared for baptism by the instructions of the old man, whom, on
returning a week or two after, he found just dead. He preached several times,
and converted some of the heathen in the fortress, one of whom was so very
clever, that he wrote down at once all the instructions which Almeyda gave him,
and made a book of them. He and the eldest son were left in charge of the rest.
On Sundays and feastdays they all met, and a chapter of the book about the
Christian doctrine was read, about which they talked for an hour. They
frequently assembled for prayers. The Christian doctrine was taught constantly,
and the harmony and fervour among them was truly wonderful. Ekandono himself
told the Father that he was only prevented from becoming a Christian by fear of
the prince.0
Firando was the scene
of a sort of triumph for Francis Xavier. A Portuguese ship was trading there;
the captain received Francis with a salvo of artillery, and conducted him with
all honour to the prince, who gave him leave to preach freely. Conversions were
now very numerous. In a few days there were more Christians made than had been
gained in
* Massei mentions a still more striking
instance of the long time during which the memory of Francis Xavier’s preaching
was kept up without the presence of missionaries, in the case of a place called
Canadabe, thirteen leagues from Cagoxima, where fifty-five years after his
visit—which was probably made at this time—a number of Christians were found,
among whom was the daughter of the chief nobleman, who was baptized, when a
little girl, by Francis, and had since consecrated herself to God by a vow of
chastity. Massei, 1. iii. cap. i. p. 294.
VOL. II. U
Cagoxima during the
whole year. But Francis determined to press on to Meaco, or at least to other
parts of the country, as if to explore it in the interests of the faith. He
left Cosmo Torres at Firando, to continue the work already begun, and took with
him Joam Fernandez and his two Japanese converts.
‘ You may well
imagine, my fathers and brothers,’ writes Cosmo Torres to the Society at Goa, ‘
how I felt at being left and separated from his company, knowing the great
dangers and toils which they would incur, for they left Firando at the end of
October, when the great snows and frosts of this country begin. But as to
Father Francis, for the great fire of the love of God which is in him for the
manifestation of the holy Catholic faith, neither the frosts, nor the snows,
nor the fear of the unknown race, could hinder him from undertaking this most
dangerous journey. When they had to go by water, over certain parts of the sea
there were many pirates, and on account of these they had to hide themselves
below the decks of the boats in order not to be recognized; and when they
travelled by land they went as servants of certain gentlemen on horseback, and
had to run at a gallop to keep up and not lose their way. When they came by
night to the inns, dead with cold and hunger and wet through, they found no
sort of comfort there.’ He, goes on to speak of their sufferings from the deep
snow or from rough roads and thickets, and from the stones thrown at them by
the boys and rabble, and the like. ‘ With all this they never ceased preaching
and confessing our holy Catholic faith.. . and you may see,’ he adds,‘ what
beginnings our Father) Master Francis has made in this country, and us who
followed him he encouraged more by deeds than by words; and however much we
toiled and suffered we were always ashamed in comparison to his labours, the
which, not to be over long, I do not relate minutely and in particular—the
insults, and the hunger, and the cold which he endured, going about that
country for four months, always on foot, and often unshod, for the great
streams that there are.’
This description
hardly applies in its fulness except to the long journey which we shall
presently have to speak of from
Amanguchi to Meaco ;
but the picture of the fervour and love of suffering shown by Francis at this
time would apply to the whole of his stay in Japan. From Firando he embarked
for Facata, a port on the southern and smaller of the great islands
• of which Japan consists, off the western
coast of which the island of Firando lies, and from thence sailed again to Simonoseki,7
the port of Amanguchi, the capital of a considerable state on the larger island
of Niphon. Amanguchi was at that
• time one of the largest and most
populous cities of Japan, the I mart through which the commerce between the
other islands I passed, and the capital of one of the most fertile provinces ol
Niphon. It was a very wicked place, infamous beyond measure, on the same
account as Ormuz. Its condition moved the zeal of Francis Xavier. He began to
preach in the streets and 'public places, though without moving more than the
curiosity of the crowd. His preaching, however, led to invitations to come and
explain his doctrine in private houses, to which he willingly consented. He
disputed with the utmost freedom and courage. On these occasions he practised
in a signal manner that fearlessness of all human things which he recommended
in his letters. Joam Fernandez related afterwards how Francis, usually so
humble and meek in demeanour, confronted the pride and arrogance of the rich
and noble Japanese who used to interrogate him, bearing himself in a most lofty
and dignified •manner, as became the ambassador of the God of Truth. At times,
Joam himself had to answer them in the same bold uncompromising manner, and he
confessed that while he did so he sometimes expected to see the sword of his
questioner flash from the scabbard, to make the heads of both Francis and
himself roll in the dust. Francis encouraged him by telling
7
Simonoseki, like Cagoxima, has become unfortunately famous in the ihistory of
the lately renewed intercourse between Japan and the European •nations, as the
scene of an aet of violence on the part of the stronger parties .11 that
intercourse. Simonoseki is in a position of very great importance, »:ommanding
the strait named after it, which separates the greater island )f Niphon from
the second, Ximo. The strait is the passage from the west nto the inland sea of
Japan, on which a number of ports, among others Dsaka, lie, and through which
is one of the routes to Yeddo itself. Its bat- eries have been destroyed by an
allied squadron.
him that the only way
to dominate those lofty spirits was to fear nothing at all that they could do.
In truth, it appears that he won, at all events, their respect by his
demeanour; though the bonzes heaped insults upon him, and the common people ran
after him, abusing him, turning him into ridicule, and pelting him with stones
and filth. At last, his presence and way of proceeding in the city came to the
ears of the * prince, who sent for him and asked him why he had come to
Arnanguchi. Francis made him a long harangue. After setting forth the chief
points of the Christian doctrine, he began to inveigh against the vices of the
nobles, who had received from God greater blessings than others; and then he went
on to reproach the prince himself for his indulgence in unnatural j vices,
giving scandal to all his people, and preparing for him-1 self a sentence of
eternal damnation from the Supreme King 1 of all, before whom the greatest
monarch of the world is but a I worm. The prince listened attentively, and let
him go unhurt.81
Francis continued
preaching in Arnanguchi for several weeks, I but without any effect. Very few
became Christians. He left the city at the beginning of December 1550, and
began, with Fernandez and the two Japanese converts, that toilsome and
apparently fruitless journey to Meaco which has already been mentioned in the
extract given from the letter of Cosmo Torres. The country was overrun by armed
bands, belonging to the forces employed in a civil war then going on; there
were abundance of robbers besides, and at certain passes and ferries money had
to be paid by travellers. It was either on this account— that he might pass
free as a servant—or because of a divergence from the road, which was
necessary on account of robbers, and that he might be able to regain the road
without fail, that Francis offered himself as a servant to one of a company of
merchants, who made him carry his baggage, running at the same time by the side
of his horse. Not far from Meaco, he fell severely ill, but soon recovered, and
pursued his way. Meaco he himself describes as an immense city, but with a
* Francis is said on this occasion to have
signally confuted a bonze of great reputation.
great part of it in
ruins on account of the civil war. He was unable to obtain an audience either
of the Dairi or Cubosama, the spiritual and temporal heads respectively of the
empire. We are told by his biographers that a large sum of money was asked as
the price of admission, and that he was altogether unable to raise it. He
preached in the streets, but the people either were too preoccupied with the
war which was going on to attend to him, or listened merely out of curiosity.
He laid the foundations of the future Church of Meaco by his sufferings rather
than by his successes. Ten years later, that Church was to begin to flourish.
It is probable, however, that Francis learnt by this visit to the capital much
as to the state of things in Japan which he had not before suspected. He may
have seen that even if the Dairi or Mikado gave him leave to preach, his
authority would not practically extend far beyond the walls of his own
residence; that Japan was not a kingdom like Spain or Portugal, in which the
sovereign was everything, and his word absolute law even to the extremity of
his dominions. There was a significant contrast between the apparently secure
tenure and exercise of power which he observed in the petty princes of Satsouma
and Naugato—the kingdom of which Amanguchi was the capital—and the titular
magnificence of the Mikado— great as was still his authority when supported by
the Cubosama—which could not preserve his own capital from the ruinous
effects of war. On leaving Meaco, Francis Xavier seems to have determined to adopt
a somewhat different line of conduct from that which he had hitherto thought
of. He would make his advances at the courts of the local sovereigns, and he
would lay aside for that purpose, not indeed his humility, meekness, poverty,
and mortification, but something of that outwardly despicable appearance, which
in itself he held so dear, but which he knew how to lay aside in order to serve
the cause of Him for whose sake he loved it.
The journey to Meaco,
therefore, was not entirely unfruitful even of other results than the
sufferings and humiliations to which it had exposed Francis Xavier. He had
baptized a few dying children, whom he had found exposed by the roadside,
and he had
reaped a plentiful harvest, as we have ’said, of personal sufferings; in some
cases even his life had been in danger, as he had been assailed by the crowds
to whom he could not forbear from speaking of the Gospel, and more than once
was wounded by arrows and almost stoned to death. He seems to have returned
from Meaco by sea, taking boat probably at Osaka, and this may account for his
returning to Firando rather than to Amanguchi. At Amanguchi, however, he made
up his mind to begin his new career of preaching. He took with him the letters
and presents from the Governor of the Indies, the Bishop of Goa, and the
Captain of Malacca, which had been originally intended for the Mikado himself.
He dressed himself in a manner more becoming the Envoy of Portugal, and, with
his companions as attendants, demanded an audience of the Prince or King of
Naugato. He was very well received by the King, who was charmed with the
presents—among which Cosmo Torres tells us were a * manicordio e relox,’ a
musical instrument of some sort, and a watch, with other more costly articles.
Oxindono, as he was called, was unwilling not to show all courtesy to the
representative of the secular and religious authorities of that half unknown
power in India and the Eastern Archipelago which had so strangely risen up of
late years, to interest and alarm the various countries at whose ports its
ships were so continually presenting themselves, laden with strange merchandize
of the most costly sorts, and whose prowess in arms seemed quite on a par with
its spirit of mercantile adventure. The next day an edict was placarded in the
city of Amanguchi, allowing of the preaching of the Christian religion, and an
empty ‘ bonzery’ or monastery was assigned for the residence of the new
teachers. A large present of gold and silver, which Oxindono sent to them, had
previously been refused by Francis. •
We have now reached a
point in the history of Francis Xavier’s stay in Japan at which we may again
use his own words. The following letter is remarkable for its comparative
brevity, and for the absence of all reflections and exhortations. It seems
almost as if it were merely the draft of a letter, sum
ming up the events of
the last year very shortly, and written at a time when Francis was uncertain
whether he might find a means of sending it to India. There are no personal appeals
or injunctions. Another hypothesis may be that it was written after he had had
some incomplete tidings as to the state of things at Goa which required his
presence, and which made him unable to pour himself out with his usual freedom
when writing to his religious brethren.
(lxxxiv.) To the Society at
Goa.
Last year, dearest
brethren, I wrote to you from Cagoxima concerning our voyage, our arrival in
Japan, and what had been done in the interests of Christianity up to that time.
Now I will relate what God has done by our means since last year. On our
arrival at the native place of our good Paul, we were received very kindly
indeed by his relations and friends. They all of them became Christians, being
led by what Paul told them; and that they might be thoroughly confirmed in the
truth of our religion, we remained in that place a whole year and more. In that
time more than a hundred were gathered into the fold of Christ. The rest might
have done so if they had been willing, without giving any offence to their
kinsfolk or relations. But the bonzes admonished the prince (who is very
powerful, the lord of several towns), that if he allowed his people to embrace
the Christian religion, his whole dominion would be destroyed, and the
ancestral gods of the country, which they call pagodas, would come to be
despised by the natives. For the law of God was contrary to the law of Japan,
and it would therefore result that any who embraced that law would repudiate
the holy founders of the ancient law of their forefathers, which could not be
done without great ruin to the town and realm. Let him look, therefore, with
reverence on those most holy men who had been the legislators of Japan, and,
considering that the law of God was opposed and hostile to the law of his fathers,
let him issue an edict forbidding, under penalty of death, that any one in
future should become a
Christian. The prince
was moved by this discourse of the bonzes, and issued the edict as they had
requested.
The interval after
this was spent in instructing our converts, in learning Japanese, and in
translating into that tongue the chiefheads of the Christian faith. We used to
dwell shortly on the history of the creation of the world, as seemed useful for
the men we had to deal with; as, for instance, that God was the Maker and
Creator of the universe, a truth which they were entirely ignorant of, and the
other truths necessary for salvation, but principally the truth that God had
taken on Himself the nature of man. On this account we translated diligently
all the great mysteries of the life of Christ until His Ascension into heaven,
and also the account of the last judgment. We have now translated this book,
for such it was, into Japanese with great labour, and have written it in our
own characters. Out of this we read what I have mentioned to those who came to
the faith of Christ, that the converts may know how to worship God and Jesus
Christ with piety and to their souls’ health. And when we went on to expound
these things in our discourses, the Christians delighted in them very much, as
seeing how true the things were which we had taught them. The Japanese are
certainly of remarkably good dispositions, and follow reason wonderfully. They
see clearly that their ancestral law is false and the law of God true, but they
are deterred by fear of their prince from submitting to the Christian religion.
When the year came to
an end, seeing the lord of the town to be opposed to all extension of our
religion, we determined to pass to another place. We therefore bade farewell to
our converts; they loved us so much that they shed many tears, and giving us
great thanks for having shown them the way of eternal salvation at the cost of
so much labour of our own, were very sorrowful at our departure. We left with
them Paul, their own townsman, who is an excellent Christian, to finish their
instruction in the precepts of religion. We then went to another town, where
the lord of the place received us very kindly; there we remained a few days,
and made about a hundred Christianr. None of us knew Japanese; nevertheless,
by
reading the
semi-Japanese volume mentioned, and talking to the people, we brought many of
them to the worship of Christ.
I charged Cosmo
Torres with the care of these converts, and went on with Joam Fernandez to
Amanguchi, the seat of a very wealthy king, as he is thought among the
Japanese. The city contains more than ten thousand households; all the houses,
are of wood. We found many here, both of the common people and of the
nobility, very desirous to become acquainted with the Christian law. We
thought it best to preach twice a day in the streets and cross roads, reading
out parts of our book, and then speaking to the people about the Christian
religion. Some of the noblemen also invited us to their houses, that they might
hear about our religion with-more convenience. They promised of their own
accord, that if they came to think it better than their own, they would
unhesitatingly embrace it. Many of them heard what we had to say about the law
of God very willingly; some, on the other hand, were angry at it, and even went
so far as to laugh at what we said. So, wherever we went through the streets of
the city, we were followed by a small crowd of boys of the lowest dregs of the
populace, laughing at us and mocking us with some such words as these : ‘
There go the men who tell us that we must embrace the law of God in order to be
saved, because we cannot be rescued from destruction except by the Maker of all
things and by His Son ! There go the men who declare that it is wicked to have
more than one wife !’ In the same way they made a joke and play of the other
articles of our religion.
We had spent some
days in this office of preaching, when the king, who was then in the city, sent
for us and we went to him. He asked us wherever did we come from ? why had we
come to Japan ? And we answered that we were Europeans sent thither for the
sake of preaching the law of God, since no one could be safe and secure unless
he purely and piously worship God and His Son Jesus Christ, the Redeemer and
Saviour of all nations. Then the king commanded us to explain to him the law
of God. So we read to him a good part of our volume; and although we went on
reading for an hour
or more, he listened
to us diligently and attentively as long as- we were reading, and then he sent
us away. We remained many days in that city, and preached to the people in the
streets and at the cross roads. Many of them listened to- the wonderful deeds
of Christ with avidity, and when we came to His most bitter death, they were
unable to restrain their tears- Nevertheless, very few actually became
Christians.
Finding, therefore,
that the fruit of our labours was small, we went on to Meaco, the most famous
city in all Japan. We spent two months on the road, and passed through many dangers,
because we had to go through countries in which war was- raging. I say nothing
of the cold of those parts, nor of the roads so infested by frequent robberies.
When we arrived at Meaco, we waited for some days that we might obtain leave
to- approach the king, and ask of him to give us permission to publish the
divine law in his kingdom. But we found all ways of access to him altogether
closed. And as we discovered that the edicts of the king were generally thought
little of among the: princes and rulers, we laid aside our design of obtaining
from him any such license, and I determined to sound and try the minds and
dispositions of the people themselves, so as to find out how disposed that city
was to receive the worship of Christ. But as the people were under arms, and
under the pressure ofr a severe war, I judged that the time was most
inopportune for the preaching of the Gospel. Meaco was formerly a very large
city; but now, on account of the perpetual calamities it has undergone in war,
it is a great part in ruins and waste. At one time, as they say, it contained
one hundred and eighty thousand dwellings. It seems to me very likely that it
was so, for the wall which encircles it shows that the city was very extensive
indeed. Now, although a great part of it is in ruins, it yet contains more than
a hundred thousand houses.
When we found that
the city of Meaco was neither at peace nor prepared to receive the Gospel, we
returned to Amanguchi, and we presented to the king there the letters and
presents- which had been sent as signs of friendship by the Governor of India
and the Bishop of Goa. The king was very much de
lighted both with the
letters and with the presents, and that he might reward us, he offered us a
great amount of gold and silver. These gifts we sent back, and then asked him
that, if he desired to make some acceptable present to the strangers who had
come to his city, he would give us leave to announce the law of God to his
people : saying that nothing could possibly be more pleasing to us than such a
gift. This he granted us with the greatest goodwill.
He accordingly
affixed edicts in the most crowded places of the city, declaring that it was
pleasing to him that the law of Heaven should be announced in his dominions;
and that it was lawful for any, who desired, to embrace it. At the same time,
he assigned an empty monastery for us to inhabit. A great many used to come to
us to this place for the sake of hearing about the new religion. We used to preach
twice a day, and after the sermon there was always a good long dispute
concerning religion. Thus we were continually occupied either in preaching or
in answering questions. Many bonzes were often present at the sermons, and a
great number of others, both of the common people and of the nobility. The
house was always full of men,—so full, that at times some were shut out for
want of space. Those who asked us questions pressed them so well home, that the
answers we gave enabled them thoroughly to understand the falsehood of their
own laws and founders, and the truth of the Christian law. After disputes and
questionings for many days, they at last began to give in and betake themselves
to the faith of Christ.
The first of all to
do this were those who in the discussions and questions had shown themselves
our most strenuous adversaries. Many of these were persons of good birth, who,
when they had embraced Christianity, became our friends with an amount of
warmth which I can find no words to describe. And these new Christians told us
with the greatest faithfulness the mysteries, or rather the absurdities, of the
Japanese religion. As I said at first, there are as many as nine sects in
Japan, and they are very different one from another in their teaching and
ordinances. When we got to know the opinions-
of these sects, we
began to look up arguments by which to refute them. So we used to press hard
by daily questions and arguments the sorcerer bonzes and other enemies of the
Christian law, and we did this so efficiently, that at last they did not
venture to open their mouths against us when we attacked and refuted them.
When the Christians
saw the bonzes convicted and silenced they were of course full of joy, and were
daily more and more confirmed in the faith of our Lord. On the other hand, the
heathen, who were present at these discussions, were greatly shaken in their
own religion, seeing the systems of their forefathers giving way. The bonzes
were much displeased at this, and when they were present at the sermons and saw
that a great number became Christians daily, they began to accuse them severely
for leaving their ancestral religion to follow a new faith. But the others
answered that they embraced the Christian law because they had made up their
minds that it was more in accordance with nature than their own, and because
they found that we satisfied their questions while the bonzes did not.
The Japanese are very
curious by nature, and as desirous of learning as any people ever were. So they
go on perpetually telling other people about their questions and our answers.
They desire very much to hear novelties, especially about religion. Even
before our arrival we are told that they were perpetually disputing among
themselves, each one contending that his own sect was the best. But after they
had heard what we had to say, they left off their disputes about their own
rules of life and religions, and all began to contend about the Christian
faith. It is really very wonderful that in so large a city as Amanguchi in
every house and in every place men should be talking constantly about the law
of God. But if I were to go into the history of all their questionings, I
should have to write on for ever.
The Japanese have a
very high opinion of the wisdom of the Chinese, whether as to the mysteries of
religion or as to manners and civil institutions. They used to make that a
principal point
against us, that if things were as we preached, how was it that the Chinese
knew nothing about them ? After many disputations and interrogatories, the
people of Amanguchi began to join the Church of Christ, some from the lower
orders and some from the nobility. In the space of two months quite as many as
five hundred have become Christians. Their number is daily being added to; so that
there is great cause for joy, and for thanking God that there are so many who
embrace the Christian faith, and who tell us all the deceptions of the bonzes,
and the mysteries contained in their books and taught by their sects. For those
who have become Christians used to belong, one to one sect, another to another;
the most learned of each of them explained to us the institutions and rules of
his own way of belief. If I had not had the work of these converts to help me,
I should not have been able to become sufficiently acquainted with, and so to
attack, these abominable religions of Japan. It is quite incredible how much
the Christians love us. They are always coming to our house to ask whether we
have anything at all which we wish them to do for us. All the Japanese appear
naturally very obliging; certainly the Christians among them are so very good
to us that it would be impossible to exceed their extreme kindness and
attentiveness.
May God in His mercy
repay them with His favour, and give us all His heavenly bliss ! Amen.
Amanguchi [July
1551].
The incidents which
are but slightly sketched in the foregoing letter are dwelt upon much more
fully in other letters which were not dispatched by Francis to Europe until
after his return to India. We must here, therefore, to some extent, anticipate
what might otherwise have to be said by way of commentary on those letters. It
is clear that after his interview with the Prince of Naugato, the position of
Francis was greatly changed in the eyes of the people. He now reaped the
harvest which he had sown some months before at Amanguchi in the midst of
humiliation and ill success. He preached frequently and copiously; and after
the sermon, as he tells us, there was a dispute concerning religion that
sometimes lasted for several
hours. From his later
letters we gather that he was hardly left time to recite his breviary, or to
take his food or rest, on account of the throng of persons who came to the
monastery which had been allotted to him as a residence, in order to ask
questions and propose difficulties concerning religion. We have here two facts
which must have taxed his energies to the utmost, and the companions and
witnesses of his labours tell us that now, as on former occasions—perhaps even
in Japan, for there is nothing to limit their evidence to his sojourn at
Amanguehi alone—Francis Xavier was assisted by the peculiar gift of apostolic
men like himself: his sermons were not those of a foreigner who had scarcely
learnt the language of the country in which he was speaking, but he spoke
freely, flowingly, elegantly, as if he had lived in Japan all his life. There
is evidence also that at this time he preached fluently in Chinese to the
merchants of China who traded in the port of Simonoseki.
Another wonderful
form of the same gift is also mentioned in the accounts of Francis while at
Amanguehi, which reminds us of the manifestation of miraculous power on the day
of Pentecost, when the Apostles spoke in one language and were understood in
several, persons from so many different parts of the world hearing their words
each one as if spoken in the language of his own country. When several
questions were put to Francis at the same time by different persons in the
crowd, he made one answer which satisfied all. In after years, when other
missioners succeeded him in Japan, the people complained that they did not
answer their questions as immediately as the first teacher of Christianity they
had seen.
Everything that we
hear about the Japanese at this time shows how foreigners were struck with the
extraordinary inquisitiveness with which their active intelligent minds flew
upon the theological and philosophical questions raised by the introduction of
a new religion. We have seen how Francis himself thought it a matter of wonder
that the whole city should be talking of the law of God. It was not the languid
critical curiosity which St. Paul found among the idle speculators at Athens.
Japan was a new soil for the seed of divine truth to
fall upon : it had
not as yet rejected the faith, and amid the mass of corruption and error which
it presented to the eyes of its Apostle there were singular elements of good,
which he seems to attribute to the natural uprightness and reasonableness of
the national character. The Japanese, as he describes them, were a sturdy
honest race, not effeminate, not frivolous, not childish. False religions had
long overlaid the remains of primeval truth which had been handed down from the
earliest fathers of mankind; the religious and devotional instincts which are
innate in man had been attracted by fabulous deities, behind whose imaginary
powers lurked the indefatigable enemies of the human race; and the natural law
itself had, in more than one of its most immediate developments, become obscure
and hidden in their minds. Thus inhuman cruelty was the rule as to children,
who, either before or after they were born, were murdered by their parents
without its being considered a crime. Suicide was in some cases even
honourable. Unnatural lusts reigned throughout the whole of society. Francis
Xavier, as we have seen, was perfectly conscious of this; and yet in the true
spirit of that large and noble theology which he had so eagerly studied in
Paris, and which came to be now so serviceable to him in a land which no
European had heard of when he was a student, he could excuse much of what he
saw on the plea of ignorance, and he rested his hopes of the conversion of many
on the ground that they did not knowingly sin against reason, heinous as were
the crimes which they committed. This account of their state is quite
consistent with the serious earnestness with which these Japanese at Amanguchi
applied themselves to theological discussions; and it made the work of
missioners a real battle, a continual conflict of reason and argument, in
which hot answers, exaggerated statements, or illogical syllogisms, were sure
to bring confusion even upon the advocates and defenders of truth.
This was something
Francis had never met with since he left Paris, and his mind was evidently
deeply impressed, not only with the necessity of immense interior humility and
mortification in those who were to combat for the faith, in order to
secure the
assistance of God, but also of trained intellect and capacity in wielding the
weapons of theological argument, that the human part of the means of warfare
might not be wanting. The Japanese were hungry for truth: they had minds that
could see the difficulties which revelation presents, especially when it is
historically considered; and the men who were to feed them with truth must be
able to stand up against questionings, some of which, coming straight from the
unsatisfied cravings of the human mind, breathed all the subtlety of the
scholastic disputations with which he had been familiar when he first made the
acquaintance of Ignatius. In India there was nothing of this. If Francis could
have penetrated, as Robert de’ Nobili afterwards penetrated, the more refined
and recondite teaching ot the Brahmins, he might have found something more
intellectual to cope with than he ever found. To him the Indians were a soft,
vicious, ignorant, barbarous race, with little mind and no strength of
character. If we can imagine a barbarous and hideous Corinth, India was like
such a Corinth to Francis when he went there to do the work of St. Paul. If the
Athens of St. Paul had been the Athens of the days of Socrates, young, vigorous,
fresh, not more blooming with every artistic beauty than glowing in every vein
with the purest and most active intellectual life, then Japan might be compared
to such an Athens when Francis Xavier became prematurely grey in disputing with
her children. •
We shall see how
strongly Francis Xavier speaks in his letters to Ignatius Loyola and Simon
Rodriguez of the necessity of sending only picked men to deal with the active
intelligent society on which he had come, as it were, by surprise. Another
great element of difficulty in the way of the Gospel preachers must have been
more obvious to him from the first —the opposition which was sure to arise from
the powerful order of bonzes, under which name, as has already been said, he
includes the ministers of all those different religions and sects which divided
the Japanese among themselves to such an extent, that controversy was no new
employment to them when Christianity appeared to draw the attention of all and
the ani
mosity of many on
itself. When he wrote the letter which we have last inserted, he seems to have
made some progress towards the intelligence of the different sects of this
nation. It would seem that the ‘ concertation’ concerning religion, which he
speaks of as ordinarily taking place after his sermons, was not a simple
answering of questions and objections on his own part, but that he and his
companions carried the war into the country of the enemy by asking of their
opponents explanations of recognized facts, such as the existence of the world,
and the like, and that they were glad also to ascertain from others the common
answers given by the bonzes and learned men on such matters. The records of the
College of Coimbra contain a very long paper, which professes to be a
translation in Portuguese of an account given to Francis Xavier by Joam
Fernandez of the questions discussed between Cosmo Torres and himself on the
one hand, and a number of Japanese interrogators on the other, after Francis
himself had left Amanguchi. The questions turn on all sorts of points,—the
nature of God, creation, the difference between men and beasts, the nature and
immortality of the soul, the devils and angels, the way of sanctity, what happens
after death, hell, Paradise, and the like. Joam himself was the ‘chief speaker’
on these occasions, as he had learnt the language faster than Father Cosmo,
and he most faithfully recounts the various objections and difficulties, ending
by commending himself through Francis to the prayers of all the good brethren
and fathers at Malacca and Goa, in the hope that they would soon come out and
take up the controversy themselves.
Francis mentions in
his subsequent letters the difficulty which had most weight upon the minds of
his first converts at Amanguchi—the objection, namely, that, if no one could be
saved without the observance of the law of God, it appeared strange that so
good a God should have deferred till that time the publication of His law in
Japan. Francis tells us first, in general, that he answered the difficulty so
as to remove all scruple from their minds; and, a little later in the same
letter, he mentions how he had shown them that God never left men without His
law written in their hearts, or the witness of their
VOL. II. X
consciences, and that
thus salvation was possible for them; as also, that if they were lost, it would
have been by their own fault. The whole range of the controversy, as far as we
can gather it, or imagine it with any certainty, is most interesting; and
Francis Xavier was thus, in fact, called upon to make his ‘ Apology for
Christianity’ as the earlier fathers had been called on to make the same to the
heathen philosophers and emperors before whom they pleaded. In doing this he
began a work which in China and India, as well as in other countries, was taken
up by members of the Society in subsequent years, and which will only be duly
appreciated and recognized when, if ever, the good Providence of God may reward
the many labours spent and the many lives laid down in those countries for the
sake of the Gospel by making those magnificent regions of Eastern Asia the
homes of great and flourishing Churches of Jesus Christ.
We could hardly
expect not to find these busy prosperous months of preaching at Arnanguchi
illustrated by the miracles which so constantly accompanied the apostolic
labours of Francis Xavier. The two Japanese converts already mentioned gave
their testimony that he had healed many sick persons by the sign of the Cross
or by holy water. Other prodigies are recorded. The most conspicuous prodigy
of this time, however, was, in general, the holy mortified lives of the
ambassadors of Christ, and in particular the meekness of Joam Fernandez, who,
when a man approached him one day as he was preaching as if to whisper
something into his ear, and then spat in his face, gently wiped away the
spittle with his handkerchief, and went on with his sermon. It is said that
this instance of humility and serenity brought about the most remarkable conversion
of the time, that of a young doctor of great reputation for learning, who was
about to enter among the bonzes. He was baptized by Francis Xavier, taking the
name of Laurence, and was soon afterwards received into the Society. His name
became famous in the annals of the infant Church of Japan.
The letter of Francis Xavier to the Society at
Goa which was last inserted does not speak of any intention on his part of
returning to India. It is, however, likely that as soon as he found the serious
nature of the intellectual work before the missioners who were to attempt the
conversion of Japan, he became aware of the necessity of selecting carefully
the men to whom the task was to be committed. Japan was by far the most
promising as well as the most arduous field of labour which he had as yet met
with; and Francis Xavier was not a man who would spare any pains to meet all
the difficult requirements of the work before him. Freed from many of the drawbacks
which shackled the ministrations of the missioners in India, he found himself
in presence of a nation of reasoners dominated, as to religious matters, by a
strong and organized hierarchy of bonzes, in high credit with the people on
account of their supposed learning, of the prestige of centuries, of the
immense influence which the popular superstitions gave them, and of the
external sanctity of their lives, though this last element of their reputation
was not free from flaw and suspicion. Such a race of men were sure to bring
very great power into the field against Christianity, which would destroy the
sources of their wealth and influence by the same blow which shattered their
fabulous creed. He had relied hitherto, as we have seen from his letters, on
the men whom he had left behind him in India, or whom he had sent to the
Moluccas, to be the future missioners of Japan. But after his experience at
Cagoxima, Firando, and Amanguchi, he felt that he must seek for greater
learning1, greater readiness in theological disputation, if not for
greater sanctity and selfdevotion, than he had as yet at his command in the
men who were to continue his work ; and on this
account it is by no
means improbable that he would have returned to India to seek such among the
fathers who must have arrived from Portugal during his absence, even if there
had been no imperative reason for the westward voyage in the circumstances of
the Society over which he was bound to watch. It is certain that after he had
been two years in Japan, he began to think it necessary once more to turn his
eyes towards Malacca and Goa.
Religion had now made
very considerable advances in Amanguchi. Francis was very cautious in admitting
converts until they had been well instructed and proved, and yet we find,
either at the date of which we are speaking or a little later, the Christians
in the city numbering as many as three thousand souls. The bonzes lost their
young disciples in troops, and the instruction given to the converts was so
solid and at the same time so intelligible, that laymen and even women were
found able to meet the ministers of their former religion in argument, and
easily confute their sophistries and fables. On the other hand, whenever, to
regain their credit, they attempted to meet Francis himself on the ground of
argument, they found themselves confounded, silenced, and made ridiculous. They
betook themselves, therefore, to endeavours to influence the King or Prince of
Naugato by the fear of the calamities with which the just anger of the native
gods of Japan would be sure to visit him and his states if the new religion
were any longer tolerated. Oxindono could not revoke his edicts : he had accepted
Francis as an envoy bearing presents from the Governor of India, and it is
probable that he would have feared alienating the Portuguese merchants, to
conciliate whom seems to have been generally an object among the petty kings of
Japan at this time. But he secretly persecuted the converts, confiscating
their goods, and the like—a measure, however, which only increased their
fervour; and Francis Xavier was able to bear them witness that there was no one
of them who was not ready to lose all that he had, and even his life itself,
for the sake of his faith. This spirit of martyrdom was characteristic of the
Japanese Christians from the very beginning; and it tes
tifies to the
thorough instruction given to them by the missioned, as well as to the
influence of the apostolic sanctity and greatness of soul which were
conspicuous in their first great teacher. Meanwhile the bonzes of Amanguehi
were serving the cause of the Gospel in another way—by spreading over the
country a number of libellous charges against the new preachers and their
doctrine, and thereby turning the public attention forcibly upon them.
It must have been
about the end of August 1551 that Francis learnt that a Portuguese ship was
staying at Figi, the port of Fucheo, capital of the kingdom of Boungo, of which
incidental mention has already been made. The kingdom of Boungo lies on the
northeastern coast of the large island of Ximo or, as it is called in modern
maps, Kiou Siou,—the same part of the Japanese group in which Satsouma and its
capital Caxogima are placed. The King himself appears to have sent to inform
Francis of the arrival of the Europeans and to beg him to visit him. Mendez
Pinto, who was one of the Portuguese merchants belonging to the ship, reckons
the distance from Figi to the point of Kiou Siou opposite to Simono- seki as
about sixty leagues. The captain of the party, Duarte (Edward) Gama, was
charged with some letters to Francis, from which he could learn how much his
presence was required in India. As soon as Francis Xavier heard of their
arrival, he sent a Christian convert to them with the following letter:
(lxxxv.) To the Merchants at the Port of Figi.
The direction of this
letter will not, as is usual, bear the names of you to whom it is addressed,
and you will be the less surprised at this when you learn, what is the truth,
that the very reason why I write is to know your names. I pray you to be so
kind as to tell me who you are ? what is the name of the ship which has brought
you hither ? did you leave everything at peace and quiet at Malacca when you
set sail ? I beg
of you to be so good
as to write us a short answer informing us- of these things. Meanwhile, I
beseech you not to take it amiss if I suggest to you to steal a little spare
time from the occupation of your business in order to spend it upon the examination
of your consciences. Believe me, that, after all, is the one merchandize by
far the most profitable of all merchandizes, and the profit which comes from it
comes very much quicker, and is much more abundant, than that which is the
fruit of the exchange of the wares of Europe with the skins or silks of China,
although it be true that the profit of that lastnamed trade is- cent per cent,
as much as the capital itself. I was thinking, if it so pleased God, of making
an excursion hence to salute you, as soon as I receive your answer. May our
Lord God in His immense clemency keep us all with His divine Hand ever over us,
and preserve us, by His grace, in this life, constant and firm in the service
of His Supreme Majesty ! Amen.
Your brother in
Christ,
Amanguchi,
Sept. i, 1551. FRANCIS.1
1 Mendez
Pinto, who gives a narration of all that passed while he belonged to the party
of merchants at Figi, as well as during the subsequent voyage of Francis
Xavier, quotes the letter rather differently from the text that we have
followed, which was found at Macao by Father Philippucci. The latter part of
the letter js much the same in both versions, and it is quite possible that
Mendez Pinto’s copy maybe correct, the beginning of the original having been
perhaps tom off as a relic before the time of Father Philippucci’s visit.
Mendez Pinto gives it as follows:
‘ May the love and
grace of Jesus Christ, our true God and Saviour, dwell always in your hearts,
through His holy mercy ! Amen.
‘ By some letters of
advice which the merchants of this city have received, they have been informed
of your happy arrival in this country. But inasmuch as the news has not seemed
to me so true as I desire in my soul that it may be, I have thought well to
assure myself thereof truly by means of the Christian whom I send to you.
Wherefore I pray you very urgently to let me know by him whence you at present
come, also from what port you have set sail, and at what time you reckon upon
returning to China, for I would much wish, if such were the good pleasure of
God, to endeavour as far as is possible to me to pass this year from hence to
India. You will also oblige me greatly if it please you to let me know your
names and that of your ship by the same means, and also of the captain who commands
it, giving me also certain tidings whether all is in peace and tranquillity at
Malacca.’ [Then follows the exhortation to devote some time to the regulation
of their conscience.] Voyages de Mendez Pinto, t. iii. c. 208.
This letter of
Francis Xavier caused great joy to the Portuguese. Such was his reputation all
over the East, so much in particular had his open affable charity endeared him
to the seafaring class, among whom much of his time was necessarily spent,
that we are told that his arrival anywhere was welcomed joyously by merchants
and sailors, who always showed him special marks of reverence and love. The
merchants immediately sent him news from India and Malacca—probably the
letters which had been confided to them by Francesco Perez —and informed him
that they were to sail in about a month for China; that there were three on
board who were bound for Goa at the beginning of the next year, and that one of
their company was Diego Pereira, his own intimate friend. Francis immediately
set out with three Japanese Christians, one of whom, it appears, was the young
doctor, Laurence, having first summoned Father Cosmo Torres to join Joam
Fernandez in charge of the Christians of Amanguchi. After journeying on foot to
within a few miles of Figi, he fell ill, his feet were swollen, and he had a
violent headache; so he sent on the Japanese to inform the merchants of his
approach. The Portuguese at once set out to meet him, riding themselves and
leading a horse for him to mount if he would. * Having set out,’ says Mendez
Pinto, ‘ we had hardly gone a little more than a quarter of a league when we
met him coming in the company of two Christians, whom within a month he had converted
to the faith, men of the highest quality in the kingdom. For this reason the King
of Amanguchi, availing himself of their conversion as of a specious pretext,
had confiscated the income they had of two thousand taels, which are worth
three thousand ducats. Now, inasmuch as we were all in our holiday dress, and
mounted on good horses, we were quite struck with confusion to meet him in so
sorry a plight; for besides that he was on foot, he carried 011 his shoulders a
bundle in which were all the things necessary for saying mass. It is true that
the two Christians who followed him relieved him from time to time, and helped
him to carry this burthen. To say the truth, the thing astonished us and
saddened us much. But
because he would
never accept any of our horses, we were obliged to accompany him on foot,
although it was against his will; and this served for a great example to the
two new converts. When we arrived at the river of Figi, where the ship was at
anchor, he was received with all the show of joy that it was possible for us to
offer him, insomuch that all the artillery was fired off four several times,
consisting of sixty-three “berches,” falconnets, and other pieces, so that the
noise was very great, on account of the hollow rocks which were thereabout. But
the king, who at that time was at the city, astonished at so extraordinary a
thing and at hearing us fire in this way, imagined that we were fighting some
squadrons of corsairs which were reported in the city to be upon the coasts,
and sent at once in great haste a man of quality to ask us what it was. He addressed
himself to Duarte de Gama, and gave him the king’s message, with some offer of
aid agreeable to the occasion. But the captain answered him, in words full of
courtesy, thanking him kindly for his offers, that we were rejoicing at the
arrival of Father Francis, because he was a holy man, for whom the King of
Portugal, our master, had great respect. The gentleman was no less astonished
at what he heard than at what he saw. “ I must confess to you,” he said to
Duarte de Gama, “that I shall go back in great confusion, and not knowing what
answer to give to my king; for our bonzes have assured him that this man of
whom you speak to me is not a saint, as you say, but that it is certainly true
that they have sometimes seen him talking to the devil, with whom he has a secret
understanding; and that for the rest, he does by witchcraft some marvellous
things, whereat ignorant persons are astonished; and that he is so miserable
and so poor, that the very vermin with which he is covered have pity on him,
and will not eat his flesh. So that I have considerable fear that they will
lose all the credit which they have with the king when he knows the contrary of
what they say, and that he will never more see them or listen to them; for it
seems most likely indeed that a man whom you prize so much, and whom you
receive with so much rejoicing and honour, is in truth such a one as you
say, and not such as
the bonzes have pictured him to the king.” ’
The messenger
returned to the King of Boungo, who immediately sent a young noble of his own
family with a letter to the ‘father bonze of Chimahicogim’—the Japanese name
for Portugal—begging him to come and see him. Mendez Pinto gives the letter in
full, and there is no reason for supposing that his version is not, in the
main, authentic. The young noble who bore it came down the river in a sort of
state barge, well attended, and was received with a salute of fifteen cannon,
which pleased him greatly. It was determined that Francis should proceed to
Fucheo, up the river, on the morrow. The Portuguese captain and his friends
insisted on being allowed to escort him with every possible mark of honour; and
although Francis resisted out of humility, he had to give way, probably
thinking that it was important for the interests of religion that an impression
should be made on the King and on his subjects.2
The description of
the progress of Francis Xavier to make his visit to the King of Boungo is a
perfectly characteristic bit of Mendez Pinto’s narrative, and illustrates also
that love of display which was as inherent in the character of the Portuguese
as was loyalty to their King and to their faith. Every one, says Mendez, did
his best on the occasion. ‘ We embarked in the shallop of the ship, and in two
pinnaces (manchuas), which had their standards and their banners of silk, on
board which also there were trumpets and hautboys, which sounded alternately—a
novelty which seemed so great to the people of the country, and astonished them
so much, that when we arrived at the quay, we had a difficulty in landing, for
the great number of people who had crowded together there. There met us the
Quamsyandono, Captain of Canafama, and by the express order of the King he had
a litter with him in which he wished to place the Father. But he would not accept
of it on account of his respect for us, and walked straight to the palace accompanied
by a number of nobles and thirty of us Portuguese. There were also our
servants, in number as many as ourselves,
* Mendez Pinto, t. iii. c. 209-213 (for all
related in this chapter).
all finely dressed,
and having gold chains round their necks. Father Francis had a full cassock of
black camlet, a surplice over it, and a stole of green velvet brocaded with
gold. In his suite walked our captain with a baton in his hand, as major-
duomo, and there followed him five of the most honourable and richest of the
merchants, who, as if they had been the Father’s servants, carried with much
ceremony certain things in their hands, as for example, one carried a book in a
cover of white satin’ (this book was the translation of the ‘ Catechetical
Instruction’), ‘ another some slippers of black velvet which we happened to
have with us, another a Bengal cane with a gold enchasing, another a picture of
our Blessed Lady wrapped in a scarf of violet damask, and another a parasol to
be held over a person when walking; and in this order and array we passed
through the nine principal streets of the city, where there was so great a
crowd that every place was full of people to the very roofs of the houses.’
Mendez goes on to
relate how, when they arrived at the court of the palace, they found a hundred
men drawn up, armed with darts and lances and scimitars richly adorned. They
next came to a long gallery, and here the merchants knelt before the Father,
and each presented to him the article which he had been carrying, filling the
Japanese nobles who were looking on with admiration at the dignity and majesty
of the person to whom they thus paid homage. Then they came to a great hall in
which were a number of gentlemen clothed in satin and damask of divers colours,
with short swords covered with plates of gold. Here a child of between six and
seven years of age, led by an old man, approached the Father, and made him a
little speech, praying that his arrival at the King’s palace might be as
pleasant to both of them as the rain which God sends from heaven when the
ricefields suffer from drought. Some sentences of this kind passed between
Francis and the child, who seemed to speak with an intelligence far beyond his
years, and then they went on through another chamber, where a number of ‘lords
of the kingdom rose up to make theirgro- menares to the Father, as they call
their compliments,’ putting
their heads thrice to
the ground; then through another long gallery, bordered by orange trees, to
another hall where the King’s brother received the visitors; and at last, after
an almost endless series of rooms, they arrived in the presence chamber of the
iKing, who advanced five or six steps to meet Francis, would not let him kneel
to him, but, on the contrary, paid to him himself the respectful salutation of
the gromenctre.
We must, however,
forbear from giving the full narrative of this remarkable interview. The King
received Francis with the utmost respect, made him sit by his own side, and
provoked a bonze who was present to rebuke him severely and to break out into a
long and passionate eulogium on his own order. The King at last lost patience,
and ordered him out of the room.
[ The bonze departed,
calling down the anger of heaven upon such kings. Then the King made Francis
Xavier sit at the same table with himself, and also entertained the Portuguese
visitors. Francis knelt to kiss his scimitar, a sign of great respect in Japan,
and prayed that the God of heaven might reward him for his goodness by giving
him His own grace, that he might make profession of His holy law as His true
servant, and come after death to enjoy His presence eternally. The interview
ended with great expressions of amity on both sides.
This Civan, King of
Boungo, whose name meets us continually in the early annals of the Church of
Japan, was a young man of about twenty-two years of age, brave, intelligent,
and just. His reputation was very high among the princes of Japan. His life was
stained by some great impurities, of that abominable kind which was so
prevalent in his country. Except this great blot, his character was
untarnished. He is said, a few years before this time, to have interfered with
his father in, favour of some Portuguese merchants, whose ship with her rich
cargo the King was advised by some of his counsellors to seize. Civan defended
the strangers out of compassion and' a natural love of justice. They found out
their danger after it was over, and also discovered to whom they had owed their
safety. Some of them conversed with the young prince about the Christian
religion. He had also heard of Francis Xavier,.
at the
time of his preaching at Amanguehi, and was well disposed to receive him for
his own sake, and not alone on motives of policy.3 .
This interview
between Civan and Francis Xavier removed •all difficulty as to the public
preaching of Christianity in the i kingdom of Boungo. Francis began
immediately, and his efforts I were eminently successful. Converts came to him
daily. A great sensation was produced by the conversion of a certain j Saqay
Gyran, a learned bonze of Canafama, who, after disputing a good deal in public
with Francis, gave way one day in the ' presence of a large audience, and made
a public profession of his faith in Jesus Christ. Francis was so continually
occupied with the Japanese that the Portuguese complained. They could only see
him late at night and in the early morning, when he was at their service to
hear their confessions. He told them, however, that they must never wait for
him at meal times, as the food in which he delighted was to be occupied in
restoring souls to their Redeemer. He was still very cautious in admitting new
converts to baptism until he had fully instructed them, and he kept many
waiting rather than expose them too soon to the trials which were sure to fall
upon them. He had long conferences with Civan, and though he did not succeed
in making him a Christian, he prepared him for conversion by inducing him to
amend his life. The prince dismissed one who was the •object of an impure
attachment to him. He had before been niggardly in dealing with the poor, on
account of the false teaching of the bonzes, who held that poverty was a sin;
he now became a great almsgiver, and he even issued an cdict against the
prevalent custom which shocked so much the tender heart of Francis, by which
infants were frequently put to death
3 Charlevoix, Hist, du Japon, 1. i. § 8,
p. 213, says that this prince ■was the same
mentioned by Fernand Mendez Pinto in the passage already referred to (see ante,
p. 103) as having met with a severe accident when trying to fire ofF an
arquebuse. The age there mentioned would certainly suit Civan; but the prince
is named by Mendez Pinto as Arichandono, and is said to have been the second
son of the King of Boungo. If he were the same as Civan, it seems strange that
Mendez Pinto should not say so, as he might himself have been recognized and
welcomed by the prince.
3*7
(either in their mothers’
womb or as soon as they were born. The bonzes were furious, and decried and
calumniated Francis IXavier to the utmost of their power; but to no effect, on
account of the cordial support afforded to him by Civan.
Meanwhile, a sudden
and terrible danger threatened Father >Cosmo Torres and his companion Joam
Fernandez at Amanguchi. After the departure of Francis, as we learn from a
letter ^written to him by Joam, the Japanese bonzes and others, who had learnt
to be afraid of the powerful words with which he had been wont to silence their
objections, thronged around Father Cosmo, hoping to find him less of a master
in argument We have already mentioned the long list of questions which Joam
faithfully transmitted to Francis Xavier. The bonzes of Amanguchi are said to
have been so confounded with their ill success in argument with Joam and Father
Cosmo, and their inability also to move Oxindono to take any active steps
against the missioners, that they incited a sudden revolt against the prince on
the part of one of his great lords, which took him by complete surprise.
Whether the bonzes were at the bottom of the movement or not, Oxindono lost
heart, and perhaps over estimated the danger. He acted like a true Japanese :
he shut himself up in his palace, had it set on fire, stabbed his son with his
own hand, and then cut himself open. The confusion which followed was a
perilous time for the new Christians and still more so for their teachers, but
it seems to have been soon over. There was a short interval of plunder and
massacre, but no Christians suffered. The missioners were sought for, but they
were safe. The wife of a chief noble forced some bonzes, who depended upon her
gifts, to receive the two strangers for a time ; and then, for still greater
security, she concealed them in her own palace.4 The storm soon
passed away, and when order was restored the nobles of the kingdom of Naugato
met to elect a new sovereign, and fixed upon the brother of the King of Boungo,
who was already predisposed to favour the Christians. It must have been about
this time that Francis deter-
4 This lady was the wife of Nectandono,
and is mentioned, with her husband, in the letter of Francis to Europe (below,
p. 341).
mined to build a
small church for the use of the Christians at Amanguchi. He borrowed the
necessary money from the Portuguese merchants at Fucheo.
The time was now
approaching when the Portuguese ship must sail for the coast of China, whither
the captain was bound to convey the merchants who had embarked in his vessel.
Francis went to take leave of the king, and had a long and earnest
conversation with him on the topics which had been discussed between them in
their frequent conferences. He spoke particularly of the uncertainty and
shortness of life; he bade him think of the handful of dust and ashes which was
now all that remained of so many great kings and emperors of whom the history
of Japan told him, and urged him, before it was too late, to provide for his
own soul. His words were not to bear their fruit for many years. Civan was
withheld by considerations of policy and prudence, perhaps also by the
fascination of passion not altogether put away. Francis Xavier was on the point
of leaving him, when an attendant announced that the famous bonze Fucarandono
was outside desiring to speak with his Highness. Fucarandono was one of the
great lights of the country: he had attained a grade in the hierarchical system
of the Buddhists which but few reached, and had been for thirty years a teacher
in one of their most renowned seats of learning. He was then the superior of a
monastery called Mias Gimaa, some few leagues from Fucheo, and had been
requested by his brethren at that place to come and help them in their contest
with the European teacher. The name of Fucarandono appeared to disconcert the
king, who was afraid, from his very great reputation, that he might prove too
difficult an adversary even for Francis. Francis begged that he might be asked
to come in, and Fucarandono entered.
The accounts of the
various conferences and disputes between Francis Xavier and this famous bonze,
which are given at considerable length by many of the biographers of the former,
appear to be originally derived from the narrative of Mendez Pinto, from which
we have already quoted. As Mendez was very unlikely to invent arguments of the
kind, and as he
candidly confesses
that he does not always remember the answers given by the Father to the
objections and questions urged upon him, we may feel more secure in accepting
his statements than if they had come to us from the pen of some theological
writer of the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries, in which it was not
considered unlawful even for historians to follow the example of writers such
as Thucydides, Livy, or Tacitus, and put speeches of their own into the mouths
of the persons concerned in some actual scene. Mendez, like many travellers in
regions unknown to the men of their own day, was once thought a great romancer,
but the verdict of modern criticism is more favourable to him than that of some
of his own contemporaries. But if he has ever yielded to the temptation of
telling ‘ travellers’ tales’ in his most amusing book, it has been on subjects
very different in character from that of these conferences at which he was
present; and we may fairly accept his narrative as giving us a most interesting
insight into the sort of points as to which the controversy was waged, in which
moreover he is entirely i consistent with Francis Xavier’s own statements.
After the first
compliments, which were ceremoniously paid on both sides, the King asked the
bonze why he had come. Fucarandono replied that he had come to see and take
leave of the Father of Chenchico5 before he left. He then asked
Francis, says Mendez, whether he remembered him ? ‘ Certainly not, for I have
never seen you before,’ said the Father. It seems to have been a part of the
doctrine concerning the transmigration of souls held by these bonzes that it
was a reward of virtue to remember what had passed in a former stage of existence,
and a mark of weakness or wickedness to forget it. This was probably the reason
why Fucarandono began on this point. He then asked Francis whether he had any
more of the stuff which he had sold him at Frenojama fifteen hundred years ago,
when he had sold him fifty ‘ picos’ of silk ? Francis asked
5 Here again we have the name Chenchico,
which has given us much trouble on account of Francis Xavier’s statement about
the University of i ‘ Jenico’ or Chinghinquo (see ante, p. 75), from which the
religions of China, Tartary, and Japan were derived. We are inclined to
conjecture that the word must simply be a name for the ‘ West.’
him quietly how old
he was ? Fucarandono replied that he was fifty-two. ‘ How then is it possible
that fifteen hundred years ago you were a merchant, and that I sold merchandize
to you ? And if it is true what you bonzes preach publicly, that Japan was only
peopled six hundred years ago, how can you have traded at Frenojama fifteen
hundred years ago, since you would have us believe that at that time the
country was a desert?’
The bonze, rather
disconcerted, went on to lay down his doctrine about the eternity of the world,
the endless number of lives through which all human souls pass, and the like,
as well as on the blessing of a good memory. All this the Father, says Mendez
Pinto, refuted thrice over with words so clear, reasons so evident, and
comparisons so apt and natural, that the bonze was struck with confusion, ‘ of
which reasons,’ he adds, ‘ I shall not speak here in order to avoid prolixity,
and much more because I avow that my wit is not capable of understanding
them.’ Fucarandono then went on with the general subject, and afterwards asked
Francis Xavier why he forbade the unnatural lusts so common in Japan. Here
again Mendez tells us that the Father reasoned so clearly and so forcibly as to
carry with him the approval of those who were present, whereupon the bonze became
furious, and broke out into outrageous language. The bystanders interfered, and
the prince himself—whose dinner time had arrived—told him abruptly to leave the
room, and that if he had not been a bonze he would have had his head cut off.
This dismissal of
Fucarandono, however, entailed grave consequences, which enable us to
understand more completely the position of the King towards the bonzes, and the
danger to which even he was exposed in favouring the Christian teachers. The
bonzes broke out into open hostility to the Court, and if they had been able to
find, as at Amanguchi, one or more powerful lords to take up theirquarrel, the
danger which Cosmo deTorres and Joam Fernandez had incurred would have been
repeated in the case of Francis Xavier. As it was, the bonzes put Fucheo under
a sort of interdict. They shut up their temples, refused to offer any sacrifices
for the people, and even declined alms,
as if heaven was
irrevocably offended by the toleration of the new preaching. The people began
to move, and the King was obliged to act with great prudence. The Portuguese,
brave as they naturally were, took the alarm, and all went on board their ship.
It must be remembered that their departure was already fixed upon; still, there
can be no doubt that they thought themselves and Francis in great danger. He
had retired to a poor hut with a few native Christians, and was there quietly
waiting the issue of the affair. Duarte de Gama, the captain, went to find him
and urge him at once to take refuge on board the vessel. We have seen more
than once how Francis had spoken of the blessedness of dying for the faith and
the name of Jesus Christ; how it had been remarked of him that he seemed always
to have martyrdom in his heart and on his lips. The moment of which we are
speaking was perhaps that moment in his life at which he seemed to be nearer to
the fulfilment of his desire than at any other. He told the captain that he
knew that he was unworthy of the great favour of being put to death for such a
cause. He begged him to excuse him to the merchants on whose part he came,
that for the present he could not follow their advice, as by so doing he should
give great scandal to the new converts to the faith, and give them a very bad
example, by which the devil and his adherents would profit. He begged Duarte,
therefore, to set sail in all freedom in order to discharge his engagements to
his passengers; but for himself he was obliged to do otherwise out of regard to
his merciful God, Who in order to save him had Himself died upon a cross.
There was no
resisting the appeal implied in these words. The captain went back to the ship,
and offered to make it over with all its cargo to the passengers in quittance
of his engagement ; they might take it and go—he would remain with the Father,
and never abandon him. His resolution was contagious. The merchants all
resolved to wait, whatever happened. The ship, which had left her moorings in
preparation for sailing, returned to her former place, and the Christians were
as much encouraged as the bonzes were mortified at seeing the readiness with
which rich men of the world like the merchants were
VOL. II. y
willing to risk their
property and lives in the service of Francis Xavier.
The decision of the
Portuguese merchants had a great effect on the enemies of Christianity. The
tumult caused by the bonzes seems to have subsided as rapidly as it had arisen,
and they themselves were driven to new measures, more in accordance with
reason and right in their opposition to Francis. It is to this that we owe the
account of one of the most curious scenes in his life, the details of which
are, however, very imperfectly given to us by the friendly chronicler, Mendez
Pinto. The biographers of Francis, and the historian of the Church of Japan,
have endeavoured to fill up the gaps in the narrative of the Portuguese
adventurer, and something may be gathered from the statements made by Francis
himself in his letters to Europe. Except, however, this last source of
information, the accounts given by Bartoli, Charlevoix, and others, of the conferences
of which we are about to speak, must be considered rather as representing what
probably took place than what is certainly recorded.
The conferences in
question were the result of a renewed attempt on the part of the bonzes to
silence and confute the Christian preacher. That they should have adopted this
policy may be taken as an evidence of the truth of what Francis Xavier so often
asserted about the Japanese, both as to their extraordinary love of discussion
and as to their general readiness to bend to the decision of reason. We have
no cause for supposing that there were not among the bonzes, as among the rest
of the Japanese, many who were sincerely in search of truth, and eagerly
desirous to submit to it at any cost to themselves, though they had a more
direct interest than any other class in the population in the maintenance of
the national religion, and perhaps also, as Francis Xavier says, were
frequently more impure in their lives than those whom they taught. Their influence
over the people was undoubtedly very great, while at the same time the whole
conduct of the King of Boungo and his lords seems to show that the aristocracy
were ready enough to see them turned to ridicule and reduced to silence, and
were
not afraid to act
violently against them. But in any parallel case, as in theirs, we should probably
find more reasonableness and goodness of intention than we might at first
sight suspect. From whatever motive, however, the bonzes had proposed that the
dispute between their great champion Fucarandono and Francis Xavier should be
renewed. The King at once assented, and as the Portuguese ship could not delay
long, the conference began immediately.
On the first day, to
all appearance, some attempt was made to intimidate the King, or at least his
foreign guests. Fucarandono appeared at the palace gates escorted by three
thousand bonzes, all of whom desired to be present at the disputation. The
King, however, refused admittance to all but four with Fucarandono himself.
Francis came at the same time, escorted by the Portuguese merchants and their captain,
who had resolved to show him, if possible, still more honour on this occasion
than when they had accompanied him on his first visit of ceremony to the
palace. They were gorgeously dressed with chains of gold, and they waited on
him as his servants, kneeling to him when he spoke to them, and carrying in
their hands their caps garnished with pearls. The bonzes, says Mendez, were
filled alike with displeasure and astonishment. Certain rules of the
discussions had been agreed upon at the request of Francis, in order that they
might not degenerate into mere conversation, or be interrupted by violence and
outrageous language. These rules were, that they should speak with moderation
and without abusive language; that the disputants should accept the decision of
the bystanders as to what was reasonable; that at the end of the disputation
judgment should be given by a majority of voices; that the bonzes should not
directly nor indirectly hinder those who wished to become Christians; that
when a contradiction arose in the argument, appointed judges should decide upon
it; and lastly, that what was proved by actual reason and accepted by the
common judgment of men should be acknowledged as true.
The disputes lasted
five days, and we have, as has been said, but very imperfect reports of what
took place, especially
of the answers and
arguments alleged by Francis Xavier him-1 self. It is, however, not difficult
to gather a general idea of the line which the controversy took. The first
disputation was opened by Fucarandono in a tone less haughty and more gen- tie
than that which he had before used. The King had asked the general question,
Why the bonzes objected to the preach-' ing of the new law? Fucarandono stated
the objections very naturally. The new law was altogether contrary to theirs,
and tended to the discredit of the service of the old gods of the country; the
precepts of the foreign teacher condemned things which had always been
permitted by their old Cubocamas; he gave out publicly everywhere that the salvation
of men was only to be found in the doctrine which he himself preached ; and
that the ‘ holy Fatoquins, Xaca, Amida, Gizon, and Canom, were enduring
perpetual torments in a profound pit in the house of smoke, handed over by the
justice of God to the old serpent of the abode of night.’ Francis desired that
the objections to his teaching might be put one by one, so that he might answer
them in the same way. This was agreed to, and Fucarandono asked him ‘ Why he
spoke against the gods ?’
Mendez Pinto sums up
the answer given by Francis in a few lines, and then tells us that all who
heard him, except the bonzes themselves, were so convinced of the
reasonableness of what he said, that Fucarandono was not allowed even to reply
upon his answer. We can only gather from this that Francis Xavier enlarged upon
the nature and attributes of God as they may be known, according to the
doctrine of Scripture, from the visible creation, and from our experience of
providence and conscience; that from this he went on to argue that these at- .
tributes could only belong to one Supreme Author and Creator of all things, and
that therefore Xaca, Amida, and the rest : could not have any right to the
divine character. The contro- i versy, as so often happens, was then turned to a
very different • subject, though one which, no doubt, was of great practical
im- r portance to the bonzes who were arguing against Christianity. ’ They were
in the habit of giving ‘ letters of credit’ on heaven, t by means of which, for
the payment of a certain sum of money,.
the mourning
relatives of deceased persons enriched in the next world those whom they had
lost in proportion to their offerings. Francis was asked why he objected to
these ‘cochu- miacos,’ as Mendez calls them. The question obviously opened the
whole subject of heavenly rewards and of the means by which they are gained;
and Mendez tells us that Francis Xavier spoke of good works wrought in faith
and charity, of the Incarnation and Passion of our Lord, of redemption through
His death, of baptism and perseverance; and also that he turned his argument
against portions of the doctrine of the bonzes, the unreasonableness of which
might easily be understood by any one, such as their denying salvation to
women, their condemning all the poor to reprobation, and the evident worldly
interest which they had in keeping up such a system as that of their letters of
credit. Here again Mendez tells us that the audience were altogether on the
side of the Christian argument.
This seems to have
been the last point discussed during the first of these solemn disputations,
over which the King himself presided, and at which a great crowd of nobles was
always present. Of the following days we have even less of a detailed account
in the narrative of Mendez Pinto. He tells us that some of the things which
they put to Francis Xavier were very subtle and high, such as the human mind
could not have imagined, while others were childish and easy things which any
one could have answered. Sometimes they related to the most important subjects,
and at others to the most trivial. He mentions a few as specimens, and they
are very interesting to us. Before going to the disputation Francis used to beg
the prayers of the Portuguese, both, as he said, on account of the weakness of
his own mind, and also because the devil spoke by the mouth of these enemies of
the law of God. Mendez mentions the following difficulties. The first was the
resumption of a point which had been touched on before, the doctrine of the
bonzes concerning poverty. ‘ God was the enemy of the poor,’ they said, ‘ since
He refused to them the good things which He gave to the rich. This was an
evident mark that He did not
love them.’ This it
was not difficult for Francis to refute, and the Portuguese reporter tells us
that the bonze who argued this point was obliged to acknowledge his defeat.
Another took his place with an ingenious piece of frivolity, which perhaps appeared
to his companions as a miracle of cleverness. ‘ The Father,’ he said, ‘ had
certainly come a great distance to teach the Japanese; but to what profit if
his doctrine were false? There are, according to what he tells us, two
Paradises,—one in heaven, one on earth, and one only can be enjoyed by any one.
Now, Paradise is not the place of labour, but the place of repose. But man
evidently has his Paradise here on earth. Kings, princes, great men, rich men,
all rest in the enjoyment of their dignities, their wealth, their power; even
the poor have their natural enjoyments. The creatures whose lot it is here to
labour are the poor animals, beasts of burthen, and the like; their life is
passed in toil and affliction, and the Paradise of the next world must be for
them, and not for men, who are so prone to sin.’
This was intended, it
would seem, to be an absurd conclusion deduced from what Francis Xavier taught
about the blessings of the next world being the reward of sufferings endured
here. Another objection of the bonzes was meant to meet his doctrine about the
creation of all things by God—a doctrine entirely new to the Japanese—and the
consequent dependence of everything upon Him. If God was to be so much honoured
and thanked for having created all things, as the Father said, then Amida must
have still greater honour for having preserved them. For they might have been
good at the beginning, but they soon became degenerate and corrupt through sin,
so that all would have fallen to nothing, but that Amida was bom of them. They
said, says Mendez Pinto, that Amida was born eight hundred times, in order to
give perfection of being to the eight hundred species of things which exist in
the world. This statement looks like a mistake on the part of Mendez. It was
Buddha, and not Amida, who was said to have been eighty thousand times born, in
order to give substance and perfection to the eighty thousand species of the
world. This argument
appears to have
produced a quarrel among the bonzes themselves, who, as Mendez tells us, were
on the point of coming to blows in the presence of the King and the whole audience.
There is a family
likeness about these objections, as well as a great air of probability. On the
following day, the King came himself to invite Francis Xavier to the dispute,
speaking of it as a kind of sport like hawking, and telling him that there were
still two birds left for him to deal with. It would seem that the bonzes had
prepared a long paper, full of objections of the same sort as those which have
just been mentioned; but the King interfered, saying that the Portuguese could
not be kept waiting from their homeward voyage for ever, and that the bonzes
must cut the matter short. They then requested that they might simply ask
Francis some very good things which they desired much to learn of him, and that
there need be no disputation. Certainly the last conferences turned on more
important and fundamental objections than those before urged—objections which
will always be found in serious and thoughtful minds to whom the Christian
doctrine of the universe is presented, if they have not some high and
reverential ideas concerning the nature and attributes of God, and His position
and rights with regard to His creatures and the government of the universe
which He has made for His own glory.
The bonzes, says
Mendez, came to the Father and begged him to forgive them the past, and then
asked him their new questions. It astonished them, they said, if God foresaw
things past as well as future, by reason of His infinite knowledge, how it was
that He did not when creating the angels foresee the disorder which Lucifer and
the rest would cause by their disobedience, so as to prevent the necessity of
His divine justice having to condemn them to perpetual punishments. If He
foresaw that, what could be the explanation why His divine mercy did not
prevent an evil from which so many other evils would follow, so many offences
against the Divine Majesty? But if to justify Him it is said that He did not
see it, then what the Father taught concerning Him was false. Francis answered
their difficulty, declaring to them
‘very largely,’ says
the reporter, what was the truth in this matter; but they contradicted him with
reasonings so subtle, that he turned to Duarte de Gama, who was by his side,
and said, ‘ See ! what these people say does not come from themselves, but from
the devil who instructs them on this subject; nevertheless the confidence which
I have in God makes me hope that He will answer for me.’ The bonzes seem to
have got hot upon the answers which Francis gave, as the King rebuked them for
their violence, and told them to listen to reason, and not bark like so many
dogs; at which the nobles present began to smile, much to the disgust of the
Japanese disputants. Mendez relates next how Fucarandono went back after this
to objections of a more frivolous character. He had heard Francis invoke God
under the name Dius or Dcus, and it seems that diusa in Japanese means a lie.
In the same way the Japanese word sancte means something foul or profane. The
objection was therefore urged on Francis that he called the Creator and Lord of
all things a lie, and that in the Litanies of the Saints, which he used to
recite with the Christians after mass, he called the Saints by a bad name.
After hearing the explanation given by Francis, the King himself advised him to
use another word, Beatc instead of Sancte.
Later on the dispute
went back to more serious and fundamental difficulties. The bonzes raised the
question about God’s foreknowledge of the sin of Adam and its consequences. Why
did He not prevent it? Again, they objected to the great delay which had taken
place in bringing about the healing of the sins of the world by means of the
Incarnation. If God was to send His Son to redeem the descendants of Adam after
his fall, why did He not show more diligence in succouring so extreme a need ?
And, they added, if it were replied that the delay was in order that men might
learn the enormity and hideousness of sin, this was not enough to excuse God
from a want of care and attention in waiting so long. All these difficulties,
says Mendez, the Father answered with reasons so clear and pertinent that it
was impossible to reply to him. The conference ended by the King rebuking the
bonzes again for their
want of
reasonableness. The Christian law, he said, was founded upon reason, and those
who opposed it ought not to be so unable to meet it upon that ground. He took
the Father by the hand, and, followed by all his Court, led him to the house
where he usually abode with the Christians around him, the bonzes threatening
meanwhile the vengeance of Heaven upon a king who allowed himself to be so
easily misled by a sorcerer and worthless adventurer.
This is what is
actually known to have passed in their celebrated conferences. Several of the
points raised in them are mentioned by Francis Xavier himself in the letter
which we shall presently insert, though he seems to be speaking of the
questionings addressed to him while at Amanguchi. The mixture of ingenious
trifling with the serious difficulties which have been so often urged in every
age and in every part of the world against the government of God in relation to
His permission of evil, the delay of redemption, and the partial distribution
of saving truth, is very remarkable and very characteristic. Mendez Pinto’s
narrative has every note of faithfulness and sincerity. The answers attributed
to St. Francis Xavier by so many of his biographers do not rest on exactly the
same authority as the questions of the bonzes as here given ; but they are
perfectly in harmony with his own statements, as well, of course, as with
Catholic theology. Here, at the farthest end of the known world, he found the
benefit of those long years of intellectual and theological training which he
had spent in the University of Paris. The Japanese bonzes were intelligent and
clever; but the force of their objections did not lie in the ability of those
by whom they were urged. It lay partly in the nature of the subjects to which
they referred, inasmuch as the plan of God in the government of His creatures
is a scheme which human intelligence can never entirely comprehend, though
faith and reason alike enable us to see that that scheme contains nothing (
that is unjust or unmerciful or in any way inconsistent with the [ character of
God as He has revealed Himself to us. It lay partly also in the fact that the
whole idea of God as a Creator, and, consequently, as absolute Lord over His
creatures, who
have no rights before
Him except such as result from His own ineffable holiness and the essential
conditions of the nature which He has given them, was an entirely new thought
even to the wisest of the Japanese, as well as in the constant tendency of
human nature in its present condition to exalt itself and make itself the
centre and arbiter of the world. And whenever even Christian minds are
untrained in true thoughts and reflections concerning the dominion and the
nature of God, and in the practice of that humility which is the natural
attitude of a creature in respect to its Creator, there will be a danger of
their not seeing at once the answers to such difficulties as those now
mentioned which are given by our Lord and His Apostles. More than this: after
all has been said that Scripture and Catholic theology teach us to say with
regard to the government and providence of God, there will always remain that
inadequacy in our conceptions of both which leaves us much to adore without
attempting fully to explain it, in that reverential spirit which made St. Paul
exclaim after unravelling one great difficulty of this kind, the reprobation of
the Jews: ‘O the depth of the riches of the wisdom and of the knowledge of God
! How incomprehensible are His judgments, and His ways how unsearchable !’5
Francis
Xavier embarked with the Portuguese immediately after the close of these
conferences. He first took an affectionate and solemn farewell of the King,
exhorting him once more to think most seriously over the danger of delay in
embracing the religion of the truth of which he appeared to be convinced. We
know from the letters of Francis Xavier how he could rebuke the good King of
Portugal, on whose support, humanly speaking, the whole of the Indian missions
depended, and he would certainly not be likely to be less freespoken in the presence
of the young King of Boungo. After his farewell, and a tender parting from the
new Christians, Francis set sail on Nov. 20, 1551. He took with him the two
Japanese Christians, Bernard and Matthias, who had already been for some time
his- companions, as well as an envoy from the King of Boungo to
* Rom.
xi. 33. .
the Governor of the
Indies, asking for the Portuguese alliance, and for Fathers of the Society to
teach Christianity to his people.
The following letter
was not written till the January of the following year, after Francis had
arrived in India. But it sums up so completely the history of his sojourn in
Japan that it will be better to insert it here, rather than defer it till after
the account of his homeward voyage.
(lxxxvi.) To the Society in Europe.
May the grace and
charity of our Lord Jesus Christ be ever with us ! Amen.
By the favour of God
we all arrived at Japan in perfect health on the 15th of August 1549. We landed
at Cagoxima, the native place of our companions. We were received in the most
friendly way by all the people of the city, especially the relations of Paul,
the Japanese convert, all of whom had the blessing to receive the light of
truth from heaven, and by Paul’s persuasion became Christians. During our stay
at Cagoxima the people appeared to be wonderfully delighted with the doctrines
of the divine law, so entirely new to their ears.
Japan is a very large
empire entirely composed of islands. One language is spoken throughout, not
very difficult to learn. This country was discovered by the Portuguese eight or
nine years ago. The Japanese are very ambitious of honours and distinctions,
and think themselves superior to all nations in military glory and valour.
They prize and honour all that has to do with war, and all such things, and
there is nothing of which they are so proud as of weapons adorned with gold and
silver. They always wear swords and daggers both in and out of the house, and
when they go to sleep they hang them at the bed’s head. In short, they value
arms more than any people I have ever seen. They are excellent archers, and
usually fight on foot, though there is no lack of horses in the country. They
are very polite to each other, but not to foreigners, whom they
utterly despise. They
spend their means on arms, bodily adornment, and on a number of attendants, and
do not in the least care to save money. They are, in short, a very warlike
people and engaged in continual wars among themselves; the most powerful in
arms bearing the most extensive sway. They have all one sovereign, although for
one hundred and fifty years past the princes have ceased to obey him, and this
is the ■cause of
their perpetual feuds.
In these countries
there is a great number, both of men and •of women, who profess a religious
rule of life; they are called bonzes and bonzesses. There are two sorts of
bonzes—the one wear a grey dress, the others a black one. There is great
rivalry between them, the grey monks being set against the black ones, and
accusing them of ignorance and bad morals. There are also two kinds of
bonzesses—some wearing the grey ■dress, some the
black; they are subject to the bonzes of their own rule and colour. The number
of these bonzes and bon-, zesses in Japan is immense, and almost incredible to
those who have not seen it for themselves. I have heard on testimony worthy of
belief that there is a sovereign in whose dominions there are eight hundred
convents containing thirty persons at least, bonzes or bonzesses; there is an
infinite number containing four, or six, or eight persons each; and I am
inclined to believe it, as far as my own observation goes. The system of the
sects prevailing in Japan is derived from China, an empire which occupies the
opposite continent. The Japanese have thence received written traditions
concerning the founders of the different sects, who are said to have lived for
two or even three thousand years in voluntary penances in complete solitude.
The principal of these are Xaca and Amida.
There are altogether
nine rules for both men and women, all differing in their laws and precepts;
each one is free to apply himself to that which he likes best. Hence it follows
that under the same roof the husband, wife, and children belong to different
sects; and generally speaking this custom occasions no disorder, every one
being at liberty to live according to his own persuasion. Nevertheless disputes
and controversies often
exist among them,
each person endeavouring to prove his own rule superior to the others, and
sometimes they have been knosvn to come to blows on the subject.
All of these sects
observe a wonderful silence about the creation of the world and of souls. They
all speak of abodes of the virtuous and of the wicked; but not one gives any explanation
of the nature of the place assigned to the good, nor by whose power it is that
the souls of the wicked are cast down to hell. They confine themselves to
holding up the example of the founders of the sects, who they say, for the
redemption of an infinite number of human beings who do not expiate their sins
by any suffering, have tormented themselves by unheard of severities, lasting
for an immense length of time.
At the same time they
assert that all persons who, without having done penance for their sins, have
invoked the fathers and founders of their sects, will be exempt from all
suffering; but that this is only the case when they invoke them with perfect
confidence, and place all their trust in them. They are convinced that the
intercession of these holy persons can actually snatch them out of hell. But
the sects of which I speak tell numberless fables and prodigies concerning
their founders, wThich are too long to relate. Some of them set
forth 300, others 500 precepts; but they all agree in this, that there are five
principal and essential precepts which it is indispensable to keep. The first
is not to kill, and not to eat anything which has been killed; the second is
not to steal; the third not to commit adultery; the fourth not to lie; the
fifth to abstain from wine. These laws are common to all the sects. At the same
time, the bonzes and the bonzesses, when preaching to the people about these
laws, persuade them that profane persons, occupied with worldly business, are
unable themselves to observe these five precepts; but that they themselves are
ready to make satisfaction for ail the evil or inconvenience which may happen
to them in consequence of breaking them, on condition of the people giving
them convents, yearly revenues, and’ money for all necessary uses : in short,
of paying them every kind of honour and homage. These conditions being fulfilled
by the people, they
engage to observe the whole law in their stead. The rich and noble of the
country therefore, in order to enjoy a greater licence of sinning, give the
bonzes everything they want. Hence the Japanese hold them in great veneration,
as every one believes that by their prayers souls are delivered from hell, the
bonzes having taken upon themselves to make satisfaction as to these laws for
the whole people.
On certain days the
bonzes preach publicly. The sum of all their discourses is that none of the
people will be condemned to hell, whatever may be the number of their past and
present crimes, for the founders of their sects will take them out of the midst
of those flames, if perchance they are condemned to them, especially if the bonzes
who have made satisfaction for them constitute themselves their intercessors.
And indeed the bonzes boast greatly to the people of their own holiness, on the
ground of their obedience to the five laws. At the same time, they also say
that the poor who are unable to show kindness to the bonzes have no hope of
escaping hell. And they say women are as badly off if they neglect the five precepts.
For they say that each woman, on account of her monthly courses, is covered
with more sins than all men put together, and that thus so foul a creature can
hardly be saved. They go on to say that there is some hope even for women of
escaping from the prison of hell, if they give a great deal more than the men
to the bonzes. They further declare that persons who in their lifetime have
given money to the bonzes will after their death receive ten times as much in
the same coin, for the necessities of their new life; and there are numbers of
men and women who entrust considerable sums to the bonzes, in order to receive
tenfold in the next world, and the bonzes give them a security in notes, which
they write. The ignorant people have no hesitation in believing in this
multiplied interest on funds thus invested. The notes of the bonzes are
carefully preserved, and people about to die order them to be buried with them,
in the belief that the devil will fly at sight of them. The bonzes have
thousands of other impostures which I cannot speak of without pain. One thing
is very amusing, that though they take money
from everybody by way
of alms, they themselves never give anything to any one. I omit, for the sake
of brevity, the infinite number of ways they have of getting money given to
them. But I cannot help grieving and feeling indignant at all the tribute the
people pay to men like these, and all the honour in which they hold them.
But to return to what
we did in Japan. In the first place, we landed, as I told you, at Cagoxima,
Paul’s native place, where by his constant instructions he converted all his
family to Jesus Christ, and where, but for the opposition of the bonzes, he
would easily have converted the whole town also. The bonzes persuaded the King,
whose authority extends over a good part of the country, that if he was to
sanction the introduction of the divine law into his dominions, the result
would be infallibly the ruin, not only of his entire kingdom, but also of the
worship of the gods and of the institutions of his ancestors 3 and that he
ought for the future to forbid any one becoming a Christian, on pain of death.
After the lapse of a
year, seeing this prince openly opposed to the progress of the Gospel, we bade
farewell to our neophytes at Cagoxima, and to Paul, in whose care we left
them, and went on thence to a town in the kingdom of Amanguchi. Here a great
number of persons having become converts to the Christian religion, I gave them
Father Cosmo Torres to instruct them. I myself went on with Joam Fernandez to
Amanguchi, the capital of the kingdom, an immense city containing more than
ten thousand houses. Here we preached the Gospel to the people in the public
streets, to the princes and nobles in their own residences. Many heard us
eagerly, others with reluctance. We did not always escape unhurt, having many
insults offered us by the boys and the crowds in the streets. The king of the
country summoned us to his presence, and, having asked the reason of our
coming, invited us of his own accord to explain the law of God to him ; he
listened to us with deep attention for a whole hour while we spoke to him of
religion.
But as we saw but
little fruit of our zeal and labours at Amanguchi, we went to Meaco, the
metropolis of all Japan,
and the seat of
empire. This journey took two months, and after going through infinite fatigue
and danger, we reached Meaco at last. It is said that Meaco formerly contained
180,000 families; now, through the calamities of war, it only contains rather
more than 100,000. In this city we could get no admittance to the sovereign ;
and as we saw that the minds of the inhabitants were too much disturbed by the
great troubles caused by the war to be inclined for discourses on religion, we
at once returned to Amanguchi.
The King was made
favourable to us by the letters and presents sent by the Bishop and the
Governors from India and Malacca, and we obtained from him without difficulty
the publication of edicts declaring his approval of the promulgation of the
divine law in the cities of his dominions, and permitting such of his subjects
as pleased to embrace it. When he had done us this favour he also assigned a
monastery to us for a residence. Here by means of daily sermons and disputes
with the bonzes, the sorcerers, and other such men, we converted to the
religion of Jesus Christ a great number of persons, several of whom were nobles.
Amongst them we found some able to inform us, and we made it our business to
gain acquaintance with the various sects and opinions of Japan, and so know how
to refute them by arguments and proofs prepared for the purpose.
The bonzes seeing
themselves betrayed by their own adherents and conquered in public disputes,
were in the greatest trouble and bursting with indignation, especially because
the new converts openly declared that they were induced to profess the
Christian religion by perceiving that the bonzes, who were the teachers of the
religion of their fathers, could not defend it.
The Japanese
doctrines teach absolutely nothing concerning the creation of the world, of the
sun, the moon, the stars, the heavens, the earth, sea, and the rest, and do not
believe that they have any origin but themselves. The people were greatly
astonished on hearing it said that there is one sole Author and common Father
of souls, by whom they were created. This astonishment was caused by the fact
that in their religious traditions there is nowhere any mention of a Creator
of the uni
verse. If there
existed one single First Cause of all things, surely, they said, the Chinese,
from whom they derive their religion, must have known it. For the Japanese give
the Chinese the pre-eminence in wisdom and prudence in everything relating
either to religion or to political government. They asked us a multitude of
questions concerning this First Cause of all things; whether He were good or
bad, whether the same First Cause were the origin of good and of evil. We
replied that there exists one only First Cause, and He supremely good, without
any admixture of evil.
This did not satisfy
them; they considered the devils to be evil by nature, and the enemies of the
human race; God therefore, if He were good, could never have done such a thing
as create beings so evil. To these arguments we replied that the devils were
created good by God, but became evil by their own fault, and that in
consequence they were subject to eternal punishment and torment. Then they
objected that God, Who was so severe in punishing, was not at all merciful.
Again, how could He, if He created the human race in the manner we taught,
allow men sent into the world to worship Him to be tempted and persecuted by the
devil ? In like manner, if God were good, He ought not to have made man so weak
and so prone to sin, but free from all evil. Again, it could not be a good God,
they said, Who had created that horrible prison of hell, and be for ever
without pity for those who suffer therein the most fearful torments for all
eternity. Lastly, if He were good, He would not have imposed on men those
difficult laws of the ten commandments. Their religious traditions, on the
contrary, t lught that all who should invoke the authors of their religion
would be delivered even from the torments of hell.
They were quite
unable to digest the idea that men could be cast into hell without any hope of
deliverance. They said, therefore, that their doctrines rested, more than ours,
on clem- iency and mercy. In the end, by God’s favour, we succeeded in solving
all their questions, so as to leave no doubt remaining in their mind. The
Japanese are led by reason in everything more than any other people, and in
general they are all so
VOL. II. z
insatiable of
information and so importunate in their questions, I that there is no end
either to their arguments with us, or to their talking over our answers among
themselves. They did not know that the world is round, they knew nothing of the
course of the sun and stars, so that when they asked us and we explained to
them these and other like things, such as the causes of comets, of the
lightning, and of rain, they listened to us most eagerly, and appeared
delighted to hear us, regarding us with profound respect as extremely learned
persons. This idea of our great knowledge opened the way for sowing the seed of
religion in their minds.
Only one of the nine
sects prevailing in Japan teaches that souls are mortal, but this sect is
considered detestable by the followers of the rest. Its adherents are extremely
vicious and corrupt, and cannot endure to hear hell mentioned.
In the course of two
months, after numerous conferences, we baptized about five hundred persons at
Amanguchi, and every day, by the mercy of God, others are added to the number.
The converts are very zealous in exposing to us the tricks and frauds of the
bonzes and sects of Japan; they show so diligently great affection and respect
towards us that we have great confidence that they are true and solid
Christians.
Before their baptism
the converts of Amanguchi were greatly troubled and pained by a hateful and
annoying scruple—that God did not appear to them merciful and good, because He
had never made Himself known to the Japanese before our arrival, especially if
it were true that those who had not worshipped God as we preached were doomed
to suffer everlasting punishment in hell. It seemed to them that He had
forgotten and as it were neglected the salvation of all their ancestors in
permitting them to be deprived of the knowledge of saving truths, and thus to
rush headlong on eternal death. It was this painful thought which, more than
anything else, kept them back from the religion of the true God. But by the
divine mercy all their error and scruple was taken away. We began by proving to
them that the divine law is the most ancient of all. Before receiving their
institutions from the Chinese, the Japanese knew
by the teaching of
nature that it was wicked to kill, to steal, to swear falsely, and to commit
the other sins enumerated in the ten commandments, a proof of this being the
remorse of conscience to which any one guilty of one of these crimes was certain
to be a prey. We showed them that reason itself teaches us to avoid evil and to
do good, and that this is so deeply implanted in the hearts of men, that all
have the knowledge of the divine law from nature and from God the Author of
nature before they receive any external instruction on the subject. If any
doubts were entertained on the matter, an experiment might be made in the
person of a man without any instruction, living in absolute solitude, and in
entire ignorance of the laws of his country. Such a man, ignorant of and a
stranger to all human teaching, if he were asked whether it were or were not
criminal to kill, to steal, or to commit the other actions forbidden by the law
of God, and whether it were right to abstain from such actions, then, I say,
this man, so fundamentally without all human education, would most certainly reply
in such a manner as to show that he was by no means without knowledge of the
divine law. Whence then must he be supposed to have received this knowledge,
but from God Himself, the Author of nature? And if this knowledge is seen among
barbarians, what must be the case with civilized and polished nations ? This
being so, it necessarily follow that before any laws were made by men the
divine law existed innate in the hearts of all men. The converts were so
satisfied with this reasoning, as to see no further difficulty; so that this
net having been broken, they received from us with a glad heart the sweet yoke
of our Lord.
But our greatest
enemies are the bonzes, because we expose their falsehoods. As I have said,
they used to make the people believe that it is impossible for persons in
general to keep those five commandments which I mentioned, and that, therefore,
they would observe them for the people, on condition of the people giving them
maintenance and honour. They give their word that if any one has to go down
into hell he will be delivered by their intervention and labour. We, on the
contrary, proved
to the people that in
hell there is no redemption,6 and that no one can be rescued from it
by the bonzes and bonzesses. Convinced by our arguments, the people complained
that the bonzes had deceived them. At last, by the help of God, the bonzes
themselves were forced to confess the truth that they could not save any one
from the punishment of hell by their prayers, but that unless they gave out
that they had this power, they would infallibly be reduced to die of hunger.
And indeed, soon
after this, the bonzes, as the assistance they received from their disciples
gradually failed, experienced great difficulties as to their maintenance, and
had to live in a state of degradation. We have had such sharp disputes with
them on the subject of hell, that it does not seem likely that they will ever
be reconciled to us. A great number have already left their rule and returned
to secular life; and these men expose to us the frauds and tricks of the
bonzes who live in the convents. Thus (at Amanguchi, at least) the credit of
the bonzes and bonzesses diminishes much every day. The Christians have
assured me that of a hundred convents which there used to be there, a great
part will soon cease to exist, being deprived of the alms of the inhabitants.
Formerly the bonzes
and bonzesses who had broken one of their five precepts were punished with
death by the princes and nobles of the places where they lived, whether they were
found guilty of offences against morals, or theft, or of falsehood, or whether
they had committed homicide, or caused the death of any living creature, or
eaten flesh of such, or drunk wine. But at present this discipline is entirely
relaxed and corrupted ; the greater number drink wine, eat meat secretly, make
a trade of lies, openly indulge in fornication, and commonly have boys living
with them, whom they corrupt in the flower of their youth. This they themselves
profess, and they declare it to be no sin, and the people on their authority
indulge in the same abominable crime. They commonly say that if it is lawful
for the bonzes, why not for secular people? Besides this, they keep a number of
women in their monasteries, who they say
* Lat. Orig. /« inferno nullam
esse redemptionem.
are the wives of the
men who till their farms. This gives great scandal to the people, who look with
suspicion on the great intercourse the bonzes have with the women. The bonzes
also visit the bonzesses at all hours, for purposes of business, and receive
visits from them in the same way. The people look on this with an evil eye.
They say there is a certain herb which the bonzesses eat that they may not
become pregnant. For my part, it does not astonish me that the bonzes are
covered writh so many and so great sins. They are a set of men who
have the devil in the place of God, and it is a matter of necessity that they
should commit crimes innumerable and abominable.
All the Japanese use
a long rosary of beads in their prayers, invoking the founder of their sect at
each bead. The different sects recite their series of prayers, some more
frequently, others more seldom. The principal founders of the religions, as we
have mentioned, are Xaca and Amida. The grey bonzes and bonzesses and most of
the people chiefly venerate Amida; the rest of the people do not leave Amida
out, but render most honour to Xaca. I have carefully inquired whether this
Xaca and Amida were persons celebrated for their wisdom, and have begged the
Christians to give me an account of their lives in writing. At last I have
discovered from their books that they were not men at all, for they are said to
have lived a thousand or even two thousand years. Xaca was born eighty thousand
times over; and many other such things are handed down by tradition about them
which can never have happened. So that I conclude that they were not men, but
mere inventions or portents of the devil.
I earnestly beg all
who read this letter of mine, by the zeal they have for the propagation of the
worship of God, to pray that our Lord Jesus Christ will give us the victory
over these two demons Xaca and Amida, and over the others like them, especially
since at present their credit is waxing weak at Amanguchi, not without the
special providence of God. A principal nobleman of this kingdom and his wife, a
person of great merit, have shown us so much affection, that their efforts have
never been wanting to us in spreading our divine religion; but al
though they both know
its truth, they can neither of them be induced to embrace it. Their reason is
that they have built at their own expense a great many monasteries for bonzes,
and assigned them revenues in order that the bonzes may constantly pray to
Amida to preserve them from the calamities and miseries of this life, and bring
them one day to that happiness which he himself enjoys.
These two gave a
hundred reasons besides for not becoming Christians; but the principal was that
having always been great worshippers of Xaca and Amida, and having given for
their sakes large gifts to the bonzes, and built a great number of monasteries,
they would, if they were to pass over to the Christian religion, lose the
accumulated good of so many years of devotion, and all the fruit of their past
life. They are convinced that all the money they have given to the bonzes in
the names of Xaca and Amida will be returned to them with large interest after
their death, together with an abundant recompense of their worship and
devotion. So, not to lose these advantages, they steadily refuse to be
converted to Jesus Christ.
The Japanese believe
that in .the abode of the blessed there will be splendid banquets and all the
good things of life in plenty and elegance, * so that the more pleasing a
person has been to Xaca and Amida, the higher he will be in greatest glory. All
these stories make up the mysteries and fables of the bonzes, who, with the
object of destroying the effects of our preaching, used to preach themselves in
their own temples, and most shamefully revile both us and our God in the midst
of a vast multitude of hearers. The God of the Christians, they said, is
something unknown and unheard of; He can only be the greatest and most
abominable of devils. We were the disciples of this demon, so that every one
should take care not to embrace the faith of Jesus Christ, for that no sooner
should He be adored as God than Japan will perish. They also made a captious
interpretation of the name of God, saying that it is the same as ‘ Diusa,’
which in their language means a lie; ‘ so let them look to themselves, and be
diligently on their guard against us.’
Such and many other
such impious calumnies they uttered against God, Who nevertheless, in His
infinite mercy and clemency, turned all to His own glory and to the good of
souls. In fact their false charges against us increased our authority with the
people, and the number of our Lord’s worshippers was daily swelled. The people
saw clearly, and said openly tha' the jealousy of the bonzes was the cause of
their accusations against us.
I have tried long and
diligently in this country to discover from all indications whether the
Japanese have ever had the knowledge of Jesus Christ, and I have at last found
from theii books and conversations that they have never heard anything at all
of Him. At Cagoxima, where we remained a year, 1 noticed that the prince and
his relations had a white cross in the armorial bearings of their family, but
that they were entirely ignorant of the name of Jesus Christ.
When I was at Amanguchi
with Father Cosmo Torres and Joam Fernandez, the King of Boungo, one of the
most powerful of the country, wrote to ask me to go to him; a Portuguese vessel
had come into his harbour, and he wished to talk with me on certain subjects.
So, both to find out how he was affected towards our holy religion, and to pay
a visit to the Portuguese, I set out at once for Boungo, leaving Cosmo and Joam
with the Christians. The King gave me a most gracious reception, and it was a
great pleasure to me to meet with the Portuguese. While I was at Boungo the
devil stirred up a great war at Amanguchi. A powerful nobleman declared war
against the King, drove him from his capital, and stripped him of his
domini©ns. The latter seeing no way of escape, and not choosing to fall alive
into the hands of a furious adversary, so lately his subject and servant,
plunged a dagger into his bowels, and killed himself, at the same time causing
his son who was with him to be put to death, and ordering both bodies to be
burned, that the enemy might find no remains to insult. All was done as he
ordered. You may judge from the letters written to me by our brethren at
Amanguchi, which I send you, how great was the peril they incurred in that war.
After
the King’s death, the
nobles and grandees of the kingdom having successfully ended the war, and
seeing that the state of Amanguehi could not stand without a sovereign, sent
ambassadors to the King of Boungo, begging him to send his own brother to
Amanguehi, whom they would make king. The King of course complied with their
request, and so his brother became King of Amanguehi. The King of Boungo
commands numerous and very warlike troops, and as things go with Japanese
kings, has vast dominions to govern. He has a great liking for the Portuguese.
No sooner was he informed of the power and character of the King of Portugal
than he wrote to him asking to be admitted into the number of his friends, and
sending him a rich suit of armour as a token of friendship. He has also sent an
envoy to the Viceroy of India, offering him with many compliments his
friendship, alliance, and good offices; this messenger, who came to India with
me, has been most honourably and liberally received by the Viceroy. Before I
left Japan, the King of Boungo promised the Portuguese and myself to take Cosmo
Torres and Joam Fernandez under his protection. The sovereign elect of
Amanguehi bound himself in the same way, when he enters into the possession of
his kingdom.
During our residence
in Japan, that is to say for two years and a half, we lived at the expense of
the munificent King of Portugal. His Highness had ordered more than a thousand
gold crowns to be given to us as alms for our journey to Japan. It is
incredible how much this excellent monarch has favoured us, and how much he has
spent and daily continues to spend on our colleges and residences, and for the
supply of all our necessities.
I had been some time
at Boungo, when the opportune presence of the Portuguese vessel invited me to
give up the idea of returning to Amanguehi; and I made up my mind to sail from
Boungo for India, in order, after so long a separation, to revisit our fathers
and brothers, and to provide members of the Society fitted for the work of
cultivating the Japanese mission, as well as other necessary things quite
wanting out there. I
reached Cochin on the
24th January, and I was received in the kindest manner by the Governor. Next
April some fathers will be sent to Japan from India, and the King of Boungo’s
ambassador will return home in their company. I have very great hopes that, by
the favour of Jesus Christ, there will be a plentiful harvest in these
countries; for a nation so ingenious, moderate, so desirous of instruction, so
much guided by right reason and so well adorned with other eminent qualities,
ought to be, as it were, a rich and fertile field from whence copious and
joyful results may be expected.
The university of
Bandou, situated in an island of Japan, which has given its name to its
country, is the most famous of all; and a great number of bonzes are constantly
going thither to study their own laws. These precepts are derived from China
and are written in Chinese characters, which are different from the Japanese.
There are two kinds of writing in Japan, one used by men and the other by
women; and for the most part both men and women, especially of the nobility and
the commercial class, have a literary education. The bonzes, or bonzesses, in
their monasteries teach letters to the girls and boys, though rich and noble
persons entrust the education of their children to private tutors.
The bonzes are
persons of acute mind, and are very fond of studying, especially what relates
to the future; they are fond of considering what will happen to them, what will
be their end, and all questions of this nature. There were some of the bonzes
who, in the course of their meditations, had come to believe that there was no
way of saving souls in their system. They argued in this way : It is necessary
above all things that there should exist a single origin of all things; now, in
their books there is not a word on the subject, for there is a wonderful
silence in them all as to the creation of the universe; and therefore if any of
their predecessors were acquainted with this first principle—a thing not confirmed
by any authority, written or traditional—they must have kept the knowledge to
themselves and hid it from their descendants.
Now, men of this sort
were wonderfully delighted with the
divine law. One of
them embraced the faith of Jesus Christ at Arnanguchi, after being many years
in the university of Bandou, where he had a flourishing reputation for
learning. Before we came to Japan he had thought of becoming a bonze; afterwards
he changed his mind and married. The reason he assigned for this change was,
that he had seen the falsehood and emptiness of the Japanese religions, and
therefore did not believe in them at all, but he was bound to pay his homage
to the Author and Creator of the universe. Our Christians were overjoyed at his
accession, for he was and was thought to be the most learned man of the city.
Later on, if God
wills, fresh members of the Society will be sent to Japan every year, and a
house of the Society will be established at Arnanguchi, where the fathers will
learn the language of the country, and acquaint themselves with the doctrines
and rules of the different sects. By these means the good and learned members
of the Society who are to come hither from Portugal to aid the university of
Bandou, will find brothers there acquainted with the language and the religions
of Japan. This will be an immense advantage to the European fathers to whose
lot this mission may fall.
At present Cosmo
Torres and Joam Fernandez are entirely occupied in teaching the mysteries of
our religion, and in preaching to the people on the wonderful deeds of our
Lord. Many of their hearers are so affected by the history of the life of Jesus
Christ, that they cannot hear the account of His passion and death without
weeping and tears. Cosmo writes the sermons in our language, and Fernandez, who
knows that of the country well enough, translates them into Japanese. Through
their labours the Christians are advancing greatly in piety. The converts, who
used formerly to recite that series of prayers on their beads, invoking each
the founder of his own sect on the several beads, have now learnt how to
worship Jesus Christ, and are being formed in piety, and change their old
superstitions into prayers in the honour of God.
They are so attentive
and anxious for information in matters of this sort, that when taught to make
the sign of the Cross,
they insist on
understanding what is the meaning of the words,
‘ In the name of the
Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost’—why, as the right hand is lifted
to the head, we say,
‘ In the name of the Father; why, when it is lowered to
the breast, we add, ‘ And of the
Son;’ and why, lastly, when it is moved from the left to the right shoulder, we
say, ‘ And of the Holy Ghost' They are delighted with the explanation of all
these things. When they are taught to say, ‘ Kyrie eleison, Christe eleison,’
they want to know the meaning of the words. And in saying our Lady’s rosary,
after the Angelical Salutation, at each small bead they repeat the names of
Jesus and Mary as an invocation. They learn all these, as well as the other
prayers and the Creed, by degrees, out of a written copy.
One of the things
that most of all pains and torments these Japanese is, that we teach them that
the prison of hell is irrevocably shut, so that there is no egress therefrom.
For they grieve over the fate of their departed children, of their parents and
relatives, and they often show their grief by their tears. So they ask us if
there is any hope, any way to free them by prayer from that eternal misery, and
I am obliged to answer that there is absolutely none. Their grief at this
affects and torments them wonderfully; they almost pine away with sorrow. But
there is this good thing about their trouble,—it makes one hope that they will
all be the more laborious for their own salvation, lest they, like their
forefathers, should be condemned to everlasting punishment. They often ask if
God cannot take their fathers out of hell, and why their punishment must never
have an end. We gave them a satisfactory answer, but they did not cease to
grieve over the misfortune of their relatives; and I can hardly restrain my
tears sometimes at seeing men so dear to my heart suffer such intense pain
about a thing which is already done with and can never be undone.
Opposite to Japan
lies China, an immense empire, enjoying profound peace, and which, as the
Portuguese merchants tell us, is superior to all Christian states in the
practice of justice and equity. The Chinese whom I have seen in Japan and
elsewhere, and whom I got to know, are white in colour, like
the Japanese, are
acute, and eager to learn. Their intellect is superior even to the Japanese.
Their country abounds in plenty of all things, and very many cities of great
extent cover its surface. The cities are very populous; the houses ornamented
with stone roofings, and very elegant. All reports say that the empire is rich
in every sort of produce, but especially in silk. I find, from the Chinese
themselves, that amongst them may be found many people of many different nations
and religions, and, as far as I could gather from what they said, I suspect
that among them are Jews and Mahometans.
Nothing leads me to
suppose that there are Christians there. I hope to go there during this year,
1552, and penetrate even to the Emperor himself. China is that sort of kingdom,
that if the seed of the Gospel is once sown, it may be propagated far and wide.
And moreover, if the Chinese accept the Christian faith, the Japanese would
give up the doctrines which the Chinese have taught them. Japan is separated
from Liampou (which is a principal town in China) by a distance of about 300
miles of sea. I am beginning to have great hopes that God will soon provide
free entrance to China, not only to our Society, but to religious of all Orders,
that a large field may be laid open to pious and holy men of all sorts, in
which there may be great room for devotion and zeal, in recalling men who are
now lost to the way of truth and salvation. I again and again beg all who have
a zeal for the spreading of the Christian faith to help by their holy
sacrifices and prayers these poor efforts of mine, that I may throw open an
ample field to their pious labours.
I have nothing to say
concerning India: the brothers there are charged to render you an account of
what is going on there. I have just returned hither from Japan, bringing back a
sufficient amount of bodily strength, but hardly any strength in virtue and
spirit; but I place all my confidence in the goodness of God and the infinite
merits of our Lord Jesus Christ, that I may bring to its accomplishment, as I
have designed it, this most irksome voyage to China. My hair has become quite
white, but I am as active and robust as I ever was in my life.
.The labours which
are undergone for the conversion of a people so rational, so desirous to know
the truth and be saved, result in very sweet fruit to the soul. Even at
Amanguchi,
■ when the King allowed us to preach the
faith and a vast concourse of people gathered round us, I had so much joy and
vigour and delight of heart, as I never experienced in my life before. I saw
how by means of our ministry the spirit of the bonzes was broken down by God,
and the most glorious victory over most formidable enemies was gained. I
delighted also to see the joy of our neophytes at the defeat of the bonzes, and
their evident zeal to attack the pagans and draw them to baptism, as well as
their exultation when the battle was won, as they talked over their victories
among themselves, when the superstitions of the heathen were put to flight.
These things made me so overflow with joy, that I lost all sense of suffering.
Would to God that
these divine consolations which God so graciously gives us in the midst of our
labours might not only be related by me, but also some experience of them be
sent to our European Universities, to be tasted as well as heard of! Then many
of those young men given up to study would turn all their cares and desires to
the conversion of infidels, if : they could once taste the delight of the
heavenly sweetness which | comes from such labours, and if the world knew and
was aware how well the souls of the Japanese are prepared to receive the
Gospel, I am sure that many learned men would finish their studies, canons,
priests, and prelates even, would abandon their rich livings, to change an
existence full of bitterness and anxiety for so sweet and pleasant a life. And
to gain this happiness they would not hesitate to set sail even to Japan.
As I arrived at
Cochin at the time the ships were about to depart, and as the great number of
friends who have come to salute me have frequently interrupted me in the midst
of my . letter, I have written in great haste and with much disturbance. So now
I will end—though I know not how to end when I am writing to my dearest fathers
and brothers, and about my joys in Japan too, the greatness of which I could
never express, how- I ever much I might wish to do so. I end my letter then,
begging
and imploring God to
vouchsafe to unite us some day in the bliss of heaven. Amen.
The least of your
brothers in Jesus Christ,
Cochin,
29th January 1552. FRANCIS.
It would be tedious,
as we have already said, to attempt to compare all the statements made by
Francis Xavier in his account of Japan with later information on the same
subject. What we can discover as to the names of the national deities as they
sounded in his ears, illustrates sufficiently the confusion which the great
mixture of religions in the country had thrown not only into the accounts given
to strangers, but probably over the minds of the people themselves. Xaca must
be taken to represent Sakya-mouni, or Buddha. Amida seems to be the
personification of the old Japanese idea of a supreme divinity, represented
under nine different forms which symbolized his essential perfections.7
If we go back to the names as given in the disputes with Fucarandono, we find
Gizon and Canom placed side by side with Xaca and Amida. Gizon may perhaps be
Izanami, the goddess whose mirror plays so important a part in the worship of
the Kamis, and Canom the subordinate deity who has the most frequented temple
in Yeddo, as also the famous temple at Kioto of the 33,333 idols.8
Before we take final
leave of Japan in this volume, we may mention for the last time the good Paul
of the holy Faith. We have a short letter from him written to the College at
Goa in 1549, at the time when everything seemed favourable at Cagoxima, and
sent with the first letters of Francis Xavier from that city. Paul simply asks
for prayers and relates the conversion of his kinsfolk. He begs that his
friends in India will intercede for them that they may persevere, ‘ since it is
not enough for our salvation to begin to serve God, but we must persevere unto
the end. Though we are far apart in body, it seems to me that we
7 See Humbert, Japon Illustri, t. i. p.
264.
8 Ibid. t. i. p. 150 and 265. Sir
Rutherford Alcock speaks of the temple of ‘ Quanwon’ at Asaska, the suburb of
Yeddo. The idol there has thirty-six arms, to express the power of the supposed
deity. Capital of the Tycooyi, ii. 307.
are always united in
spirit, and in body also we shall be united in the day of judgment, when we
shall all live again—may God grant that it be to reign with Jesus Christ!’
Mendez Pinto tells us that Paul was obliged to go into exile by the persecutions
of the bonzes some months after Francis Xavier left him, that he went to China
and was murdered by robbers near Liampou. But the Christians over whom he had
been set in charge remained firm and constant under all trials, not the least
of which was the entire want of priests and religious teachers. They had been
thoroughly instructed, and possessed the summary of Christian doctrine which
Francis had left them. Many years after this, when they came to be visited for
the first time by a priest, they were found to have kept up their faith and
religion in great purity. This statement will surprise no one who is familiar
with the annals of Catholic missions, and the fact which it records is typical
of the history of the Church of Japan. It is now believed that when in our time
Japan was partially opened to Europeans so many generations after the great
persecution of Christianity which seemed to have drowned it in blood, and when
no Catholic priest had been in the country for more than two centuries, there
were still communities of Christians who had kept up their practice of the
Gospel law, the Catholic Creed, and the administration of baptism. And even the
renewed persecution of the present day will not, as we may confidently hope in
God’s mercy, avail to stamp out in this noble, intelligent, and faithful race
the remains of the religion of Jesus Christ, so long ago painfully planted in
the soil of Japan by the modern Apostle of the East.
We have
already seen that the voyages of Francis Xavier were generally marked by some
extraordinary victory of his charity, or some indication of the prophetic gifts
with which he was from time to time endowed. This homeward voyage from Japan,
in the last weeks of 1551, became more famous in the East than any other of
which we have spoken; and in this case we happen to have abundance of the most
unexceptionable testimony as to the efficacy of his prayers and the blessing
which his presence seemed to cause to all who were in his company. The vessel
in which he embarked at the port of Figi was bound for Canton, or rather for
the island of San Chan, which was the station where the Portuguese traffic with
Canton was carried on. Mendez Pinto, whom we shall find more at home on
nautical subjects than on the theological questions discussed between Francis
Xavier and the bonzes in the presence of the King of Boungo, was, as has been
said, one of the Portuguese passengers on board the ship in which Francis
embarked. Mendez tells us how at first they hugged the Japanese coast for some
time, and then struck across the open sea in the direction of China. After a
week, however, the moon changed, and the weather changed in consequence. A
violent storm fell on the vessel, and she was obliged to put about and run
before the wind in a north-north-westerly direction ‘ through an unknown sea
which no one had ever yet navigated,’ as Mendez says. For five days they were
at the mercy of the storm, and saw neither sun nor star, and the helmsman lost
all reckoning.1 On the second day of the five something had to be
done to clear the deck of all
1 Mendez
says that they were running towards Papua, Celebes, or Mindanao, which hardly
seem to lie in a northern or north-westerly direction from their course, and
are sufficiently widely apart one from another.
encumbrances,2
and the ship’s boat was secured at the stern, . fastened by two strong cables,
with fifteen men in her. Night came on, and they were unable to get on board
the ship again. Francis Xavier was the life of the whole party during the
storm,
> working himself in clearing the decks,
encouraging and comforting the rest. ‘ After God,’ says Mendez, ‘ he alone was
the captain who encouraged us, and made us take breath so as not to sink under
the labours and abandon ourselves entirely to chance, as some wished to do if
he had not hindered them.’ About midnight loud cries to God for mercy were
heard from the boat: the ropes by which she was held to the ship had given way,
and she was left behind in a moment. The captain’s nephew, a lad whom he loved
most tenderly, was with the party in the boat, and his uncle endeavoured to get
the ship round in order to seek for the boat. The result was the imminent
danger of the vessel herself; she lay across the waves, was deluged by the
heavy seas, and was almost swamped. At the moment of greatest peril Francis was
on his knees in the captain’s cabin, and he called aloud on Jesus Christ, the
Love of his soul, to succour them, for the sake of the five wounds which He had
suffered on the Cross. The ship righted and got once more before the wind, but
the boat was lost to sight. Francis Xavier, however, bade them to be of good
cheer, as within three days ‘ the daughter would come back to the mother’ —by
which words, say the Auditors of the Rota, who have summed up the evidence from
the sworn witnesses examined in the Processes, he signified darkly that the
boat would return to the ship. He is said to have been especially anxious to
save two Mussulmans, who were in the boat with the rest. When daylight came,
nothing could be discerned from the ship but the sea covered with foam. The
rest of the story we may give chiefly in Mendez Pinto’s own words, though
1 ‘ II fut resolu de rompre toutes les oeuvres du chapiteau
jusqu’au tillac, afin que pas ce moyen le navire fut plus a son aise, et qu’il
fut mieux obeye au gouvernail.’ Mendez Pinto (French translation, t. iii. p.
422). Some writers understand the ‘ chapiteau’ to be the forecastle. It appears
that the object was to cut away all the upperworks, which might have retained
any heavy seas which flooded the deck.
VOL. II. * A A
his account has often
to be completed by that of other eyewitnesses.
‘ It was a little
more than an hour after daylight, when the blessed Father Xavier, who had
retired to the captain’s cabin, came on deck, where were the master, the pilot,
and seven other Portuguese. After having given good-day to all with a joyous
and serene countenance, he asked them if they did not see the boat approaching,
to which answer was made No; and then he asked the master pilot to send one of
the sailors aloft to see if he could not discover it. At the same time one of
those present said, “ It will appear when we have lost another like it.” On
which the Father answered him : “ O, Pedro Velho” —such was his name—“ O, Pedro
Velho, how little faith you have ! What! think you that anything is impossible
to our Lord ? For me, I have so much confidence in Him and in His most sacred
Mother the Blessed Virgin Mary, to whom I have promised that I will say three
masses in her blessed house of the Mount at Malacca, that I hope that they will
prevent the souls which are in that boat from perishing.” At which words Pedro
Velho was so confounded and astonished that he said nothing more. However, the
master pilot, to satisfy the request which the Father had just made him, went
up himself with another sailor to the top, when, after having looked round on
every side for nearly half an hour, they made their report that nothing
appeared. On which the Father answered, “Come down then, since there is nothing
more to be done;” and hav-| ing called me to the forecastle3 where
he then was, very sad as far as we all could judge, he told me that I would
oblige him if I warmed a little water for him that he might drink it, as he had
a weakness of stomach. But I was so unhappy that my sins hindered me from doing
him this good turn, because the day before, when the hurricane came on, they
had thrown the stove , overboard to lighten the deck. Then he complained to me
that he had a great pain in his head, on account of the sickness which came on
him from time to time; and I answered! him : “ It cannot be otherwise than that
your Reverence should
3 * Cliapiteau. ’ Mendez 1’into.
be so indisposed,
because for three nights you have not slept and you have not eaten a single
morsel,” for one of the servants of Duarte de Gama had so told me. “ I assure
you,” replied the Father, “ that I am sorry for the unhappiness of this young
man, to see him so disconsolate; for all the last night, after the boat was
lost, he never ceased weeping for the loss of Alonzo Calvo his nephew, who is
in it with the rest of his companions.” Seeing, then, that the Father was
yawning every moment, I said to him, “Your Reverence would do well, meseems,
to retire awhile into my little cabin, for perhaps you might get some rest;” an
offer which he accepted, saying, “ So be it, then, for the love of God.”
Thereon he begged me much to send a Chinese servant whom I had to shut the door
after him, and not to stir, in order that he might open it for him when he
called ; and this he said to me about six or seven o’clock. After having
retired into my cabin, he remained there all day iintil sunset, and as I once
happened to call my servant who was at the door, as I said, to ask him to give
me a little water, I inquired of him also whether the Father was asleep ? “ He
has not slept at all,” he answered, “ and he is still on his knees on the couch
weeping, with his head down.” On which I told him to go back and sit at the
door, and go to him as soon as he called him. In this way the Father remained
unceasingly engaged in prayer until sunset, and then at last left the cabin,
and came to where all the Portuguese were sitting down on the deck under the
bulwarks, on account of the great rockings and rollings of the ship.
£ After
having saluted them, the Father asked of the pilot if the boat was to be seen ?
To which the other answered that naturally it was impossible but that it had
been lost amid such high seas ; and that even supposing that it pleased God to
save it by a miracle, it was more than fifty leagues off. “ So it seems
naturally,” said the Father; “but I should be very glad, since nothing could be
lost by that, if you would go up aloft again, or send some sailor up, who might
cast his eyes over the whole surface of the sea.” The pilot told him that he
would very willingly go; and he went up with the master’s mate, more
to satisfy the desire
of the Father than from any thought he had of being reasonably able to discover
what he wished. They were both up there a good long time, and at last they
affirmed that they had seen nothing at all over the whole sea. This grieved the
Father very much, as all could judge, so that he bent his head upon the
bulwark, and was for some time sighing as if he would fain shed tears. Then
after he had taken a little breath, as if to try to rest under the sadness
which he felt, he raised his hands to heaven and said, with tears in his eyes,
“ O, Jesus Christ, my true God and Lord, by the merits of Thy sacred death and
passion, I pray Thee to have pity on us, and to save the souls of the faithful
who are gone astray in that boat!” ‘ Then he leant his head again upon the
bulwark and remained so for the space of two or three Credos, as if he were
asleep; and then a little boy, who was seated up in the shrouds, began to cry,
“ Miracle ! miracle ! here is our boat!” All those of the ship came running at
these words, and at that same moment they saw the boat on the sea, not farther
than a gunshot off, a little more or less; insomuch that astonished at a thing
so new and extraordinary, they began all in a throng to weep like children, so
that they could not hear one another in the ship for the loud cries that they
made. They all came to the Father to throw themselves at his feet; but he would
not permit it, and retired into the cabin of the captain and shut himself up
inside that no one might speak to him. All those who were in the boat were
immediately received into the ship, with all the rejoicing and happiness which
was natural in such a case. And therefore I forbear now to relate here the
particulars of this welcome, because it is a thing which can better be
imagined than written. And so after the little time was over which remained
before itwas full night, which came about half an hour afterwards, the Father
sent a little boy for the pilot, and told him to praise God who had done these
marvels, and that he should at once get the ship ready, because the bad weather
would soon end. So at once all was done to satisfy the Father’s desire with all
possible diligence, and at the same time were performed the devotions which he
enjoined; and it followed that before
the great yard was
hoisted and the sails set, the hurricane ceased entirely, so that we found a
good wind from the north, and continued our voyage to the joy and contentment
of every one.’4
This is what Mendez
Pinto tells us of this famous miracle. His memory was doubtless accurate as far
as it went, but he seems to have omitted one or two circumstances which other
witnesses have recorded. The first of these is that Francis Xavier, when he
came on deck after his many hours of prayer in the cabin, insisted on sail
being shortened, in order to slacken the speed at which the vessel was running
before the wind. The large sail was therefore lowered, and the crew as well as
the Father had to suffer the severe tossing of the vessel which was the
consequence for some considerable time. The other accounts5 tell us
that at last the men got impatient, the master gave orders to hoist the sail,
but Francis would not allow it, that he bent his head down on the yard and wept
and sobbed, as Mendez tells us in the text. Another circumstance omitted by
Mendez is that when the boat appeared in sight, it was seen to come straight on
the ship as if steered by an invisible hand, notwithstanding the roughness of
the sea, and that when it touched the side, it stopped as of itself. Finally, a
number of witnesses swore that when the party from the boat came on board, they
declared that they had had Father Francis with them all the time, that he had
been their only support and guide and comfort, and that his presence had
inspired them with so much courage and serenity that they had been free from
all alarm. It is certain that the two Mussulmans were converted by the
miracle, and received baptism.0
* Mendez Pinto, t. iii. p. 430.
4 Summed up by Bartoli, Asia, t. i. p.
277.
8 The evidence for this celebrated miracle
is epitomized in the Rclaiio, to which we have before referred. The Relalio
tells the story in the first instance (without adding the circumstance of the
bilocation of Francis) on the authority of Duarte Gama (‘ vir nobilis et regire
domfls patritins’), Galeotto Pereira (‘ regiae domus patritius’), Antonio
Martinez, a sea captain, Antonio Uiaz, the man who went aloft to look out—all
of whom were present and gave their testimony juridically. There were
forty-eight other witnesses de auditu, many of whom had heard eyewitnesses tell
the story. After proving that the fact was miraculous, the Relatio goes on to
say, ' Many of the witnesses and writers add that Xavier appeared to
those who were in the boat,
The ship arrived soon
after at San Chan, but it was much shattered by the storm, and moreover was to
spend the winter in a port of Siam instead of sailing straight for Malacca. But
two other Portuguese ships were still at San Chan, having waited for a
fortnight for a favourable wind to take them to Malacca. One of them was the
ship of Diego Pereira, the intimate friend of Francis Xavier. Pereira offered
him a passage to Malacca: and Francis at once embarked, taking an affectionate
leave of the good Portuguese merchants who had been of so much support to him
in his difficulties in the kingdom of Boungo. It was noted that as soon as he
set foot on Pereira’s ship the wind became favourable. They sailed for Malacca
immediately. During this voyage it was that Francis matured his plan for an attempt
to introduce Christianity into China. The letter which was inserted at the end
of the last chapter shows how much his thoughts were now turned in this
direction. He was bent upon furnishing the Japanese mission with learned as
well as pious workmen, men who could defend their religion intellectually and
meet the subtle difficulties suggested by the bonzes, as well as preach to the
people by example as much as by word of mouth. Meanwhile, he would himself cut
at the root, as it were, of the Japanese objections by bringing about, if it
were possible, the conversion of that great, intelligent, cultivated, and
peaceful empire which seems to have attracted his imagination from the first
moment that he heard of its influence over the rest of the Eastern nations. The
boldness with which Francis Xavier always aimed at accomplishing his work
thoroughly, even though to do so involved the most arduous enterprize, as well
as the temporary suspension of his own activity on what happened for the moment
to be the frontier, so to speak, of the advancing kingdom of the faith, is
thoroughly characteristic of him, and is one of the numberless points in which
we find his spirit so identical with that of the father of his soul, St.
Ignatius.
tossed about by the
waves, and in the utmost danger, and that when they were taken up into the ship
they told the sailors and passengers that Xavier had been all the time with
them in the boat, and had kept her up in the midst of the seas, and that they
were filled with astonishment when they found that at the same time he had been
in the ship.’ •
We shall find that
Ignatius soon after this time was intending to recal Francis himself from the
East for a time necessarily by- no means short, on account of the immense
distance which he would have had to travel, in order that his presence in
Europe might secure the more perfect organization of the attempts forthe
conversion of the Indies and the countries lying beyond them. So Francis Xavier
himself was now anxious to leave Japan for a time to other labourers, and
direct his own efforts to China. He found a sympathetic friend in Diego
Pereira, with whom he now held long talks while the ship was moving with a
favourable wind along the coast of the country which the heart of the Apostle
was now yearning to invade. Pereira seems not to have been of noble birth, but
he had risen by his skill and industry to the possession of large wealth, and
was devoted to Francis and his schemes for the advancement of the Gospel. We
have seen how Francis had suggested in the case of Japan that an ambassador
should be sent by the Governor of the Indies in the name of the King of
Portugal, who might negotiate for commercial relations as well as help on the
introduction of Christian preachers. He had also suggested that if the state
of affairs in India forbade the dispatch of a regular embassy, the commission
might be handed over to some friend of the Governor’s, who might be willing to
undertake the expedition at his own expense, looking for his reward to the
great commercial gains which he might make thereby. Francis conceived a plan
exactly like to this for the opening of relations with China. The Governor or
Viceroy of India might be asked to send an ambassador to the Court of China,
and in the train of this ambassador Francis himself would go, and thus find a
way to begin the preaching of the Gospel under the licence of the Emperor
himself. He was ready, indeed, to enter China in any possible way, even if his
fate was only to share the imprisonment of a number of Portuguese merchants
who had been seized in this country, the coasts of which were most severely
guarded against all foreigners. But it would be far better, far more likely to
secure success as to the free preaching of the Christian law, if he could go as
the companion of the envoy of
a king whose
name was so formidable all over the East as the King of Portugal. *
Diego Pereira entered
heartily into the plans of Francis, and offered his ship and his fortune to
carry them out, if he could be named ambassador of the Portuguese crown to
China. It was arranged between them that Francis should obtain the appointment
from the Governor of India, and as Pereira had to leave Malacca immediately
after arriving there for a mercantile voyage to Sonda, he was to give the
Father letters to his agent at Goa to prepare all the costly donatives which in
those days were necessary for embassies in the East, and to defray liberally
all the other expenses of such an undertaking. Meanwhile, the vessel, called
the Santa Croce, was not to escape the danger which we find so constantly
haunting the voyages of Francis Xavier. She was caught by a typhoon before
reaching Singapore, and was for a time in great peril. Francis retired for a
few moments to pray alone; then he came on deck, raised his hands and solemnly
blessed the vessel. ‘ The Santa Croce,’ he said, ‘ shall never perish at sea,
but only on the shore where she was built, where she shall fall to pieces of
herself. Would to heaven that so it was to be with the other ship which sailed
with us from San Chan !’ In a few minutes the danger was over, but the ship had
not proceeded far on its route before she came to a part of the sea where
planks, merchandize, portions of wreck, and dead bodies were floating. The
other ship had gone to pieces in the storm from which she had escaped.7
.
7 Massei here quotes the
evidence of Domenico Caldeira in the Processes, which seems to refer to this
ship. He says that on his return from Japan Francis had already put his bundle
containing the sacred vestments and other necessaries for the celebration of
mass on board a ship which was bound directly for India. Pereira’s ship was
only bound for Malacca, and there was much doubt whether they would arrive
there in time to catch another ship for India. But the captain was heard to
speak of the voyage in blasphemous language—‘ he would get to India, God
willing or not.’ Francis remonstrated with him, and asked him to say rather
that he would reach India, if so it pleased God. He then told Caldeira to take
his baggage out of the ship and to embark it in another, which must have been
the Santa Croce. When he saw the wreck of the other covering the waters, he
pointed out to his companions the danger which they would all have run if they
had remained on board her. ,
The prediction here
mentioned about this famous ship, the Santa Croce, is one of those selected by
the Auditors of the Rota out of the many similar prophecies witnessed to in the
Processes afterwards made for the canonization of Francis Xavier. ‘ The ship,’
says the Relatio, ‘ survived Father Francis for twenty years, and old as it
was, rotten and shattered by the waves during so many voyages and storms, it
always escaped safely. The sailors and merchants, trusting to the aforesaid
prediction, used eagerly to embark their merchandize therein, and sailed from
place to place without any fear of shipwreck ■or loss.
Whenever it came into port, the ship was received with salutes and shouts of
joy, and all India called it the ‘ ship of
the holy Father.’ At last it was sold
to a certain captain of Diu, who after many voyages took it into the port of
Cochin, and it was there hauled ashore in order to be repaired, on which it
fell to pieces, and nothing but a heap of timbers remained of it.’ Diego
Pereira himself was one of the witnesses who are quoted in evidence both of the
prediction and of its accomplishment.8
8 There are several anecdotes about this
ship, as was only to be expected. Massei, 1. iii. p. 378, tells some of them.
The Santa Croce once 1 .sailed from Malacca to Cochin laden almost to the
water’s edge, and after sailing about twenty-four miles, began to leak. The
people on board fired guns of distress, as she was sailing with a fleet of
merchantmen, but no •one would consent to relieve her of part of the cargo. The
captain turned back to Malacca, and was received with shouts of scorn and
hisses, for having doubted of the promise of Francis Xavier. He turned back,
then and there, and arrived safe at Cochin. Another story is that a certain
Jorge Nunez took a plank of the old ship after she went to pieces, and worked
it 1 into a small vessel of his own, which also enjoyed a sort of charmed existence
amid the storms and perils of the Indian seas. Francis Xavier also made a
prediction similar to that of which we are speaking as to Francesco d’Aghiar,
the steersman of the ship of Duarte Gama, in which he came from Japan, and
which experienced the terrible storm just now related. Francis promised
D’Aghiar that he should never perish by water, and that no ship which he
navigated should perish in any storm at sea. D’Aghiar after this used to
1 sail in the most rotten vessels, without
the least fear, and was always free from danger. A story is told in which his
ship, a very poor one, escaped alone of a large fleet, and another of his
singing cheerily in the midst of a very dangerous storm, answering, when
interrogated as to his extraordinary confidence, that he feared nothing in any
ship whatever, on account of the promise made by Master Francis. Bartoli, p.
278.
Malacca, to which
port Francis was now drawing near, had suffered severe calamity since he had
left it. We may remember the apparent anxiety with which he had inquired about
Malacca in his short letter to the Portuguese merchant at Figi. Some of his
biographers tell us that before leaving Japan he had urged Duarte de Gama to
hasten his departure in order to succour the place: and it seems certain that a
rumour that some great misfortune had befallen it was current at San Chan
before the Santa Croce sailed, so that Diego Pereira had hesitated as to
venturing to make for that port. His fears were relieved by Francis, who told
him that the danger was over, and that he should find a single ship, that of
his relative Antonio Pereira, not yet departed for India. What had happened
was this. Malacca, as we have seen, was an exposed station, with no Portuguese
settlement or garrison within easy reach; and, on the other hand, in the near
neighbourhood of several very powerful native or Mussulman states, the rulers
of which were always on the watch, ready to seize an opportunity of swooping
down on so important and yet so unprotected a position. We have already
mentioned the King or Rajah of Bintang, who, but for the Portuguese conquests,
would have been the sovereign of Malacca. This potentate, at the head of an
army of ten thousand men, with two hundred ships, swollen by contingents from a
number of the Mussulman states and from Java itself, laid siege to Malacca in
the summer of
1551. The Portuguese garrison in all numbered about
three hundred men, and after much hard fighting they were obliged to retire
into the citadel, leaving a great part of the city at the mercy of the enemy,
who ravaged it with fire and sword. The siege of the fortress lasted for nearly
three months, during which Francesco Perez was continually exposing himself,
crucifix in hand, at the head of the defenders, who were reduced at last to
great straits for food, especially for water. The enemy at one time gained an
important position, which seemed to involve imminent danger to the fortress
itself, and more than once attempted to carry it by assault, though they were
repulsed with great loss. At last Fernandez de Carvalho, who
I had opportunely
arrived with a squadron of three ships earlier in the siege, made an unexpected
attack on the besiegers, a part of whom had withdrawn on account of a rumour
purposely I spread abroad by the Portuguese of a descent to be made on I their
own territory, and succeeded in dislodging them from [their positions, and
putting them to flight. Two thousand of I the enemy were killed, and they left
behind them their artillery and stores; but a third part of the defenders had
lost their '»Hves, while the invaders had carried off, before their final defeat,
an immense booty in property and slaves. The misfor- Itunes of Malacca did not
cease with the siege, as the enemy
■ (had poisoned a well before retiring, and
a number of the inI habitants who had taken refuge in the fortress lost their
lives , from drinking the water.9
The siege had ended
while Francis was still in Japan, i! When the Santa Croce arrived off Singapore
(where at that k jtime there seems to have been no settlement, though the
straits i keem to have been a sort of rendezvous for ships), a light vessel }
was found there bound for Malacca, by means of which Francis sjforwarded the
following hurried note, to secure himself an im- ;;tnediate passage to India.
(lxxxvii.)
To the Society at
Malacca.
May the grace and
love of Jesus Christ our Lord be ever ;t«-ith us to help us and favour us ! Amen,
i To-day is the fortieth day since we left Japan, where the } Christian
religion, by the favour of God, is advancing in a ft-onderful way. I have left
all of the Society whom I brought x ivith me safe and sound, by the goodness of
God, at Aman- ct guchi (a large city, the capital of a kingdom), that they may
i take care of the people there, many of whom have already
■ : become Christians, and many
more are daily becoming such.
' * Sec Bartoli,
Asia, t. i. pp. 279, 280. Faria y Sousa (Asia
Portu-
1 \uesa) tells the story somewhat
differently from Bartoli, and we have fol- ifl lowed him in several
particulars.
Other things I will
explain when I see you; but get ready, I beseech you, for me, some of the
things necessary for the voyage to India, and provide that one of the ships
bound for India may await our arrival. For it is of great importance for the
glory of Christ our Lord and the salvation of souls, that I should go on at
once to India from Malacca. Send Joam Bravo with your answer to my message hither
to me as soon as possible. I will tell you by and by all about Japanese
affairs, which I know for certain it will be most pleasant and delightful for
you to hear about. But enough for the present. May God be with us all! Amen.
From the Straits of
Singapore, Dec. 30, 1551.
Francis Xavier was
received at Malacca with great joy. The survivors of the siege came to tell him
that if he had been on the spot the calamity would not have happened. Don Pedro
de Silva, still £ Capitan,’ as it appears, welcomed him affectionately.
The Japanese envoy whom he had with him was entertained with as much splendour
as the circumstances would permit. Francis communicated to Don Pedro, and also
to his brother, Don Alvaro d’Ataide,10 who seems to have been at the
time in Malacca, his designs as to the embassy to China and his intention of
proposing Diego Pereira for that undertaking to the Viceroy, Don Alfonso de
Norona, who had arrived in India in 1.550. As far as we can gather, no kind of
opposition was given by either of the brothers.
Francis sailed almost
immediately for Cochin. He arrived
10 There is some uncertainty as to the time
at which Don Alvaro succeeded his brother as ‘ Capitan’ of Malacca. Pedro was
certainly in command at the time of the siege.' Alvaro came out from Portugal
in the fleet which brought Don Alfonso de Norona in 1550. He is said by some to
have been at Malacca at the time of which we are speaking, and to have] agreed
with his brother in supporting the embassy suggested by Francis. On the other
hand, Don Pedro did not leave Malacca till after Francis Xavier, and seems even
to have been there when he returned a few months later. And Faria y Sousa (Asia
Portuguesa, t. ii. p. 2, cap. 10), a little after this date, speaks of a
dispute between the two brothers, Don Alvaro endeavouring to enter on his
office before his brother’s term had expired. It is quite certain that he did
not succeed as ‘ Capitan’ till after Francis Xavier’s short visit at the
beginning of 1552.
n time to catch the
Portuguese ships which were to sail for Europe, and his first occupation was to
write hastily to Ignatius lioyola and Simon Rodriguez and the Society in Europe
as to he needs of the mission of Japan. The two following letters, herefore,
really belong to this part of our subject, though they vere written after
Francis had returned to India. We have .lready given the long letter to the
Society, dispatched at the ame time.
The opening of the
letter to Ignatius needs a word of com- nentary. Francis Xavier had hitherto
been Superior of all the nembers of the Society working in the Indies, but the
Indian nission had not been made a separate ‘ Province’ until 1549, ifter his
departure for Japan. Some of the difficulty which Francis had felt as to the
appointment of Antonio Gomez, of which ve have more than once spoken, may have
come from the fact hat India was then to some extent under the Province of Por-
ugal. In 1549 Ignatius Loyola had erected India into a Pro- rince, and had made
Francis Xavier its Provincial Superior. The ‘ patents’ by which the appointment
was formally signified
o him seem to have accompanied the letter
from Ignatius to yhich he alludes so tenderly in the opening sentences of his
nvn letter which we now insert. At the same time he received .nother document,
communicating to him all the privileges of he General of the Society, except
that of admitting fathers to he profession of the four vows.
(lxxxviii.)
To my holy Father in Jesus Christ, Ignatius at Rome.
May the grace and
love of our Lord Jesus Christ ever help aid assist us ! Amen.
O, my true Father ! I'have just received at
Malacca, on my return from Japan, the letter of your holy charity. The news
yhich I hoped for, and which it has given me, of the life and J ;ood health of
one so dear and so venerated, have filled my oul with a joy known to God alone.
I have read there many
words breathing all
your sweetness and piety; I have reread them many times for the comfort and the
good of my soul. I go over them again in my mind, feeding on them, so to speak,
continually; especially those last words which are, as it were, the seal of
charity, and which conclude your letter, * Yours entirely, so that no length
of time will ever be able to make me forget you, Ignatius.’ I have read these
words with tears of delight, and as I write them I weep at the blessed
remembrance' of past days, and of the sincere and holy love with which you have
always enfolded me, and which still follows me. I consider that God was pleased
to deliver me from all those great toils and dangers in Japan, chiefly because
your prayers and fatherly intercession in my behalf induced Him to favour me.
No words can express
all that I owe to the Japanese. It is by their means alone that our Lord, by an
interior illumina-j tion, has penetrated me with a knowledge of my countless
sins. Up to this time, wandering outside of myself, I was ignorant of the abyss
of miseries which were concealed in my conscience;] until, in the labours and
trials of that country, the eyes of myl soul have been at last opened and the
Divine Goodness has allowed me to see clearly, and touch* as it were, by living
ex-| perience and sensible impression, how very much I require! another person
to be given to me, to exercise the most sedul-l ous care over me. Consider
therefore what your holy charity I is doing in putting under my guidance so
many holy souls of I the fathers and brothers of the Society residing in these
coun-l tries. Nothing but the Divine Mercy has made me sensible in a manner
transcending all evidence how ill prepared I am with the most necessary
qualities for this minis tty of direction. I ought rather to have hoped to be
placed under the care and authority of my brothers, than to be charged with
directing them.
Your holy charity
adds that you greatly desire to see me once again before the close of this
life. Our Lord, who reads the depths of my soul, knows the keen and sweet
emotion of tender love which this affectionate expression of your precious love
has roused in my inmost heart. And as often as I turn over these words in my
mind (which is very often) unbidden
tears fill my eyes,
and break forth gently and irresistibly at this one sweetest image on which my
heart dwells, that it is possible I may again clasp you in my arms : a thing
difficult enough to bring about, as I see, but nothing is impossible to holy
obedience.
In the name of the
passionate zeal for the service and glory of our Lord God with which you are
animated, I ask one favour of you, which if I were in your presence I would
implore before your holy feet on my knees : it is that you would send here
some man thoroughly well known and approved by your holy charity to be made
Rector of the College of Goa. Such a man chosen by yourself, and so to say
formed by your hands, is very much required by that College.
With regard to Japan,
the reason why I am convinced that you should send there persons of great
excellence and eminent both for virtue and learning, to be sent to the
universities of that empire, is this. There are many there, unlearned though
prudent men, who possess good judgment, and when they are convicted of their
errors they take refuge in the answer that there are a multitude of learned
persons in their country also who have devoted their lives to deep research,
and to the reading of all kinds of books. These learned ones, they say, deny
the truths which we maintain, and must have their arguments confuted and be
gained over to us, in order that others who rely on their authority may be
themselves converted. Therefore letters and science are indispensable.
The most remarkable
strength of soul and patience, and indeed all virtues in perfection, are
absolutely necessary for those who are preparing for such great conflicts. They
will come, a few poor foreigners, to match themselves against the whole glory
and reputation of a haughty people relying on its pride in itself and its
institutions, entirely ruled by the bonzes, the first personages in the
country as to dignity and esteem. Their boldness will expose them to a
thousand sufferings when the hornets they have irritated shall fly upon them.
They will find that they cannot do with impunity what is the first and most
necessary thing to be done,—to tear to pieces the sophistries of the
bonzes, to confound
their falsehoods, to expose the unworthy and secret artifices with which they
suck the purses of the credulous people.
From my experience
when on the spot, I can well imagine how the mad fury of these false priests
will break out on seeing before them a man who is able to deny to their face
the power of which they boast, to snatch by their secret rites from the flames
of hell souls already condemned to them ; and if their ridiculous pretensions
are publicly convicted of falsehood, their chief source of gain will cease to
exist. And when their shameful and unnatural crimes, the detestable obscenity
of which is in their eyes a matter of joke, perhaps even a subject of praise,
are branded with just and severe reprobation, then it is only natural that
these raging boars, pierced by the spear in their filthy mire, will run in fury
and madness on the men who have cast pearls before them. As I have before said,
the preachers of the truth on these and other like subjects in this country
cannot fail to be violently attacked and severely tried, and they will surely
be tasked to the utmost to ‘ possess their souls in patience,’ to use the
words of the Gospel; and this patience they must acquire by practice, and be
powerfully armed therewith before they expose themselves to such dangers. I am
writing to Father Simon, or in case of his absence to the Rector of the College
of Coimbra, to send no one for the Japanese universities who has not been seen,
examined, and approved by your holy charity.
I cannot repeat too
often that our brothers will have to endure conflicts and trials beyond all
common expectation. Visited constantly and most unseasonably, they will not
have a moment of the day (often not of the night) free from importunate
inquirers; questions will follow one upon another incessantly; the nobles will send
for them, and it will be impossible to refuse to go to them. These
distractions will rob them of time for daily prayer, meditation, recollection
of the soul in God, and other spiritual exercises of the kind. They will not
have time to celebrate mass at least for some days after they first show
themselves, on account of the crowd of visitors; they will barely
have leisure for
accomplishing the obligation of Office, or for necessary food and sleep. * One
of the faults of this people is without any shame to take up the time of
foreigners, especially people who come from a distance, whom they generally
treat contemptuously and make game of them wantonly, even when they are
harmless and in no way troublesome. But if these foreigners venture to attack
and blame openly what the common people reverence and admire, if they lift up
their voice against the different sects of false religions, if they satirize
and strike with the censor’s rod the public crimes of the nation, and do it
thoroughly and earnestly, if they declare obstinately that no one who has gone
down into the fires of hell can be delivered from them by any sacrifice or
almsgiving or rites performed by their living relations and friends; then they
will certainly have to undergo a violent tempest of ill will; even the wisest
of the natives will be exasperated at their thinking so hardly as to the souls
of persons, dear to them, who are already dead; they will, for the most part,
despise the new religion as imperfect and impotent, as confessing at once to
inability of applying any remedy to souls already condemned. People’s minds
here are filled with cares and questions as to this point, because the
literature and the old traditions of the country abound in stories of hell and
do not say anything about PurI gatory.
Now all this being
so, it is self evident that what we want here are powerful intellects,
practised in dialectics, gifted with a popular eloquence, quick to follow error
in its shiftings and even to anticipate them, able to snatch the mask from lies
which plausibly bear the semblance of reality, to unravel sophistical
arguments, and to show the incoherence and mutual contradiction of false
doctrines. As a matter of fact, these bonzes are wonderfully ashamed and
confused if the want of harmony and even the self contradiction of their dogmas
are brought to light, or when they are so caught in the bonds of an invincible
argu- i ment that they cannot escape from it. To these intellectual gifts must
be added bodily strength—capable of resisting the severest cold of winter.
Bandou, the chief Japanese university,
VOL. II. B B
is situated in the
most northern part of these islands, and the others are not far off. It is
found out here that natives of a colder climate are distinguished beyond others
for skill and genius. As to the food, rice is almost the only thing to eat,
though there is a little wheat and a few vegetables, greens, and other things
of that sort, dry and not very wholesome. The only wine is made from rice (the
making is an art); it is very scarce, and so extremely dear. But the most
troublesome trial of all is the continual anxiety caused by daily perils.
Old men are unsuited
for the work in this country; they would not have the necessary strength for
the labours which are indispensable. Neither are young men desirable, except
those in whom the defect of age is supplied by great virtues, proved openly by
severe trials; otherwise they would rather ruin themselves than be of use to
others. All kinds of temptations and occasions of sin abound in Japan. Added
to this, men’s minds are more delicate here than anywhere else, and are easily
scandalized by the very slightest appearance of an imperfect example in persons
who claim to teach others. I am writing all these particulars as minutely as they
are here set down to Master Simon, or if he should be absent, to the Rector of
Coimbra.
I should be most glad
if your holy charity would be so good as to write to Coimbra desiring that the
missionaries intended for Japan may be first sent to you at Rome. I have often
thought that Belgians or Germans, acquainted with Portuguese or Spanish, would
be well fitted for this destination. The men of both these countries bear
fatigue well, and are prepared by their temperament and education to bear the
cold of Ban- dou. It has seemed to me as very probable that there must be a
great many fathers, natives of these two countries, in the different Colleges
of Spain and Italy, where perhaps they are not so very useful, not being
masters of the native elegances of the language of the country. If they were
transplanted to Japan, they would do very efficient service there, and gain the
reward of great fruit of souls. I have thought it also my duty to suggest to
your holy charity, if this idea pleases you, to order
that more strict
prudence be exercised in the choice of persons to be sent from the Spanish and
Portuguese Colleges to live in India. It would be better that only two fathers
should sail yearly for India, provided they were persons such as this country
requires; in the first place sufficiently advanced in spiritual perfection, and
then possessing the eloquence and learning indispensable for preaching and
hearing confessions. These also I should wish by your order to make a
pilgrimage to Rome before sailing hither; for those trials of journeys help to
form them, show them the extent of their strength, inure them to labour, and
strengthen them to endure future perils by the remembrance of the past dangers
which they have safely escaped. Lastly, we shall gain this also: that they will
not be new to the fatigues of missionary labours, as we find men to be who come
hither from their own homes carried quietly on board ship, without having any
practice at all in going about the country as pilgrims.
Besides this, there
are here so many inducements to self indulgence, such strong and seducing
allurements, not only to sloth and idleness, but even to wickedness, that it
seems right that the virtue of those who are to be exposed to these spiritual
dangers should first be proved by most careful trials; lest unhappily
unsuitable persons should creep in among our missioned, who instead of the
comfort we might have expected from their arrival and residence amongst us,
would occasion us the most grievous trouble, and do things in consequence of
which we are obliged to dismiss them from the Society. Let your holy charity
see, I beseech you, whether it will be well yourself to admonish Master Simon
on this point.
No one of those of
ours now at Arnanguchi, or of those at present in India and intended to go to
Japan, God willing, next year or in some following year, seems to me fitted to
be sent to the Japanese universities. But they will spend their time in
studying the language, and in learning the doctrines of the different sects, so
that when the fathers whom we expect come from Europe, sent as from your own
bosom, they may make use of the others as faithful helpers and interpreters in
disputing with the bonzes. I hope very confidently that the Church of
Amanguchi will grow
and develope very largely. It already has a great many Christians; and many
among them are excellent: new converts are being instructed and baptized every
day. I live in the firm hope that our Lord will preserve to us Father Cosmo
Torres and Joam Fernandez, and not suffer them to be put to death by the
idolaters—first, because they seem to have already escaped the first and most
instant dangers, and the fury of the bonzes, excessively irritated in their
earliest attacks, appears to have softened with time and to be gradually
waning; also because there are so many Christians there, several of them of
distinguished rank and power, who watch very zealously day and night over the
safety of our missioners. Joam Fernandez, though a simple layman, is most
useful on account of the fluency he has acquired in the Japanese language, and
of the aptness and clearness with which he translates whatever Father Cosmo
suggests to him. At present he is entirely occupied in explaining all the
mysteries of Jesus Christ to the people in daily instructions.
As I perceive in the
Japanese a happy disposition for approving the Christian religion when
sufficiently explained to them, and for persevering with constancy therein when
they have received it, as well as handing it on to their posterity, I think
that even the greatest labour would be well employed in cultivating them. As to
this thought, I find much strength and consolation in the hope I place in your
holy charity, which bids me ask that you will send some fathers of great sanctity
whom we may fitly oppose to the teachers of the superstitions of Japan. One of
the principal motives to induce you to do so, is the superiority, which is very
evident to me, of the Japanese nation over all the others at present discovered
in these parts. I do not think that there is any other nation living under its
own laws and not subject to the King of Portugal as to which we may hope that
the Christian religion will take root and remain firm and lasting. As far as I
know, the Japanese nation is the single and only nation of them all which seems
likely to preserve unshaken and for ever the profession of Christian holiness
if once it embraces it; but this will doubtless
not be without great
sufferings and heroic conflicts on the part of the preachers of the Gospel.
China, an immense
empire, enjoying profound peace, regulated by a number of very wise laws, is
governed by a single sovereign whose will is absolute. It is a most opulent
empire, abounding in everything necessary for human life. A narrow strait
separates it from Japan. Its people are remarkable for intelligence, and employ
themselves in study, chiefly of laws and human jurisprudence, and also of
political science. The ambition of the greater part of the people is to gain a
deep knowledge on this subject. The faces of the natives are pale and
beardless, and their eyes are small. They have generally kind open
dispositions, and are lovers of peace, which flourishes and is firmly
established among them, without any fear of wars. Unless some new obstacles
should arise and alter my plans, I hope to sail for China in this year 1552,
whither I am attracted by the hope of being able to do good work in furthering
greatly the service of God to the benefit of both the Chinese and Japanese
nations. As soon as the Japanese learn that the Chinese have embraced the faith
of Jesus Christ, there is reason to hope that the obstinacy with which they are
attached to their own false sects will be lessened. So I am full of confidence
that by the labours of our Society, the Chinese and Japanese will abandon their
idolatrous superstitions and adore Jesus Christ, the Saviour of all nations.
I may tell you by the
way of a singular and strange thing which is observed as to the mutual
intercourse of these two nations. Their languages are different, so that people
who speak the one do not understand the other. But an educated Japanese can
read and understand what a Chinese writes, only, when he reads it aloud, what
he says is unintelligible to the writer himself if he be there. For the
Chinese letters are not like the characters we use, which express the various
sounds of the human voice, but they represent the things themselves, and so are
innumerable. And those people in Japan who affect to be learned learn the
signification of these letters, that is the objects which they designate, not
the word or name which they
represent. And in
order to make elementary instruction easier and the labour of teachers lighter,
they have hit upon this compendious method. They set forth on a board the
Chinese letters, putting upon each a picture of the thing which they signify
—as, for example, they put a representation of a man upon the character which
is fixed on to signify a man, and so on. So the Japanese, when they read, have
the representation to guide them, and in their minds they think of the thing
which the Chinese who has written the character had in his mind; but when they
come to read aloud what is before them, they utter the Japanese words which
signify the thing. The Chinese hear them, and do not know in the least what
they mean. And so in turn, if a Chinese reads to a Japanese the same writing,
the latter will not understand a word of what he says.11
We have written a
book in the Japanese language explaining the origin of the world, and all the
mysteries of the life of Jesus Christ. We have transcribed this book into
Chinese characters, and intend to carry this copy with us when we go into
China, so that while we are learning the language of the country we may be able
to show the Chinese a sample of the truths we bring to them written in
characters which they know. I pray and beseech your holy charity, in the name
of your love for God and your zeal for His service, yourself to recommend me
earnestly to God in your daily prayers and holy sacrifices, and make the rest
of the Society do the same. I ardently solicit (and your holy charity will be
my interpreter and mediator in this matter) that the suffrages of all the
fathers, especially the professed, and their powerful intercession with our
common Lord, may be procured for me. These prayers, in union with the merits of
the whole militant Church, and with the prayers
11 On this adoption by the Japanese of the
Chinese characters, see Sir Rutherford Alcock, Capital of the Tycoon, i. 167.
There is a better account in M. Humbert, Japon I I lust rtf, t. ii. p. 33seq.
The same excellent work curiously confirms the statement made a little above
about the arms of the Prince of Satsouma. These are figured in M. Humbert’s
book, t. i. p. 392, as a broad circular hoop of black with two equally broad
transverse bands crossing the white circle in the middle. The cross is
therefore there, but in black.
of all the blessed
who in their lifetime were of our Society, and the petitions of the whole of
the Church triumphant, may obtain for me from our Lord God the grace clearly to
know in this life what His holy Will desires of me, and the assistance and
strength necessary for accomplishing in all fulness and perfection whatever it
may be His order or command that I should do.
The least of your
sons, and the farthest from your presence,
Cochin,
Jan. 29, 1552. FRANCIS.
The next letter, to
Simon Rodriguez, accompanied that to Ignatius.
(lxxxix.) To Master Simon Rodriguez.
May the grace and
love of Jesus Christ our Lord always help and favour us !
I am anxious to
inform you of different matters relating to Japan, so as to give you a notion
what kind of labourers are required for that country. Men, in the first place,
of tried experience, proved by suffering and dangers, should be chosen, in
order to win the people to the true faith. At Bandou, and in the other
universities, great conflicts and great persecution await them from the bonzes.
So I say they will be violently assailed, and to such a point, that there may
be risk, lest in seeking to save others they lose themselves, unless they
possess great strength of soul and confidence in God. They will have to endure
very severe cold, Bandou being much further north than Amanguchi; they will
also have to put up with want of food, there being almost nothing to eat but
rice and vegetables, and a few like things. For such an undertaking, as you
see, it is self evident that men of great virtue and of good physical
constitution are required.
I think it would be
advisable to send some Belgians and Germans, who are accustomed to cold and
bodily suffering, and being away from their native country, and not knowing the
language, can do no great work in preaching in Portugal or else-
where. You have many
such in Italy, Spain, and France. I should wish them also to be well practised
in argumentative conclusions, in solving captious objections, so as to be sufficiently
learned publicly to confound the bonzes, whose authority is of greatest weight
in the universities—in fact to make them contradict themselves openly. I shall
send some of our people hence to Amanguchi to learn the Japanese language, and
get some idea of the doctrines and errors of the nation, so that other more
eminent subjects of the Society sent hither may find them able companions and
interpreters, and then go to attack the universities, and that, even though not
sufficiently acquainted with the language of the nation, these fathers may
dispute themselves with the bonzes by means of interpreters, until they themselves
know Japanese. I beg you to let our blessed Father Ignatius know about the men
whom you are going to send to the Japanese universities.
A great concourse of
men go from all parts of Japan to the university of Bandou, to gain learning.
When they return to their country, they teach their fellow-countrymen what they
have acquired. I am told that Bandou is a very large and well populated town;
its inhabitants are famous for their noble blood, but also for military
prowess, although many of gentle and peaceful nature are to be found. I entreat
you to take care to send us brothers of proved virtue and modesty for this
place.
To give some idea of
the difficulties which those destined for Japan will encounter when they appear
in the universities, they will be continually assailed with questions and
disputes one after another, they will be the sport of the people, mocked and
laughed at by every one. They will have no leisure time for meditation or the
contemplation of divine truths, none for saying mass, especially at Bandou and
Meaco, scarcely even the necessary time for reciting the Divine Office. The
missionaries’ dwelling will be constantly thronged with a crowd of
natives—sometimes visitors, sometimes inquirers, sometimes people sent by the
nobles, to invite them to a visit without ever admitting any excuse.
In fact so many
importunate people come at every instant
that barely a moment
can be found for bodily needs, for taking a little sleep or food. Satan will
lay snares for them in wonderful ways, and our brethren deprived of their
hours of divine meditation and office, and above all of the fruits of the most
Holy Eucharist, if they have added to this the persecution of the bonzes, the
excessive inconvenience of the cold, the insufficiency and difficulty about
food, and the absolute hopeless absence of all human consolation and
aid,—these, I say, who have to undergo so many and such great miseries, must be
endowed with singular virtue.
You must, then, be
very careful in the choice of subjects to be sent to Japan. Old men are not
suitable because they are wanting in strength, and young men are not because
they lack experience. Believe me, the zeal and virtue of those who enroll
themselves for Japan will be indeed abundantly tried, and more than enough;
but, on the other hand, they will be filled in a marvellous way with heavenly
consolations if they bear their trials and fatigues courageously, and use the
grace and help of God, which are given most largely in the greatest
difficulties, to win the victory over our everlasting enemy.
I again implore you,
my dearest Brother, to send to India such subjects as, although few in number,
may be of great service; as there are at present in Europe so many houses of
the Society, two at least might be chosen every year from each house gifted
with a natural talent for preaching, and who might render even still greater
service by their example than their words. India is indeed of all countries the
one where such subjects are the most necessary. I would have you charge the fathers
who are sent, to admit no one into the Society amongst their fellow travellers.
If a certain number of subjects are received in India, to be applied later on
to Humanities, it ought only to be those who are possessed with a good
foundation of learning and virtue and come to us merely to finish their
studies. You send away a great number of subjects from the colleges in Europe ;
and we would rather have them here than receive out here into our number men
who only know how to read and write.
Most desirable it
would be if no one were to come from Portugal to India before finishing his
studies, and no one be received into the Society here excepting subjects
required for domestic purposes. Studies out here are a very slow concern; those
who undertake studies here must wait a great many years before they will be fit
to preach, hear confessions, and be of use to the Society and people of the
country.
O my Simon ! may God unite us in the
heavenly country, since for His sake we live so far apart on earth ! However,
what if we are to meet again in the kingdom of China ? I earnestly beg of you
to ask our Lord to give me the grace to open the gates of China to others, for
I am fit for nothing myself. You must treat the affair concerning the Fishery
Coast (which Enrico Enriquez has written to you about), I mean about the
Commandant, with his Highness; it is very important for the good of religion.
Cochin,
Jan. 30, 1552. FRANCIS.
The last paragraph
appears to refer to a topic unfortunately by no means new in the letters of
Francis Xavier—the exactions and vexations which the Christian converts on the
Fishery Coast had to suffer at the hands of the Portuguese officials. We may
well suppose that the memorial as to the Commandant or ‘ Captain’ of the
Fishery Coast, to which reference is made, is a document which has come to
light in our time, and was first printed by M. L^on Pagfcs at the end of the
second volume of his translation of the letters. The complaints of the
Christians therein contained are, at all events, of the same character with
those alluded to by Francis Xavier, who seems to have forwarded some document
of the sort drawn up by Enrico Enriquez. The pearl fishers say that the Captain
makes them pay him a certain tribute on account of their fisheries, even when
they do not fish, and also to fish in a way which they do not like. They ask to
be allowed to pay the dues only on the fishing which they actually make, and
not to be compelled to fish against their will, ‘for such,’ they say, ‘is the
right which the Governor Garcia de Sh. conceded to them
and they ask his
Highness that this order may be carried out. Again, the Captain exacts a tax
from them on the fish which they catch, and on which they live. This is an
entirely new impost, and they demand to be relieved from it. Again, the Captain
exacts dues from them on the cowries which they trade with to Africa, and makes
them sell to him for a third part of the price which foreign traders offer for
them. This abuse also they beg may be forbidden for the future. Again, the
Captain and his friends used to claim a monopoly of the sale of rice, and to
sell it to the natives at an arbitrary price, forcing them to take it whether
they would or no, and then prosecuting them until they had paid him. In the
same way the Portuguese official put dues upon their coasting trade, on which
the transport of their provisions depended, their boats being not allowed to
sail except under his licence. Further, he moved them about arbitrarily from
village to village, never leaving i them fixed for long in the same place, and
exacting certain fees whenever they were thus transplanted. On all these points
they appeal to the justice of his Highness for relief, and they also ask that
fugitives from neighbouring territories, who may be driven out by tyranny or
persecution, may be welcomed and allowed to live in peace in the settlements of
the Fishery 'Coast, in order that by this means they may be encouraged to place
themselves under the protection of his Highness, and that the number of
converts to Christianity may be increased. The memorial concludes by saying
that all these things have been already ordered by Garcia de Sh. the Governor,
and have also been made the subject of petition by Ruy Gomez de Camynha, a
resident at Goa, who holds the office of procurator of their interests.12
And the Christians pray that his Highness
11 We are inclined to think that the Ruy
Gomez mentioned here is the person whose name is written Ruy Gonzalez in the
letter to Antonio Gomez and others inserted above (p. 163). The office
mentioned is the same as . that named here. It is evident that the translations
of letters like those of Francis Xavier are sure to be less accurate in the
proper names than in other matters, and in the transcripts—perhaps even in the
originals— the names Gonzalez and Gomez would both be represented in the same
abridged form, the first and the two last letters alone being given.
will grant their
requests as a special favour, in which the interests of the service of God and
the increase of the faith are concerned.13
It would not be easy
to draw a more complete picture of official tyranny and exaction than that
which is given, as it were, in outline in this document. The Christians were
evidently looked upon by the Captain of the Fishery Coast as a race of slaves,
with no rights and no friends, out of whom he and his friends were simply to
squeeze what they could. The mention in the document of Garcia de Sk as a
former governor of the Indies, fixes the date of these complaints at the year
1552, though it is just possible that they may have
been drawn up between the time at which Francis returned from Japan and his
last departure for India in the following April. It is therefore certain that
neither the orders of the King, in his letter to Joam de Castro, nor the
injunctions of the governor who succeeded Joam, had been able to effect any
change for the better in the conduct of the Portuguese officials at a distance
from the capital, and the strong language used in some of the letters of Francis
Xavier to the King is abundantly justified.14
15 See Leon Pages, t. ii. p. 523 seq.
14 M. Leon
Pages prints, at the end of the document to which reference has been made
above, a short letter from Francis himself, which appears to be appended to the
memorial. If there is no uncertainty as to the connection between the two
papers, we must of course suppose the shortest, which is from Francis himself,
to have been drawn up at this time. This hypothesis, however, is not altogether
free from difficulties! drawn from internal evidence, as the note is addressed
to a Vicar General who seems to be either going to Portugal or to be about to
write to the King, and mentions as a very desirable thing the coming of Simon
Rodriguez to India armed with certain power from his Highness. This, although
not incompatible with the later date of 1552, seems more naturally to belong to
the year 1549. It appears to us, therefore, uncertain at what date the letter
should be fixed. It was as follows :
Memorial
for the Vicar General of the things regarding which he should treat with the
King, for the good of the Christians in India.
Your Reverence should
remind the King to send a great number of preachers of the Society of Jesus
into these countries, and secondly into the garrisons in India. There is a
great want of preachers, as your Reverence well knows.
What a service would
his Highness render to God, if he sent to these countries of India Simon, with
a great many members of the Society of Jesus ! Indeed, his coming would produce
great fruits among the souls of the Portuguese in India, and make many
Christians in Japan, which is peopled with infidels. At the same time it would
be a great favour from his Highness if Master Simon were invested with civil
jurisdiction over all the Christians of this country, so that no one else
should have authority over them except those appointed by Father Master Simon,
besides those persons 1 designated by his Highness to occupy these
offices. Indeed the captains [ invested with this jurisdiction over the
Christians of the country, only use t it to commit wrong and to seize property
from the legitimate owners against their will, thus scandalizing the Christians
of the country, and preventing the conversion of unbelievers, because of the
ill treatment which the latter see inflicted upon those who are already
Christians.
In the event of
Master Simon’s not coming, your Grace may obtain l from the King that he should
confer on the Bishop this civil jurisdiction I over the Christians of the
country, and that none shall have jurisdiction
• nor authority over them, savejthose
appointed by the Bishop or by his High- 1 ness. And these officials will remain
in their employment so long as they I fulfil their duty : so that the Bishop
can dispose of these officials, and in- Ivest other persons with their
appointments when the first do not fulfil
1 their duty.
[One line is almost
entirely effaced.]
(i.) Letter to the
Society at Coimbra from Cagoxima, ’ November
$th, 1549.
A letter is extant from Francis Xavier to
the Society at Coimbra, under the same*date as the long letter already given
(p. 227 seq.) addressed to the Society at Goa. It seems probable that both
letters were written by Francis himself, rather than that the letter to Coimbra
was an abridgment sent on from India—especially as the letter to Goa contains
so much of exhortation and instruction for the fathers and brothers
immediately subject to Francis' himself. It is not, however, worth while to
reproduce the letter to Coimbra in full, as it is in substance, as has been
already said, a simple repetition of the narrative parts of the longer letter
to India. It consists, in Father Menchacha’s version, of eight paragraphs or
sections. The first contains the account of the voyage towards Japan, as far as
the accident by which the daughter of the corsair was drowned. In the passage
which follows, as to the incident of the answer given by the idol, that if the
Christian Emmanuel had died the girl would have escaped, Francis leaves out the
curious statement about his own prayer that the devil’s torments might be
increased, and says, ‘ I took to earnest prayer, and asked God very often that
before we were swallowed up by the waves, He would deliver those men made by
Him after His own image and likeness from their false and erroneous opinions
and impious superstitions ; for it is a foul sight and a thing altogether
intolerable that the perpetual enemy of the human race itself should be adored
in the place of God by men who are made to praise God.’ The second paragraph
relates succinctly the rest of the voyage and the reception of Francis and the
others at Cagoxima. The third, which is very long, gives in abridgment what is
said in the former letter as to the characteristics and manners of the
Japanese, the bonzes, their unnatural impurities, the different orders of
religious, the bad lives of the bonzes, who live with women of their own order,
the wonder which Francisl felt at the way in which the most abominable sins
were thought nothing of, and at the credit in which the bonzes were, notwithstanding
their vices. It ends with a short account of his inter-
Course with
Ningh-sit. The fourth paragraph sums up a few of his thoughts about the opening
of a great field of labour, and the necessity of great selfdiscipline,
patience, and submission, as a preparation for it, which occupy so large a
space in the letter to India. It is curious that it has the following sentence
: ‘ It will, perhaps, very probably turn out that I may call a number of you
out hither within the next two years.’ The fifth paragraph takes up the story
of their residence at Cagoxima, Paul’s visit to the Prince of Satsouma, and
what passed about the picture of our Blessed Lady. It also mentions their need
of the language, the way in which their position makes them trust entirely to
God, and the benefit of the great scarcity and simplicity of food in Japan. The
next paragraph sums up very briefly the anticipations of Francis as to the
opposition of the bonzes, and his own readiness to sacrifice his life for the
salvation of the Japanese. The seventh paragraph is an abridgment of what is
said in the former letter as to his journey to Meaco, and as to the Japanese
universities (in the list of which the name Frenojama is inserted), and as to
his intention of writing to Europe when he has found out how things are in
these universities. Where he speaks of inviting members of other religious
orders, he adds, ‘ if they come out even in the greatest numbers, there will
still be room left for the endeavours and labours of more.’ He then mentions
the conversion of the two bonzes, who are going to India, and his own visit to
the Prince of Satsouma, as well as the edict of toleration issued by that
prince. The last paragraph of the letter is a sort of condensation of the
exhortations to humility and mutual charity which occur at the end of the
letter to Goa.
(2.) The Evidence as
to the possession of the gift of tongues by Francis Xavier.
The Relatio super
sanctitate et miraculis Francisci Xaverii, to which reference has been made in
the Preface to the first volume of this work, as well as elsewhere, is too long
a document for us •to analyze in the present volume, which already threatens to
exceed its destined limits. We may, however, give at least one specimen of its
chapters, and the mention of the exercise of the 1 gift of tongues’
by Francis at Amanguchi may serve as the occasion for the insertion of a short
epitome of the argument as summarily represented by the Auditors of the Rota in
their chapter on this subject.
The chapter begins by
asserting, as from the evidence collected in the Processes, that Francis
Xavier had this gift, which he exercised in two ways. First, he spoke the
languages (which he had never learnt) of natives to whom he went to preach the
Gospel as freely and elegantly as if he had been born and educated in the
midst of those nations ; and in the second place, it not unfrequently happened
that men of different nations heard him at the same time, each in his own
language. This happened elsewhere, and particularly in the port of Jafanapatam,
and was considered as a great miracle, which made people venerate him,- and
also converted many.
The fact asserted
being thus divided into two parts, fourteen witnesses are referred to who prove
both parts at once. One of them, Emmanuel Fernandez, an old man of eighty at
the time of his examination at Cochin, said that he knew Father Francis on the
Fishery Coast, and in the port of Jafanapatam on the Coromandel Coast he had
seen Francis preaching to the natives in their own tongue, and that all
marvelled that he spoke so well, though he had just come there, and their
language was very difficult to learn. And in the same town and port there were
persons of divers nations and various tongues, and in a certain sermon which
the said Father delivered in the presence of this witness, all affirmed that
they heard him, each as if he were speaking in their proper and natural
language. Emmanuel himself was witness that as soon as he came into a region he
could speak any tongue, and this was considered a great miracle, and many were
converted thereby. Another witness testifies to have heard of the miracle from
persons who were present at Jafanapatam when Francis preached as mentioned
above, and also to the common opinion and fame which prevailed concerning this
matter, and how it was commonly said along the whole Fishery Coast that as soon
as he had come there he had preached in the language of the Paravas as if he
had been born there. Another, examined at Lisbon, testifies to the public
report, and that he had heard himself from persons worthy of credit of the
possession of the gift of tongues by Francis Xavier, so that when he spoke in
one language he was heard by people of different nations in the native language
of each. Several other witnesses are enumerated for this. Then a witness whose
examination was taken at Bazain, Rodrigo Diaz Pereira, one of the King’s nobles
(Aulae Regias Patritius), states that he sailed with Father Francis in the same
ship to Banda, that is, to one of the Moluccas, and had seen many heathen
converted to the faith by the labours and preaching of the Father, and that he
used
:to preach the faith
to them in their own language. Another witness follows who deposes to the same
from common report. Another says that he heard from his uncle Gaspar de
Cerqueiros Abreu, commander of the ‘Japanese expedition,’ that he had often
heard Father Francis preaching in Japan or to the Chinese, and that while he
understood him in his own native Portuguese, all the others who were present
understood him each in his own language, though they were of other nations.
Another witness, examined at Goa, declares that he had heard from persons
worthy of credit, and particularly from four brothers who had been com-
ipanions of Francis when in India, that when he first went to Japan and knew
little or nothing of the language, yet though he preached without an
interpreter, partly in Spanish, partly in Latin, bartly in Portuguese, with a
few Japanese words mixed up, he was understood by all as if he had spoken in
the native language of each, and that the same happened in the Isles of the
Moor and on the Fishery Coast. Another bears witness that it was notorious and
testified by persons who had heard Francis’s sermons, that in the places on the
Comorin Promontory and the Fishery Coast he used to preach in the native
language so perfectly and easily that it seemed, as it were, his own by birth,
and lhat all understood the exhortations which he made in public, nor >svas there
any one who did not, on account of the appropriateness of the language which he
used, and so it was commonly said that the Whole people would have become
Christian if he had not gone on so soon to other parts. Another witness says
that those who were Xavier’s companions and heard his sermons affirmed that he
spoke in the idiom or language of all the men whom he went among in India, as
one who really had the gift of tongues, speaking to the people of Malabar or
the Moluccas without an interpreter, and breaching with as much ease in the
Molucca dialect as in Portuguese, being himself from Navarre.
The auditors of the
Rota then proceed to show how wonderful this gift must have been, quoting the
promise made by our Lord as to the signs which shall follow those who believe,
and also the words of St. Paul that tongues are a sign, not to believers, but
to unbelievers. As to the sign, it is proved in this case by the evidence
which establishes that it was held for a great miracle, and that many were
converted by it; and hence it is clear that they must have been certainly aware
that Francis Xavier could hot have learnt the languages, and they would not
otherwise have marvelled at his being able to speak them. They illustrate this
from the pase of the Jews, who marvelled how our Lord knew ‘letters,’
VOL. 11. , CC
never having learnt
them, and they say that St. Chrysostom states that this was miracle enough to
have converted them. Then they mention a calculation that the languages of the
nations among which Francis preached were at least thirty in number, very difficult
to acquire, and such as no one even with long study can perfectly master so as
to speak elegantly and fluently. On the other hand, Francis Xavier was only ten
years and a half in the East, two and more of which were spent in Japan. Again,
the writers remark that to speak a language elegantly and to speak it easily
are different things, as also to speak it simply without great elegance; but
the two first named habits require very long practice and are acquired with
great difficulty, whereas Francis Xavier had no time even to have practised
speaking in the languages,, which he used nevertheless to speak as soon as he
arrived in any place where they were spoken. They argue also, from his great
occupation in other things and from there being no places where these languages
were taught, that he could not have acquired them naturally. The auditors then
prove that the second form of the gift—the speaking in one language and being
understood in many—was a real instance of the gift of tongues and also was held
as a miracle, from the account of the gift as it was given to the Apostles on
the day of Pentecost. They also quote St. Cyprian (Serm. de Sp. Sto.) on this
subject, and also Bozius de Signis Eccle- sice. They end by arguing that it was
highly probable that Francis Xavier would have had this gift, inasmuch as it
had been given to the Apostles to enable them to be of use to those to whom
they were sent, and the power of being understood by many of different
languages at the same time seemed necessary to them, so also as this servant of
God was sent to the East for the salvation of its peoples, it seems to follow
that as in other respects he had received the spirit of the Apostles, so also
in this respect he should be like unto them.
(3.) Disputes at
Amanguchi between Cosmo Torres and the Bonzes.
We had prepared a
translation of the letter of Joam Fernandez to Francis Xavier, giving an
account of the questions proposed at Amanguchi to Father Torres, and of the
father’s answers. But want of space compels us to sacrifice this interesting
document, with many others. It seems to have been used by the author of the
Histoire de I’Eglise de Japon, and we may refer to the English translation
(1705), t. i. p. I20seq.
FROM THE LAST RETURN
OF FRANCIS TO INDIA TO HIS DEATH AT SAN CHAN.
/
Rapid and active as were the movements of Francis
Xavier at all times of his life, when he had once come to a decision as to the
course which it was the will of God that he should immediately pursue, the
swiftness, energy, and industry which cha- , racterized him from the time that
he had grown prematurely grey under his labours and privations in Japan seem
wonderful even in him. It may well have astonished the Portuguese mariners of
the time that he should have reached Cochin within very little more than two
months after his departure from Fucheo. Except during the five days of terrible
tempest which gave him the occasion to display so many features of Christian
charity in ^ the voyage from Japan to San Chan, the winds and seas seem almost
to have been at his command. He stayed, as we have seen, but a few days at
Malacca. Francesco Perez and Joam 1 Bravo would tell him of the news
from India, which showed him how greatly his presence was required there ; and
indeed, if he met at Malacca the letter from Ignatius appointing him Provincial
Superior, he would have needed no other spur to hasten his steps towards the
country where so many of his subjects were awaiting his direction. He made his
arrangements with Diego Pereira for the expedition to China with great dispatch,
and their arrangements required that he should be once more at Malacca before
the summer was far advanced. He had j thus not many weeks to spare before he
must be again on his I way to the furthest East.
He had been absent
from India not far short of three years I —a long time from the active,
bustling, and changeful existence
■ of. the Portuguese settlers in Asia. He
had left Don Garcia de I Sh. Governor of the Indies. Garcia de Sk had died
about the time that Francis had reached Cagoxima, and had been sue-
ceeded by Jorge
Cabral, a gallant officer, who, as Faria y Sousa tells us, hesitated to accept
the charge, expecting to be soon superseded by the arrival of a new Governor
sent direct from Portugal.1 In fact, before the end of the following
year, 1550, Don Alfonso de Norona arrived from Europe with the title of Viceroy
to take the government from his hands, much to the loss of India, if we may
judge from the tone of the Portuguese chronicler. The new Viceroy was the son
of the Marquis de Villa Reale, and must have known Francis Xavier when in Portugal.
At all events, he was sure to do his best to help him in all that concerned the
advancement of the faith, as far as his own powers extended.2
In many respects,
though not in all, the news which Francis might have learnt at Malacca and at
Cochin concerning the Society in India was such as might fairly rejoice his
heart. His religious brethren had been generally labouring with great success
and edification to all, while the troubles which he was called upon to remedy
were in the main the work of one or two men at the most. The general results of
the Indian mission were so satisfactory, there had been so great and so
fruitful a display of charitable selfdevotion and religious zeal, that about a
year before Francis left Japan, his friend the Bishop of Goa had written to St.
Ignatius at Rome, thanking him for the services rendered by his children, and
speaking of them in terms of the highest praise. We have already mentioned the
heroic death of Antonio Criminale, which took place while Francis was waiting
at Malacca to embark on his Japanese voyage. Another member of the Society had
been martyred on the day on which he landed at Cagoxima. This was Nunez Ribero,
whom he had sent to the Moluccas in 1548. We have seen in
1 Jorge Cabral was Capitan at Bazain at
the time of the death of Garcia de Sa, when the patents of succession were
opened, appointing him to the Governorship. Faria y Sousa (t. ii. p. 2, c. 7)
gives a long argument between Cabral and his wife Dona Lucrecia Fiallo, who
seems to have persuaded her husband to accept the office, * non siempre son
danosas las mugeres,’ says the historian.
2 Lucena
(Vida, 1. ix. c. 18) calls him ‘antigo divoto do Padre M. Francesco. '
what strong language
Francis had spoken of the immense hardships which were to be endured in the
mission of the Moluccas, and of his expectation that those islands would soon
be the scenes of martyrdom. The story of Nunez Ribero reads like a commentary
on the words of Francis. He laboured with the most boundless charity, both for
the Portuguese sailors of the ships which had to wait a certain time at
Amboyna, where he was stationed, and afterwards for the natives. He gave away
everything, even his own most necessary clothing. He lived in a state of
privation which made the external conditions of his existence almost those of
the savages to whom he was devoting himself. His life was more than once in
danger from violence, and once he had nearly lost it after a shipwreck for want
of food and shelter. He was at last poisoned at the instigation of some
Mussulmans.
We are, however,
forced to conjecture that the mission of the Moluccas was not entirely'pFosp^rous,
in the truest sense of the term. We find that two of those whom Francis had
sent thither from Malacca, when he himself was about to start for Japan, had in
some way misconducted themselves—probably they had committed some grave breach
of obedience. These two were Manuel de Moraes and Francesco Gonzalez. We also
find that Joam Beira himself was afterwards obliged to sail for India, in
order, as it seems, to transact some business of importance to his mission
with the Viceroy at Goa. At this time, therefore, the young priest Alfonso de
Castro was alone at his post in those dangerous isles.
Ormuz, at the mouth
of the Persian Gulf, had been the scene of the heroic labours and glorious
sacrifices of Gaspar Baertz, who had shown the true apostolic spirit, and
carried out most perfectly the instructions which Francis Xavier had given him.3
Gaspar was now at Goa, awaiting the time at which he had been ordered to sail
for Japan, and Father Joam Gonzales
* Father Gaspar’s work at Ormuz could not
be done justice to in less than a separate chapter. It fills fifty pages of
Bartoli’s first volume of Asia. It is one of the many collateral subjects which
want of space compels us to abandon.
Rodriguez had taken
his place at Ormuz. The most conspicuous conversion in India had been that of
the Rajah of Tanore, already mentioned, which had been mainly due to the zeal
and skill of Antonio Gomez. The movement towards a reform of manners among the
Portuguese, which had been begun by Francis himself, and urged on by the
Fathers who had arrived from Portugal in 1548 with Antonio, had been continued,
and it was now a rare thing for any one to venture on a voyage, whether for
commercial or military purposes, without first reconciling himself to God by
the reception of the sacraments. The King of Portugal had been so well pleased
with the labours of the Society, as formally to commit to the care of its
members all the seminaries of various kinds which he had founded throughout
India, and was more than ever bent on providing in Portugal for an abundant
supply of missioners for the East.
There was much,
therefore, of good tidings to greet Francis on his return from Japan. But the
picture was not altogether without its dark side. At Cochin itself, where he
was received with all demonstrations of joy and reverence, there were many
hearts sore with indignation against others of the Society. When Francis had
last visited Cochin, the inhabitants had entreated him to leave them Alfonso de
Castro, that he might begin the foundation of a college for the benefit of the
town. Francis had been unable to grant the request, but it seems to have been
renewed, as to the foundation of a college, in his absence, to the Fathers Paul
and Antonio Gomez; and as the latter had already usurped that fulness of
authority in India from which Francis had so carefully excluded him, he had
gone to Cochin himself to make arrangements in the matter. A church dedicated
to our Lady the Mother of God had been made over to him by the Confraternity to
whom it belonged; but after a time the donors repented of their gift, and asked
for the church back again. Gomez acted with a high hand. The Governor, Jorge
Cabral, was his devoted friend, and when the complaints and murmurs became
louder on his refusal to surrender the church, Gomez was not afraid to use his
influence with the secular authorities, and have the chief movers on the part
of the Con
fraternity cast into
prison. Such an act of violence was unheard of in India, and was entirely
contrary to the spirit of the Society. The first act of Francis Xavier was to
set this trouble right. He begged the Vicar and the local magistrates to meet
him, and assembled also the members of the Confraternity. Then he came before
them with the keys of the church in his hands, and throwing himself on his
knees, protested that he made no claim, nor would accept anything at all,
except what their pure bounty chose to bestow upon him, and at the same time he
asked pardon in the humblest manner for what had been done in his absence. The
whole company was moved to tears. The Confraternity immediately assembled in
formal council, and made a solemn and irrevocable donation of the church to the
Society.
Francis next punished
the two refractory members of the Society who had returned from the Moluccas,
Manuel de Moraes and Francesco Gonzalez, who seem to have been waiting at
Cochin, were sent on to Goa at the same time with the following letter.
(xc.) To Father Paul of
Camerino.
May the grace and
love of our Lord Jesus Christ always help and favour us ! Amen.
Father Paul,—Manuel
de Moraes and Francesco Gonzalez are leaving this to go to you. As soon as they
arrive and you have read this letter, you must go to his Lordship the Bishop at
his palace, and tell him that you give back and restore to his authority the
first mentioned father, who on account of his priestly character is specially
subject to him, being no longer under the obedience of any religious society,
inasmuch as I have informed you by letter that he is duly released from his
vows and | dismissed from the Society. Let his Lordship therefore make I use of
this subject, gifted with considerable talents for the eccle-* siastical
ministry, entirely as he pleases, with full right, since! the Society has cut
him off from her own body, and given him,
back to his
Lordship’s authority with full liberty; you must then tell Moraes himself that
you dismiss him from the Society having received orders to do so from me. You
must also send away Francesco Gonzalez, and tell him too that henceforth he
must consider himself independent of us. You must’ not allow these two to live
at the College any longer, or to have any intercourse with our brothers, even
of acquaintance and conversation. It is very painful to me that they have done
things which oblige me to come to this extreme decision, and what is more
grievous still, I very much fear that they are not the only subjects to whom I
must show the same severity. God our Lord knows how pierced to the heart with
anguish I am in writing you this letter.
I had hoped on
returning hither to enjoy a little repose from the many toils I have undergone
elsewhere, but now, instead of consolations, I find more distressing troubles
: suits undertaken out of wrongheaded excitement, quarrels, public differences,
which cause offence to the people, and the like. These things are not indeed
what I recommended when absent. As far as I see, many obey imperfectly or not
at all. May God be praised for ever, and in all things !
You must write to
Melchior Gonzalez, who is at Bazain, ,telling him to go at once to Goa, for I
order him to do so. You must receive Balthasar Nunez into the house, and keep
him there until my arrival. Do not receive a yOuth named Thomas Gonzalez, who
is starting for Goa, until I come. Tell him, however, in the mean time, that if
he wishes to serve God in the Society he must go to the Hospital, and there
wait on the sick until I arrive, which, by God’s grace, I hope will be soon. Go
and visit the Bishop from me, and kiss his hand in my name. Tell him that I
long above all things to present myself to his illustrious Lordship, hoping to
receive sweet fruit and consolation to my soul from his most delightful
company, and that I hope then to express by word of mouth how obliged I am to
him for all his favours and kindnesses, which have been too great for me ever
to repay or even sufficiently to estimate. I have a great longing to see again
our brothers at Goa, and
i especially our
fathers, from whose conversation I expect no j little consolation. Adieu.
Yours entirely in
Jesus Christ,
Cochin,
Feb. 4, 1552. FRANCIS.
Early in February,
Francis himself arrived at Goa. A large numbers of fathers and other members of
the Society were awaiting him at the College of Santa Fib, for several had
been admitted in his absence by Father Paul of Camerino; others had come to
Goa, as Gaspar Baertz, in consequence of letters from 1 himself, or from some
other cause, and no less than twelve had j arrived from Portugal in the
preceding year. Francis on landing proceded first to the hospitals of the city
to visit the sick—his general custom when he returned from a distance— and
thence to the monasteries of other religious orders. After this he went on to
Santa F£, where he was received with tears of joy and devotion. After embracing
the fathers and brothers 1 collected at the door, he asked if they
had any one in the house who was sick. He was told that there was one, whose
life was despaired of by the doctors. He went up at once to the sick man’s
cell, laid his hand upon his head, read a Gospel over him, and gave him his
blessing. The sick man, who had heard of his arrival, and had been praying to
see him, recovered almost, immediately, and lived for many years afterwards.
The majority of those
assembled at Santa Fb had never ' seen the grey-haired man of five and forty
whom they received with so much reverence. We may gather from what Francis I
wrote to St. Ignatius about reserve in admitting novices in India, that there
had been somewhat too much of freedom used j in this respect by the good Father
Paul of Camerino, and, indeed, one of the first things done by Francis Xavier
on this visit to Goa, was to send away a number of novices whom he judged
useless for the Society. Some of those, however, who had entered the order at
Goa during his absence were noted for their services in after time. These were
Simon de Vera and Fernand de Osorio, both of whom died in the Moluccas after
very great labours in the cause of religion. Another, Pedro de
Alcageva, was to
become famous for the care with which he brought home to India the body of
Francis Xavier himself, as well as for many years of most faithful
ministrations to the young boys of the College. Simon Rodriguez had sent
thirteen from Lisbon, many of whom afterwards rendered glorious services to
religion. Melchior Nunez Barreto, a priest, was the Superior of all on the
voyage. He had two brothers in the Society, one of whom was Joam Nunez Barreto,
the Patriarch of Ethiopia. Melchior had been eight years in the Society when he
left Portugal, having entered religion on the same day on which he had received
the cap of Doctor in the University •of Coimbra. We shall find Francis
selecting him at once for an important post at Bazain. The same may be said of
Father Antonio Eredia, who was at first appointed by Francis to be the Rector
at Cochin, and afterwards transferred to a still more laborious work at Ormuz,
where he displayed the same heroic charity which Gaspar Baertz had learnt from
the instructions and examples of Francis himself. There was another Father
Manuel de Moraes or Moralez, to take the place of him whom Francis had just
dismissed. The number was made up by Gonsalvo Rodriguez, Cristoval de Costa,
Melchior Diaz, and Alexio Madeira, all of whom seem to have been priests. The
rest were brothers, though some of them were afterwards ordained. One Brother,
Jorge Nunez, lost his life during the voyage, having caught a dangerous disease
while attending on the sick.
The College of Santa
F&, as has been already hinted, had been seriously injured by the Rector,
Antonio Gomez, and Francis found the city full of complaints on that score.
Antonio seems to have brought from Europe his own ideas about the proper
management of a College, drawn from the University of Paris and the College of
Coimbra. We have seen that Francis Xavier had thought it best to leave the
arrangement of the College entirely in his hands. Antonio used his power
without any moderation, and his manner was as haughty and peremptory as his
measures were violent. First the order of time and the domestic arrangements
were changed ; then a severe accuracy
and perfection of
regularity were exacted, under pain of sharp punishments, of the lads of the
Seminary, as if they had been the novices of a religious order, rather than children
but recently acquainted with the elements of the Christian faith. Disorders and
discontent broke out among their ranks ; complaints were made to persons
outside the College; some boys ran away, or tried to scale the walls by night
At last Antonio Gomez dismissed the entire number of boys who remained, and
filled the College with children of the Portuguese. The whole city was
Lscandalized; but Antonio was strong in the support of the existing Governor,
Jorge Cabral, and for the time nothing could '•be done. Father Paul of
Camerino, forbidden by Francis iXavier himself to interfere with Gomez in the
management of jthe College, could do nothing, and Gomez had even practically
[Jusurped the power which belonged of right to Paul himself, and Sassumed the
government of the whole Society in India.4 I Gomez seems to have had
other faults, at which the bio- praphers of Francis only hint. He was a
hot-brained man, I given to prophecies and fanciful prognostications, some of
which jpe was obliged publicly to apologize for. His great favour with Torge
Cabral, certain unpopular acts of whom were attributed I :o his counsels,
brought about a strong set of popular feeling jligainst him when the new
Viceroy had been installed, and
I 4
Bartoli (Asia, t. i. p. 321, 322) tells the story in a somewhat different
flvay, saying that Gomez had begun his innovations, as well as claimed
kuthority even to cocrce by force any who resisted his will, before Francis
kavier left India for Japan in 1549. He says that Francis then deposed rim, but
that Gomez, strongly supported by some official personages, who loped by his
means to recover the favour of the king which they had for- eited, managed to
get himself retained in Goa, and even confirmed in his Luthority in the
College. It is always hazardous to differ from Bartoli, yho, besides being an
accurate writer, had access to documents—which, however, he seldom quotes—which
may not be accessible to us. Still it ippcars that the letters of Francis,
which are our best guide in such maters, do not lead us to suppose any violent
outbreak on the part of Gomez before the date when Francis left India in 1549.
And Bartoli, in the places o which we have referred, speaks of the Governor
Jorge Cabral as the ijeat support of the innovating Rector. Jorge Cabral did
not succeed as governor till after Francis Xavier left for Japan. It is,
however, quite possible that Bartoli may be right, as his account is not
absolutely inconsistent with the letters to which we refer.
t
when the late
Governor was on his way to Portugal, and so could not himself bear the odium
which, rightly or wrongly, he had incurred. Gomez, however, had still very
powerful friends at Goa. When Francis arrived, he at once deprived him of all
authority, making Gaspar Baertz Rector of the College. He then dismissed the
Portuguese lads, who had supplanted the native boys as the inhabitants of Santa
Fb. Gomez appears to have been foolish enough to endeavour to screen himself
from punishment by the intercession of his friends outside. The Viceroy himself
is said to have been interested in protecting him. Francis Xavier was not
likely to yield an inch to such influences. He determined to send Gomez away to
Diu, with peremptory orders not to move from the place without leave. Every
effort was made that he might be allowed to remain in Goa, but Francis was
absolutely inflexible, and even now made up his mind, unless he saw great
amendment, to dismiss him from the Society. He gave him, however, a chance, as
we have said, sending him to Diu, far to the north, and he may perhaps have
thought it better that he should be sent to Europe before his dismissal. It
seems that he afterwards determined that he should be dismissed in India.
Antonio’s end was very miserable. He set sail, after his dismissal, for
Portugal, with some idea, as it would seem, of appealing to Ignatius Loyola;
but the ship in which he sailed was wrecked, and he lost his life.
The letters of the
fathers from India of this date speak of the joy and devotion caused in all
hearts by the presence and conversation of Francis Xavier. Melchior Nunez
speaks of him as a man who though living upon earth seemed to have his conversation
in heaven ; of his immense charity and zeal for souls, which made him ready to
do anything in the world to serve them; of his great confidence in all dangers
and trials; and of his joyous affable conversation, while at the same time he
was so recollected that it seemed as if he was in continual prayer. ‘ His great
desires for the honour of God fill me with astonishment,’ says Melchior, 1 as also his wonderful
patience in bearing with the defects of others, his humility and
condescension.’ He adds that Father Gaspar was very like Francis in his
confidence
and affability.
Francis undertook many works for the glory of God in the city, and also paid
great attention, as we are told, to the religious community under his charge,
frequently assembling them, and speaking to them on spiritual subjects, the
love of their vocation, the practice of self-knowledge and self-abasement, as
well as of all other virtues, but especially of obedience. We shall have to
insert presently some of the instructions which, as these letters tell us, he
wrote for the fathers who were going to a distance.
In truth, we now find
ourselves, as in the case of the time spent by Francis Xavier among the Paravas
and in Travancor, at a period of his life the narrative of which might be very
short except for the abundance of the letters and instructions which remain to
us from his pen. He seems to have remained at Goa till the time came for him to
sail for Cochin, there to embark for Malacca, and the intervening weeks are
marked by very few incidents. But he was now, more than at any time of his
life, chiefly occupied with the arrangement of the province confided to his
care by St. Ignatius. The Provincial Superiors of the Society are usually fixed
within the limits of their government, and find little time to devote
themselves to external works for the advancement of religion. Francis Xavier,
however, had to provide for the administration of his province during what
might perhaps be as long an absence as that which had been ended by his return
from Japan. The Society had suffered much during that last absence, and it was
his duty, as well as his anxiety, to provide against the recurrence of such
troubles. The extraordinary circumstances of the case, under which he had to
discharge the functions of an Apostle as well as of a religious Superior,
abundantly account for all that he did, and we shall see that Ignatius Loyola
himself considered —while he was as yet ignorant of the fact—that if he had
gone to China he had done what he was prompted to do by the Holy Ghost.
Afterwards, when Melchior Nunez was Provincial, and . left India for Japan,
Ignatius did not approve it. We must look on it as a Providential blessing,
that Francis Xavier was called to a distance so soon after entering more
formally
than before on the
regular duties of a Superior. We have thus I gained what we might otherwise
have lost, the detailed instruc-| tions in writing which he gave to more than
one of his religious I subjects at this time. Put by the side of his long
instruction I to Gaspar Baertz, already inserted, and with certain passages |
of his letters, these instructions may be said almost to form a code for the
guidance of religious workers and religious Superiors. They are among the
purest effusions of his loving and tender heart, of his heavenly wisdom, of his
wonderful experi-j ence of men, and they show us in a particular manner the
identity of his spirit as to all matters relating to religious life with that
of St. Ignatius himself. At the time when Francis' left Europe, the rules of
the Society were unwritten, except as to its great principles, and the system
of government, necessarily the result of experience growing into form as the
order developed, was as yet in its infancy, except, again, as to its
principles. Yet we find the most perfect harmony between the instincts of
Francis Xavier as expressed in these instructions, and the system of Ignatius
as unfolded in the Constitutions.
These considerations
may excuse us if we arrange the letters and documents of this time not quite in
their chronological order, though we shall depart but little in this respect
from the ordinary arrangement. But it may be well to group together the letters
to the same persons, or to the same class of persons. We shall begin with a
short series of letters addressed to the father lately mentioned, Melchior
Nunez, whom Francis sent to take charge of the mission and College at Bazain.
The College, of which mention has already been made,5 seems now to
have been handed over to the Society, and to have had considerable revenues
attached to it for charitable and missionary purposes. The first part of the
letter which now follows is the formal document by which Melchior is appointed
Superior.
* (PP- 89. *75-)
(xci.) To Father Melchior Nunez
Barreto.
I, Francis, knowing well, Father Melchior
Nunez, your virtue and prudence, and confiding therein, command that this whole
house of Bazain be subject to you, and by my authority I order you to take in
hand the government of this entire community, and the receipt and
administration of the revenues belonging to this house assigned for the
maintenance of the members of our Society who are dispersed in different
parts. I command that from the day you duly enter upon the possession of this
government which I commit to you, not only all the fathers and brothers residing
at Bazain shall recognize you as their Rector, and obey you i absolutely as
such, but also the members of the Society who may come thither occasionally on
their way to Diu; or elsewhere, as long as they remain, are to be subject to
your authority, unless it be shown by a paper in my own handwriting that I, or
that the Rector of the house of Santa F6 at Goa, have exempted them. During my
absence you will obey the said Rector as you would obey our Father Ignatius.
This is my deliberate order, and as a signification and proof of this my will,
I sign this paper with my own hand.
Goa,
College of St. Paul, Feb. 29, 1552. Francis.
I will add here the
advice and orders which I should wish you to follow in the fulfilment of your
office.
I will begin by the
care of the revenues, which the King and the Governors of India in his name
have generously granted to the Society, not only for the wants of our members
at Bazain, but also for those here at Goa and the residences depending upon it.
In the first place, I wish you diligently to find out from Melchior Gonzalez,
who has now for a long time been charged with collecting and spending these
revenues, exactly how much of such money he has received, what has been actually
paid, what remains to his account; and you must give me an exact report in
writing of what you thus discover, as I am anxious to know it. Tell me also
with perfect exactness precisely the sum in specie that the same Father
Gonzalez may hand over to you when you enter on your office.
Next, in disposing of
these sums, you ought to have great consideration for the needs of our brethren
here, and of the
j VOL. II. DD
house of
Goa, which is burthened with debt, as well as the residences of Cochin,
Coulan, and Comorin, which all receive, or rather expect to receive, their
support from Goa. Our unfor- * tunate brethren there ask for aid oftener than
they receive it, and for the most part are forced to battle for a length of
time with destitution, my intimate knowledge of which makes me very miserable.
Although his Highness amongst his many charities has granted them certain
pensions, yet these are generally! not paid, on account of the embarrassments
of the treasury,! pensions on which are but niggardly discharged in this
country. So I consider it just that you should spend, out of the annual rents
you have received or are to receive at Bazain, just what mere necessity
requires for the food and clothing of your own | community, without going
beyond such necessity; and I beg of you, in the name of God’s service and of
charity, to bear in mind that it is not right that you and yours, because you
are j at the source of our supplies, should enjoy a superabundance J, whilst
our brethren, who bear the burthen and heat of the day,! and who have just as
much right to what comes from that source, being far off, are forced to
grow'old before the time in misery and squalor. I beg of you therefore to cut
things down even to the quick, so as to be able to have a considerable sum over
and above your own wants to pass on to those charged with the administration of
the College of Goa, who may employ it in aiding our brethren of Cape Comorin,
Coulan, and Cochin, who are spreading the kingdom of Jesus Christ with infinite
labour and suffering; so that if any thought of building where you are should
rise 'in your mind, beware of doing so, without seeing an actual and absolute
necessity. 1
Moreover, with regard
to the daily expenses of yourself and of our brethren and the pupils of the
Seminary, use suchj 1 frugality as may allow the expenditure to be
as small as pos- | sible. But understand that I do not by this enjoin on you to
, be parsimonious in an odious and unbecoming degree. I even :
forbid you positively to retrench anything from the real neces- 1
sities of the house and its inmates; all I ask is, that considering and pitying
the extreme distress under which the evangelical •
labourers (especially
on the Coast of Comorin) are suffering, you should, out of charity, limit
yourself to what is absolutely required, until at least there is some provision
made for the wants of this much afflicted Church. I say, with the tears in my
eyes, that many children die there unbaptized, simply be
> cause funds are wanting to enable our
priests to exist in the poorest manner. If they were on the spot, and able to
be ! going about incessantly, as they ought, everywhere round those most
unfortunate settlements, they would always be in time to 1 regenerate the
children to Christ before their death.
With regard to the
way of collecting your rents, this is what I thought of advising: it does not
seem suitable that you should collect them yourself, or by any of ours. You
must use the services of one or more of your lay friends, making them, as it 1
were, your procurators for this business. In the first place, make your choice
of good pious men, regular in their religious duties,
1 for the purpose—men
who, in common life, are considered just and upright, and show their piety by
frequenting the sacraments of Confession and Communion. It would even be
advisable to give these persons some meditations to make, out of those of ' the
First Week of the Spiritual Exercises. I am, in the next place, desirous that
wealthy people with some property of their own should be made choice of for
this matter, if there be any such to choose from. My reason for preferring them
to a poorer class is chiefly that a great part of income of this sort has to be
gathered from people of small means, such as artisans, who barely live by the
daily work of their hands; most of them are unable to pay at the given time, and
if the collectors do not allow the payment to stand over, the poor men are
prosecuted at great loss to themselves; but they will easily get indulgence
from wealthy men, especially if they are virtuous and inclined to be merciful;
and such men can easily advance the money out I of their own substance, looking
to receive it in due time, while • men of smaller means are inexorable,
exacting the rigour of the
1 law, taking pledges, and seizing 4the
property of their unfortu- inate debtors if they have not ready money at hand
to pay at
I the given time.
But, above all, for
the ardent longing you have to obey and be pleasing to God our Lord, I beg and
entreat of you to give no one any offence or just cause of complaint. You will
do as I wish if the people see that you are always modest, humble, quite
removed from all kind of pretension. So you ought to begin your government, by
giving proofs to the world of your profound abasement, fulfilling openly the
most humble employments in the hospitals and prisons, ministering to the poor,
teaching the ignorant people and young children. These works please all, and
will endear you at once to the people, and when they have conceived an
affection for you they will not easily be inclined to interpret badly your
words and actions. Be careful, however, after having made a good beginning, not
to let yourself j grow weary, out of confidence in your past successes. But go
on generously, making it your aim to become more and more perfect, and let the
people see that this is your determination. If your industry slackens, you
cannot remain where you were in favour and grace; you will sink to a lower
level than that from whence you rose, since in these matters if any one ceases
to advance, he is carried backwards even against his will.
The next letter to
Nunez is a few weeks later. He was a very successful missioner at Bazain,
labouring indefatigably for the improvement of the Christians and the
conversion of the heathen, and spending a large part of the night in prayer,
and in the day preparing his sermons. He preached, we are told, twice on
Sundays and feasts, and four times during the week besides; his sermons
produced great conversions, and he had often, on leaving the pulpit, to devote
the rest of the day to hearing the confessions of those who were brought to
repentance by what he had said. We find Francis commending his method of preparation
and preaching, which he must have submitted to him by letter, and also
acquiescing in his difficulties about appropriating the revenues of his
College, which seems to have been liberally endowed by the King, to the needs
of other houses. This is a sufficient commentary on the two letters which
follow.
(xcn.) To Father Melchior
Nunez.
I beg you most
earnestly and desire of you that, for the love which you bear to Jesus Christ,
and for the desire which you have for the glory of God, you make it your study
everywhere to be ‘ a good savour’ of Christ, and set yourself as an ex; ample
of all virtues to the city in which you are, and avoid altogether giving any
offence to the people. You will succeed i in what I say, if moderation and
Christian humility shine out in all you do. So at the beginning you must
exercise yourself i diligently in humble and abject offices, and then the
people of the town will be won to you in this manner, and will take whatever
you do in good part; much more, of course, if they see that you persevere in
the cause with daily increased ardour. Wherefore I earnestly pray you not to
forget your own progress i in virtue : for you are well aware that one who does
not make progress in virtue, goes backwards.
I again, then, ask of
you and beg of you for the sake of God, let your example excite the people to
piety. If you are well furnished with humility of mind and with prudence, I do
not doubt that you will both reap good results from your labours and become a
really good preacher. Humility and prudence are the parents and teachers of
many great deeds. You must visit very often the hospitals and the prisons.
These offices of i Christian humility, besides that they are pleasing to God
and helpful to men, have also the effect of making people esteem highly those
who practise them and respect them much, even though they have not the office
of preachers nor any facility of preaching.
You must diligently
gain to yourself and keep as diligently the love of the Commandant, the Vicar,
the clergy, the Brethren of Mercy, the King’s magistrates, and indeed the whole
city. This general regard is of great moment to enable missioners to turn in the
right direction the wills of men, both by preaching and by hearing confessions,
and paying visits. It is my great desire that in your work of cherishing and
increasing this new
Christian community,
you should be aided by the authority and assistance of the Commandant, the
Vicar, and the Brethren of the Confraternity of Mercy. Take pains, therefore,
that whatever increase may accrue to the worship of God by means of you be all
attributed to their exertions. Thus it will be that they will give more help to
your endeavours, and hinder them less. You will also gain another thing—that in
your difficulties and contentions you will have many more friends and
protectors, and fewer adversaries, or rather none at all. For who will venture
to attack you, when you are known to be covered by the protection of men of
such position ? So if at any time you are writing to the King of Portugal about
the propagation of the faith, you must make honourable and grateful mention of
their remarkable zeal for Christian interests, and if you think well you may
show them your letters, and by all means ask the King to let them know that
their good offices towards us and towards religion have been very pleasing to
his Highness, and to speak in the letters in approbation of their zeal in such
a way, as to attribute to them chiefly, after God, all the increase that has
been made in the divine worship and the Christian religion.
You must never write
to the King except about matters relating to religion, and to the conversion
of the heathen. As to all other matters, you ought to write to the Society in
Portugal. In order to avoid giving offence to people, I should wish you not to
collect the revenues of the College and of the new converts, either in person
or through any other of the Society, if this can be avoided, but rather by
means of some pious man fit for the commission. For I do not suppose it would
be difficult to find some wealthy person to act as agent, so that he may
neither manage the business at any risk to our income, nor be too vexatious in
his exaction from the poor. Such a man you should instruct in meditation on
divine truths, then lead him on to frequent the sacraments, and then, with his
own goodwill desire, set over the business of which I speak. May God in His
goodness unite us in Heaven !
Goa, April.
(xcm.) To Father Melchior
Nunez, at Bazain.
May the grace and
love of Jesus Christ our Lord be ever with us to help and favour us ! Amen.
A namesake of yours,
Melchior Gonzalez, has given me your letter, which I have read with no small
pleasure. May God give you the grace to scatter a ‘ good odour’ on Society
where you are, now that there is so much feeling of offence against us among
the people there. I pray and conjure you with all the earnestness I can, by all
the desire which you have to serve and please God our Lord, take the most
efficacious means in your power to concilitate people to yourself and to the
Society, and to leave nothing undone, however difficult, that comes in your way
to do to this end. If you are humble and prudent, I am in great hopes that by
God’s help you will gain great fruit there. I send to you from this Francesco
Enriquez, that he may stay at Tana with Manuel. Osorio may remain with you for
household duties, and Barreto to teach reading and writing; you yourself,
meanwhile, being occupied in spiritual ministrations, and in conversing piously
and holily with men of all sorts, as well as in explaining the Christian
doctrine and in preaching.
As for your sermons,
I have been very much pleased with what you write to me as to your system of
preparation, as to the form and whole method which you have determined to
follow in them. I think you should keep to this method, and practise yourself
in the manner you suggest as often as possible, for I hope in good confidence
that the favour of God will not be wanting to you, that if you are humble you
will turn out a great preacher. Send Francesco Lopez to this College by the
first ship which sails hitherwards from you. Take care often to read over the
written instructions I have given you as to the way of carrying on the
advancement of the Gospel where you are. You will learn many other things from
you own practice and the experience of events, if you are humble and prudent,
if you carefully watch what occurs, considering and comparing all with the
advice and orders which you have received from hence. Fran
cesco Enriquez is to
live at Tana, whither he is now sent, under your authority. I should wish you
to give him an order of obedience most diligently to avoid giving offence to
any one, and to show himself meek and signally patient on all occasions. You
must also inquire from others, by means of watchers whom you can trust, whether
he or any one else of ours give to anybody a just cause ot offence. If you find
that it is so, meet the matter at once without delay, applying some fitting
remedy to the evil. Thus it is that I would have you watch first over yourself,
and then over others. But if you should find any one of ours guilty of a'
serious sin which goes so far as to give public scandal, and to irritate the
people against us not altogether without reason, then at once dismiss him from
the Society; for I now from this moment consider as dismissed those whom you
may dismiss. For I have so much confidence in your prudence, that I am certain
that no one will be sent away by you except for just cause.
As to the annual
income of your College, take care that it is spent rather in the building up of
spiritual temples than of those which are sensible and material. Of this second
class of sacred buildings, which have to be raised up of wood or stone, you
must spend money upon none, except such as are absolutely necessary, such as
you cannot refuse to build without the very gravest public inconvenience. If
any plans of building are set before you with no other recommendation than that
they will improve the splendour of decoration or present a more stately
outside, decline them on the ground that it is requisite to postpone them to
more urgent calls, and they can well be put off to more convenient times.
Whatever you may have over and above from your income, spend, as I told you, in
educating native boys in wholesome knowledge and good manners. For these are
spiritual temples in which God is better honoured than in others, since when
these boys have grown up to be men, they will by means of their good example,
and by spreading the teaching which has been given them, be instruments for God
of matters which most greatly concern His glory and the salvation of men.
A few days ago I sent
you from hence Paul of Guzerat, who has been a pupil of this College for many
years. He is a good speaker in the language of the people, and is sufficiently
furnished with learning to teach the elements of the faith to the Christian
natives. He would also be able to preach usefully to the people, if some of
ours who are not so ready as he is in the vernacular would supply, as occasion
requires, his lack of fuller erudition, by putting his arguments in proper
shape and giving him matter for his sermons.
I quite approve of
what you say in your letter about the revenue of the College, that you think we
should faithfully take care that it be spent according to the intention of the
King, as signified in the document of its foundation. That is just what I also
wish by all means to be done, both because it is an obligation of justice to do
so, and in order that the people may not be scandalized, seeing—which God
forbid—that this is neglected. But after you have abundantly provided for the
needs of all the poor who are at Bazain, according to the prescription of the
royal diploma, then, if there is any surplus, there can be no doubt that it
would be rightly spent, and spent not against the King’s will, in contributing
to the aid of the poor boys we have here, especially those who are natives of
Bazain, and those who may hereafter be useful there, as we see in the instance
of this Paul of Guzerat. So if out of the collection of clothes which is
usually distributed every year from the funds of your College to the poor at
Bazain you have any bundles of stuff which are not wanted by the people there,
you may send I them to us, if at least this can be done without any complaint i
or offence on the part of any one. For we have here a seminary , full of lads,
for whose clothing the arrival of such a present would be very convenient—on
the condition, however, as I said, that nothing at all be taken away from any
of the poor at Bazain, who have the first right to the benefit of this bounty
of his Highness. You must see, therefore, that the wants and desires of all
these are faithfully satisfied, in order that our consciences may be free from
burthen and for the greater service of God. If, when this obligation has been
fulfilled, no
crumbs remain for you
to scatter in this direction, then we will make up our minds to bear
contentedly the absence of such aid.
For the rest, apply
yourself entirely to the exercise of preaching and of hearing confessions,
visiting and consoling the sick in the hospital, and the prisoners in the gaol,
and in other like works of charity to your neighbour, being always ready to run
to all duties of the kind as often as you are invited to them by the managers
of the Confraternity of Mercy, whose special business they are. If you
practise such ministrations with charity and humility, the result will be, by
the good gift of God, that you will have favour and authority with the
citizens, and however little natural eloquence you may possess, yet that
little which you are able to bring to bear will do much, because it will be
strengthened by the companionship of zeal and modesty, and by means of it you
will produce a great movement among the minds of the people, and gather in very
rich fruits. Only take care—and this I press upon your attention again and
again—take care to keep up the closest union and friendship with the Bishop’s
Vicar and the other priests in the place, with the Commandant, the magistrates,
and the King’s officials, and conduct yourself prudently, kindly, humbly, and
with thorough goodwill towards the whole population. Believe me, the best hope
of success in preaching is not to be placed in exquisite learning, or elegant diction,
or in display, or in a sort of scenic exhibition of eloquence. The head and sum
of the art lies in being approved of by those whom you address, and in pleasing
them, and in gaining the keys of their hearts before you knock at the doors of
their ears. If your audience love you, you will persuade them to do whatever
you will, and you will easily win a great many souls to God if you never
alienate any one from yourself.
Next September, at
which time I hope to be at Malacca, let me find full and copious letters to
meet me there from you, informing me distinctly and minutely of the fruit of
your ministrations. You should write also to the fathers of this College, and
of course much oftener, on account of your near neigh
bourhood and of the
multitude of persons who pass from the one place to the other. May our Lord God
bring us together in the glory of Paradise ! Amen.
Your brother in
Christ,
Goa, April
3, 1552. FRANCIS.
We may place next in
order a letter addressed to the father who had been sent to Ormuz to take the
place of Gaspar Baertz. We know but little of him, and even his name is variously
given. He seems either to have been admitted into the Society in India by
Father Paul, or to have come from Spain, and not from Portugal in the usual way.
It would appear that he had shown himself at Ormuz rather as a disciple of
Antonio Gomez in some of his less mischievous characteristics than a follower
of Master Gaspar. He was likely to give offence and go wrong unless he was
corrected betimes. Francis Xavier, therefore, speaks to him with the utmost
plainness, and even threatens him with dismissal from the Society, while at the
same time he assures him that he believes him to be strong enough in virtue not
to take the reprehension badly. We are glad to know that this Joam Gonzalez
Rodriguez lived to serve the cause of religion with great earnestness and
success.
(xciv.) To Father Joam Gonzalez
Rodriguez.
God our Lord knows
how much I should have preferred to converse with you face to face rather than
write to you from a distance. There are many things which can be treated much
more quickly and more effectually by word of mouth than by letters, always so
slow in themselves, and silent in the event of an unforeseen objection. I was
delighted to hear what I did of you from persons who had recently left you, but
I should have felt rather more joy if I had received from their hands a letter
from you, telling me of the fruits of your labours at Ormuz, or, to speak more
modestly, the fruits which God has vouchsafed to produce through you, as also
those which He would produce if He could trust you more fully, but which He
is compelled not to
bring about, in consequence of the opposition He meets with from the faults
and imperfections by which you oppose His desires. These obstacles on your part
hinder Him from manifesting Himself by you. You ought to accuse yourself
unceasingly of this impediment to grace, and to grieve in humiliation and
penance that by your own fault you are not a fitting instrument in the hand of
God for the great and glorious works which He had prepared. Hence there is an
immense loss, for which you alone are to blame, both of glory, which would have
gone back to God were it not for you, and of spiritual fruit in the souls under
your charge, from falling on which divine graces and blessings very great and
without number are hindered, simply because you are not what you ought to be.
Dwell -therefore diligently on the thought of the very severe account which
will be required of you at the day of the last great judgment of all the good
things which God was desirous of bestowing and was ready to give, but which you
have hindered Him from giving.
One thing I command
you absolutely—to be very obedient to the Bishop’s Vicar, so as neither to
preach, nor hear confessions, nor celebrate mass without his approbation and
consent; and never forget that this is not my advice only, but my order. You
are forbidden (in virtue of holy obedience) to disagree with the Vicar
Episcopal from any cause whatever, or even to have any quarrel with him. Labour
with all zeal at those occupations which you can discharge in peace and harmony
with him. I am confident, on account of what I think of his virtue and charity,
that if he sees you humble and obedient, he will be more ready to grant you
liberally the faculties which you require than you will be to ask for them. You
must show great veneration and respect to the other priests; carefully avoid
ever showing a low opinion of any, or giving the slightest offence by contemptuous
conduct. Make all your friends, and give them the example of perfect obedience
to the Vicar Episcopal—that so the whole people may learn to emulate the
priests in paying that full and entire obedience to the Vicar which is due. I
would have you think so much of the
fruit of such an
example as to be convinced that by showing others this humility you will do
them much more good than by a hundred sermons. Be careful to avoid all
singularity, showing yourself off to the world, and seeking to catch popular
favour ; rather let it be seen that you turn with horror from all aiming at
fame and vainglory. A great many members of our Society have suffered very much
from this ostentation and vain desire to appear singularly perfect. I have sent
away several from the Society since my return from Japan, because I found them
infected with this fault amongst others. Take heed to yourself to be diligent
to avoid committing such a fault, which might lead to your being dismissed
also. In order to live in the Society with those sentiments of humility which
are suitable to it, bear in mind how much more necessary the Society is to you
than you to the Society. Watch then, always, never to forget yourself; if any
one forgets himself, can one hope that he will be mindful of others ? I write
these lines inspired by my real and tender love towards you, and because I hear
frequent little bits of bad news that you are observed to be less humble, less
inclined to obey, than is needful for the example which you should give to the
people of Ormuz.
I have begged Master
Gaspar to write to you, because he knows the town and inhabitants of Ormuz by
great experience, gained by the long sojourn he has made there; and I hoped
that he could give you good and useful advice touching your conduct in that
place as suits the interest of the greater service of our Lord God. You ought
then to have the same respectful feeling as to his letters that you have as to
mine. I say more, —I command you to comply with the advice his letters contain,
as if I had written them myself, and to obey the orders they may contain. I
wish you not to let yourselfbe entangled in cases of marriage, nor ever to
absolve, without the counsel and consent of the Vicar Episcopal, those who have
contracted clandestine alliances; and I command you thus in virtue of holy
obedience. When Master Gaspar went to Ormuz, I gave him in writing certain
rules to follow when there. I hear he left you a copy of these instructions at
Ormuz. I beg you to
read it over every
week, so that you may always have fresh in your memory the precepts therein
collected, and that your actions may be guided thereby. I feel sure that this
will help you to walk according to a sure method in the service of God. I
So much am I
convinced that the interest of God’s greater I service requires you to show
perfect obedience and submission to the Vicar, that I order you, by virtue of
holy obedience, as soon as you receives this letter so enjoining you, to go and
kneel down before him, and humbly implore him to forgive you all the acts of
disobedience and other faults besides by which you have grieved him up to this
time. You must then kiss his hand, declaring that in so doing you do what I
have ordered you to do. At the same time let him tell you what he wishes you to
do, and you must obey his orders scrupulously. That this perfect unity between
you and the Vicar Episcopal may not be of short duration, but remain good and
firm always, you must visit him once a week and kiss his hand, as a pledge both
of your submission and obedience to him. Take care never to fail in this duty,
even if your nature rebels, and though you are obliged to do violence to your
judgment and inclination in performing it. For all this must be done, in order
to confound the malice of the devil, the father of discord and disobedience.
Be careful in
preaching never to attack or wound any one, directly or by allusion, nor to put
forth opinions and doctrines with too much refinement or speculation in them,
or such as to show off learning. Leave all quibbles and affectation of that
kind, and speak of the sins which are most commonly committed in the town;
attack them with an ardent zeal for the divine glory, but with a modesty equal
to your zeal. Do not reprove in your sermons even public sinners, known to be
such, and taking no pains to hide their sins. Seek them in private, and give
them fraternal advice.
In all
your conduct consider this, that it will give me more pleasure to hear that you
have obtained the very smallest result, even such as that expressed by this
line, ,
which does not cross
the whole page, without trouble or giving
offence to any one,
than that you had obtained an immense result, such as may hardly be represented
by a line stretching across the whole page, thus :
' if this great success
has to be wrung forth by noise and contention, amid the complaints of many who
consider themselves hurt, or even of a single such person. And so persuaded am
I that this is a matter of supreme importance, and so that on this depends all
hope and means of really procuring the advancement of souls for the greater
glory of God, I earnestly beg you to let all this advice sink into your heart,
and to practise it, performing all your duties, especially your sacred duties,
with calm and love and every sign of charity, with no violence or angry
aggression or contention with those opposed to you.
I wish you to write
to me at good length, telling me in minute detail the results which God has
vouchsafed to work, by your means, in the city of Ormuz. Let me know distinctly
how far you are living in a friendly manner with the Vicar, how well you get on
with the other priests, how respectful you are towards them, and how they in
return show you affection; and lastly, how much favour you are in with the
people, or whether, on the contrary, there be any uncomfortable reports or
complaints current against you. Send your letter to Goa; for though I have
settled to be leaving in three weeks, I will tell the fathers of the College to
take care to send it on to China, whither I am going. I shall long to receive
it, and I shall hope for great delight from its telling me the good news which
I wish to hear.
With God’s grace, the
affairs of Japan prosper wonderfully. Cosmo Torres and Joam Fernandez remain
there, devoting themselves to the instruction of the very numerous natives who
have embraced Christianity, and who are every day embracing it. Both understand
the language of the country, and by the constant use of this necessary
instrument are reaping very abundant fruits. Some of ours will go this year to
help them, and share their labours, which are so vast that I cannot express
them in writing. They surpass beyond comparison all those
(wonderful as they
may be) which the other members of the Society undergo in this country. I tell
you this that you may endeavour continually to obtain for them the Divine
assistance in your daily prayers and sacrifices. When you write to the College
of Goa, do not omit to add to the same packet a letter addressed by yourself to
his Lordship the Bishop—short, indeed, but expressing in the most marked
manner your very profound veneration and devoted submission to him, and give
him therein an account of all that you have done at Ormuz. You owe him this,
both because he is our superior and also because he is full of the greatest
charity towards us, and favours us greatly in every way in his power.
I have written to you
with so much freedom because you are a man of no common virtue and perfection;
one who thinks it a favour to be admonished, and would rather be reprehended
usefully than be fed with empty flattery and adulation, because his judgment
and good sense make him able to distinguish' between wholesome bitters and
poisonous sweets. I should have used blandishments and expressions meant to
please, if I had thought I was addressing a weak-minded and feeble person; but
I have trusted to your strength and solidity, and have not hesitated to throw
aside all dissembling, and let you see without disguise into my inmost
thoughts. Thank God, I beg of you, for having made you such that I have been
able, without imprudence, to put before you the simple truth without any
condiment The wisdom which you have acquired in so high a degree by means of
long continued progress renders it easy for you to disdain the flattery which
would seduce you to evil, and makes you prefer rather to be scolded, than to be
praised to your hurt and insincerely by people who fear to offend your weakness
and foolishness. It is well for children and beginners, but it would be an
insult to practised soldiers in God’s service to think that they required
pampering with the milk of children or the soft indulgence due to nurselings.
Believe me, I have not taken up my pen to write to you so simply and crudely
without first imploring the light of the Holy Spirit. I have felt His
inspiration moving me to write in all confidence in
that way which suits
men who are perfect, and who have passed beyond the weaknesses of beginners and
of those who are but little advanced in their career. As, by the mercy of God,
we shall soon see one another in the glory of Paradise, I will not add a word
more, save to beg you never to forget with what great love for you, as God is
my witness, I have written this letter, and so to receive it with equal tenderness
of reciprocal affection. In reading it, look to that same thing on which my
eyes were fixed as I wrote i(t; that is to say, the greater glory of
God our Lord, and the greater good of your soul, so very dear to me. Farewell.
Your brother in
Christ,
College of
Santa F&, at Goa, March 22, 1552. FRANCIS.
You must show this
letter to the lord Vicar of the Bishop.
It seems natural to
place immediately after this letter of charitable reproof, the edge of which is
taken off by the great display of affection which accompanies it, another
letter of the same kind, in which some of the expressions and arguments of the
former are reproduced. This letter is to Father Alfonso Cipriani, the pious old
Castilian, who entered the Society and came out to India as an old man, and
whom, after the design to send him as missioner to Socotra had fallen through,
Francis had appointed to labour at Meliapor. Cipriani had known Ignatius, as it
seems, at Barcelona before the latter went to Paris, and had renewed his
familiarity with him at Rome, where he had also become acquainted with many of
the first fathers of the Society. He was a man of indefatigable zeal and mortification,
and burning with desire to advance the kingdom of God. Some letters of his to
Ignatius exist, written while he was at Meliapor, where he laboured for twelve
years, until his death in 1559, when he was about seventy years of age. He
speaks in these letters of the extremely bad moral state of Meliapor,
especially of the Portuguese and ‘ old’ Christians, who seem now to have fallen
off from the fervour which had been kindled in them at the time of the visit of
Francis Xavier. He declares that Francis went to Japan and China, driven by
VOL. II. EE
the injury done to
all apostolical work by the scandalous lives of the Christians; and he says
that he himself loses four where he gains one, and that the Indians used it as
an argument against the Christian preachers, that their fellow Christians, who
were supposed to believe in and to hope for eternal good, showed themselves so
reckless in their pursuit of temporal pleasures and possessions as to hesitate
at no iniquity for the sake of securing them. As for Meliapor, he says that he
expected to see the judgment of God descend upon it; and in truth he lived to
see it visited by terrible chastisements.
Such was Alfonso
Cipriani—ready enough to complain even in violent language against the vices
and moral miseries around him, but resolute and patient withal in cultivating
the field of labour allotted to him under all possible disadvantages. He was
held in great reverence by the people, even when they did not listen to his
reproofs, and he is said to have suddenly become a very powerful preacher in
the exercise of his zeal. Unfortunately, the scandal given to the people had to
be laid at the door of some civil authorities in Meliapor, and even at that of
the Bishop’s Vicar himself. Cipriani was not a man to hold his tongue when his
heart was full, and he spoke from the pulpit against the guilty parties. It
would seem from the letter of Francis Xavier, that there was also a quarrel
between the Vicar and Father Alfonso, in which the latter had gone to law with
his ecclesiastical Superior.4 This is enough to render the following
sharp but most loving reprehension intelligible :
*
(xcv.) To Father Alfonso
Cipriani.
Very ill indeed have
you understood the directions which I gave you to be followed in Meliapor. You
show clearly what little good has remained to you,—that you have profited very
4 Bartoli,
Asia, tom. i. p. 729, gives a long account of Father Cipri-j ani (or Cipriano,
it is uncertain which), who was thought to enjoy some supernatural gifts
besides his great virtues. But he does not mention the legal proceedings, which
seem, however, implied in the letter of Francis.
little,—from your
intercourse with our blessed Father Ignatius. I blame you exceedingly for
having also taken proceedings by legal writs and actions of lawyers against the
Vicar. Ah, this is always the way in which you yield to your violent nature,
pulling down with the left hand whatever you build with the right. You must
know that I have been displeased beyond belief by the rudeness and discourtesy
with which I hear that you have behaved at Meliapor. If the Vicar does not act
as he ought, most certainly he will not be taught better by such reproofs from
you, especially when they are pressed upon him so imprudently as has been the
case now. You have been so long accustomed never to cross your own will in the
very least degree that wherever you are you offend every one, and give very
clear proofs of your intractable and churlish disposition to all who have to
deal with you. God grant that one day—even if late—you may repent of these
imprudent acts!
I entreat you, by
your love for God our Lord, to learn to control that hard and stubborn mind of
yours, and to make up by good works in the future for the faults you have
hitherto committed. And do not flatter yourself by ascribing these savage
movements of passion to natural severity of character. This is no fault of disposition,
but of extreme negligence and culpable disregard of your greatest duties, which
you owe to your own conscience and to your neighbours,—those of obedience,
moderation, and charity. If you do not believe this on my word, you may assure
yourself that you will see it most clearly at the hour of your death. I
earnestly entreat you, in the name of our blessed Father Ignatius, to
learn—during these few days remaining to you before that last hour—to learn and
to practise self possession, meekness, patience, modesty, and submission.
Understand that all things are brought about by humility. If you cannot do as
much as you wish, do what you can accomplish in quietness and goodness. In
these parts of India there is no gaining anything by violence; and the good
which might undoubtedly be done by patience, submissiveness, and moderation is
stifled in its very birth by foolish outbursts of anger, quarrelsomeness, and
violent passion. Good that is
done without offence
or disturbance, even though in itself not
greater
than this little line , is much
better and greater than
good gained in
another way, though it appears ever so much larger, so as to be expressed by a
line which reaches across the whole page.
I greatly fear that
all I have now said may not be sufficient 1 to bring you back into the right
path ; but I know, and I wish I you too to know, and I tell you beforehand for
certain, that \ when you come to pass from this life to the next you will
suffer very sharp stings of conscience for this bad and indiscreet con- 1 duct
of yours.
Francesco Gonzalez
Fernandez seems to me like you in I everything—harsh, irritable, and impatient;
you are both made I after the same type, and are in the habit of giving the
specious I names of zeal and religion to the outbreaks of your unbridled!
passions. That speech of yours certainly has a very grand I sound : ‘ What ?
can we endure in silence to see injury done | to God’s glory, and obstacles
placed in the way of saving souls ?’ How then ? do you repair that injury, or do
you heap I fresh mischief upon it, by the storm and tumult of detestable I
quarrels ? I repeat it—you will never obtain from the Vicar by threats and
contentions what you cannot obtain by modesty 1 and humility.
By that piety and
obedience which you both acknowledge I that you owe, and will not deny that you
wish to pay, to our < Father Ignatius, I beseech both of you, immediately
after reading this letter, to go to the Vicar, and, prostrate on the ground
before him, each of you humbly to ask his pardon for everything which you have
done not pleasing to him; then kiss his hand; and if you wish to give me a very
great consolation, let me hear that you have both humbled yourselves so far as
of your own accord to kiss his feet; by which you will seal by so much surer a
proof your repentance for past faults, and your promise that you will be modest
for the future, and do nothing contrary to his will while you are at Meliapor.
Believe me that to have done this will be a very great comfort to you at
the hour of death.
Put your confidence in our Lord God, and do not doubt that if your moderation
is known to all men, you will easily obtain whatever you ask which is for the
glory of God and the salvation of souls.
The manifest error of
you two, and of all like you, consists in this : you think that the mere name
of the Society of Jesus gives you a sort of hereditary right to great
consideration from every one, before you have gained it by great and remarkable
proofs of the lowliest humility. Doubtless you remember the great veneration
shown by all, both high and low, to our Father Ignatius ; and you think it just
that you should be treated by all with the same respect yourselves, although
you have given no proof at all of those virtues by which he merited such consideration.
What you should have done was first to imitate the good works of our Father,
and try to win those more excellent graces of his which moved our Lord God to
give him such favour in the sight of all men; for that is a vain and foolish
confidence of yours which leads you, who have given little or no public proof
of eminent virtue, to expect that these fruits of respect and popular favour,
which are the reward of very great self abasement, will fall to your lot who
are so forgetful of religious humility, as even to be angry if people do not
pay you this respect, and show themselves in all things obedient and submissive
to your will.
I well know that you
will be eloquent in excusing these errors, and that you would assure me that if
I were with you, I should not consider that there is any fault in all this,
sincc you only engaged in this suit from a motive of pure love of God, and zeal
for the salvation of souls. But now from this time forth I give you warning and
desire you to be fully convinced, that you will only waste your breath in
excusing this fault, however skilfully, to me; and you may rest assured that in
my opinion your cause will be certainly lost, and I add besides that by trying
to defend an action which cannot be approved you would cause me great
displeasure, in addition to your fault; and I must confess, on the contrary,
that nothing would be more delightful to me than to hear that you have
freely acknowledged
and condemned the fault you have committed in all this.
No—let the past, which
is beyond recall, be corrected, as far as possible, by penitence, and let every
precaution be taken in providing for the future. For the rest, I beg you above
all things to take great and continual pains that there may be no more suits or
contentions with the Vicar, the priests, the Governor, or any magistrates
whatever, no matter how evident and public their faults may be. I would rather
that you should apply a gentle remedy, as far as you can in conscience do so;
abstain from all remedies which cause disturbances, and are worse than the
disease itself, and do not risk losing by anger and violence all the fruit
which you might bring to maturity by humility and meekness.
So far this letter
has been written at my dictation ; in what) follows you will recognize my hand
and heart. O Cipriani! if you knew with what love I write those words to you,
you would surely remember me night and day, and it may be that you would not be
able to restrain your tears in thinking of the most tender and ardent charity burning
with which I take you to my heart. O, would to Heaven that the hidden secrets
of our hearts could be revealed in this life ! then, believe me, my brother
Cipriani, you would clearly see how deeply your name is engraved in the inmost
depths of my soul. Farewell.
Yours wholly, so that
I never can forget you,
April
1552. Francis.
The next letter is an
instruction to Father Antonio Eredia, one of those who had last arrived from
Portugal, to whom Francis at this time intrusted the mission at Cochin.
(xcvi.) To Father Antonio
Eredia.
Here are the
instructions which I prescribe to you to follow in Cochin. First of all,
endeavour as far as in you lies, by all industry, and with all your might, to
gain to yourself the love of all the people, of the priests, the religious, and
more es
pecially the brothers
and managers of the Church of our Lady the Mother of God; using the utmost
diligence, and employing all ways and means, to convince them that your only
desire is to further their wishes, and to do your part in increasing the
devotion and veneration of the people towards that holy temple of the Mother of
God. Visit them, therefore, frequently with all courtesy, and in your spiritual
necessities, doubts, and troubles, have recourse to them, and consult them with
confidence.
Make known to the
Brothers of Mercy the corporal necessities of the poor who ask your help,
pleading the cause of the sufferers before them, and obtaining from that
Confraternity the assistance which you are unable to afford yourself owing to our
want of means, which you must not conceal. Explain also to the poor, that what
you give them is not out of your purse, but that it comes from the liberality
of the Confraternity of Mercy. When on such occasions they come to you to make
known the penury under which they are, you should take the opportunity of
explaining to them that other need of which they are less sensible, and which
they take less pains to relieve—of spiritual help for the soul: help which, if
they desired it, they could always have abundantly and at hand; exhorting them
earnestly not to neglect this, but to turn their thoughts to God, to adore and
pray to Him, and to obtain His mercy by having recourse to the sacraments of
Penance and the Eucharist: show them that you are ready to help them in this,
and assure them that when they have performed this first duty, you will not
fail to obtain them help for their other temporal wants as to food and money in
the manner already mentioned.
In your promiscuous
intercourse with persons of all conditions, take great pains that your
behaviour be such that all equally may see in you a modesty free from pride.
Never speak to any one except kindly and respectfully, showing carefully to
both priests and seculars the degree of regard due to each, and remembering the
words of St. Gregory, that humility begets love, and pride begets hatred. If
any fruit should follow your labours, be careful not to desire any praise for
yourself, and if it should be given to you, not to appropriate it, but to
attribute
it all to those who
have advised and assisted you, gratefully and frankly acknowledging that they
are the principal authors of those good works. If you desire the good name and
credit of our Society to flourish, and if this is the end of your efforts, you must
be firmly convinced that you will only help to and attain your object by giving
great proof in your intercourse with every one of humility and modesty
altogether removed from all appearance of pride. For seeing you truly humble,
people will suppose that the other members of the Society whom they do not see
are like you who are present before them, and will then form a true idea of the
religious of the Society of Jesus, and regard our Institute with that approval
and affection which every one readily gives to those who despise themselves. I
This is the only way
to spread abroad a good opinion of our Society, as you will more easily
perceive by remembering that those who were the first to make this Order famous
by the labours which they undertook for the honour of the Church, ] did so
indeed by the practice of every virtue, but more especially by showing
themselves everywhere the brightest examples of the contempt of human glory,
and of true humility, which they regarded as the foundation of the other virtues.
By imitating them you will show yourself wxwthy Of bearing the name, and will
promote the reputation of the Society. In any other way you would go astray,
and you would be the means of destroying the work which they have built up.
Remember, above all
things, that influence with the people, and the favour and applause of the
multitude, are the gift of God alone, Who gives it to those only whom He sees
to be so well fortified in solid virtue that He may fairly trust them to make
good use of so powerful a talent for their own salvation and for that of those
to whose advantage they devote themselves. On the other hand, those whom God
sees disposed to usurp the credit of any success that may attend their ministration,
and to make a boast of it, He is wont to deprive of their gift, not giving them
popularity, and not allowing them to be borne along by the fair wind of public
favour, lest His gifts should be despised, being ascribed to human efforts, and
lest the ignorant
multitude, incapable
of distinguishing between saints and imperfect persons, should attribute the
honour due to true apostolic labourers to tepid men, careless in God’s service
and decked out by undeserved and false praises with a fallacious appearance of
exquisite virtue. Pray, therefore, continually and fervently, that our Lord God
may give you grace to know and feel in the inmost depths of your soul of how
many and great hindrances- to the spread of the Gospel you have been the cause,
and how your faults had prevented God from making Himself known -as He would
wish to the people intrusted to you, and whom-you have so ill cared for: since
through your own defects you, are wanting in the influence essential and fitted
to convince them of necessary truths; and that because you have not merited
that heavenly gift by the requisite fervour and fidelity. , .
When, at the hour
appointed for us by our Society for the daily examen of conscience, you go
through all your actions for the purpose , of discovering your faults, do not
fail to examine yourself very strictly on your-manner of preaching the word of
God from the pulpit, of administering the Sacrament of Penance in the sacred
tribunal, and lastly, on your familiar conversations and daily .intercourse
with all classes of persons. Look very closely into what you have from
negligence omitted to do, or what you have done badly, and resolve seriously on
the necessary amendment,, which you must then carry out with great fidelity.
For if.as soon as you have perceived your fault you strive to correct it, our
merciful Lord will not fail to accompany your repentance with. His voluntary
gifts, and to turn even your past errors to your great profit by loading you
with His graces.
I do not, however,
wish you to place, as many do, your hope of winning the affection of the people
in human arts, or to take cunning measures for getting yourself liked and
spoken well of by the multitude, so as to act and speak in a way that flatters
and pleases them. Such arts are utterly unworthy of a preacher of the Gospel; and
besides that they take with them as an inseparable companion that most
dangerous craving for the empty praise of the people, are also injurious to
Christ our
Lord,
whose honour they ought to seek and look to before everything else. And such
preachers prefer their own credit, seeking their own fame as the first thing;
and when once they have obtained it, as if they have obtained all that they
want, they relax that fervent zeal which they ought to have, to do their utmost
to promote the greater glory of God by a real conversion of souls. ,
I charge you to weigh
what I have said most attentively in your mind, and to flood and penetrate its
inmost recesses with these good sentiments : and if, in meditating on divine
things, our most merciful God should favour you, as is His wont, with some
heavenly illumination, do not let it escape from your mind, but note it down in
some little book to assist your memory. Believe me, that a great part of the
real spiritual profit of God’s servants consists in such observation, and in
carefully recalling to mind pieces of knowledge of this sort given to them in
mental prayer and meditation. And if any one who has from time to time been
favoured with these flashes of divine light writes down the truths revealed by
them, he will read them over again after a while, with a very great increase of
affection and advantage—that is to say, when he has himself experienced what he
had set down in writing. He will then ^ recall to mind those beautiful
thoughts, and taste again those keen feelings which had passed from his memory;
or at least he will gain from their clearer consideration the salutary vigour
which will enable him to labour fervently, and to think wisely according to the
needs of his present circumstances. Great indeed is the difference of savour
and spiritual sweetness in ordinary readers of those things written by the
saints when fresh from their conversations with God, and in those who read
again in them what they have themselves experienced and made their own ! But it
is certain that the reading of such things is of small profit to those who have
not this sort of memory and interior of them.
I advise you,
therefore, strongly to make a little journal, and to note down carefully in it
the secret illuminations with which God has enlightened your mind in your daily
medita-
tions. Value them
very highly, and esteem yourself unworthy of them, humbling yourself, as you
ought, all the more deeply because of these labours with which He exalts you.
Take great and
practical pains to acquire a good number of wise and faithful friends, even
among seculars, who are sharp sighted enough to observe the faults you commit
in preaching, in hearing confessions, and in all other such functions, and also
free enough to point them out to you with all sincerity; so that, knowing your
defects by these means, you may correct them properly, and avoid them for the
future.
In the administration
of the Sacrament of Penance avoid a perfunctory haste, and show a patient
attention to your business, so as to urge on your penitents to greater and
more certain progress; and if, in this way, you should have to do with persons
requiring and capable of receiving spiritual help, and who are also in
tolerably easy circumstances, so that they are both desirous and able to give
some time to the affairs of their souls,—then, after hearing their confession,
persuade them to wait for a few days, and to employ the time in conceiving a
real hatred of their sins, and sorrow for having offended a God infinite in
power, and supreme in all that attracts love. To this end, you should set them
to meditate on death, judgment, and the pains suffered by the lost in hell; by
means of which me-r ditations they will understand in what fearful
evils they have entangled themselves by sin, and conceive so great a hatred and
disgust of their past transgressions, that they will shed real tears of
penitence from a contrite heart, and make a purpose of amendment, such that it
may be reasonably hoped that they will sin no more in future.
Especially is this
method to be observed with those who are living in occasions of sin, and among
hindrances to good works, and who, therefore, considering the frailty of human
nature, cannot be safely believed wheu they promise amendment of life, without
some pledge of security. Such are persons who have been at enmity, and have not
yet been reconciled to their enemies: those who have not yet so abandoned
intercourse with the objects of criminal attachments as to be considered >
safe from
falling^when they find themselves on the slippery ground of the recurrence of
dangerous occasions: lastly, those who are in possession of the property of
another, and have hitherto sought pretexts for delaying restitution. You should
engage all such persons, after confession, in pious exercises suited to their
state, and not give them absolution till you consider that they have made
satisfaction, and on dismissing them exhort them to come frequently in future
to the sacred tribunal of Penance.
As often as you
should happen to hear the confessions of persons who, knowing that they are in
possession of money unlawfully acquired, bring it to you, to be given at your
discretion to the poor, the -owners not being to be found, you must not use
the very smallest part of it for yourself or for the College, however pressing
may be your penury-: nor may you even distribute it to needy persons or
families at your own discretion : but hand over the whole sum to the Prefects
of the Confraternity of Mercy, to be bestowed as they think best. By this
means the door will be closed against suspicions, which, besides being
dishonourable to you, would lessen the respect in which the promotion of God’s
glory 'demands that you should be held.
In familiar
interviews and conversations with persons of whatsoever condition, to promote
whose spiritual good is your daily labour, behave always with such prudence and
circumspection that in talking with them, however much you may trust to their
intimacy with you, no word may pass your lips for which you could be Justly
blamed if they should ever be estranged from you : a thing which is possible,
and which you ought to suppose certain. This is a most important caution, not
only for your good but also for that of those under your charge.
When persons who have
made their confession with manifest signs of penitence beg for absolution, you
ought not to give it till they have made the requisite satisfaction, especially
as to three kinds of sin: i. e. enmities, attachments, and unjust possession of
the goods of another. Bid them first be pub
licly reconciled to
their enemies, put away every occasion of sinning against purity, and restore
ill-gotten gains to the rightful owners ; then let them do whatever else may
be necessary for greater security. Do not let them think promises enough, but
insist on their fulfilment: for with these people, who are as ready and liberal
in making promises as they are slow and backward in keeping them, one should
always make bargains with*the earnest money in hand. Endeavour as much as is
possible, with the help of God, to defend and increase the good odour and the
good name of the Society by great humility, holiness, zeal for souls, and
labours undertaken on their behalf : for they who gained for our Society the
celebrity which it enjoys did so, with the blessing of God, in the way I have
pointed out. I pray that He may be with you always. Amen.
Your brother in
Christ,
Goa, April
2, 1552. FRANCIS.
The next letter
explains itself. Andrew Carvalhez must have been admitted to the Society in
India, and consequently needed an introduction to Simon Rodriguez in Portugal,
when about to return thither for his health.
(xcvii.) To Father Simon Rodriguez, of the Society oj
Jesus.
May the grace and
love of Jesus Christ our Lord ever help and favour us ! Amen.
Very soon I shall
write to you at length touching the affairs of the Society in this country, but
I must send this short letter separately for a particular reason. It concerns
Andrew Carvalhez, who will be the bearer of it. I think it necessary to send
back to you this excellent young man on account of his health. He was getting
on very badly in India, and at his age and with his temperament the doctors
hoped that his native air might restore his strength, which is exhausted by
illness, and make him once more as strong as ever. On returning
from abroad, I found
by the concordant testimony of all here that he is equal in intellectual gifts,
in progress of studies, and in endowments of grace to any one of ours out here.
Our older fathers hope much from this youth because of the virtues which God
our Lord has already given him, and which in His mercy He will cause to
increase. I think it is as they say, and willingly make you a partner in my
joy, desiring and praying that this brother may grow into thousands of
thousands,4 and produce for the Society the fruit we expect. I beg
of you, therefore, by your love and devotion towards God our Lord, my dearest
Brother Simon, to receive Andrew Carvalhez in Portugal with all the love and
charity with which I and he also hope that you will receive and tend him. As to
the news in these parts, I will write to you copiously and minutely, by the
help of God, before setting sail for Cochin. My departure will, I think, take
place in a fortnight. May God our Lord unite us in the glory of Paradise, for
when in this life we shall be able to meet and embrace I certainly do not see !
Be sure of one thing, my sweetest Brother Simon,—that I carry everywhere your
image very deeply engraven on my heart, and that this image makes you ever
present to my thoughts. The desire to see you with my bodily eyes, with which I
so long felt almost to impatience, has become less hard for me to bear because
of the consolation which I have in beholding continually in my heart your much
loved person. Farewell.
Yours in Christ,
Goa, March
27, 1552. FRANCIS.
We next come to a
series of letters written to Gaspar Baertz, who was to take the place of
Francis Xavier as the Superior in India during his absence, as well as to fill
that of Rector of the College of Goa, unless some one should arrive from Europe
sent by Ignatius himself for that purpose. We may place at the beginning of
this series a spiritual instruction, which contains advice to Gaspar simply as
a preacher, and makes no mention of the rectorship or government of others.
Like so
3 Lat.
orig. crescat in mille viillia. Gen. xxiv. 60.
much of what he wrote
to the same admirable religious, every word seems to come with intense feeling
from the very heart of Francis.
(xcvm.) To Father Gaspar
Baertz.
You ask me, my dear
Gaspar, that as I am continually recommending humility, and as you yourself
understand the : great value and importance of that virtue, to go farther, and
suggest to you some method of practising it. It is a subject 1 which I take
great pleasure in speaking of, both because I would do much to gratify you, and
still more because I hear something of the applause of your sermons which
sounds in your ears; and I sometimes fear (love is always full of anxiety and
fears), that perceiving how much you please every one, you may begin not to be
displeased with yourself. In this letter, therefore, I will set down what
occurs to my mind as likely, if I mistake not, to be of use to you as a sort of
talismanic antidote, to hinder the bad effect of the pleasant poison of
vainglory, which creeps secretly into unwary souls, borne by the flattering
breath of popular applause.
Be careful, above all
things, to make the very favour which your preaching finds with the people an
occasion of continually greater and greater humiliation : understanding
clearly, and acknowledging, that in this there is nothing of your own; and
faithfully giving the entire praise to God, as the sole Author of whatever
ability you may possess, and whatever profit your-hearers may derive from it.
Farther, you should confess that for all this fruit of your labours you are a
debtor to the people : for, in truth, you may and should believe that our Lord
God, moved by the devotion of these good folk thirstily craving to learn what
concerns religion and the salvation of souls, bestowed on you, though unworthy
of such a favour, the skill and power to instruct them properly, so that they
may profit according to their desire. You, therefore, are merely the minister
of the bounty of another, which is in no way attributable to you, since all
luminous intelligence and vigorous action in you, all
docility and
sensibility in your hearers, are gifts granted by God, not to your merits, but
to those of the Church and the pious people to whom you preach. And this should
be a motive for your loving the people, and feeling under the greatest obligation
to them, because our Lord has, for their sakes, communicated to you eloquence
and learning: which if you claim for your own, and ascribe to your merits, you
would be guilty of injustice and ingratitude, unworthily forgetting from Whom
and for whose sake you have received these gifts.
Besides this, you may
well consider that any really valuable fruits resulting from your labours ought
to be attributed to the prayers and suffrages of the members of the Society,
who, fighting for God in different parts of the world, implore the divine
assistance on the endeavours of their brethren fighting elsewhere: and because
they do so with exceeding charity and humility, our Lord God deigns to grant
their prayers by sometimes using the sons of the Society as the instruments of
His glory and of the salvation of souls. If you get this thought well fixed in
your mind, you will certainly never let yourself be tickled by the acclamations
and praises of those who admire the eloquence of your sermons : but the more
highly you are exalted, the more you will abase yourself; knowing most surely
that you will one day have to give a very strict account of this talent which
has been intrusted to you, with danger to yourself, for the good of others, in
the exercise of which talent you will be able to see nothing altogether your
own, except very many faults of imprudence, negligence, and ingratitude to God
who gave it to you, to the people for whose good He gave it, and lastly to your
mother,1 the Society of Jesus, whose prayers have prevailed with our
most gracious Lord to bless your labours with some success.
It will also be
useful to compare the abundance of the harvest reaped with the far greater
abundance which there would have been had it not been hindered by your fault.
You should therefore most fervently and urgently implore God to grant your mind
a ray of heavenly illumination, which may shine therein so clearly as to show
you how continually your defects and daily falls place great obstacles in the
way of the goodness of God,
so as to hinder it
from attaining its end through the fault and imperfection of the instruments He
employs; thus forbearing to reveal Himself more clearly, and to bring about
those great things which He had intended to do by your means for His glory and
the salvation of men. And when these sentiments are firmly impressed upon your
mind, I should like you to manifest them to God, who reads the heart, rather
than to declare them in words to men. They will be, as it were, goads with
which to drive away vainglory, and being pricked by them you will be attentive
to yourself and recollected, and not only be preserved from an indolent
security, but rather forced to set a guard over yourself, watching most
carefully on every side that you may not sin by imprudence, never stumble and
fall, never be a scandal to the people either in public conduct or private
intercourse. For, as I have said, it is right that you should regard them with
gratitude and respect as the cause of the grace granted to you by God.
In the
next place, when you meditate on all these things, 1 earnestly advise you to
write down, as a help to your memory, those heavenly lights which our merciful
God so often gives to the soul which draws near to Him, and with which He will
also enlighten yours when you strive to know His will in meditation, for they
are more deeply impressed on the mind by the very act and occupation of writing
them down. And should it happen, as it usually does, that in course of time
these things are either less vividly remembered or entirely forgotten, they
will come with fresh life to the mind by reading them over; the original
thoughts themselves will be revived by recourse to these records, and as though
you had again discovered the mine from which you originally got them, you will
dig deeper into its veins, and what was before the loftiest height to which
your thoughts had risen will serve as the foundation of a new and still nobler
spiritual edifice. For thus does the Divine Wisdom, which by a simple instinct
of free mercy loves to communicate itself to men, rejoice to lead those who
watch for its guidance from light to light, and out of twilight, by ever
brightening rays, and through splendours ever increasing, into the full glory
of vol. it. v F
the noon. And as God
is wont to give His choicest favours in greatest and most constant plenty to
those who seek in meditation for ways of depressing still more and more their
own vileness, do not doubt that by perseverance in this holy practice of
humility and of an intimate knowledge of your faults you will be enriched with
still greater advances, not only as to your own perfection, but also to the
procuring of the salvation of others; and you will know by experience this most
certain truth, which is not understood by all, that it is only in his sincere
self contempt that the whole hope lies that a preacher of the Gospel will gain
real and great fruit in souls, and that that cannot be abundant or solid fruit
which destroys him who reaps it, aiming at the good of others at the cost of
ruin to himself.
O, then, for the love of God, by all that you
owe to our Father Ignatius and the whole Society of Jesus (and you well know how
much you are indebted to both), I pray and entreat you again, and once more
again, as earnestly and forcibly as I can, persevere constantly in these
practices of self abasement. For should you interrupt them (which God forbid!),
I should fear that you would lose your soul (may God avert such a calamity!):
as you cannot deny that you have either heard from others of, or yourself seen,
many persons who, not being well grounded in humility, have, after having
preached to others, become themselves reprobate. I warn you again and again,
beware lest you should increase their number ! Never let these most miserable
instances, which you have yourself known, pass from your memory. Recall them
frequently to your mind, bringing leisurely before it the sad mournful images
of so many on whose words, as they preached from the sacred pulpit, far greater
crowds hung than now listen to you; who preached more gracefully, more
eloquently, more admirably than you, by whose sermons many more persons were
convinced and converted from idolatry and from sin than you have brought to a
better life : and nevertheless (unhappy men !), after God had made use of them
as instruments to snatch multitudes from the tyranny of the devil and from the
brink of hell, and to bring them into the Kingdom
i of Christ and to
the blessedness of Heaven, their own lot was ! that most wretched one,
themselves to be thrust down by a most just condemnation into everlasting
flames, for that they arrogantly attributed to themselves the glory which was due
to God alone—for that they caught at the breath of popular favour and empty
applause—for that, puffed up by the praise of men, their hearts swelled with
self conceit: and that thus, towering with haughtiness and arrogance, they
became the marks of the thunderbolts of Heaven, which are hurled against the
proud.
Let those, therefore,
who witness these terrible warnings be struck with a holy fear, and form
themselves in humility. Let each look to himself, and carefully examine his own
purposes and desires. Whoever fairly balances what he has received and what he
has returned will certainly see that he has no cause for boasting, but abundant
cause for fear and humiliation: for in this great business of the salvation of
souls, however successfully it may have been conducted, what is there that we
can justly ascribe to ourselves, or congratulate and honour ourselves upon ? O
no, there is nothing—nothing whatever of our own : except the many faults of
imprudence and disloyalty which we have mixed with our good beginnings. This is
our share : for the conversion of souls is the work of God, who loves to magnify
the wonderfulness of His goodness by the weakness of the instruments'He uses :
thus choosing us, the meanest of His servants and most worthy of all contempt,
to manifest the glory of His Name to men.
Lastly, take care
that it never enters your mind to compare /ourself with other members of the
Society whose labours make ess show, and in consequence to despise them as
obscure, and ncapable of great thing's. You ought, on the contrary, to be irmly
convinced that the origin of your distinction is precisely .he lowliness and
hiddenness of those who discharge mean jfflces in the house : for it is certain
that these humble brothers >f yours, who are engaged in mean employments for
His glory, )btain for you from Him whom they so devoutly serve the itrength and
power which make you so distinguished; and you ire more deeply indebted to them
than they to you. If you
are
inwardly penetrated with this conviction you will never despise them, but will
heartily love them and venerate them, putting yourself far below them, to the
great advantage of your own soul. Your
brother in Christ,
Francis.
The following three
papers, though commonly reckoned among the letters of Francis Xavier, are in
reality formal documents, conferring on Gaspar the Rectorship, of which
mention has already been made.
In the name of our
Lord Jesus Christ! Amen.
i. I, Francis, the unworthy
Superior of the Society of Jesus in this province of India, relying, Master
Gaspar, on your humility! virtue, prudence, and other gifts, which make you a
sufficiently fit person to.rule others, command you in virtue of holy obedience
to assume the government of this College of Santa Fe at Goa,-and to be the
Superior thereof with the name and power of Rector. I also order that all the
Portuguese fathers and brethren of the Society of Jesus, who are on this side
of the Cape of Good Hope, and beyond this at Malacca, the Moluccas, Japan, and
anywhere in these regions, be under your authority. Those also who hereafter
may come from Portugal, or from any other part of Europe,] to these provinces
or houses to be placed under my rule, I will that all of them be subject to
your authority, unless our Father Ignatius should send here anyone nominated to
be Rector of this College of Goa. I have asked him by letter, setting forth at
full length the reasons why it appears necessary that he should do so, to send
hither some one of large experience in whom he has great confidence, to be
Superior of this College, and to rule'all ours who are in the surrounding
missions or stations dependent thereupon.! If, therefore, any one of our
Society should arrive at Goa with a commission duly signed which he can show
from our Father Ignatius, or any one else who is General Superior of the
Society of Jesus, for the purpose of undertaking the government of this house
and of the missions which are under it, I then command you in virtue of holy
obedience, and I leave the order for you here in writing, at once to yield
your place to such a person, give into his hand without any delay the
management of the College and all attached to it, and make yourself his
subject, and obey him in all things. *
j
But if any one coming
from Portugal were to say that he was
sent for this
purpose, and yet did not show his letters signed by our Father Ignatius or any
else, Superior General of the Society of Jesus for the time being, I forbid you
to acknowledge him as Rector, or to transfer to him the government which I have
intrusted to you. But if he seem a man fitted to govern, and you yourself
require such assistance, then you may delegate to him your authority, and
commit to him as vicar your power, revocable at pleasure, always saving your
own right and superior dominion, to which he no less while he rules in your
place than the rest who obey him and you must be subject. For it is my decided
will, and by the power given to me, I order that you, Master Gaspar, and you
alone, until the General of the Society arrange otherwise, shall govern this
College of Goa with authority supreme next after mine, and be the ruler, as I
have said, of all ours who dwell in these regions. And 1 command all of them,
in virtue of holy obedience, to be subject to you, Master Gaspar, the Rector of
the College of Goa, in order that there may be no room for the inconveniences
which might otherwise follow, and which to our great disturbance have, as we
know, followed on former occasions.
And if any one should
be refractory against this my appointment, which has been made after mature
deliberation, and is now declared to all, or if he should endeavour to elude it
by any cavil or by any arbitrary interpretation, either giving himself out as
Rector, or refusing to you all due obedience, I command you, by virtue of
holy obedience, to dismiss that person from the Society, with whatever
excellent gifts in this respect he may be endowed ; for he lacks the most
important gifts of all, humility and obedience.
What I have said
about your substituting some one as vicar to yourself, I have put in that you
may be more free sometimes to make excursions from Goa, to visit the Colleges
at Cochin, Bazain, and Coulan, and the mission of Cape Comorin. Experience has
taught me that great fruit to ours who are living in those places, and a great
return in the way of the service and glory of God our Lord, comes from such
visitations of Colleges and residences. I think, therefore, that you should
often make them ; but in such a way and at such times that the College of Goa
may lose as little as possible from your absence.
In order that no one
of ours may perhaps think that these things which I have thus far enjoined are
of light moment, and so may venture to disregard them or think too little of
them, I .again bid you and command you by the authority which I possess, that,
if any one of ours fail to obey you as if you were myself, you
dismiss him at once
from the Society; and do not let the thought trouble you for a moment, that
perhaps it may seem as if by and by the Society might be sorry to have lost any
such person on account of his distinguished gifts of eloquence, learning, or
any other talent. Refractory persons of this kind will always bring to our
Order much more harm than advantage. Those who consult our best interests most
justly care little for small gains which have to be purchased by very great
mischief, which may very well be set in the balance against the wonder or even
the offence and murmuring caused among the people, who are likely enough to blame
us for the dismissal of workers whose fair outside is a cloak for hidden
faults. Therefore never hesitate or doubt for a moment boldly to cut off from
our body limbs that do it harm ; and be at your ease, on my authority, as to
what people will say or their empty fears. Another thing of the same kind—I
forbid you also, by virtue of my authority, never to readmit on any account
into our Society any one whom I have dismissed before I go to China ; and, moreover,
send an order through all places subject to your government that no one of our
Society anywhere is to admit such persons under his roof even as a guest.
The revenues already
assigned to the Colleges—the extraordinary gifts which the King sometimes
makes, and all the dues and resources of this community, whatever they are,
which belong to it by the liberal concessions of our lord the King or of the
Governors who are here his representatives—all these you must collect and exact
with great attention and care^ either by yourself or by other fit persons whom
you appoint so to do. Take great care that they be fully and entirely collected
and faithfully spent in food and other necessary things for the fathers and
brothers of the Society who live in this house, or who are sent from it to
other places ; for unless they are helped from hence with all necessary
supplies for the body, they are quite unable to devote themselves as is
requisite to the work for souls for the sake of which they are sent out. And
whatever over and above inevitable expenses remains of the annual income of the
house must be put aside for the purpose of getting rid of debts. The rest must
be spent on living and other such purposes, but only necessary purposes, for
ours who live both in the College and in the residences thereto attached, as
well as of the boys whom the natives send us to educate, and the orphans of the
country.
Signed, as a proof
that this is my true order,
Francis.
Given in this College of Santa F6, April 7, 1552. ■
2. After what has been written above, three
other things appear to me worthy to be particularly recommended to you. I command
you, Master Gaspar, Rector of this College of Santa Fb, in virtue of holy
obedience, not to go for the space of three years complete outside the island
of Goa, unless within that space of three years some one of ours should arrive
duly sent by the Superior General of the whole Society of Jesus, with letters
witnessing thereto, to assume the government of this same College. As soon as
such a one arrives, and you have' resigned to him the government of this
College, then you are released from this my precept, and, if the new Rector, to
whom you as well as others will be subject, sends you, you may freely go
whithersoever he bids you. I again charge and order, in virtue of holy obedience,
all those who in these regions of India acknowledge me as their Superior, to
obey you also, Master Gaspar, and to be subject to your government. And if any
one refuses to obey you, you will just show him this letter of mine, in which I
order all who are my subjects to show themselves as obedient and submissive to
you as to me, if I were there present, and then, if he persist in his
contumacy, dismiss him from the Society and have nothing more to do with him.
I again charge and
command, in virtue of holy obedience, all and every one of the Society of Jesus
placed under my authority, that if any one should arrive hither, chosen by our
Father Ignatius, or any other General Superior of the Society of Jesus, as
Rector of this College, and duly appointed as such—which will be seen by
letters signed by our Father himself—that all at once acknowledge him as their
legitimate Superior, and make themselves subject to him and obey him as they
would me if I were present. But if any one refuse to do this, then I beg and
charge the Rector aforesaid, unless the General Superior has otherwise ordered,
to dismiss such disobedient person from the Society. And that there may be no
doubt as to this my full and deliberate will in making these orders, I here
sign this paper with my own hand.
Goa, April 7, 1552. FRANCIS.
3. Whereas the
Supreme Pontiffs have granted certain faculties and privileges to the Society
of Jesus to be communicated by the Superiors General, and whereas our Father
Ignatius has sent me copies of the rescripts in which their concessions are
enumerated, and has also given me power to impart to those of ours who I think
will make good use of these favours, the enjoyment of these
Pontifical
concessions, either by myself, or by others, I, thinking] that you, Master
Gaspar, Rector of this College of Goa, and those who are under your authority,
will by this communication of these faculties be more fully empowered to gain
so much greater return of good in the souls of those among whom you work, do
therefore communicate the same fully to you, and, relying on your well approved
prudence, I also commit to you to be in my stead, so that you may dispense and
impart all the privileges of every kind granted to us by the bulls of the Popes
to those to whom, and in as far as you shall judge to be expedient to the
greater service of our Lord God to impart them.
Goa, April 7, 1552. FRANCIS.
The following
document is of the same character with the preceding.
In the name of our
Lord Jesus Christ.
Considering with
myself the shortness of our life and the great I uncertainty of the day and
hour to each person of death, which is most certain to come to all men, fearing
also lest this house may incur some disturbance if it were necessary for it to
choose for itself a Rector in the place of Master Gaspar, if he were to be
taken away | by death before our Father General has appointed a Rector to this
College, I have thought that it was my duty to anticipate as far as I can,
before 1 leave for China, the inconveniences which might arise from such an
unforeseen event, by settling at once something , certain and naming the person
who in the mean time, until it shall be known from P.ome that anything has been
settled by the General of the Society, is to govern this community, as well as
the . other stations of the Society from the Cape of Good Hope to the extreme
East, and whom all of ours, priests, clerics, and lay brothers, must obey in
all things as their Superior.
If therefore
anything, as I said, should happen in the course of nature to Master Gaspar,
let Manuel de Morales be Rector of the house, and if he be absent at the time,
let him be fetched at once, to come hither and take possession of the
government. And from that time let all the fathers and brothers, both at Goa
and elsewhere, begin to obey him as the lawful Rector of all. But until he
arrive, let Father Paul be Rector in his place, who will resign the government
to Father Manuel de Morales as soon as he shall come hither, and from that time
put himself subject to the said Father Manuel, as the rest. And if before he
become Rector, or after he has begun to be Rector, the said Manuel de
Morales be carried
off by death, then let Master Melchior Nunez be Rector, whom I now appoint and
desire to be acknowledged !by all as Rector with the same right, if
perchance it should please 'God to transfer Father Gaspar Baertz and Father
Manuel de Morales from this life to the joys of Paradise before our Father
General of the Society of Jesus has appointed a Rector to'this College.
These
things I have thought well thus to decree, both in order to obviate other evils
which might arise, and also to avoid the necessity of collecting into one
assembly all the fathers who are occupied in preaching the Gospel in various
and very widely separated places throughout India, who I do not think can be
called away from the stations and ministrations in which they are working
without grave inconvenience to the souls of those under their charge, and equal
detriment to the service of God. P'or these reasons I command and enjoin, in
virtue of holy obedience, all the Fathers of the Society of Jesus who are in
India, to put into execution what is prescribed in this paper; and since I so
decree and order of set purpose and after mature deliberation, to the greater
glory and service of God our Lord, in order that no one who sees this paper may
doubt about my will, I have signed it with my own hand the 7th of April 1552. Francis.
The next letter is
sometimes called an instruction as to ‘ the manner for avoiding all offence to
men,’ addressed to the same Father, Gaspar Baertz. It is confined, however, to
two chief heads, each requiring consummate prudence—that of dealing with
disputes between husbands and wives, and that of attacks made upon the
religious of the Society by members of other orders.
(xcix.) To Father Gaspar Baertz, Rector of the
College at Goa.
As to the manner and
method to be followed in intercourse with men so as to avoid all offences, I
have thought it right to give you these precepts, which I much wish you to put
in practice, and to require of all members of the Society under your
authority. None belonging to us should converse with women, whatever may be
their age, rank, or condition, except in a public
place, such as the
church. They should not visit them in their own home unless they are in danger
and extreme necessity, or on account of an illness which threatens death, for
meeting which in a Christian way they require to be prepared by the confession
of their sins. Even then they should not be visited save in the presence of
their husbands or relations ; but if they have no relations at hand, let it be
before respectable persons of the neighbourhood, but never without witnesses,
such as, in case of need, could give their testimony to what they have seen.
If, then, it should happen that a woman who has no husband and has lost her
parents has to be visited in her own house, no member of our Society should
enter unless accompanied by a respectable man, known as such both among the
relations and acquaintances of the woman, and among the neighbours and
inhabitants of the city or village, so as to prevent all suspicion and to cut
short gossip. But they should not be visited, even with these precautions and
this company, except in the case I have named, of extreme danger and of very
serious illness. And whenever a woman who is not in danger of death may seem
able, either then with some exertion, or after a short time, to go out of her
house, she should be waited for at the church.
On this point, again,
it is necessary to be careful, even with those who are most seriously ill, not
to multiply the visits of any beyond what is required by urgent necessity. And
altogether you must be severe in this matter, cutting things, as we say, down
to the quick, so as to suppress and make as rare as possible for our brethren
all communication with that sex, these interviews being of little profit and of
very great danger, the uncertain hope of a generally moderate benefit to the
divine service being only too often purchased with the doubtful chances of
losing innocence and fair fame. I also do not wish our fathers to employ too
much time and leisure in instructing even the mothers of families who frequent
our churches, however great inclinations they may seem to have to good. The
reason for my judgment is that women are generally inconstant in their
purposes and full of talk in their conferences -r
the result is a great
loss of time in intercourse with them, and but very little fruit of any sure or
solid advantage.
How far better it is
to give more time to their husbands, and to take pains in instructing and
exciting them to all noble deeds ! Men, it is certain, are naturally more, able
to take in good advice when given; more constant in their resolutions to follow
it. What you accomplish with them is solid and permanent. If they have
promised a thing, they will fulfil it. If they are won over to God, they will
set in order their wives and families. They should be your chief objects; and
the labourers of the Society ought to spend more time and more diligence in
cultivating them, for where the seed is sown more thoroughly the harvest is
more abundant. This prudence, believe me, is a great destroyer of gossip,
nonsense, trifling, and small piques, so insist strongly on its invariable
practice by all under your charge. If any quarrel should exist between husband
and wife, and charity suggests that ours should interfere to make peace, let
these arbiters of conciliation be sure that for the success of their work, it
is far more important to listen patiently to, and admonish diligently, the
husband than the wife.
Let them set to work
on the husbands, and leading them dexterously away from the subject of the
moment, persuade them to purify their soul at once by a general confession, for
which they may prepare themselves by a short retreat and by meditation on some
of the subjects of the first week of the Exercises. After our father shall have
heard the husband’s confession of all the sins of his life, let him gently lead
him to consent that sacramental absolution shall be deferred for a few days,
during which he may exercise himself in holy meditations and works of penance,
and in serious deliberations as to future amendment of life. When in these
sentiments, and with strong resolutions to give himself up entirely to God’s
service, he will easily be persuaded to follow advice for the purpose of
securing internal peace with his wife. The source of evil oncc checked, and the
causes of resentment removed, you will be surprised to see that in applying a
remedy to one person you have cured two at once.
Should it happen that
when one of ours is occupied in a matter of this kind, the wife comes to him
apart and says she has great •desires of serving God, but that an impediment to
this lies in the necessity of living with her husband, as being bad and dissolute,
and of disorderly habits, and that she has legitimate reasons for separating
from him, such as she believes could be .proved judicially and would suffice to
obtain legal authority for a separation—as to all these reasons, and more which
such persons are wont so cleverly to bring forward, you must take care not to
be moved thereby to approve of this thought of -divorce. You should remain firm
in advising them to stop with their husbands. These tender longings for
religion soon grow languid in that inconstant sex, and later on they will
condemn their own design and your advice. Supposing them to be constant, still
the danger to the husband and the public scandal which is almost inseparable
from such cases are evils too serious to be overbalanced by the fruit of the
devotional advantage of a single soul, who wishes in married life to anticipate
the benefits of widowhood. Again, in these cases, carefully avoid blaming the
husband before others, even when it is clear that he alone is to blame. See him
alone, and gently exhort him to make a general confession, and then take
occasion, from his own self-accusation, to scold him, but mildly, and so as to
make him understand you are sorry for his own sake for the injury he has done
to himself by his fault, rather than that you are moved by the accusations of
his wife, who has complained of him. Consider it a thing above all things to be
avoided that the husband should feel or suspect that you rather favour the wife
most and care more for her interests, for such an opinion •would give a most
severe blow to all hope of success. Therefore, however much the fault may be
the husband’s, never let him even hear you say so ; but when you have led him
to make the avowal to you himself, then you may, without difficulty, blame him
for that of which he accuses himself. But even then •your sentence must be free
from all bitterness. Therefore, -censure what he himself confesses with sorrow,
so as to show him that you rather grieve with him than are angry with him.
Let love, kindness,
and charity towards the sinner be conspicuous in your words and countenance.
Everywhere men require to be treated with gentleness, but nowhere more than in
India. They are as touchy as glass to offence, any violence makes them recoil
and break; to gentleness they bend, you can turn them as you will. You will
obtain everything here by prayer and affectionate manners, nothing by threats
or severity. Again I repeat this advice; take heed again and again. If a
husband and wife take you as umpire, and plead their cause in person or by
advocates in your presence, never let yourself blame the man before others,
however nearly his fault may be brought home to him. The passionate minds of
women eagerly take hold of such words, and are incredibly inflated thereby.
They are always on the look-out for opportunities of humbling their husbands,
and when they seem to feel that the cause is going in their own favour, if
hints of an inclination to their side are allowed to fall from no other than
the religious men chosen by themselves as arbitrators, they openly triumph, and
let themselves loose with greater freedom for the future in complaints,
accusations against their husbands, and excuses of themselves, heaped one on
another without end, all to be poured with that mad loquacity of theirs into
the ears of the imprudent priests who have encouraged them.
I go so far in
thinking that the husband should not be blamed in the wife’s presence, that I
even think that the priest should not appear to believe the wife’s defence when
she relates the domestic quarrels, pleading her own cause and trying to persuade
him that no part of the blame is to be imputed to her.. Even if her statement
be probable and true, it is well that she should not be excused by him who
presides at the reconciliation. He should rather warn her seriously of the
paramount duty imposed on the wife of honouring her husband and bearing with
his ways. This is the law, let him add, which God Himself has laid down for all
women, and which in general they unconsciously transgress, led astray by
emotions of anger or other passions, too confident of their own innocence, and
excessively indulgent to themselves, and so they give their hus
bands cause for
anger, while they ought rather soothe them and conciliate them by their
patience, submission, and obedience. They should therefore accuse themselves,
even when their conscience seems to acquit them. At the same time they should
earnestly endeavour to love and practise serenity of soul, indulgence,
obedience, humility, so as to live in submission to their husbands, as the
Apostolical Epistles teach Christian women.
After having thus
cleared themselves with the husbands, against all suspicion of favouring the
wives, our brethren must in turn be careful not to offend the wives, by whom
they might be suspected of unjust partiality for the husbands. They must not
seem to believe in the shame cast by the latter on their wives. But they should
observe an equal balance, not letting the scale fall to either side, reserving
an ear for the accused, as the saying is, condemning no one unheard, and take
the defence always into consideration as well as the accusation. Thus
administering their office they will not only avoid offending either party,
which would compromise the termination of the matter, but will also approach
nearer the truth. In fact, with 'disputes of this kind, both parties are
generally in fault, one more, the other less; each in their turn have a share
in the fault, so the quietest way is to reprove them both, not entirely
absolving either, receiving with hesitation and caution what each alleges in
self-justification. This is a simpler method of gaining the end of
reconciliation, and at the same time shuts the door against the murmurers and
discourses of reckless tongues.
After all, when any
one finds that he has tried all he can in vain in these matters, let him send
the parties whom he despairs of reconciling either to his Lordship the Bishop,
or to his Vicar: and let him do this without exasperating either, or speaking
to either harshly. For our human weakness is prone to break out into complaint
against those from whom any one seeks what he thinks fair and does not get it.
&o that unless the unsuccessful mediator be very prudent, he may let a
sharp word or two escape him which may touch one or both of the litigants,
as being averse to
reconciliation or unjust. He will get nothing by this but the hatred of the one
whom he has hit, or perhaps the contempt of both parties, who will see the
imprudence of their chosen arbitrator, and acknowledge too late their mistake
in choosing him. So that in order that you may not lose the friendship of one
or both of the dissentients, as well as your own time and toil, endeavour by
all show of patient kindness, and by prudently complimentary language, to send
them both away at peace and goodwill at least with yourself.
And, as a general
rule, I entreat you to be always recollected and self possessed in your
intercourse with all kinds of men. Never forget that we are held up as a
spectacle before this perverse world, that we are always watched by the assiduous
and inquisitive eyes of envy, and of malice always inclined to evil judgment,
ready to seize every occasion of thinking j and talking ill of us, both from
men’s own inclinations, and from the instigation of the evil spirit our
restless and watchful enemy : and be convinced that of all the steps of
imprudence that is the most fatal which, besides present evil, plants the seed
of future mischief. We seem to ourselves to be hurried on by pure zeal for the
Divine glory, and yet with our intention directed good, wre fall,
and careless of acts and words, so long as we are urging on the work of religion,
we do and say what we shall afterwards blush or grieve for under a burning
sense of the serious evils which have resulted, which we should have foreseen
by circumspection or provided against by moderation, yet which have been
allowed to take place by our rashness, and furnish us with abundant matter for
useless and tardy repentance.
Dread especially
giving yourself up to the anger which may be provoked by a thousand occasions,
at the sight of so many crimes, but which yet causes the headlong fall of over
zealous men unless they step very carefully on this slippery ground, unless
they restrain their tongue from bitter speeches, by the bridle of a modest
gentleness: without which all the keenness of reproof will evaporate in
emptiness. How many persons have ever been improved by excited reprehension
from a man white with
passion? Never
reproach those who must be corrected except with calmness; let no anger appear
in the few words in which you address yourself to the cure of people who have
themselves fallen through excitement, otherwise you would give an example of
the evil rather than a remedy. The generality of men ascribe all anger to vice
: they are so far from being ready to believe that divine charity alone kindles
the zeal of religious persons who are intemperately violent against sinner?,
that they look upon this violence as a proof that these persons are just like
other men, and that they let themselves be carried away hither and thither by
their own vehement passions as much as the commonest of the people.
With religious of
other orders, and in general with all priests who for any reason may dispute
with you, you will always show yourself full of deference and humility
according to the precept of the Apostle, giving ‘place to wrath’ and agitation
if any sign of it should appear in them, and do this not only in cases where
your own conscience reproaches you, but also where you clearly know that you
are innocent and they in fault: nor even then desire any greater revenge on
those who trouble you unjustly than a humble silence, which modestly refrains
from vindication of its rights, when you perceive that all you could allege
would be in vain, because their ears are closed against you by prejudice and
anger. Retire into your own hearts at such times, and sigh over the condition
of these people hastening to their own fall by violating right and justice;
upon whom God will sooner or later take vengeance more sharply and severely
than you or they suspect. Therefore pour forth your prayers for them continually
before God, touched at the sight of their weakness and thoughtlessness : above
all things avoid giving way to the trouble you feel, revenging yourselves on
them beforehand in thought or silent desire of evil you might wish them, or in
conversation or word before others, exposing their injustice much less by any
actions which in turn do them hurt.
Regard alljthose
feelings which flesh and blood, with the depraved instincts of our nature,
rouse in the imperfect, as infi-
nitely dangerous and
injurious to you, unless you banish them. Be certain, without any doubt at all,
that God is wont to shed profusely His most precious graces and blessings upon
those who, for the love of Him, patiently suffer heavy charges without any
wish for revenge, and who overcome by the sweetness of divine charity all
inclination to return the injury. Then it is that God, so full of mercy, feels,
so to speak, obliged to compensate abundantly for that of which they have been
deprived by injustice; to load with honours and benefits those whom calumny
disfigures and violence despoils, while their tran- ■ quil and
peaceful souls remain unmoved by indignation, how- | ever great may be the
wantonness of the assault. He will take 1 peculiar care to inflict in His own
good time the shame and confusion they have merited upon the authors of the
mischief, who so unjustly oppose you, who disturb your pious enter- prizes. But
He will not do all this if you take any part yourselves in the matter, and
either by angry feelings in your wounded heart, or complaints put into words,
or by doing anything in your power to put your persecutors to pain, endeavour
yourselves to inflict vengeance upon them.
If it should happen,
from which may God preserve us! that ia dispute should arise between you and
any other religious, be careful above all things to avoid disputing with them
before the Governor or Commandant, or in presence of any secular whatever.
Laymen are wonderfully scandalized at hearing and seeing such outbreaks in men
who are consecrated to God. If these religious have declaimed against you from
the pulpit, or have defamed you in public conversation, you will apply to his
Lordship the Bishop, and you will beg him, if he thinks fit, to call them
before him, and after having heard the cause before the • two parties, to
decide what may seem expedient to make up the quarrel, and put an end to a
scandal so mischievous to the people. You will tell his lordship that I myself
beg him to attend to this work himself, and put an end in good time to my
divisions of this nature, lest they should be brought before secular
magistrates, or in any way get abroad among the people, ,vhich should be
avoided if possible.
VOL. 11.
GG
For the rest, even
should these religious have declaimed* against you in the pulpit, I absolutely
forbid your making in your turn your apology and defence of your own rights
from the same place. Let it suffice for you, as I have said, to place the
matter before the Bishop, and to prevail on him to summon your adversaries,
listen to them in your presence, and after taking thorough cognizance of
everything to terminate the busi-| ness in some way or other, checking by his
wisdom and authority the scandals which might arise, and which would cause
immense harm among the people. On this point, you should observe that the
honour of the Society does not consist in energetically defending our rights
before the people, in winning our cause by arguments before men, or in gaining
the applause of our audience at an unbecoming time and place. The whole affair
stands or falls by the judgment of God. If God should disapprove of what we do,
the false favour of the world would I not efface our real stain before God. Let
us look to this be- ! yond all else, that we be at one with God as
to our line of 1 duty, that we act by His inspiration, that we truly
rejoice that! we are approved by Him. Now God would never approve of I our
prolonging our disputes to the great disturbance of the I public. He desires
His own to give place to wrath, to appease I tumults, to live in calmness, to,
be peaceable even with those who hate peace.s
Not only do I
earnestly advise you to behave thus under such circumstances, but I prescribe
and command it by my authority. I repeat it, you must not plead your own
cause,! even when publicly attacked, but have recourse to his Lordship the
Bishop, and stand by his decision, earnestly imploring him not to hesitate in
restoring peace in the land where the enemy has sown discord.
Finally, aboye all, I
commend to you yourself: be careful always to remember that you are a member of
the Society ol Jesus. This thought will suggest to you on all occasions what
you ought to do. Farewell.
Goa, April
15, 1552. FRANCIS.
8 Ps. cxix.
7.
We come next to what
is in fact a long instruction on the method of government to be pursued by a
Superior of the Society, both as regards the internal discipline of his house
and his relations with others abroad. Here again we have, as in the instruction
given to the same Father Gaspar when going to Ormuz, the results of the careful
thought, prayer, and experience of Francis Xavier as to some of the most
important duties which can fall to the lot of a religious. We need not dwell on
the evident carefulness and consideration of all possible circumstances and
issues with which this document is drawn up, nor the forethought as to future
arrangements which it displays.
In order that you may
be able to discharge worthily, to your own spiritual advantage as well as that
of others, the government of the College at Goa and of our brethren in those
parts which I have intrusted to you, I think it right, just as I .am starting
on a very distant journey, to leave you the following precepts in writing,
which I entreat you to read very frequently during my absence, keeping them
constantly present to your memory. For I think that these suggestions will be a
useful guide and counsel to you in all your administration of such matters, so
as to direct you profitably towards that end which is our sole aim, the greater
glory of God.
Above all things,
strive to keep your mind firmly established in the consciousness of your own
abasement, according to those precepts which, at your request, I have already
given you on this subject. Recall them by daily meditation, dwelling on them so
that they may sink deeply into your soul, that thus the points I suggested, and
the other lights on the subject with which God in His mercy may favour you in
meditation, may be indelibly engraved upon your mind. Behave with great
modesty, affability, and indulgence towards those fathers who reside with you,
as well as those who live elsewhere under your authority, with no severity or
sternness, except to those whb
might take unfair
advantage of your meekness or humility. In the latter case, looking to their
good alone, and not that you may support your authority, or punish them for
despising itr let them feel your power just so far as is necessary,
in order that by moderately chastising them you may raise them from their fall
by needful correction, and that the scandal given to our brothers who have
witnessed the fault' may be removed by the wholesome example of its repression.
Let every fault
against obedience committed by the fathers- or brothers be visited by some
penance. In this matter no exception is to be made for priests over clerics and
lay brothers. Should any one under you treat you with pride, and ifr
puffed up by a vain opinion of himself, he should meet your orders with a lofty
brow and arrogance and haughtiness, be stern with him, showing him the severity
of a master rather than kindness and affability. Impose public penances for
daily faults on these rather than on others; above all, be careful that they
do not see any weakness in you, or that you fear them, and so will allow other
faults to pass unpunished, but especially those against authority. Nothing
confirms contumacious subjects in their boldness and prompts them to rebellion
more than any proof they may have seen of weakness on the part of their
superiors. If they perceive them to be anxious and timid, hesitating to impose
punishment upon subjects who refuse the respect and obedience due to their
superiors, there is no end to their inflation, which reaches even insolent audacity.
The success of their conduct encourages them to persevere therein, and the
evil will continually increase, each step- being fraught with great mischief to
the common peace. You must therefore carry out with great exactness what I
prescribe,, not allowing any personal consideration or fear of the opinion or
observations of the world to prevent you from doing as you ought.
Among inferiors there
are some who, without being self willed, sometimes neglect the commands of
their superiors through weakness and forgetfulness, without any contempt for
these orders, but from indolence and carelessness. You should
correct these more
gently, softening the severity of reproof by ■a kind
countenance and deportment, while, as a penance for their fault, inflicting
only a slight punishment. If among the lay brothers you observe any who set
themselves above their rank, with some appearance of arrogance, be most careful
to humble them, setting them to the meanest offices in the house; and as long as
you notice in them this vain opinion of themselves, treat them in a grave,
severe, or as it might seem, a contemptuous manner. This coldness will cure
their inflation 3 and if it brings about more humility on their part, you can
relax your disdainful manner, and when they are reduced to due modesty, you
will instantly soften the severity of your aspect, as if to thank and rejoice
with them ; in order that, by a comparison of the different effects of
different conduct, they may learn what is best, and at the same time disabuse
themselves of a terrible mistake, by which such persons sometimes delude
themselves, fancying they are necessary to the Society. The Society however
does not want proud people; and this, if they are wise, they will learn from
the severity shown them by their superior as long as they claim too much for
themselves.
Take care never to
admit into the Society any subjects lacking industry, of poor judgment, limited
intelligence, or indifferent strength, men not fit to manage anything well.
Nor, again, those whom you may suspect to be inclined towards the religious
life rather by weariness of their own indigence, than by zeal for God’s
service. To those whom either you or Father de Morales may admit, I wish that
you yourself should give the month’s retreat, and in this duty do not let any
one else take your place. During the whole of this time you will watch them
with scrupulous attention, studying them until you know them thoroughly. After
the Exercises, put them to humble occupations, for example, the care of the
sick in the public hospitals, domestic work in the kitchen, or other lowly
offices of the same kind. Whilst they are making the Exercises, you will make
them render you a most exact account of the efforts they have made to acquit
themselves well of the usual
meditations according
to the prescribed method. If you find that they do this with sloth and
tepidity, you may either send them back whence they came, relieving the Society
at once of a useless weight, or, if you have a ray of hope as to their
amendment, you may withdraw them for a few days from the practice of these holy
meditations, taking away from them, asa punishment, a privilege of which their
negligence has rendered them unworthy, so that this humiliation may cover them
with confusion, and lead them to desire more earnestly to return to this course
with their companions, and persevere with them for the required space.
As to the making vows
you will observe the following plan. First, you will tell all the persons whom
you may have received to probation, not to bind themselves by any engagement
before God, without having first communicated with you, and obtained' your
consent. Insist on this chiefly at the beginning of the Exercises. Those who
have been sufficiently tried, and who are to make the vows in due form, these
may bind themselves in precise terms to poverty, chastity, and obedience., But
warn them beforehand that this engagement on their part, and the obligation of
the vows, only bind them by virtue of that act of religion while they remain in
the Society. That if (from which God preserve them) they are excluded from it
on account of any fault, by the Rector, or by any one who has power from him,
they will remain entirely released from all obligation of such vows. Let them
make their vows in your presence, pronouncing the form given to you in writing,
the words of which express their oblation of themselves. You will also
prescribe to them beforehand the other rules to be observed, one of which
should be that they read aloud the formula of the vows at mass, when the priest
is going to administer communion, and then at once receive the Blessed
Sacrament. This rule, which makes the obligation of their vows depend on their
remaining in the Society, is the more indispensable in this country of the
Indies, because there are here fewer monasteries belonging to other religious
orders, into which subjects might pass who, having made their profession
in our Order, are
found to be unfit for it. Therefore, that the Society may be free to rid
herself of hurtful members, without which power she cannot exist, it is most
expedient to declare to those who take the vows, that the engagement they
contract by these religious vows is dissolved by their legitimate dismissal
from the Society by the Superiors thereof.
You will write to our
brethren who live in different parts of this country, forbidding any of them,
in any place, to receive a person into the Society without consulting you, and
warning them that such admission is invalid, because they do not possess the
legitimate power for it. If, therefore, subjects present themselves to them,
whom they consider suitable, they should write to you what are the talents and
qualities which they possess for working for the service of God in the Society.
When you have answered that you do not object to enroll these persons in the
Society, there is nothing to prevent their receiving a certain hope that they
may obtain their wish, so they may be sent to you at Goa, or, if you prefer it,
you will desire that one of our brothers, who is capable of it, may give them
where they are the month’s retreat, and that then they may begin to be put to
the interior trials of our Institute. Still, as a general rule, it seems to me
preferable, when there is no insuperable obstacle, that they should be summoned
to this College, where I think they can be examined with greater facility and
certitude. Notwithstanding, I leave the matter altogether to you; and in this
and all other matters you will always act truly and simply in whatever way
seems to you to lead most directly to the greater service of God.
You will carefully
exhort .all the superiors of houses or dwellings of the Society in this
country,—whether those where our brethren are charged with the direct care of
souls, being the only directors of vacant churches deprived of their ordinary
pastors, or those who are working as auxiliaries to the ordinary priests of
the place,—to write every year to our blessed Father Ignatius, and accurately
and at full length, explaining to him in detail whatever good God vouchsafes to
work by their means, in those places and among those people where they are em
ployed. But let them
carefully avoid inserting in these accounts anything which could offend any
one who might read them. Let them leave out faults which cannot be remedied,
which it is no use to speak of, and which cause a scandal; the telling of which
might occasion in the readers a useless sorrow, and bring on the writers a just
charge of imprudence. Let them be content to say what it is well should be
known, and what is worthy of mention; the propagation of God’s kingdom, the
triumphs of grace, the idolaters converted'to the religion of Jesus Christ, and
the guilty reclaimed from the path of their iniquities. And let them add any
hopes that may appear of further and immediate progress. They should also send
letters to all the members of the Society in Europe, with the same contents and
composed in the same way, informing them, for the honour of God and their, mutual
consolation, of the success of their labours, without any offensive allusion or
every illtimed complaint, any indiscreet revelation of what ought to be kept in
silence. Some of these letters may be addressed to the Society at Coimbra, who
will have them conveyed throughout Spain. The others, to ours at Rome, and to
the fathers and brothers of the Society dispersed in all the countries of
Europe. You will yourself write privately to the Rector of the College at
Coimbra, as to the state and success of your College at Goa, telling such
things as you think may please him: but in the style of your letters do not
think of his judgment, but remember that a great number of people belonging to
every class will judge of your language, for letters of this kind are eagerly
sought and widely spread. Your modesty and prudence will both make you dread
and avoid censure from them. And you should endeavour that your reports of
events in India may satisfy public curiosity, so as not only to give no
offence, but also to do good no the readers.
I think you should
also carefully write to inform our blessed Father Ignatius, how important it is
for the extension of God’s glory here in the Indies, and for the greater
spiritual benefit of souls, that he should obtain from the Pope spiritual
favours for our brethren in these countries, such as plenary indulgences
offered to those who
have worthily approached the Sacraments of Penance and Holy Eucharist. It would
be necessary that these opportunities held out to the people of obtaining these
sacred benefits should recur several times in the year, that is, on the most
solemn feasts, and that they should not be offered in one short space of time
for every place at once. Since there is here but a small number of priests,
especially of such as are capable of skilfully deciding cases of conscience,
where there is 1 a great number of penitents, a sufficiently long time is necessary
for them to open all the secrets of their soul and to act complish due
satisfaction. The fathers also, after imparting to one town or place the
advantages of the Papal Indulgence, should have leisure to proceed to another
for the same purpose.
Remind our Father
also to take care that, if possible, the grants of these favours should be sent
to us in due form with the necessary signatures and seals affixed for the
authentication in the regular way, so as to be shown to the suspicious. In
these countries some people can with difficulty be persuaded to receive as
certain indults of this kind, unless there are incontestable proofs and
guarantees. It would also be useful that these diplomas should express formally
in so many words the Pope’s intention that the benefit and fruit of these
graces should extend to all the faithful of every sex, age, and condition, settlers,
natives, or travellers who are found, for whatever reason it may be, beyond the
Cape of Good Hope as far as the extreme East.
You will more easily
induce our Father Ignatius to consent to take this trouble, if you give him, as
you can with truth, a magnificent account of the spiritual fruits, really great
and marvellous, which the Jubilee that he previously dispatched us from Rome
produced here. This Jubilee was limited to a short space of time and fettered
by restrictions, and yet it produced such great good. You can argue what
"still greater advantages we may hope for from plenary Indulgences rightly
allotted, granted for a period of several years, and recurring with the
solemnity of certain feasts. In this matter I would have you put forth all your
powers of persuasion, using the most strenu
ous efforts, so that
Father Ignatius may feel that he should do his utmost in obtaining us these
graces. You will add that I also join with the utmost energy in your
solicitations, and that I shall esteem it a singular favour to myself, if he
yields to my entreaties, and vouchsafes to obtain for these people so precious
an opportunity of spiritual advantages. You will also write to Master Simon, or
to the Rector of the College at Coimbra, begging that they will themselves
treat of this matter with the King, explaining to him the immense fruits which
must infallibly result from the promulgation of these Indulgences, so as to
prevail on his Highness to help us by writing to Rome, or rather settle the
matter at once by his high influence and favour with the Pontiff, arranging
that these indults be consigned to Father Ignatius, addressed to the College
of the Society of Jesus at Goa, so as to be given out at the discretion of the
Fathers of this College. The consequence will be that the people, won by the
favours which these fathers have obtained and will dispense to them, will
regard them with greater honour a.nd respect, so that their labours will be
more acceptable, and so more profitable to all sorts of people.
When people seek
admittance to the Society, do not, I advise you, hasten to receive them,
however fit, at too early I an age \ reject absolutely those that you know
belong to any of those classes which our Father Ignatius has by name excluded I
for ever from entrance into our Order. One of these is, as you I know, to be of
Jewish extraction. Be careful also not to admit I anyone unless he is eminently
gifted with the qualities suitable] to some one of the special ministrations of
our Institute. If | they are uneducated, I absolutely forbid their being
received I among the spiritual workers, however great may be their ability, I
and when a number of persons who are unexceptionable offer I themselves, avoid
accepting too many. Choose a few amongst I a great number, the worthiest among
the worthy, taking into! consideration at the same time the number of our
residences! and offices, and also the ordinary casualties, so that there mayj
be enough to send where necessity calls, to supply the places! of those who
fail by sickness or death, and yet not more than!
are wanted, so as to
be doing nothing and burthening the • house.
You must be careful
never to allow any of ours to be raised to the priesthood if he is not
sufficiently learned, and unless the innocence of his life be thoroughly proved
to you by the experience of several years. Father Ignatius has forbidden this
most expressly. Even had he kept silence, the thing speaks for itself, and the
sad remembrance of those serious annoyances which have occurred to us from this
source should be enough to make us avoid it. Do not be deceived by the hope of
perfection in religion which may be remarkable in , an ignorant man, as though
that compensated for the defect of knowledge. These hopes are often proved
fallacious by experience. Circumstances cause the mask to be dropped, and such
persons show themselves what they really are. I wish, therefore, that you
should be lynxeyed in penetrating the secret depths of souls, so as not to be
misled at once by a few tears shed in prayer, or by the sighs wrung from some
of these in holy meditations. Wait until real experience has convinced you that
these subjects practise an active control over the depraved inclinations of
nature, over anger, ambition, selfwill, and that they have a perpetual horror
for every kind of vainglory, before you make up your mind that they deserve
the credit of a sanctity perfect in every respect, and, so to speak,
consummated.
The order of charity
requires us to give our care first to persons of our own community, and then to
externs. See, then, in the first place, that you fulfil the duties of a genuine
father towards our own people, to the native children and orphans who are
pupils of this house, providing carefully all that they want either for soul or
body. When this duty is accomplished you can expend whatever remains of time
and strength in the service of others. I command you this in the name of our
Father Ignatius, and I advise it with all the earnestness' that I can command.
Indeed, I am deeply assured that this counsel is of the utmost importance. It
seems to me that those who desire only to please men and who are satisfied with
a vain appearance, without caring for a moment to be
pleasing in the sight
of God, Who pierces the depths of the soul, are no worse than those who, taking
no heed of complaints at home, seek the favour of the town, falsely thinking
that they have fulfilled their duty, whilst they are neglecting its first and
principal obligation, in order to devote all their energies in the most
preposterous manner to secondary and accessory works. Those who do this are in
the most complete error, and lest you should be of the number I desire you
recall this advice of mine daily to your memory.
I see that the office
which is intrusted to you is so manifold and full of detail that it is evident
that you can never discharge alone all its duties yourself. As it is necessary
that you should use deputies who will take charge of a number of particular
matters for you, I wish you to have two rules as to this. First, in any
function only to employ those who you know are competent to fill it. Secondly,
to watch vigilantly over all, to demand frequently an account of what they
have done, and if they have committed any fault not to let it pass unpunished.
Consider that you are placed on high to watch over all, and according as in
this duty you have been either strict and indefatigable, or careless and
negligent, so you will have provided well or badly for your inferiors, and
either have fulfilled your duty, or have rendered yourself guilty of bad
administration of your power.
The greater part of
this care of yours should be given to those functions which are of the widest
utility. You should, therefore, attend first and principally to the sermons
addressed to the people by ours, to the hearing of confessions, to their
familiar conversation and intercourse with those without. Finally, to the
handling of charitable works. The preachers you must form to a true idea of
their function, and approve or correct them as is needed. Confessors you will
admonish and instruct, seeing how they do their business. Then, as far as may
be, see that the familiar intercourse of the brothers with people of various
conditions shall be fruitful and religious, by giving advice beforehand or by
examination afterwards, so as to procure ■in every
point the perfection suitable to our Institute.
Take carc to keep
yourself informed by certain and frequent intelligence as to the state and
doings of our brothers who are going about to preach, or those who are
dispersed in the various residences about there. Write to them frequently, and
carefully explain the most minute details. Desire them in turn to write to you
often and at full length. Attend diligently to this correspondence. Study at
leisure the letters you have received. Think over your own before writing them,
and consider, what j is really the case, that a great part of your duty
consists in this I diligence. You will also inquire of any strangers who arrive
from places where ours reside, how they go on, in what respect they are held,
what they may have heard people say of them, and the like.
Write to me at
Malacca most fully about all the affairs of the College; about each of the
fathers sent out to preach the Gospel; about the country where each is; with
what ardour, with what success they are working: be careful not to do this in a
summary way. Enter into everything and descend to the most minute particulars.
Say also what is the political condition of these countries, for of this also
it is well we should be informed. Do not forget to give an account of what
other religious bodies are doing for the glory of God and the salvation of
souls. Add the last news from Portugal; what report or letters tell us of our
brethren at Coimbra, at .Rome, and all over Europe. As to the letters directed
to me which may reach you, especially those from Master Simon and from our
friends at Rome, you will take care if there are, as is usual, several copies
of them, to address one to Malacca to Father Francesco Perez; for I will tell
him to get it transcribed and to send me copies by more than one way. If you
have only received one copy, you will open the letter, have it transcribed by a
trustworthy secretary, and keeping the original, send the copy to Father Perez.
Remember to do this every year. You must insist that the fathers living at
Bazain, Cochin, Coulan, on the Comorin Coast, and at Meliapor, write to me once
every year carefully and at length. I can by no means allow this duty to be neglected
either by you or them.
I desire most
earnestly that you and all our fathers should show yourselves full of obedience
and submission to his Lordship the Bishop. Take special care never to cause
him, under any circumstance, the least annoyance; on the contrary, study in all
things to serve and please so kind and indulgent a Father, who for so many
reasons deserves that we should show our filial devotion to him in every way.
You will tell the fathers who live away from Goa to write sometimes to show their
veneration to the Bishop, and to inform him briefly of the spiritual fruit
which, by the help of God, they reap from their labours. They should add all
they can say with truth in praise of the Bishop’s Vicars in the places where
they are residing, carefully praising whatever they are doing for the public
good. Let them give liberal praise to all that is done by the other religious
and priests for the good of the Church, by preaching or other sacred functions.
If they have nothing favourable to say let them hold their tongues, and not
consider it their business to lay before the Bishop any complaints against his
Vicars or the other evangelical labourers. There will never be wanting people
to do this. Should they find it necessary to treat with the Bishop upon any
other business, I would not have them put it into these letters, which I wish
to be designed to give consolation and refreshment to this good Father. If they
have business of this kind, let them write about that at another time.
Admonish, in my name,
all of ours to show everywhere a great obedience to the Bishop’s Vicars,
telling them how painful it would be to me to hear from any quarter that there
had been any sort of difference between the Vicars and the Fathers of the
Society, who labour in places under them. Add that in the letters they write to
me I wish them to say what good understanding they have with the Vicars.
Further, it would be an immense pleasure if they could get the Vicars to write
to me testifying to the value and the abundance of the fruit gathered by our
fathers who are employed in their districts. I now again enjoin you, on account
of the importance of the matter, take care that our fathers, especially where
there are Portuguese garrisons, whose mission is there, live in perfect
union with the
Vicars, and that they never on any account enter into any difference with them.
In order that this recommendation may have more weight with them, mention
particularly in your letters that, before setting sail for China, I left you in
this College an order to expel from the Society any belonging to us who should
offend against the Vicars, or who should in any way have been at variance with
them.
After my departure,
apply to the Bishop, if he thinks fit, to write regarding the Jubilee to those
parts where the fathers of the Society are, desiring them to promulgate it,
that those spiritual fruits of which it gives promise may come to light.' This
Jubilee has been extended to the whole of the present year 1552, that the
benefit of it maybe enjoyed without difficulty by all in the Portuguese
settlements throughout the Indies with a great dearth of opportunities for
cleansing their souls by confession. This delay will allow of their being all
attended to in order, by sending our fathers to different places, according to
requirement. It was that motive which made me ask for an extension to the whole
year of the faculty of acquiring so signal a grace.
Should it happen that
among the fathers who come from Portugal this year there are some gifted with
an unusual talent for preaching, I think you had better send one with a lay brother
to Diu, giving him the instructions which I formally wrote for the fathers at
Ormuz. There are, as you know, two of them; for I gave you a number of precepts
when you went there for the first time, and I added some others for him who
succeeded you in your mission. I know that some copies of each remain. You will
let them who go to Diu have a copy, earnestly advising them to read it
frequently, and to fulfil it to the letter. If among our brethren who are
expected to arrive from Portugal by the next vessels there should be one, I do
not say of very great experience in preaching, or giving fair hopes of producing
great effects in the pulpit, but not unlearned, one who seems likely from his
strength of mind and body to be able to endure great labours, you will send him
to Malacca by the fleet which starts from Goa by the April monsoon, so that
from Ma
lacca he may sail for
Japan by the first opportunity, and then work together with Cosmo Torres. But
see that he takes with him a small sum of money, collected when here as an alms
to serve for maintenance for him and the others, for .evangelical workmen in
that country as yet reap no fruit but hard work. They have abundance of good to
do and evil to suffer, but nothing on which to live or give their bodies any
comfort. Exert yourself, therefore, to assist them in these two points, using,
I beg of you, your utmost zeal and efforts; and specially strive also to obtain
from God, by the prayers and sacrifices of yourself and others, that He will
deign to show favour to those going thither both amid the innumerable perils of
that vast and dangerous ocean, as well as living there amid the miseries and
trials which are to be found in Japan.
If all the fathers
brought by the fleet expected from Portugal this year should be equally
excellent in eloquence and learning, so that there should be none amongst them
who does not seem likely in the gift of speech to surpass our brother Antonio
Eredia, who now fills the office of preacher at Cochin, I would have you send
one of these fathers immediately to Cochin to replace Eredia, carrying him your
orders that he should repair to Japan. But before making this decision,
consider carefully whether it is really probable that this father will acquit
himself of the preaching at Cochin with more fruit and advantage than Eredia;
for if this is not certain, and if it seems prudent to suppose that the newly
arrived is only equal and not superior to Eredia, I see no reason for making
any change. Therefore, leaving Eredia where he is, you should, I think, send
the last arrived preacher to Japan.
I give you much the
same orders regarding Melchior Nunez, who is now Superior of the College at
Bazain, fulfilling the office of preacher in the same town. I wish, I say, if
the Portuguese vessels bring a good number of eminent preachers, that one might
be sent to succeed Nunez; a man capable of producing great effect among the
people, stirring up souls by his discourse, and at the same time able to
manage with the necessary prudence and discernment the domestic administration
and the
disposal of the funds
which his highness has granted the Society lit Bazain for the support of
evangelical labourers. In this lease let Melchior Nunez, set free from the
administration of ■Bazain, sail by the April monsoon to
Malacca, and hence to Ijapan. From my knowledge of Melchior Nunez’s
eminent Iqualities, too good for the work at Bazain, I should be glad I that
such a man, set free from that charge, and replaced by a ■competent
successor, could be transferred thither. The great lleaming which he possesses
in so high a degree will make him Imuch more useful there than at Bazain. If
this were done it Iwould be useless to remove Eredia from Cochin for other reasons,
but especially because the great poverty of Japan does
I^not, for the
present at least, require more than one additional labourer. Whatever happens,
leave no stone unturned, as they gay, omit no effort or exertion to dispatch at
least one of ours to Japan this year to share the labours of Cosmo Torres.
Both you and all ours
of the College at Goa must preserve true friendship with the reverend fathers
and friars of the Orders of St. Francis and St. Dominic, keeping this friendship
ilive by all the kind offices of religious charity in your power. You will
beware, as far as in your power, not to give any of these religious a ground of
quarrel. If the dissension begins on their side, and break out in the pulpits,
I implore you, in God’s name, to abstain from answering them before the people.
Let them say what their zeal may inspire : but do you practise in silence the
virtues of charity and obedience. I expressly forbid pou to prolong the
discussion noisily under any pretext at all; however much you are injured,
however unjustly you may seem to be calumniated, I will not have you utter a
word in public, such as might give your hearers the least idea of your vexation
and of your sense of injury. Nothing can be enough :o balance the scandal that
conflicts of this nature cause among the people.
If, however, it
should seem to you that thus to allow the declamations of your adversaries to
be repeated with impunity vere to cause scandal as well as offence against God,
while thfs
VOL. II. H H
people, in
uncertainty as to which they should believe of the two parties, should incur
danger to their souls, you should place the matter before the Bishop, begging
him to summon before him your public traducers, and after having heard their accusations
in your presence, and listened to your defence, to terminate the difference by
his own decision, so as to restore peace and compose those quarrels which
disturb the congregation. For we, as well as these fathers, aim only at one
sole object, which is the increase of the worship of God, and the progress of
souls in the way of salvation. By thus invoking the authority of the Bishop
between you, you will, as far as you are concerned, take sufficient precaution
that the Divine Mai jesty may not be offended, and that the simple faith of the
peo-i pie be not offended by such discussions; and when friendshipl has been
restored between you and those fathers, your efforts should be directed towards
keeping up and increasing the union; you will sometimes visit them, and show
them all the good offices of religious charity.
You must, by every
proof of goodwill, make friends of the parish priests in the town, and the
Superiors of the churches,! under whatever title, in order to please them; you
will, if in your power, do all they may ask of you, preaching in their churches
as often as they ask you; and upon every occasion when you meet them, both your
actions and words should abundantly prove your entire devotion towards them.
Never let either
yourself or any of ours be entangled in worldly business under any pretext
whatever. When such requests are made to you, reply that, after the
ministration of God’s Word and the Sacraments, there remains to you hardly* the
space of time necessary for prayer and study, for preparing, yourselves for the
holy functions of public preaching, and for deciding cases of conscience in
confession. Without invert-1 ing the order of charity, you cannot postpone the
care of souls and the service of God to the pursuit of earthly advantage or low
temporal gains. Thus you must rid yourselves of all troubles of this nature;
unless you do this, you will cause' great harm to yourself and to the Society.
Be sure that this is
the door which gives
the world entrance into religious houses, to the immense ruin both of religion
and of religious.
In intercourse with
persons who visit you, prudently consider what are the views of each. Some
come for the sake of their spiritual progress, others in hope of temporal
advantage. We even see people sometimes with whom the sacrament of Penance is
an opportunity of seeking gain, who approach the ears of God’s minister to
recite the secret miseries of their poverty, and to reveal their indigence
rather than their sins. I exhort you to avoid persons of this sort with great
care ; and, that you may not leave them longer in error, tell them at once that
you cannot assist them either by giving them money or by gaining them favour
with men. Cut short summarily all interviews with these people, for they are
full of talk; and if you give ear to them, they will take a deal of your time,
to no I purpose. Such people have lost all sense of spiritual losses;
1 their whole mind is
simply bent on the desire for the material 1 help of which they are in need.
Dismiss people of this kind, whatever their sex, condition, or position, with a
few words. Keep them at a distance, as drones who would rob your stores 1
of honey. Their thoughts are all of this earth, and if they 1 get possession of
a person, they will much sooner draw him down from heavenly thoughts and make
him give up the salu- itary helping of souls, by their importunate demands for
cor- iporal assistance, than will he, with all his effort, raise them out of
that mire of low cares in which they are fast stuck.
I urge this advice on
you the more earnestly because I am sure it is most absolutely necessary for
you. Do not consider a moment the complaints and murmurs which may be made
against you by these speculators, who seek worldly advantage out of
religion—who will attempt perhaps to avenge themselves by accusations against
you for your firmness in not yielding to their desires as they wished. Let
them feel that you entertain not the slightest fear or anxiety as to their
opinion or resentment; let them never detect in you any softness or apprehension
at their empty talk. That would show you are not sufficiently detached from the
world; as if you could de
liberate whether you
should please and make yourself agreeable to it, or to Jesus Christ, to whom
you are bound by your vows; which would seem a sort of abandonment of the ranks
of the Lord’s army—a disgraceful apostacy from your purpose of irrevocably
pursuing what is most perfect.
In the care of the
boys of the seminary who are the children of natives, or orphans, you must
diligently see that they want nothing, either as to food, clothes, or remedies,
when sick. Watch very carefully that they receive a solid and regular
instruction, both in the elements of Christian doctrine and in letters,
according to the intelligence of each. Remember that the intention of the
founders, who erected this College with the King’s money, and the repeated and
precise orders of his Highness, are to the eftect that in the seminary of Goa
native children should be trained in good habits and in a liberal education.
Be careful therefore to discharge in all these points the duty which has
devolved upon you. You know well what the complaints of old were. Avoid
carefully exposing yourself and the Society to similar accusations.
Every time vessels
sail for Portugal you must write to his Highness short and careful letters,
informing him of all the spiritual fruits which have been gathered at Goa and
in the other parts of India by the labours of the Society. For this purpose you
must collect an account beforehand of all that has been done in different
parts; and you must take the chief points, and so form an account such as you
may hope it will please his Highness and his court to read. In other letters
you must recommend to the King the material affairs of the College, telling him
what it wants, in order to bear the expenses which fall upon it. State the sum
to which the secure revenues of the year amount, and the extraordinary gifts,
and when they come in. It is important that these details should be stated with
precision, because I understand that the King sometimes bids that certain
extraordinary receipts should be assigned by the officers of finance to the
College of Goa; and I do not know whether the fidelity of the ministers has
always corresponded to his Highness’s liberality. The King, hearing from
you all that you have
received, will take care that if anything less than what he ordered has been
paid, it shall be made up to you. You will add that the fathers who are sent
from this College to preach the Gospel in different parts, on their arrival at
the mission intrusted to them, are frequently prevented, by the want of the
merest necessaries, from rightly discharging their duty; and then you can
suggest that it seems to you worthy of his Highness’s piety and munificence
that he should deign to send a rescript, duly attested and sealed, commanding
that in all Portuguese garrisons where there are stations of the Society our
fathers should receive out of the royal treasury and stores both food and such
other subsidies as may be necessary. His Highness should also order another
rescript to be dispatched, commanding the Captain at Malacca to send to our
fathers residing at Japan a sufficient sum for their maintenance, drawn from
the royal treasury. In fact they can expect little or no help from the
natives, on account of the barrenness of the country and the poverty of the
inhabitants, which results from it. Write yourself to Master Simon, or the
Rector of the College of Lisbon, most urgently recommending to them these three
matters : the income of the College of Goa, the support of the fathers who
dwell in Portuguese garrisons, and the support of the mission of Japan, that
they may themselves speak to his highness on these matters, and promote them
by continual pressure.
I remind you again,
and I beg you to remember that the letters which you send—to the King
especially—should be written with prudence and deliberation, for they are seen
and judged by a great number of people. Adieu.
Goa, April
1552. FRANCIS.
The next letter is a
kind of companion to the foregoing, relating more particularly to the
management of temporal concerns and the particular circumstances of the College
at Goa, which appears to have been mismanaged by Antonio Gomez in financial as
well as in more important respects. Francis repeats, as we shall see, the
warning against an in
dulgence in the too
common taste for overbuilding which he had given to Melchior Nunez, and dwells
with great urgency on the necessity of relieving the missioners among the
heathen in every possible way.
(ci.) To Father Gaspar Baertz.
With regard to the
temporal administration of this house which is intrusted to you, I have thought
it right to advise you as follows separately and more distinctly.
You will collect
carefully, and having gathered them together, keep by you the charters and
title-deeds, wherein the foundation and property of the College are set forth,
such as the rescripts of our lord the King assigning to this College the revenues
taken from the pagodas; the donations and other grants named in his Highness’s
letters signed and sealed in due form, and attested and confirmed by the former
Governors of India; in short, all the authentic documents and original papers.
In your intercourse with the secular procurator of the house and with Cosmo
Anez—who in everything that concerns the revenues of the College has great
authority, because of the importance of his office, as well as the fullest
experience—have as frequent and as familiar interviews and dealings with them
in the way of all friendly offices as may be required by the interest of the
College. Spend as much time and be as intimate with them as may be necessary in
order to put on a firm footing the revenues of the College, which are now in a
shaky state, and on which we find we cannot depend; for a great part of those
annual sums which previously belonged to the priests of the pagodas and are now
allotted to the support of the missioners, is never paid, the persons bound
obstinately refusing payment, and in many other instances the clear rights of
the College have come to naught by unjust violence and a hardy refusal of
satisfaction. You should, therefore, urge upon Cosmo and the others to arrange
some efficacious remedy for these abuses.
I used to think it
would be well—you will judge whether it is so or not—that letters should be
obtained from the ecclesiastical 1 authorities, in which threat of anathema
should be proclaimed in the usual solemn form against all who refuse to pay the
in- 1 come due to this College, or in any way keep back property 1
belonging to it; this threat to be carried out, if in a fixed time 1
they have not restored what they possess unjustly, and set their >
conscience right by returning their unlawful spoils to the legitimate owners.
But these and other measures of the same nature, which might be taken amiss by
the people—such as to arrest and imprison the farmers of the revenue who
neglect to pay the pension charged upon it—must be carried out by externs, so as
to bring less odium on the Society.
All the funds of the
house should be in your own hands, under lock and key; you alone should put in
and take out; you alone should disburse, to the persons employed by you, the
sums you think necessary towards the expenses of our brethren, the pupils, and
the preachers labouring at a distance for religion. Poor men ! they most
commonly suffer extreme misery from the want of the absolute necessaries of
life; and what is the worst, they are obliged to give up great undertakings,
to the immense prejudice of the souls under their care, sinking under the
pressure of want, after waiting long in vain for promised assistance. I pray
you to provide against such misfortunes by a fair and prudent distribution of
the college revenues, which you will, as is reasonable, first employ for the necessities
of the house, for our own brothers and the externs in it; then send part to our
people at Cape Comorin and in the Isles of the Moor, who are languishing in the
most grievous want; to those also at the Moluccas and Japan, that they may be
enabled to live at least poorly; for without some help they will be obliged to
leave undone most important works, and to sacrifice vast hopes, to the great
injury of God’s kingdom. I have mentioned those who live away from Portuguese
settlements, and in the midst of natives, because their condition is in this
way the hardest. Those who reside in the King’s garrisons, or in other places
of settlement or resort for Europeans, will never
be allowed'to want,
nor to give up their labours for the salva-l tion of souls for want of
maintenance—misfortunes which may I well befall those who dwell away amid
barbarous populations, I partly hostile and partly in misery themselves. These
labourers I will die of hunger if they do not receive assistance from their I
brothers at a distance.
Above all things, I
greatly desire that you should attend I carefully to pay off the debts
contracted by the College \ for it I is wrong to retain the property of another
when we can restorel it—a fault which seriously offends God and soils the
consci-1 ence, as well as being a scandal to the people. For this reason, I I
urge it again and again on you, let there be no neglect, but ' use all your
energies and efforts not to delay the fulfilment of so urgent and just a duty.
In order to be able to do this, do I not undertake any new buildings, nor even
finish those that I are begun. True, our dwelling is confined, but that which
is most necessary should be done first. When the debts are paid, I you can by
degrees raise your walls and put on your roof.
And in general see
that you take infinitely less care of those edifices which are raised with
stone and mortar than of the spiritual temples of God; these temples are your
brethren and I the pupils intrusted to your faithful care, whom you should I
feed, watch over, and especially urge on to advance in virtue; I this is the
sovereign duty committed to your zeal. I know I that there are some buildings
which cannot be deferred, such I as the wall round the garden of your house,
and the shutting I up of entrances, if there be any left but the principal
door* For the shutting up of religious houses by a perfect and complete
enclosure concerns the discipline and good name of the house to such an extent,
that labour for that purpose upon it ] cannot be legitimately delayed. Such
things, then, must be carried out at once, and at any cost.
Then Twish to warn
you against any tenderness, or bash- ] fulness in refusing, which may come over
you when a crowd of poor externs beg you to assist them from the College
funds,, or when farmers of the revenue come and ask you to remit a part of your
pension, alleging a thousand pretexts, and urging
their own penury.
Others will come to you in the confessional, and pour out the history of their
family needs, their want of food for themselves and their families, and will
implore you to supply their wants. I sympathize with them myself, but I forbid
you to be softened by such cases beyond what reason and God permit. To give an
alms with the property of others is a robbery. Now, in order that when you
hear such requests you may cast upon me all the invidiousness of refusal, from
this moment I tie your hands, and in virtue of my authority command you in so
many words to tell all these petitioners that this house is overloaded with
debt, and is hardly able for the daily support of the brethren and of the
pupils. It has also other burthens : it has to support the fathers who preach
the Gospel at a distance; it ought to supply the public hospital, and many
other such works. For these reasons, I have ordered you in formal terms, and
under obedience—which you cannot transgress without offending God—to give
nothing to any one from the College revenues, for all that might thus be
withdrawn would be taken from the wants of our house, to which all that we
receive of the entire annual income does not suffice. But avoid particularly
that expensive kind of penitents who in the Sacrament of Penance seek their
temporal advantage and the nourishment of their bodies rather than spiritual
remedies. I advise you to get rid of them with a few concise words. These
people are much more sensitive to the wounds of fortune than to those of the
conscience, and their philosophy is quite of the earth ; they are entirely
occupied with the hope of coaxing out a little money, and are deaf if you speak
to them of their spiritual progress. If you do not send them away, you will
yourself be distracted and called off from the more important things.
Many Portuguese heads
of families ask that the College lands should be given them to farm. Is this
for the interest of the College ? I doubt it; and I fear that these
concessions, if they are often made, will some day be a serious injury to the
community. Examine the question prudently; take full counsel with the
procurator and friends of your house, and resolve,
upon whatever may
seem best. This College owes some debts, but it has still more owing to it. I
wish that you should know to a letter who your creditors are, and the sums
owing to them; and make the same inquiry as to your debtors. Make careful lists
of each. I allow you, however, to be less scrupulous in finding out what rights
you have against others than in ascertaining and settling as soon as possible
what others have a right to claim from you. You should set about this most
earnestly; and when persons ask gifts of you, you can give this reply,—that you
are in debt, and are bent upon discharging your debts as soon as possible; that
you are bound to 'employ for this all the means that remain after the necessary
expenses of so numerous a community; that nothing, in fact, isieft to be
distributed in any way, as you would like, among those to whom you would wish
well, and whose poverty you compassionate, since everything is expended upon
the food, clothing, and medical treatment of the members of the community, the
guests, seminary pupils, and the sick in the hospital; without speaking of the
necessary buildings, and other countless sources of expense. This should be no
specious pretence or excuse; you should do as you say, watch night and day to
stint a little from the daily expenses, as far as may be, thus to pay your
creditors. Experience should teach you economy; what you have found advantageous
be careful to repeat, and avoid all that you have discovered to be
disadvantageous or of little use.
Study carefully the
people to whom you intrust anything, for seldom do we meet with faithful
agents. As far as you can, prefer those who are in the habit of going to
confession to you at least once a month, and who at the same time go to communion.
I wish that a great part of the substance of the letters that you are to send
me at Malacca in the month of September, and which Francis Perez will take care
of, should be these two heads: first, what is owing to you; second, what is
owing by you. Add all about your domestic affairs, the fruit of your work and
that of the other brothers; whether, and how far, the inhabitants of Goa have
profited by your preaching and other ministrations; what news has come from
Portugal, and what is
going on as to peace
or war; all that concerns our fathers living away. Write all these matters to
me in a full and circumstantial manner; employ a secretary whose writing is
correct and easily read. Choose as the collector of your revenues some honourable
and rich merchant, generally one amongst those who is most highly thought of in
the town; especially avoid choosing a poor person, lest we incur lawsuits.
Consider whether it would not be cheaper to get two slaves to wash the clothes
instead of sending them out to be washed. Also, whether it would not be
desirable to keep a brother who perfectly understands the cultivation of
vegetables for the care of our garden, rather than employing an extern. I see a
good deal is spent on the food and salary of the gardener and of the two
negroes who work under him. This charge could be given to one of our lay
brothers, giving for his assistance two slaves, purchased for this purpose. In
this and other such matters reflect carefully what is best, inquiring into them
yourself, and taking the advice of experienced strangers who fear God and who
take an interest in the College.
Out of the payment
which Alvarez Alfonso owed us, 500 pardams have been remitted ; this gives you
still greater right to insist on the speedy payment of the 500 which he still
owes. Don’t be prodigal with funds which are not your own. Remember the hunger
and privations endured by our brothers who, in the houses dependent on ours,
are melting under the heat and burthen of the day. Remember the others at
Japan, at the Moluccas, and at Cape Comorin, who are exposed without
consolation to the severest trials.
I request you to send
to Cioran9 on Sundays Dom Augustin, the secular priest, giving him
a fair stipend. I disapprove of either of our brothers residing there, and you
must call home the one who is there now.
As to those who may
be received into this house, you must
* Cioran or Choran was an island a few
miles from Goa, on which there was a little property belonging to the Colleges
with a church dedicated to our Lady. The text refers to the arrangements for
serving this church by means of a secular priest, instead of one of the
fathers.
seek to know, during
their first probation, what mode of life they have led in the world, what trade
they have practised or know, so that you may understand what function, or duty,
or office in the house can be securely confided to them. From time to time tell
Manuel de Morales to preach to the people in the cathedral, giving him warning
and preparing him beforehand, that he may acquit himself worthily in that
pulpit. You can also, if you think fit, share this work with him, taking it
week about. Think of this, and decide on what seems best to you. Do not forget
my orders about Balthasar Nunez, and since it seems to me of the utmost
importance, I command you under holy obedience to carry them out fully, making
him go through the spiritual Exercises and putting him to the lowest offices
within the house, not out of doors. I commend to you most earnestly the
Japanese who are here. You must see that they sail for Portugal in a safe and
comfortable vessel. It appears to me well that you should yourself give the
Exercises to the brothers who are on probation for entering the Society, and
then, after having thus learnt deeply to know them, keep those whom you may
think suitable to the Society, send ing away those whom you find unfit. Never
allow yourself to be persuaded by any entreaty, or the intercessions of any number
of friends, to accept a subject not possessing the qualities necessary for
usefulness to the Society.
Find
competent persons to attend as far as is required to the farm situated in the
Isle of Cioran, with the rural labourers and workmen there. You cannot see to
this either yourself or through any of ours. I have already advised you to send
Dom Augustin there every Sunday. As for other things required there, intrust
them to chosen persons worthy of confidence. As soon as Francesco Lopez arrives
at this house, tell him to make the Exercises, hear his general confession
yourself, and put him to work in the kitchen, or at some humble occupation of
that nature. Return to Matthew, as soon as he asks for them, 36 pardams which
he lent me at Japan. Fix a day for Alvarez Alfonso to pay his debt to us, and
let it be kept to: it may be after Easter. Francis.
The fathers and
brothers of the Society, in whatever part of the Indies they may be, must not
write any letter to Portugal, either to his Highness or to any one out of the
Society, without their sending such letters open to this College. The letters
must all be put into one packet here and addressed to his highness, or into
another directed to Master Simon, or to the Rector of St. Anthony at Lisbon.
April
1552. Francis.
Another paper left
with Father Gaspar Baertz related to Antonio Gomez and Andrew Carvalhez, the
letter of whom we have seen already commended by Francis to Simon Rodriguez.
There seems to have been some reluctance on his part to return to Portugal. As
to Antonio Gomez, the paper shows that Francis had finally determined to cut
him off from the Society, and provides for the execution of this intention.
(cn.) To father Gaspar Baertz.
I command you, in
virtue of holy obedience, to do as follows after I am gone as to two of our
Society. If during the course of this year Antonio Gomez leaves the residence
at Diu where he now is, and goes elsewhere, under any pretext or circumstance
whatever, then open the first paper I leave and do what I prescribe therein,
sending a copy or this, which I have written, to the said Antonio Gomez, and
keeping the original by you; and in a letter of your own to him you will
intimate to Gomez the orders which I give him in the said paper which I leave
closed in your hands.
After the vessels
going to Portugal have set sail and put to sea, even if until then Antonio
Gomez has remained quietly in the residence at Diu, you mil open the second
letter, which I now leave sealed, and send him a copy of this also. You mil
show the original to the lord Bishop, and you will beg him to be good enough to
certify the conformity of the copy with the original. With this attestation of
the lord Bishop, you will send the copy to Gomez, and you will beg the Bishop
for the future
to write to him as
his own subject and of his own authority to < order him'to go or to act as
he shall himself decide. Still it I would, in my opinion, be better that he
should be allowed to remain at Diu.
If Andrew Carvalhez,
whom for good reasons I had ordered to return to Portugal, should deliberately
not come to Goa at the right time, and let the ships sail without him, I order
you to expel him at once from the Society, and I formally forbid you I to allow
him, for any reason whatever, to be raised to the holy I orders of the
Diaconate or Priesthood in India, even if the j Bishop should come to Cochin
this year. And if the same I Andrew Carvalhez should come to Goa contrary to
the orders 11 have given him, you will not receive him into the College, as I being
no longer one of ourselves. For if, contrary to my I orders, he should come to
Goa, I mean him from that moment I to be excluded from the Society. You will
signify this to him in due form, and you will send him away. At the same time I
you will, in my name, implore the lord Bishop, with most I earnest entreaties,
not to admit him to the Diaconate or Priest-1 hood.
April
1552. Francis,
j
One more letter to
Father Gaspar Baertz remains to be in-1 serted here. It is a sort of
memorandum, summing up in brief J the chief heads of advice and instruction
which Francis hadl given him, and as such might seem almost superfluous in ourl
collection. Still it has one or two touches of its own, and we J therefore
place it by the side of the others.
These last counsels I
repeat and sum up on the eve of my I long and doubtful voyage, as if, dear
Gaspar, I could never I sufficiently forearm you. You will understand that I do
so on account of the extreme solicitude caused by my love for you, I and so
will take in good part my repeated charges. Above all things, take care for
yourself, and watch over your own soul. *
You know how true it
is: ‘ He that is evil to himself, to whom will he be good ?’ Always show
sincere charity and amiable modesty to the fathers and brothers under you;
banish severity and austerity of manner except towards those who you feel will
abuse your kindness. To such you may put out a little sharpness for their own
good, not to revenge yourself, especially if it appears that selfesteem has
made them proud. For it is to their interest, for their own sake and our
neighbours’, to put down their pride. But those who have only sinned through
ignorance or weakness, you can often forgive with advantage to themselves, and
without hurting discipline; to the arrogant, indulgence is poison : it makes
them wonderfully insolent and ready to upset everything, if they find their
rector wanting in vigour and courage.
To admit many
indiscriminately into the Society is not a help, but a burthen to it; a small
number of energetic subjects gifted with superior spiritual or corporal powers
would be worth a whole host of others. Do not burthen yourself with a number of
useless subjects, but reinforce the body with men of real value. Constantly
exercise those who are recently admitted in profound selfabnegation, and in a
thorough mortification of their corrupt inclinations. Set them also to humble
avocations outside, to begging from door to door for the poor, to serving the
sick in public hospitals, and to all works of this kind, which are generally
held in esteem. But, according to my opinion, you should never order them to
make a public spectacle of I themselves by actions or dress that would make
them ridicu- [ lous. It often happens that these extraordinary actions cause in
the beholders a surprise which borders on scandal, and in those even who have
held themselves up to the contempt of the world, a secret sense of pride, as
though they had performed something heroic. Take care rather to make them practise
mortifications, the good effects of which are well known : such as to make them
confess, in presence of their brothers, the faults they have committed in the
duties prescribed to them, and to perform the penance after receiving it. Thus
the mind is humbled in a salutary manner, and zeal is quickened. But
all these trials
should not be employed until a previous knowledge has been gained of the
disposition and strength of subjects; for all measures do not equally suit all
persons; what is profitable to one is hurtful to another. The prudence of a director
consists in prescribing to each what suits his nature.
You will not let any
member of the Society be raised to the priesthood unless he be distinguished by
profound knowledge and eminent virtue, tested during several years. Those who
are ordained priests without this careful caution will never be what the
Institute nor the expectations of men require. And would to God we had seen
fewer examples of the results of such negligence ! You should exert yourself
to improve strangers as well as our own brothers; but in order, remembering
that towards persons in the house you are discharging a debt, while to stran-i
gers you are doing good gratuitously. Due order requires us first to satisfy
justice, and only afterwards to bestow our care on others. God will hold you
responsible for our brothers! whom He has intrusted to you. The good you do to
others is ( in addition to your duty, and is only meritorious in one
who does not lavish it until after having entirely satisfied all necessary
claims. Those are guilty who neglect the principal work and expend their zeal
on accessory labours, like a man who, being depraved in his own interior,
should content himself by merely imposing on men by exterior virtue, and who
would thus heap God’s anger upon his own head. Such also would be a man who
does nothing at home, but in public puts on an air of strenuous activity,
through a foolish and fatal ambition. The more widely he scatters his activity,
the more greatly will I he err. Avoid then this fault, and give your utmost
pains, first to what is most important, and in the next place, to what is I
secondary.
As to the way of
helping our neighbour, the more general j it is, the more perfect. So let the
most important of offices in ■ your eyes be
preaching, public instruction in the elements of the Christian religion, and
hearing confessions. In hearing , confessions examine attentively in what
disposition the persons* have approached you; for there are some who seek their
own
interest under the
appearance of piety; they pretend to come and seek remedies for their
conscience, when they really have in view to get help for their material
existence. In these persons generally I have detected the most imperfect sense
of spiritual miseries; your words are scattered to the winds if they refer to
the cultivation of the soul and the hope of a future life. These people are
attached to earth, and so they will remain; they altogether savour of earthly
things. Send such people off without delay, and have no fear as to their
complaints, nor any hope ever to come to an understanding with them. Your
efforts and aims run in contrary directions—they are of the world, and you
belong to the Kingdom of Jesus Christ. Ought not a soldier of Jesus Christ to
blush at dreading the murmurs of the profane vulgar? Should he not be
insensible to the judgments of those who prefer earth to Heaven? Follow our
Lord to Whom you are vowed, and despise the complaints of men who belong to the
opposite camp. I say more : be careful that these men should never see in you
any fear of their hostile talk. Bear yourself boldly, so that all may
understand that you neither value the praise of these men, nor fear their
blame.
April
1552. Francis.
But few incidents
remain to be placed by the side of this long series of letters written by
Francis Xavier during his last stay at Goa. We are told that at this time he
received an offer of a College for the Society at Chaul, one of the spots
occupied by the Portuguese on the coast. Chaul was to the north, about one
hundred and twenty miles from Goa. Francis refused the offer. He had only
thirty subjects in India, and he did not wish to multiply Colleges too much,
especially when the Portuguese were a mere garrison.
The affair of the
Chinese embassy, on which so much of the hopes of Francis for the future
depended, encountered no obstacle at Goa. The Viceroy willingly gave the
patents which constituted Diego Pereira ambassador of Portugal to the 'Chinese
Court, and he added strong letters to the Commandant
i VOL. II. I 1
of Malacca, ordering
him to favour the expedition in every possible manner. Diego had given Francis
letters of credit on his agent in Goa for thirty thousand ducats, and these
went to prepare the embassage on a magnificent scale, in the purchase of rich
presents to be made to the Chinese Emperor in the name of the King of Portugal,
as well for the other necessary expenses. The royal treasury also contributed
to the outlay, and as we learn from a letter which Francis wrote on the eve of
his I departure from India, large sums were raised among pious and charitable
persons for the general purposes of the voyage, which I included also among its
objects the liberation of a number of I Portuguese captives from the prisons in
China. Everything! seemed to promise well, and we do not find any note of
antici-1 pation or dread of failure either in the letters of Francis himself 1
or in any other record of the time.
The following letters
to St. Ignatius, to Simon Rodriguez, and to the King of Portugal were written
at Goa during the week 1 before Francis finally left that city. They were sent
at the same I time with the two Japanese converts, whom Francis mentions!, whom
he had determined to send to Europe, that they might 11 be able to take back to
their own countrymen some intelligence! as to the grandeur of Europe and of
Rome. A lay brother,! | Andrea Fernandez, accompanied them. He was sent by
Francis Xavier to confer with Ignatius by word of mouth ; and it is perhaps on
this account that the letters do not contain morel | details as to the
arrangements in India and what had happenedi in the Society since Francis
returned from Japan. Ignatius ! had desired that some confidential person
should be sent to I him from India, in order that he might be more fully
informedi| of the state of the Society than was possible by letter, and that a
the person sent might plead the cause of the Indian missions' fl
authoritatively and intelligently at Lisbon and at Rome. This order from
Ignatius had arrived while Francis was in Japan,] 5 and Antonio Gomez had
appointed Father Melchio'r Gonzales ft to go to Europe. But Gomez felt
unwilling to deprive India, ft of so active a worker, and recalled the order at
the last moment* ft Francis Xavier, however, carried it out, sending Andrea
Fer- K
nandez, who performed
the task admirably, and returned in due 1 time with a large company
of fathers.
The mention of the
Jubilee in the letter to Ignatius needs a word of comment. In 1550, the year of
Jubilee at Rome, Ignatius had obtained from the Pope the faculty to
communicate the spiritual advantages which were to be gained, in the ordinary
course, only by visiting the shrines at Rome during that year, to the Superiors
of the Society in the Indies, and other countries subject to the crown of
Portugal, with leave to publish the Indulgences and to fix the conditions which
the faithful were ’ to fulfil instead of the visit to the Roman basilicas. The
Ju- Ibilee was kept in India in 1551, and with very great fruit. Francis hints
at some little want of formality in the papers by 'which the faculty was
conveyed. It is probable that the committal of the publishing the Indulgences
to the priests of the Society may have caused some jealous questionings as to
the strict legality of their powers. Francis also procured the extension of
the time to the whole of 1552.
(civ.) To my Father in Christy
St. Ignatius.
May the grace and
love of Jesus Christ our Lord always help and favour us ! Amen.
Last January I wrote
to you about my return from Japan to India, about the great number of heathen
who have there been converted to Christ, about the hard work done by Cosmo ,
ITorres and Joam Fernandez, whom I have left at Amanguchi, •: land who
diligently instruct the Christians,—those who already ; Jare such and those who
are daily being received. In a few pays two of our Society are going to
Amanguchi, who are partly Ito help Torres by their labours, partly to be taught
the Japanese language, so that when fathers of approved virtue arrive ■there from
Portugal, who are to go to the Japanese universities, :hey may have ready these
others as faithful interpreters whom :hey may use. Already by the goodness of
God a house of the Society is established at Amanguchi—all
that distance from
Rome; for it is more
than 4200 miles from Goa and 6000 leagues from Rome. After six days, if God
approves, we shall go—three of the Society, two of whom are priests—to the
kingdom of China.
This kingdom, which
is very large, lies opposite Japan.* It is crowded to a very great degree with
men of sharp wits and much learning. As far as I have been able to find out,
studies flourish there, and in proportion as a man is more learned, in that
same degree does he surpass the rest in rank and influence.
It is well enough
ascertained that the religions which exist in Japan have been brought from
China. We go full of hope and confidence in God, and we trust that the name of
Christ will at last make its way into China. I beg of you not to cease praying
for those of ours who are in Japan, and for those also who are going to China.
When, by the favour of God, we have arrived in China, I will write to you fully
as to our reach ing it, and as to our hope of propagating religion there.
I have made Gaspar,
the Belgian, Rector of the College at Goa. He is a man of approved virtue, and
laden with heavenly gifts, a very good preacher, singularly beloved by our own
people and the whole city. I have ordered both father: and brothers in these
parts to obey him. So I go to China with a joyful heart, and free from all
anxiety about affairs at home. If perchance while I am absent God should call
Gaspafi out of this life, I have left with him a paper signed by myself^ in
which a rector is appointed in his place by me. The greao distance between
China and Goa has warned me to do this. I
I have also thought
it for the interests of religion to orderll before my departure for China, that
next year a certain person||| one of our Society, should be sent from this to
Portugal, and|| from Portugal to Rome, with letters for you, that you may hear
what he will tell you—how very much these countries require men practised and
proved in the toils and dangers of life. Men of that sort do a great work in
the extension of the worship of God, but the rest, even if they are learned, do
very little in- j deed if they are but poorly experienced in labours and
trials! From what I have seen in Japan, two things are quite neces*'
sary, both for all
who are to labour for the salvation of the Japanese, and especially for ours
who are to go to Japanese j universities. These two things are, first, a great
experience, gained by having passed through many troubles and dangers, and by
great self knowledge. For in Japan they will have to bear more severe frosts,
more inconveniences in the way of want of means, and other like matters, than
anywhere in Europe; added to which there will be vexations and ridicule from
the natives, who think that foreigners are hardly men, and especially from the
bonzes, who persecute the preachers of the law of God most bitterly; though it
is true that in all these suffer- I ings God makes Himself wonderfully sweet to
us.
J It does not seem as
if it would be safe to take the vest- | ments and other things necessary for
saying holy mass to the Japanese universities, on account of the distance of
the journey and the robbers who infest the roads. As therefore in all these I
trials and hardships the consolation of the Holy Sacrifice and Communion must
be wanting, it is easy to see how much virtue and strength of soul the men must
have who may be sent to these seats oflearning. Secondly, they must be well
furnished with cleverness and knowledge, in order to give easy and apposite answers
to the questionings of the Japanese. It is of great importance that they
should be well learned in philosophy, especially in dialectics, that they may
be able to refute and convict the obsti- 1 nate argumentation of the Japanese—I
mean to show them their £ own inconsistencies, and that they contradict
themselves. I f should like them also to know some astronomy, for the Japanese
are wonderfully desirous of knowing all about the wanings I and eclipses of the
sun and moon, ^vvhy the moon so often grows larger and smaller; or again,
whence comes the rain, the I snow, the hail, what comets are, and what are the
causes of I thunder, lightning, and the like. It is incredible how far the I
explanation of such things goes towards conciliating their good will. These
things I wanted you to know about Japanese affairs and manners, since when you
want to choose the men who are to be sent, the first thing is to know the
customs of the place to which you are to send them.
It has often occurred
to me to think that Belgian or German fathers would do very well for the
missions in Japan, inasmuch as they can bear cold and toil, especially also as
in Italy and Spain they can have no field for preaching, being ignorant of the
language of the country. For although they must not be altogether without
Spanish or Portuguese, in order that they may understand our own people in
Japan, still they can learn that language in the course of their journey to
India and Japan, which will take them at least two years.
There is one thing
which I much wish you to know: we want out here some principal man of the
Society, a man who knows well and loves much our Institute, a man who has had
of old much intercourse with yourself. Such a man is indispensable to this
College at Goa, and to all of the Society scattered out here in so many
different places, if at least they are to be brought into conformity to the
laws and constitutions of our Institute. It is not necessary that he should be
a preacher; even if he had no gift of that kind, he would be of use and advantage
to us. I pray and beseech you by Jesus Christ, appoint some one chosen by
yourself as Rector of this College. Even if he be not so wonderfully learned,
yet any one whom your judgment has chosen will be the proper man whom this
house requires. The fathers and brothers out here are in wonderful expectation
of such a ruler, one who has been long and much with you. If he were to bring
with him Indulgences for eight days, by which the people may be invited on
certain feasts to go to the sacraments of confession and communion, he would do
a thing very pleasing to them, and very advantageous to the worship of God.
It can hardly be told
how many people have been saved by the Jubilee which you sent out. All such
Indulgences I would have you send to us, contained in Pontifical rescripts,
duly and authentically sealed, with the seals attached. There are people here
who question such Pontifical graces if any of these formalities are wanting.
Some tried to find fault even with the Jubilee which you sent, saying that it
was not attested, nor ratified by the Pope’s authority, because it had not the
usual marks. However,
by God’s approval, it obtained its proper force and authority.
It concerns the
interests of God that the priests of our Society who are to come out here
should first be diligently proved. We want here well tried priests. I have
written to warn Father Simon, or if he is absent, the Rector of the College of
Coimbra, not to send us fathers who are of no use in Portugal; for they will be
of no more use in India. But it would be I much better if you were to give an
order that no priest at all of the Society were to go to India until he had
made a pilgrimage to Rome, and been there approved by the Father General.
It would be very very
pleasing to me if you would order some one of ours to give me an account of all
the fathers who came to Rome with us, as well as of the rest. He should also
write to us diligently and fully about the increase of the Society, the number
of our colleges, houses, and professed fathers, the distinguished men who have
been enrolled in the Society, the men noted for learning and erudition who have
joined. A 1 letter such as that would give us a great deal of relief and consolation
among the great labours by land and by sea which we have to bear in Japan and
China. May God bring us together in the happiness of the blessed in heaven, and
in this life also, if it be for His glory ! If that were enjoined me, it could
be done easily by the power of obedience. People all tell me that I could get
to Jerusalem from China. If I find this to be true, I will let you know how
many leagues of journey there are, and how many months it would take.
The least of your
sons, and the furthest exiled from you,
April 9,
1552, Goa. FRANCIS.
This letter was
accompanied by two to Simon Rodriguez. The first and most important urges him,
among other things, to use all his influence, both with Ignatius and with the
King, to bring about what Francis so much desired at this time—that select men
of great virtue and learning should be sent to India and Japan, and that the
Society in India should have the advantage of the presence of a Superior at
Goa who had lived
long with Ignatius
himself, and who was well acquainted with the Constitutions and practices of
the order. The journey of Simon to Rome in 1550,10 to which
allusior} is made in the letters, was undertaken partly with a view to the
formation and promulgation of the Constitutions, which Ignatius had been long
occupied in composing, and which he now desired to lay before the fathers
assembled in a General Congregation. They were unanimously approved, but the
prudence of Ignatius would not allow him to publish them at once, till they had
been gradually introduced and tested by experience.
(cv.) To Father Simon Rodriguez, in Portugal.
May the grace and charity
of our Lord Jesus Christ always help and favour us ! Amen.
On my return from
Japan to the Indies, I wrote to you from Cochin on Japanese affairs. Now I want
to inform you of my departure for China, which will take place a week hence. I
take with me three members of the Society, two priests and one lay brother. We
are starting full of confidence in the loving goodness of God, in good hope pf
advancing the religion of Jesus Christ. I will tell you about our voyage, upon
our arrival at Malacca.
Two members of the
Society are being sent to Japan this year, to learn the Japanese language 3 so
that any fathers of eminent virtue and experience coming from Lisbon to Goa may
find in Japan members of the Society acquainted with Japanese. The letter will
set forth to the Japanese intelligently and clearly the Christian doctrines and
other instructions which they receive from the European fathers. This will be a
great help to those fathers who are destined to attack the Japanese
universities, so as to bend the whole nation to the delightful yoke of Jesus
Christ.
You have reason to
return thanks to our Lord 'Jesus
The Congregation was
held at the end of 1550 and beginning of 1551, seeGenelli, Life oj St. Ignatius
(Engl, trans.) pt. ii. ch. i. p. 212.
Christ that we have
here several of the Society, both fathers and brothers, who have rendered, and
who daily render, great services to the Christian religion by preaching,
hearing confessions, the reconciliation of differences, and other works of
piety. My soul has received ineffable consolations on this account. I have
appointed, as Rector to the College at Goa, Father Gaspar, whom I highly value
for the perfection of his humility and obedience. He has a wonderful talent in
the pulpit every time he preaches, which is very often; the church resounds
with the weeping and groaning of the people. Thanks be to God, the only Giver
of good things.
The brother who
brings you this letter has been sent to explain to you by word of mouth how
greatly not only Japan and the Chinese Empire—if, as I hope, by God’s help, the
Gospel should find entrance there—but India itself requires fathers of our
Society, men of thorough experience, of high virtue and faithfulness, and of
singular strength of mind and body. Such, above all, should be the subjects
destined for Japan, China, the Moluccas, and Ormuz.
The fathers who come
hither into these parts to help on the salvation of souls must be gifted with
these two qualities. First, they should be inured to fatigue; the more any one
has of this the more useful will he be, both to himself and others. Secondly,
they must have sufficient learning for preaching, hearing confessions, and
giving crushing answers to the numberless questions of the Japanese and
Chinese bonzes. The priests who would be of no use in Europe would be useless
here. On this account I have thought it well to send you this Brother
Fernandez, to treat of these matters with you, and to choose on your advice fit
men, before he goes to our Father Ignatius at Rome.
I am making the same statement to our
Father, and I ask him first to send an experienced and approved father of the
Society, one that is familiar with himself and thoroughly acquainted with our
Institute, to be Rector of the College at Goa, and have under him all our people
dispersed in the East, and to teach and explain to the others the laws and
constitutions of the
Society and of our
method of life. I also ask our father to send out to the Indies fathers of
great experience, even without deep learning and without particular powers of
preaching, who may easily resolve and satisfy the questions of the Japanese
and Chinese bonzes.
It will be a great
thing for the interests of religion that next year he should send, besides a
Rector for the College, four or five well experienced priests of the Society,
who if not preachers, should at least be capable of bearing fatigue. There
must, I think, be many such in Italy and Spain among those who have finished
their studies and are now working for souls. Such subjects are very much required
in these parts. Young men, who have only just left the shelter of college, and
who as yet have been untried and unproved by the labours and troubles of life,
might very easily do no good to others and perish themselves, for they can have
no experience of the trials to be undergone in Japan.
I have
said that there we have to suffer the extreme of cold. And there are so few
helps and appliances for keeping out the cold, that there is not even a bed to
sleep on. There are great difficulties also about food. There are continual and
violent attacks from the bonzes and the people, many temptations to sin, much
derision and insolence from the populace. Finally, in my eyes the most grievous
trial of all, among the Japanese universities, the long distances do not allow
of our carrying the articles necessary for the Holy Sacrifice, and so one has
to suffer the privation of that heavenly Food, which ‘ strengthens the heart of
man,’11 and which is the only consolation for every trouble. This
is the greatest misery we have in these parts. At Arnanguchi, where the Society
has a residence, mass can be celebrated; but at the universities, whither our
fathers from Arnanguchi must go, it is not so. It would be impossible to carry
the sacred vessels for the Holy Sacrifice without danger along roads infested
by robbers. I should sadly fear therefore that if any subjects were sent to the
mission of Japan, who were not fortified with virtue sufficient to resist the
11 Ps. ciii.
15. "
weight of such
extreme trials, that they would be almost infallibly ruined.
I think that for
enduring the excessive cold and other trials of these countries the Belgian or
German priests of the Society would be very fit; having had years of such
experience, these subjects seem suitable above all for Japan and China. But I
doubt not that, as this is a thing which serves to His glory and the salvation
of souls, God will afford you the means of effecting it, and of sending out as
fit subjects as possible for these countries. Again and again I entreat you,
select persons who have been practised in labour and danger, so that, with
God’s help, they may triumph over all these miseries and sufferings. Those
whose virtue has never shown itselfin trial and persecution are never rightly
trusted with any great commission.
I beg you to speak to
the King, if it seems good, and get him to write to our Father Ignatius, to ask
for some experienced fathers for the Japanese mission, as well as a man of
eminent virtue and prudence to be at the head of this College and of the
Society in the Indies. In these countries the Society is wonderfully scattered
and dispersed abroad. It has to work in Persia, Cambaia, Malabar, on the
Fishery Coast, to Malacca,
• the Moluccas, the
Isles of the Moor, and the archipelago of Japan. All these places are immensely
distant from Goa. Since our fathers and brothers dwell in such remote and
widely separated regions, the Rector of the Society at Goa, if he is to
provide for their necessities, watch over their safety, and remedy their infirmities,
ought certainly to be a man of great experience and exalted virtue.
It seems to me the
best thing that the bearer of this letter should take to Father Ignatius your
letter and his Highness’s at the same time as mine, for I have written about the
matter to our Father. It appears to me that the subjects I wish for could be
taken without inconvenience from houses of the Society in Europe. Fathers of
little talent for preaching are not i much wanted there. The subjects that we
receive into the Society here are only useful for business and household work.
There is scarcely one sufficiently educated to be fit to be a
priest. I tell you
this that you may understand that some priests should be sent to us every year.
O, Simon, my dearest brother, do you see how
great the work is that we have in hand ? And if God wills that the light of the
Gospel should be carried to so judicious and docile a people, you too will do
well, I think, to come yourself to China, to slake your thirst for the
salvation of souls. If, by the help of God, I penetrate there, I will write to
you about the character of the people, and the hopes there are of planting the
Gospel among them. I feel such an ardent wish to see you again before I die,
that I am always thinking to myself how I may have my wish ; and I may have it,
perhaps, if China were opened to us. Meanwhile I again and again most earnestly
entreat you to send us next year such fathers as I have described ; you can
hardly imagine how necessary they are, but I wish you to trust my experience. I
have desired Father Gaspar to write diligently to you about all that goes on
here of the benefits done to souls.
Since I hope to write
to you at length from Malacca, I will only add one thing. I am expecting a good
long letter from you about your journey to Rome, and as to the thipgs done and
decreed in that holy assembly. There is nothing in the world about which I
desire more to be informed, having been unable, in punishment of my sins, to be
there myself. If, as I much fear, on account of your occupations, you cannot
yourself give me all these details, I beg you to commit the matter to some one
who accompanied you in the journey. I shall be most sincerely grateful.
I also wish you to
arrange that the Rector of the College at Coimbra should let me know by letter
the names of all the fathers and brothers under his direction, their virtues,
their learning, and their dispositions. And as I fear that the pressure of his
duties may not leave him the leisure for such a thing, I beg him to see that it
is done by some one else who is acquainted with the subject, that I may not be
ignorant of the ardent zeal to suffer for Jesus Christ which animates my
brothers. Certainly they have some reason to remember me,
since last year I
went all over Japan for their sakes; and now I am going to China to prepare for
them a way to come and convert those nations, that this immense field once laid
open, their great piety and virtue, incited by the fire of divine love, may
have ample room to work.
May God please to
join and unite us in the company of the Saints, and in this world too, if it
should be for His service !
Goa, 7th
April 1552. ^FRANCIS.
I beg you to send the
brother who bears this letter to Rome without delay, so that next year he may
return to us accompanied by many fathers. For if the Christian religion gain
admission into China, and if my life lasts, in three or four years I intend to
return to the Indies, so as to take with me some of our fathers and brothers as
companions in so glorious an en- terprize, and then I shall return thither to
pass the rest of my days and end my life in Japan or China.
The postscript to
this letter shows what might have already , been conjectured from the previous
letter to Ignatius, that Francis Xavier meant China or Japan—probably the
former— to be the chief field of his future labours. He would open that country
to Christianity, as he had opened Japan; then he j would return to India for
reinforcements, and taking with him some of the fathers whom by that time Simon
and Ignatius would have sent out to him, he would return to China, possibly to
make his way backwards along the overland track, which had been travelled by a
number of European adventurers in the previous centuries, to Asia Minor,
Jerusalem, and Rome. Such was his dream—we shall see how far it was fulfilled.
The next letter recommends the two Japanese converts to the special care of
Simon : the mention of the warning to be addressed to Charles V. not to permit
Spanish fleets from New Spain to attempt intercourse with, or the conquest of,
Japan, is extremely curious. It almost seems as if Francis had some presage in
his mind of the mischief which was to result from the collision of Spain and
Portugal in the extreme East.
(cvi.) To Father Srnon Rodriguez
in Portugal.
May the grace and
love of Jesus Christ our Lord always help and favour us ! Amen.
Matthew and Bernard,
two Japanese, have followed me to the Indies, with the intention of repairing
to Portugal and Italy, and particularly Rome itself, to see the Christian
religion in all its majesty, and then to return to their country to recount to
their fellow citizens what they have found and seen. I commend them to you as
earnestly as I can commend any one in the world. Take care that they may come back
with their desires fully and happily satisfied; for their testimony will win
high authority for us and for the Christian name.
The Japanese despise
other nations in comparison with themselves; this has prevented their entering
into commercial relations with any other people until the arrival of the Portuguese
about eight or nine years ago. The Spaniards call these islands the ‘ Silver
Isles;’ and some Portuguese in Japan told me that the Spaniards in going to the
Moluccas sail by Japan; that if any one of their vessels attempted to touch
there it would inevitably be lost, and that the Japanese give as a reason that
the sea of Japan, on the side towards New Spain, is filled with shoals, so that
vessels are stranded and lost.
I write this that you
may bring about that their Highnesses the King and Queen may write to warn
Charles the Emperor and King of Spain not to send his fleets from New Spain to
take possession of the Silver Isles; his vessels would, as things are now, all
be lost Even if they got there safely, if they were to try to take possession
by force, they would have to do with a people as warlike as they are greedy for
pillage, and who seem able enough to capture even a large hostile fleet. (
Besides, the country is so barren and waste that foreign armies would be easily
vanquished by famine alone. There are also such frightful storms around these
islands, that Spanish vessels without a friendly port for shelter would
certainly be lost.
I repeat that the
Japanese have such a love for weapons
of war, that the mere
desire to pillage the Spaniards’ arms would, judging from their character and
habits, be enough to make them massacre the Spaniards to a man. I wrote all
this long ago to his Highness, but perhaps his occupations may have effaced the
whole thing from his mind. So in order to satisfy my conscience on the matter,
I beg you to remind him of | them. It would be deplorable to hear that numerous
fleets from New Spain, bound for the Silver Isles, had perished at sea. With
the exception of Japan, there are no isles in this part of the East which
contain silver mines.
Again I
urge you to receive the two Japanese in such a way that they may learn a great
many wonderful things about our I churches, our universities, and the other
marvels of Europe, to I tell to their people at home. I am confident that they
will be astonished at the wealth and power of Christians. Bernard, and Matthew
also, have lived much with me at Japan. They are poor, but full of faith. They
attached themselves to me in Japan, and they followed me on my return to the
Indies, with the intention of going to Portugal, and thence to Rome. Japanese
of noble rank feel no desire to visit foreign countries, though some of our
neophytes, men of honourable position, think of going to Jerusalem, to visit
the place of our Lord’s birth and passion. Matthew and Bernard are among the
first of these, but whether, after seeing Rome, they will go on to Jerusalem, I
do not know. .
I should have liked
to send two of the learned bonzes to Portugal, so as to give you a specimen of
Japanese intellects, as sharp and sensible as any in the world; but they being
noble, and at ease, will not consent to leave their country even for a time. I
tried to bring other neophytes with me, who abandoned the idea for fear of the
difficulties of a sea voyage, especially for such a great distance.
I beg you then to
send these, Matthew and Bernard, on to Rome, that they may come back with some
of our fathers; and testify to their countrymen as to the immense distance
existing between the greatness of Christians and of the Japanese. May God
grant, if it is for His service, that some day we may
see one another again
in China, or if not there, at any rate in the Kingdom of Heaven, where I mean
to enjoy with still greater pleasure the fruits of your sweet and tender
friendship, which I have so long been without.
Goa, April
9, 1552. FRANCIS.
The letter to the
King, written at this time, the last letter addressed to him by Francis Xavier
which has been preserved to us, needs no comment.
(evil.) To John III., King of Portugal.
On my
return from Japan this year I wrote to your High-B ness from Cochin, giving my
letter to the vessels that were! sailing for Portugal. I then gave an account
of the present! state of religion at Japan and of how fit and favourably dis-*
posed the Japanese nation is to embrace the religion of Jesus ( Christ. I added
that the King of Boungo is an admirer of your royal virtues, and sends you a
magnificent cuirass in token of his friendship. I said that two members of our
Society will soon start for the town of Amanguchi in Japan, where we have
already a residence and church, and where two of ours of great goodness and
faithfulness are engaged in in- J structing neophytes. May God grant that by
means of your Highness’s most admirable munificence the Christian religion! may
be widely propagated in these countries also ! I said j too that I had resolved
on going to China, because we see i signs which justify great hopes of spreading
the Christian faithl there. I
In five days I shall
leave Goa for Malacca, on the way toj China, with a brother of our Society, and
also with Diego Pereira, ambassador to the Emperor of that country. We are
taking this Sovereign rich presents, bought by Diego Pereira,] partly with your
Highness’s funds, partly with his own. But we carry him another present, such
as perhaps within the memord of man no king has ever offered to another king,—I
speak of
the Gospel of Jesus
Christ. If the Emperor of China understands its full value, he will certainly
prefer it above all his treasures, however great they may be. I have a hope
that God will cast a look of mercy upon this large empire and nation; that He
will open the eyes of those men created after His own image to the knowledge of
their Creator, and of Jesus Christ ! the common Saviour of all.
Three of us
altogether of the Society start with Pereira for China, in order to set at
liberty the Portuguese who are in captivity there, to obtain the alliance of
the Emperor of China for the Portuguese, and lastly to wage war with the devil
and his followers. We shall inform the Sovereign first, and then I his
subjects, in the name of the King of Heaven, that hence- «forth they must no
longer worship the devil, but God, the i Creator of men, and Jesus, their
Redeemer and Lord. It may seem a bold undertaking to go to an unbelieving
nation and a very powerful Sovereign in order to reprove them and to preach the
truth to them,—a thing in our time full enough of danger even with Christian
kings and princes, not to speak of barbarians. But what fills us with
confidence is that the design has been inspired by God Himself, who is the aim
and end of all my thoughts, and He has filled us with the happiest hopes, so
that trusting to God's mercy, we doubt nothing as to His divine power, which is
infinitely higher than the power of the Chinese King, and of all the kings of
the world.
As the matter is
altogether in the hand and power of God, there is no cause for fear or doubt.
We certainly ought to fear nothing, except to offend God and so incur the
punishment due to the wicked. Therefore it seems a greater extreme of audacity
for men, who see most clearly their own sins and crimes, to take up the
preaching of His law, than to go to foreign nations to reprove and teach the
truth to most powerful kings. That which increases still more my hope and
confidence is the thought that for so great a work as the offering of gospel
light and truth to a barbarous nation, blinded by vice rnd superstition,
belonging, if I may use the expression, to a lifferent universe, God has chosen
men so utterly without skill
VOL. II. . KK
and without virtue as
ourselves. So what is necessary is, that since it has so pleased God to order
it, in answer to the prayers and alms of your Highness, I should have a will
ready to correspond to all this courage and confidence, which God in His
goodness has given me, in preaching His holy law.
I have asked various
graces of your Highness in favour of those who here rule your realm; all have
been granted liberally on your part. I return you, for them all infinite
thanks. And now I ask you another favour in the name of all true Christians;
Portuguese and Indian, and in the name even of the heathens, particularly of
the Japanese and Chinese. I ask with all the urgency I may that in your
admirable zeal for the worship of God and the salvation of souls, you will
deign to have sent to us this year as many priests as possible : men of
capacity, who at home and abroad have worked for the salvation of souls with
great credit for virtue and piety—such subjects, in fact, as India requires.
For men without experience of ordinary life, whatever may be their learning
and knowledge, arc of no great use in these countries. Therefore, most excellent
Sire, I again and again implore you, by your singular charity towards God and
towards men, the images of God, deign to j write very carefully to Rome to
Master Ignatius, the Father of our Society, to send to the Indies a good number
of priests, prepared to bear much suffering both of body and soul, even if they
be deficient in eloquence for preaching, because such men are required for the
Indian missions, especially for thosel of Japan and China.
With these fathers
let him send a Rector for this residence and College, a man of tried and known
virtue whom we can trust, and who perfectly knows our rules and Institute; for
such a man is very necessary here. You may be sure that such priests will be of
great use in the Indies, Japan, and China; and these countries require men
capable of bearing severe and frequent combats. They should therefore possess
solid virtue and sufficient learning to reply to all the difficulties which may
be proposed to them by some of the most subtle people in the world, that is to
say, the Japanese and Chinese. In order to
make the difficulties
presented by these countries better understood, I have thought it best to send
a brother to Father Simon in Portugal and to Father Ignatius at Rome, with
letters from me.
It remains that for
the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ and the salvation of souls, your Highness
should deign to write to Father Ignatius to instigate his zeal, already so
ardent, that he may satisfy abundantly and at once the interests of divine
glory and of your piety, by sending us at least six such men as I desire, as
well as the Rector whom I have described. I am sure they will be very
efficacious for the glory of God and the salvation of these nations.
I place
such confidence in your Highness’s great goodness, that I doubt not you will
add to all your other singular benefits this last, which will be the filling
up and crown of the rest. •
From your Highness’s
useless servant,
Goa, April
xo, 1552. FRANCIS.
The time was now come
for Francis to take leave of Goa. It is said that on parting from his friends
he let them see that I he knew that, as St. Paul said to the priests of
Ephesus, ‘ they should see his face no more.’ One of the penitents of Francis,
Dona Catalina de Chiaves, began to weep when he told her that this was his last
visit, and to comfort her, he added that she should see him again before she
died. She survived him for some years, and shortly before her death he appeared
to her and filled her with joy.
But nowhere was his
departure felt so deeply as in the College of Santa FI*. The letter from Goa,
to which we have already referred, after speaking of the instructions which he
wrote for the fathers who were going to a distance, mentions how he used to
exhort the inmates of the College to the service of God and to desires of
greater perfection, ‘ as one who was taking his leave as if he should never see
or converse with them again, giving us spiritual conferences in which were many
doctrines precious and helpful to the soul. . . . And when the time of his
departure was coming,
he used at night to give spiritual conferences to the brothers, which much
consoled them; and the last things which he commended to us after his last
discourse with many tears, were constancy in our first vocation, most profound
humility, which arises in all from knowledge of self,, and above all things
holy obedience and promptitude in following it out. This large charge he
repeated many times, as of a virtue much beloved by God and very necessary in
the Society. He made Provincial of the parts of Asia Master Gaspar, to whom he
gave all his power, and made him Rector of the College of Goa, to provide from
thence for all other parts. And then he put himself on his knees before him and
offered him obedience on his own part and on the part of all who were absent,
giving us an example of that obedience of which he had just been speaking; and
all the fathers and brothers did the same with great consolation and joy,
because such a pastor had been given them. And having done these things, Father
Master Francis departed with his companions on the Maundy Thursday, after the
function was over.’12 These last words put before us a touching
picture. There is no function in all the range of the offices of the Church
more tender and loving than that of Maundy Thursday, when the altar puts on
again its white festive dress for a short time; when the Gloria in Excelsis
rings through the sanctuary still haunted by the mournful strains of the
Tenebra of the evening before; when but one mass is sung, and so all the
faithful, priests as 'well as laymen, crowd to the altar rail to receive the
Blessed Sacrament on the day of its first institution from the hands of the
Superior of the church. Francis himself would probably say the mass and give
communion to all his brethren, to the students of the college, to the throngs
of the faithful to whom he was so dear. Then he would bear in solemn
procession, while the Pange lingua was being sung, the consecrated host which
was to be consumed on the following morning of Good Friday to the altar of the
Sepulchre, there amid lights and flowers to be adored without ceasing until the
time came for IS ‘ A quinta feira de Endoenjas, acabado officio.'
the cererhony of the
next day. He would kneel awhile to adore his Lord on the altar, and then
depart, with his heart full of love and thankfulness, never to return alive.
Francis spent a few
days at Cochin, as usual in his voyages to and from Goa. He was overwhelmed
with news about the state of affairs on the Fishery Coast. The labours and
sufferings of the missionaries there were little known, on account of their
being usually alone; but Francis had experienced these himself, and we have
seen how anxious he was that all possible assistance should be secured to them.
One of them was just dead—Paolo Valle, of whom he speaks in the next letter,
which was written at this time from Cochin to Gaspar Baertz. Paolo had been
taken prisoner by the Badages, and detained by them for a month, suffering the
greatest privations and outrages. At last the Christians managed to rescue him,
but they were pursued, and only saved themselves and the father by taking to
their boats. Paolo was almost worn to death; a low fever attacked him, and
after lingering for three months, he died on the 1 st of March in this year. We
subjoin the letter to which we have just referred.
(cvm.) To Father Gaspar Baertz.
May the grace and
love of Jesus Christ our Lord help and favour us! Amen.
Since my arrival at
Cochin I have received many letters from Coulan and Cape Comorin. All these
letters inform me of the extreme misery of our brethren who serve religion in
these parts, in lack of all resources corporal and spiritual. From Cape Comorin
they announce the death of Father Paul, a man of great perfection in virtue.
There now only remains Father Enrico Enriquez, and throughout the country there
is no other priest of our Society. He begs most earnestly that a companion
should be sent to help him in the administration of the Sacraments, for he is
not equal to it alone on account of the number of the Christians and the long
distances. Think whc-
ther you can manage
to set free Father Antonio Vaz and Brother Antonio Diaz, whom you could send,
after winter, to the Coast of Comorin, where they are in such miserable need of
workers. Should it seem to you that Antonio Vaz is little suited, or if he
seems necessary where he is, think about Francesco Lopez, whom I have lately
sent to Bazain. As far as I can now judge, I should be very glad to know that
one of these brethren were sent to Cape Comorin with Antonio Diaz, or some
other lay brother of tried virtue whom you could securely send as companion
with any priest who may go to that mission. In the name of all your love for
God, I entreat you to use your utmost zeal in this matter, for it is of the
greatest importance.
Father Niccolo, at
Coulan, is beset by grave difficulties and is reduccd to extreme poverty, being
destitute of provision for fifty native children of the house and two or three
Portuguese besides ; especially as youths from the Coast of Comorin who get ill
are often sent to him to be taken care of; and as the College of Coulan is but
poorly endowed, Father Niccolo asks with much justice to have some present help
from the royal grants formerly bestowed on the College, which have not been
duly paid—in fact, these grants are seldom paid the year that they are due.
Speak, I pray you, to the Viceroy, that he may receive the back payments now
that they are so necessary to him, since he has not before been paid all that the
King assigned him ; and if the Viceroy thinks fit, let him send a royal
command to the Commandant of Coulan, to pay at once a hundred pardams to the
College, which may somewhat relieve the present misery of that house. I implore
you for the love of our Lord God, take care that on the first opportunity of
sailing after the winter a priest of the Society, with a lay brother, may
embark for Comorin, as I have said, and that they may pass by Coulan, and
there, in virtue of the royal order of which they are the bearers, receive from
the Commandant the sum of a hundred pardams to be given to Father Niccolo.
Make a list of the
sums due from the King to the College at Goa, and exert yourself with his
majesty’s ministers, especially the Viceroy, to procure such letters and
orders as may
seem necessary for
obtaining a full settlement. Use the same precautions for the house at Ormuz
and at Bazain. Especially take great care to avoid managing these affairs too
gently or timidly; they should be carried on in an energetic and almost
obstinate manner. The whole race of receivers and revenue people, who under
whatever title dispense the King’s funds, is a hard set, and the most
legitimate requisitions, if proffered gently and bashfully, are eluded by them;
they will give nothing but what is dragged from them. Therefore they should be
approached with no softness of mien but with a confident speech, nor should
delays be easily granted: they have unlimited devices for rendering these
delays eternal; and as they only boast among themselves when they succeed, to
treat them with moderation is to violate our duty; you must dun them
importunately and recklessly, and do not hesitate almost to altercate and
quarrel with them until their promises have passed into action. Otherwise you
will scarcely ever prevent large sums out of the King’s treasury, destined by
his majesty’s pious wishes for the use and necessities of religion, from being
intercepted and appropriated by avaricious and perverse ministers, to the
immense and irreparable injury of religion and the salvation of souls. You
must think justifiable any way that secures success in so highly important an
affair.
Employ every effort
for discharging the debts of your house as soon as possible. I wish that in the
letters you dispatch by the vessels that sail for Malacca next September, you
should send me a list of the liabilities of the College at Goa, and that every
time you write to me you should let me know what is owing to you, and what you
yourself owe. It will be very useful to know both at once, and to compare the
two. When the revenues due to the College are received from those who have to
pay them, tax farmers or other debtors, be on your guard against a foolish
unjust compassion, so as to allow them to retain a portion, which, as we know,
has happened several times in preceding years through most criminal negligence,
on which account, and nothing else, at Cape Comorin, Coulan, and at Cochin, a
great number of pious works undertaken for the good
of souls, which would
have prospered had they been continued, have been interrupted for want of the
assistance expected from Goa. This assistance could not be sent, on account of
most unreasonable concessions made to the people indebted by the collectors of
the revenues of the College at Goa, upon which all the other houses depend. On
this account you should yourself watch, and use all the means at your disposal
for preventing any weakness of the procurator as to exacting the full debt,
indulging the avarice of men to the danger of his own conscience and God’s
service.
It will be necessary
for you to assist Father Antonio Eredia. On the very first opportunity when
winter is over, you will take care to send him to Cochin 250 or 300 pardams.
This sum is just now quite indispensable for him to complete the enclosure of
the buildings, and to carry on various other works of absolute necessity,
without which a community could not be kept together or exist. For until now,
it has been a miserable and most difficult undertaking to lodge decently our
brethren and visitors in the house at Cochin. In reading this letter, do not
imagine that while I am thus engrossed regarding the College at Cochin, I lose
sight of the embarrassments of Goa; believe me, they are present to me, I know
and remember them. But comparing all the circumstances, I think the most
indispensable duty is to help those among our brothers who are in the greatest
distress. I have therefore reduced the sum I ask for to what I have named to
you, and which is strictly necessary for them. They want much more, but we must
put one inconvenience against another; do you guide yourself by the promptings
of a prudent charity, and having first provided for the wants of the
inhabitants of your house, whether Portuguese or natives, then extend your
protection to those at Cochin, Coulan, and Comorin.
I beg you to
calculate exactly what Alvarez Alfonso owes to this College. Find out also the
value of those sums which, through mistaken kindness, the receivers of our
revenues,have remitted, to him in past years. How they settled it with their
consciences I know not. I should be very anxious if I thought
I had to render an account, as they will
have to do, of this
foolish indulgence,
the deplorable result of which has been to cause the utter lack of means for
the propagation of God’s kingdom, and support of evangelical labourers on the
coast of Comorin, Coulan, and Cochin. Insist upon his paying all he owes, so
that you may spend it first for the necessities of your house and then for the
places dependent on it, which I have just named. How necessary it is that
temporal means should not be neglected, you have an instance in my present journey,
which is of immense interest for God’s glory, and which I should not have had
the means of undertaking had you not exercised your utmost zeal in collecting
alms at Ormuz, which alms have been my chief resource. What wrould
have happened had your zeal flagged ? We must have given up everything, and
allowed to vanish, just as it seemed within our grasp, so splendid an
opportunity of extending God’s kingdom. And would this opportunity ever have
returned ?3 it enough on this subject.
If some fathers from
Portugal reach you this year, remember to use your best efforts to surmount all
obstacles; and contrive that next year one of them at least shall sail for
Japan, as companion there to Cosmo Torres, according to my instructions left
you in writing : I now only remind you of it. I wish you to give a lay brother
of the Society as companion to this father; be careful also that both are
abundantly furnished with means for the journey. After the expenses of the
voyage something must be left to provide for their maintenance at Japan, for
the country is fertile to us in labour and spiritual fruits, but sterile in
money and resources of every kind. I beg you, as you love me, take this matter
to heart. For I desire most ardently, and consider it of the first importance,
that another priest of the Society should be sent as soon as possible to assist
Cosmo Torres.
If the hope I speak
of from Portugal should fail, because in the expected vessels no father is
found who is capable of this mission, still, I pray you, see whether in any
other way you can obtain the same object. For instance, if a subject should
present himself for entrance into the Society who was already
a priest, or capable
of receiving holy orders, whom you would have no difficulty in preparing for
them, and whom, after the trial of a short novitiate, you might, on account of
the emergency, judge fit to send to Japan,—if you meet with a subject of this
kind, or if you find at your disposal one of the fathers of whom I have spoken,
I will take care that the opportunity is not wanting for his journey from
Malacca to Japan. I will see to this in my own journey by begging the Captain
of Malacca graciously to further the plans of whichever of our brothers may
arrive from Goa, on the way to Japan.
In considering as to
the admission of subjects who seek an entrance into the Society, you will study
very carefully the qualities of soul and body with which they may be gifted;
and you must never burthen the Society with subjects useless at home and
abroad. After having received subjects for the novitiate, if, when you have
profoundly studied their character, you discover that they are void of gifts of
soul and faculties of body, according to the measure necessary for their
utility in the Society, hasten to send them home again. Regarding the novices
that you employ in the house upon such offices as require frequent intercourse
with strangers, and freely going backwards and forwards, such as the duties of
purveyor, dispenser, and others of like nature, watch over them diligently,
and observe most carefully what example they give outside as to sobriety, self
restraint, and modesty; notice with what fidel- J ity they manage their
business, and expend the money intrusted to them, and whether they render an
exact and scrupulous ac- j count of their receipts and outlays; for you know
how dangerous is the administration of such offices, and how imprudent it is
to commit them to persons who are not firmly established ( in great self
command, faithfulness, and sanctity of life—virtues j which form at the same
time their safeguard and our guarantee j against all danger of a fall on their
part. Indeed, their fall , would be at once a supreme dishonour to the Society,
and a i great scandal to our neighbours.
As for Balthasar
Nunez and the lay brother who has come \ from Bazain with Melchior Gonzalez,
take care to exercise
em long and seriously
in the most humble duties of the use, for instance, in the kitchen and other
employments of e same nature; and do not allow them to go out. If in the urse
of these trials you discover that they are unsuitable to e Society, you will
send them away to look after their own siness. When Francesco Lopez returns
from Bazain, you ould give him the Exercises at leisure, and also break him by
the humblest labours of the house. Pay constant atten- ■n and the
most active vigilance to the improvement and iritual progress of these three
subjects. This advice of mine inot unfounded: I have reason to fear that these
three perns are not such as I could wish, or such as they ought to be r the
glory of God and their own perfection..
Be equally watchful
over the others, and proportion the gree of your attention to the character of
each, occupying urself incessantly in fortifying, encouraging, and improving
em. When, as I have ordered, you send a priest and a lay other to Cape Comorin,
you will send also by them one of e chalices which I have left you. My reason
is, that I re- 2mber that a few years ago a Christian belonging to this jast of
Comorin sent a sum of money to Goa, to be spent in e purchase of a chalice. The
managers of the College reived this money, and used it for the necessities of
their house, d up to this time have never sent the chalice. Let it be sent •w,
and this obligation cancelled. The other chalice which mains can be given next
year to the father who sails for pan, for there is only one chalice there.
When you write to me
at Malacca, do not be sparing of >ur time or paper, and do not hufry as
though it were a duty ifilled by task. Give a full and particular account of
every- >ing, with the smallest details. I have hopes of great spi- ual
consolation from the perusal of your letters; for they
11 inform me of all I wish to know regarding
all my brothers, 10 in your College are fighting in the cause of God, and in e
surrounding residences. Employ a secretary who writes a iod and legible hand.
You will direct the packet to Fran- sco Perez, at Malacca; but it is absolutely
necessary you
should send me your
letters in the month of September, b;fc the vessel which then sails for Banda.
Francesco Perez wil diligently take care to convey them to me in China.
You will write to our
good Cipriani, who resides at Me liapor, telling him he should live in perfect
harmony with al . the world, especially with the Bishop’s Vicar and all the
priestk in that residence; and you had better express yourself to hirl* with precision
and without circumlocution, and distinctly inforJ ( him that I have
left you in writing a formal command to exp« - from the Society those subjects
who are disobedient to the St perior or Rector of this College; you will add
that, on accouu of this order, no personal consideration of any one at all wi
prevent your fulfilling what is commanded in so absolute^!}; manner. Make this
statement to him ad terrorem, and that hj may watch over himself, and
understand that such a threrl extends even to him.
Estevan Luis Buralho,
who has reached the diaconatej i holy orders, is coming to your town. I love
this young ma very much, and I
hope that by the grace of God he will I and by become a good religious. Do all
that he asks of yc in my name, and speak to the Bishop in his favour as often
;j~ he asks you or requires. It is not only the hope I entertal which has
attached me to him; it is also a duty of gratitu(l which compels me to do all I
can in order to repay favours 1*1 has rendered me in a thousand cases, serving
and assisting n*j upon every opportunity, as often as I asked him. I confi<|
to you the payment of my debt of gratitude, and I trust yJ will discharge it
perfectly and energetically.
May our Lord sanctify
you, and call you to His glAl Adieu.
Cochin, April 24,
1552.
Father Antonio Eredia
here has a book which is useful I him, but which will be far more necessary to
me where I A going. This book is Constantinus,13 which I find
I must depril
13 Constantinus was the name of the
author of a Greek-Latin Lexifl of that century.
n of, and take it to
China. I remember having seen here
o other copies, one in the possession of
Francesco Lopez, the ler in the hands of Father Manuel de Morales. I beg you
send one of these two as soon as possible to Father Antonio >edia, for he
has the greatest need of this book. Exert your- f zealously with the Bishop, to
induce him to summon to » presence a priest of Malabar named Antonio Ferrano,
and order this priest, under threat of anathema, to appear on a rtain day
before his tribunal at Goa; for Ferrano puts ob- tcles to the preaching of the
Gospel in the place where he and proves himself a public adversary and
dangerous enemy the fathers who labour for the increase of religion on the oast
of Comorin.
Entirely yours in
Jesus Christ,
Francis.
The day after this
letter was written, Francis Xavier took 5 final leave of India. He had with him
Father Balthasar kgo and four lay brothers, Duarte Silva, Pedro Alcageva,.
I.varo Ferreira, and Francesco Gonzalez. He had also with m a
young Chinese named Antonio, who had been educated the College of Santa Fc. He
was to serve Francis as in- fpreter, but it turned out, as might have been
expected, that e few years which he had spent at Goa had made him almost tget
his native tongue.
CHAPTER II.
Francis and Don Alvaro d'At aide.
We have seen with
what a joyous buoyant heart Francij Xavier had embarked in 1549 for Japan. The
expedition t< China, to which he was now looking forward, was certain!
fraught with fewer dangers, and seemed far less likely to b< thwarted in its
course or unsuccessful in its issue than tha former voyage. China was a
peaceful, civilized empire, a| famous for justice and equity as for its
tranquillity and power There might be some difficulty at the ports, perhaps;
but whei) it became known that an Envoy of the great King of the Wes had been
sent to treat with the Emperor, it was not to be exl pected that any lack of
courtesy would bar the onward path 0 the friendly mission. Francis himself was
in the vigour of lif and strength. The white hairs of age had come before thei
time to his head, but he was still in the prime of his years, hi heart full of
great plans, the execution of which could not ov« task the powers which had
hitherto made his preaching sj efficacious, and given him a sort of empire over
all whom In had come across. His influence was firmly established ove| whatever
was Christian in the East; he had never been unabij to obtain what he asked
from the Portuguese authorities; and thj ineffable charm of his humility and
charity made merchant! ; and sailors, and soldiers, the rich and the poor, we
may almos ; say the good and the bad alike, eager to befriend him and t<
serve him. No one seems to have doubted that he woul<' return from China, as
he had returned from the Moluccas an< from Japan, with the glory of success
to enhance the prestige < which he already possessed all over the East. If
any one ha< been asked to predict how his designs were to fail, he woul<
t
have thought of
accidents by sea or land, tempests and hurricanes, the audacity of pirates, or
the impenetrable jealousy of Chinese officials, and would never have conceived
it possible that a Christian and Portuguese hand would be raised to bring about
the frustration of his hopes.
Francis Xavier,
however, knew that he was certain to meet with opposition, because he was
engaged in a great design for God’s glory. It was afterwards known that even
when he was first speaking of the matter with Diego Pereira on his voyage from
San Chan, he had predicted that they would certainly have great trouble. Now,
when he landed at Malacca on this last voyage from Goa, he instantly begged his
religious brethren to pray for the Chinese expedition, as he felt instinctively
that the devil was preparing to thwart it. Francis had parted with Diego
Pereira at the beginning of the year at Malacca. Diego had had to take his
ship, the famous Santa Croce, to Sonda, and to return to Malacca in time to
meet Francis when he came back from India with the diplomas and letters constituting
his friend the Envoy to China, as well as with the rich presents and other
necessaries for the expedition. Don Pedro de Silva was now no longer ‘ Capitan
;’ his brother Don Alvaro was on the point of entering on his government, which
meanwhile was administered by another official. Alvaro was proud and
illconditioned, as we may gather from his having endeavoured to oust Pedro
before his period of Captaincy had elapsed. He was probably also poor, and
anxious to make money while in authority at Malacca. We are not told whether he
had at first entertained the notion that he himself, and not Diego Pereira, was
the proper person to represent the Portuguese Crown in the embassy to China.
But he had a secret grudge against Diego Pereira, who, before sailing for Sonda,
had refused to lend him a sum of ten thousand ducats. It is only a matter of
conjecture whether Francis Xavier was aware of this ; but he had armed himself
against any possible difficulty on the part of Don Alvaro in two ways—first, by
procuring for him some favours from the Viceroy, who conferred on him, at the
request of Francis, the ‘ Capitanato’ of the sea, a naval com
mand, independent of
the Captaincy of the fortress, and involving not only power but emolument, and
certain other privileges, not specified; and secondly, by procuring the
stringent orders, which have been already mentioned, from the Viceroy, enjoining
on Don Alvaro and all other officers of the Crown to further to the utmost of
their power the intended Embassy, and threatening them with severe punishment
in ease of disobedience. With these precautions Francis may have felt that he
had little to fear in the way of human opposition to his designs—which yet was
to come, as it were, from a hand which he had armed himself, for it was the
power of the ‘ Capitan' of the sea’ which was to be used against him.
The voyage was
prosperous. It is probably here that we I must place the anecdote referred to
in a former page,1 when, near the Nicobar islands, the weather
became so bad, and the ship seemed to be in so much danger, that the captain
was j giving the order to throw overboard the cargo; but Francis Xavier
interfered, promising that the wind would soon fall and . they should come in
sight of land. When the prophecy came true, all were rejoicing and
congratulating themselves, but Francis was sighing and sorrowful. ‘ Pray for
Malacca,’ he said; ‘ it is infected by the plague.’ It was true. On arriving {
at Malacca, where Francis was received, as usual, with immense joy, they found
the plague raging. The ship’s crew was attacked, and forty soon died.
Francis devoted
himself at once to the service of the plague stricken, as if he had come to
Malacca for no other purpose. As the hospital was full to overflowing, he gave
up to them a part of the residence of the Society, and provided rooms in j
other houses where fifty or sixty were received at a time. He was always ready
to hear the confessions of the sick, and to assist the dying. It was the common
opinion, that to die in his arms was to be secure of salvation—so efficacious
and encouraging were the exhortations and suggestions with which j lie aided
the poor sufferers to leave this world for the presence of God. He went about
the city begging alms for the poor : i
•p. 148.
he carried the sick to
the hospitals himself, and then waited upon them as a servant. Among the sick
was Don Alvaro himself, and Francis attended him with particular affection and
diligence, saying mass for many days in the room in which he lay ill. It seemed
as if he had gained his heart. Don Alvaro had not as yet given a single sign of
opposition; on the contrary, he had spoken of the Embassy as likely to produce
great public good. But, for the moment, the minds of all were too full of the
plague and its ravages to attend to other subjects.2
Diego Pereira
returned to Malacca after Francis had been some time on the spot. Francis sent
to warn him before he landed, not to assume any pomp or state as ambassador,
but to appear in the city as simply and modestly as possible. His arrival
forced Don Alvaro to raise his mask, at least partially. The £
Captaincy of the sea’ gave him some authority over the vessels which put into
the port, and he availed himself of this —it was the first exercise of his
authority—to seize the rudder of Pereira’s vessel, which he had placed in front
of his own palace. His excuse was that he understood that an attack 'was
impending from the Gial, the warlike and hostile tribes in Java, which had
furnished a large contingent to the army Iwhich had besieged Malacca the year
before. This pretext, however, was soon taken from Don Alvaro. A Portuguese
ship arrived from the Archipelago with the news that the tribes in question
were at war among themselves, and so had no time to think of an attack on
Malacca. The ‘ Capitan’ was therefore forced to bring to light the malignant
project which he had long ago conceived.
‘ As this quarrel/
says Mendez Pinto, who was at Malacca at the time, ‘ was founded upon hatred
and avarice, the devil set fire thereto more and more; whence it came that
after the
2 Massei, p. 3, cap. 10, p. 298, mentions
here two miracles which are found in the Processes. In the first case Francis
detected a sin that a lad had committed by the tom and dirty state of a *
cotta’ he had on. In the second case he raised from the dead the only son of a
devout woman. The lad had sucked the point of a poisoned arrow, llis name was
Francis, and he afterwards became a frate of the Franciscan Order.
VOL. II.
LL
Father had laboured
thereat for twenty-six days, with much dili-1 gence, the Capitan would never
grant to the Father what he asked him, nor permit Diego Pereira to take him to
China, as was ordered expressly in the patents of the Viceroy, besides that I
he spent large sums upon that design. And the better to ■ colour
his malice he was ever giving new explanations to the I patents of the Viceroy,
throwing out by way of raillery that this I Diego Pereira whom the Viceroy
meant to speak of was a! gentleman who was living in Portugal, and not that
other whom I the Father presented to him, who had been the simple valet of 1
Gonzales Contino, and was not a man of quality enough to be j sent as
ambassador to as great a monarch as was the King of I China. This is how this
affair passed, and by reason of it I some of the most honourable of the place,
moved by a piousl zeal for the honour of God, and seeing that things were
getting! worse and worse, and that the Capitan would notTisten to! reason, nor
consider what was represented to him, assembled! together one morning, and
besought him not to incur the fault! of a thing which would do such great
mischief to the honour of I God, and for which he would have to give a very
strict account! in the next life. Moreover let him think what all the peo-| pie
would spread abroad concerning him, if he would really hinder so holy a man as
Father Xavier from going to preach thel law of God to those Gentiles, without
considering that it thereby! appeared as if our Lord Jesus Christ would use His
service to I open in that country a door to the Gospel for the salvation ofu
souls. But the Capitan, instead of being moved by these words,! only answered
that he was old enough not to need counsel; that! if the Father was willing to
take so much pains for God, let himl go to Brazil or to Monomotapa, where there
were unbelieversl as well as in China. For the rest, he had sworn that as long f as he was Capitan, Diego Pereira should
never go either as I merchant or ambassador, and if God asked him to
give account! for this he would do so. He added to this that the voyagei which
Diego Pereira wished to make to China under the shadowl of the Father, in order
to gain a hundred thousand ducats of profit, belonged properly to no one but
himself, as recompensed
S'S
for the services of
his father, the Conde Almirante, and not to a servant of Gonzales Contino, whom
Father Francis without reason wished to support in so bad a design. Saying
this, he dismissed them. Then the Superintendent of the Finances, the Factor
(Fazor), and the officers of the customs, seeing the extravagant answer which
the Capitan had given, went all together one morning to tender a
representation (requete) in the name of the King, saying that there was an
ordinance-made by preceding Governors, which expressly enjoined that on no account
was hindrance to be opposed to the departure of any vessel that wished to set
sail, provided that it undertook to return and pay the dues; and that
according to this ordinance, Diego Pereira had put in a memorial to them, in
which he set forth in writing that he bound himself to give to the King, of the
profits ofhis ship, thirty thousand ducats for the necessities of the fortress,
of which he paid the half down, and gave security for the rest against his
return. That being so, they prayed the Capitan not to hinder the voyage,
protesting that if he made it fruitless without cause, as was the case, the
King would seize this money from the goods of the Capitan himself. He answered
that if Diego Pereira bound himself to pay the King thirty thousand ducats, in
consideration of the representation which they made, he for his part bound
himself to give them thirty thousand cuts with the staff of a halberd there
before him; and saying this, he ran to a rack of pegs to take it down and do what
he said, which made them get to the door very fast.’3 Mendez then
speaks of the marvellous patience of Francis Xavier under all this storm. ‘ He
never made any other answer when he heard these things, but to cast his eyes to
heaven and say, “Blessed be Jesus Christ!” words which he uttered with the same
ardour with which they rose from his heart, not without sometimes shedding
tears in abundance. And it was said publicly in Malacca, that if the good
father desired, as it very much appeared that he did, to be martyred for the
love of God, this persecution was to him in place of a great martyrdom! And,
without falsehood, I must avow that as often as I call to
* Mendez Pinto, Voyages, t. iii.
p. 435 seq.
mind how I have seen
with my eyes the great honours which the King of Boungo, Gentile though he was,
paid to the blessed Father in Japan, only because he had heard say that he was
a man who imparted knowledge of the law of God, as I have heretofore related,
and the evil treatment which I afterwards saw inflicted on him in Malacca, I am
quite beside myself with astonishment, and believe in truth that there is no
good Christian who must not be equally astonished.’4
Things went so far in
resistance to Don Alvaro, that Francesco Alvarez, the officer actually holding
the government, though not the Captaincy of the sea, gave orders that the
rudder of the Santa Croce should be removed from his house by force; and it was
only when Don Alvaro prepared a body of armed men to oppose the execution of
this order, that Francis Xavier interposed, saying that material force must not
be used for an enterprize for the glory of God. He was already offering
prayers, masses, and penances continually for the conversion of Don Alvaro. He
had used the good offices of Don Pedro de Silva, who seems not yet to have left
Malacca, but in vain— they were as useless as his own entreaties.
It was then that, for
the first time since he had left Portugal, Francis Xavier made public the
character of Apostolic Nuncio with which he had been invested by the Pope at
the request of the King. When he landed in India he had informed the Bishop of
the briefs which he possessed, but from that time he had kept silence on the
subject, and had never acted on his power. He now communicated the briefs to the
Vicar of Malacca, Joam Suarez, and begged him to inform Don Alvaro of the
danger he was in, inasmuch as all who impeded a Nuncio Apostolic in carrying
out his mission were solemnly excommunicated by the Pope. He would not ask for
any fresh excommunication to be launched against Don Alvaro, but he would not
allow it to be passed over in silence that he was already excommunicated by the
Church and the Roman Pontiff, if he persisted in his opposition to the voyage
to China.5 It appears
4 Mendez Pinto, Voyages, t. iii. p. 435 seq. _
s See
below-, letter to Father Gaspar Baertz, p. 528.
that the Vicar was
not as hearty in the matter as Francis could have wished. He was worshipping
the rising sun in currying favour with Don Alvaro, and the power of the
Portuguese Commandants was so unlimited on the spot and during the tenure of
their office, that we can understand without justifying the weakness of Joam
Suarez. However, the excommunication was formally intimated to Don Alvaro. The
Vicar took with him Francesco Perez, the Superior of the College, and the
Auditor General Francesco Alvarez, already mentioned, and went to the Capitan.
He explained the case, reading to him the document furnished him by Francis
Xavier, and told him that he was excommunicate unless he gave way. He urged him
as his pastor, entreated of him as his friend, and implored him as his servant,
not to impose on him the obligation of publicly declaring him excommunicated.
After the Vicar had finished, Francesco Alvarez read the order of the Viceroy
as to the Embassy, and pointed out especially, for the second time, that the
possible case of his resistance was there declared to be one of the gravest
crimes,6 and liable to most severe punishment.
Don Alvaro was not to
be turned from his purpose by any entreaties or by any threats. He treated the
Pontifical briefs with the same disrespect as the order of the Viceroy; indeed,
he went so far as to accuse Francis Xavier of having forged the former. To the
disgrace of Malacca, it must be said that there were not wanting people to take
his part against Francis, who was insulted in the streets and unable at last to
set foot outside the College. He preserved his usual serenity and gentleness of
manner, and not a word of complaint escaped his lips. He spent whole nights
before the Blessed Sacrament in the church, praying for Don Alvaro, and offered
up mass frequently for his conversion. But there is a power in obstinate malice
and envious spite which God sometimes does not choose to break, and which no
power but His can bend. Don Alvaro remained unshaken. At last he
consented—perhaps it was a sort of com
* ‘ segunda vez lhe toumon a notifiar a pen a do caso major.' Resumo Historico, ii. 167. The document drawn up for the Vicar of Malacca
is quoted in full in this work.
promise with his
conscience, by which he persuaded himself that he might escape the guilt of
hindering an Apostolic Nuncio in his' mission—to allow Francis to go to San
Chan in the Santa Croce without Diego Pereira. There would be no embassy, but
the missioner would be allowed to proceed on his path. Alvaro even seized the
ship and the merchandize, leaving only a small part to Pereira, and he put on
board along with a portion of Pereira’s crew some people of his own. These last
were either privately instructed, or disposed by the example of their master,
to show little respect and kindness to Francis and his companions. Pereira
seems to have behaved nobly; he readily sacrificed his goods to his enemy, and
at the same time his people were ordered to attend carefully to all the wants
and requests of Francis and his companions, and to furnish him with any money
.or merchandize he should desire, as the means of securing a landing on the
coast of China. This seems to be the proper place for inserting the touching
letter which Francis addressed to Pereira at this time.
May the grace and
charity of our Lord Jesus Christ always help and favour us ! Amen.
Since it has come
about, from the greatness of my faults, that God has not been pleased to employ
both of us for the expedition to China, the whole blame must be laid upon my
sins; they have been so many and so great as to have stood in the way not only
of myself, but of you, your interests and money, which you had spent on the
preparations for this,embassy. However, God is witness of my goodwill for His
service and for you ; and were it not for the sincerity of that goodwill, the
grief which I feel at this moment would be greatly keener than it is. I am now
going on board ship, where I shall wait until it is time to set sail, so as to
be out of sight of your people, who are always coming to me in tears, and who
complain that the failure of the embassy is a fatal blow to them. May God
forgive him on whom
lies the responsibility of so many and such great misfortunes !
I only ask one thing
of you, and that is, not to come to see me, and so add to my sorrow by the
sight of your grief and misfortune. Yet I am confident that this calamity will
turn to your advantage; for I doubt not that the King, to whom ■ I have
made the request by letter, will worthily reward your admirable-zeal for the
religion of Jesus Christ. I have ceased to have any dealings with the
Commandant, who has not hesitated to oppose a voyage which would have done so
much for the spreading the Christian religion. May God forgive the man ! I
grieve for his lot, for he will have to suffer a far severer punishment than he
can ever have imagined. May our Lord preserve your health, and direct, guide,
and accompany my present endeavours ! Amen.
From our house at
Malacca, on the point of embarking in your ship.
June 25,
1552. Francis.
The last words of
this letter allude to the fact that Francis took up his abode in the ship for
some time before he sailed. We have two other letters of this time, which show
the thoughtful charity and noble gratitude of the writer. The first is about a
case in which a man had to be persuaded to avoid scandal for the future by
marrying a lady with whom he had been living.
The other letter from
Malacca is about a sum of money which Francis had borrowed from Don Pedro de
Silva. Don Pedro was soon to start for India, and Francis is most anxious that
the money should be ready for him the moment that he landed.
(ex.) To Master Gaspar Baertz
of the Society of Jesus, Rector of the College of Goa.
May the grace and
love of our Lord Jesus Christ always help and favour us ! Amen.
Master Gaspar, I am
writing to his Lordship the Bishop on an important matter concerning a friend
of mine. His name
is Alvaro Gentili.
Considerations concerning his duty and eternal salvation require him at once to
contract a lawful marriage with a woman with whom he has lived unlawfully, and
who has borne him children. He still hesitates, however, and requires a final
push to make him accomplish this necessary business. I have observed that his
mind is much occupied with esteem and reverence for his lordship; and I doubt
not that if the supreme influence of so venerable a personage be added'*to the
many reasons which I have put before him to bring him to do what is right, and
to my constant entreaties, he will break off all delay and do what God requires
of him.
I beg of you, then, to talk over this
matter with the Bishop, and to induce him—which you will easily do—to be so
kind as to write to Alvaro Gentili, exhorting him seriously, and if necessary
commanding him, to do at once what his personal honour, his station in life,
and the position of his children, require, by publicly marrying their mother.
I suspect there is another reason which makes still more necessary the exhortation
I am begging you to get the Bishop to make to Alvaro Gentili. From his
ambiguous answers about the matter which is so obviously advantageous to him, I
have come to think that he is himself desirous of this marriage, but that he is
deterred by his consciousness of some concealed canonical impediment, such as
we know often to exist secretly in matrimonial cases. However, if such a thing
does exist, he has not mentioned it to me. I merely suspect it, from my
experience in similar cases. I have„told my suspicions to his Lordship the
Bishop, so that, having this information, he may have more ready at hand the
effectual remedy for this poor soul, by being so good, in virtue of the
authority he possesses, to remove the impediment, and so get rid of all
obstacles to the remedy which the affair requires. I beg of you to be diligent
and urgent in this business with the Bishop, and do not fail to write by the
vessels which sail from Goa to Malacca in April (which is the proper time for
favourable winds) to my friend Alvaro Gentili, of whom I speak, informing him
of what you have either already done with the Bishop in his business, in
consequence of what
he has told you, or of what you hope to be able to accomplish with regard to
the impediment, if any such exists, and if our friend will consent tc) declare
it frankly to you himself. In this way I think it will be well to .meet
Alvaro’s hesitation half way, as he seems to hang back from some secret motive
of delay, which he will have less hesitation in acknowledging if you can give
him hopes that he may be released by ecclesiastical authority from any
difficulties of this nature. Once more I commend to you all this business with
all the earnestness and efficacy I am capable of. May God unite us in the glory
of His Paradise ! Adieu.
Yours entirely in
Jesus Christ,
Malacca,
July 13, 1552* FRANCIS.
(cxi.) To. Father Gaspar
Baertz.
May the grace and
love of Jesus Christ our Lord always help and favour us ! Amen.
You must know, Master
Gaspar, that I am indebted to D. Pedro de Silva far more than I shall ever be
able to repay, even by the most energetic efforts.. Indeed, when he was in
command at the fortress of Malacca he showed me such favour in everything concerning
the service of God, that I cannot remember any one who has helped me with so
much true kindness since I came to India. 1 had come to Malacca, to pass from
thence to Japan. D. Pedro, within two days, by his energetic diligence,
procured me for this voyage the best ship that was to be had at the time, nor
could I under the circumstances expect a better. Besides this, he gave me
presents in kind, to the value of 200 crowns, bought with his own money, as an
offering to the Sovereign of Japan, for the purpose of winning his favour,
which was so needful, for the propagation of the faith of Jesus Christ. Would
that God had permitted that D. Pedro de Silva should be Governor of Malacca
this year also, then D. Diego Pereira’s embassy to the Chinese empire, on which
we had fixed our hopes so much for a great extension
of our holy faith,
would certainly have had a more favourable issue. How differently his own
brother, D. Alvaro, has acted towards me, in taking from me the means of
sailing for China, and depriving me of the vessel placed at my disposal by the
Governor! May God forgive him ! But I greatly fear that the Divine Majesty, so
grievously insulted by his injustice, will visit him with a far severer
punishment than he expects or imagines.
But to return to his
brother Don Pedro, so different from him. He has lately lent me, in the most
obliging manner, 300 gold crowns, of which I stood in need at the present
moment, for paying off an old debt contracted in Japan. When I was in that
country I thought it absolutely necessary to have a church built in the town of
Amanguchi, and for this purpose 11 borrowed 300 gold crowns from some
Portuguese merchants who were trading there, and spent the money on that work.
The time for paying my debt had passed, and my creditors came to call upon me
to redeem my word. Don Pedro came forward to assist my poverty with the most
ready kindness, lending me the money just as I wanted it, and almost as a free
gift. As soon therefore as he sets foot in Goa, I desire and order you to
hasten to pay to him this sum of 300 crowns. You will draw it from the rents
and revenues of the College, or from the pension of 2000 gold crowns granted by
the King out of his treasury to the house of Santa Fk at Goa, not only for the
benefit of the inmates of that house, but for the aid of the various missions
and establishments for the propagation of the Gospel in different countries of
the East, of which the Japanese mission is one of the most useful.
Take care that there
be no delay in discharging this debt. Go and see Don Pedro immediately you know
of his arrival, and give him his money with every expression of gratitude. I
should be muqh distressed if by any delay of yours in performing so pressing a
duty—one which I so earnestly enjoined on you, and which ought to come before
all others—Don Pedro were obliged to jog your memory, and to ask you for
payment. That would be very bitter news for me, and I am sure you will
ave me that pain, by
executing most promptly, and in spite f all difficulties, this order of mine;
and if you were—I do not ly to neglect it, for that I cannot fear from you—but
to let nything at all stand in the way as a pretext for not fulfilling , I
should consider that my most serious orders have little eight in your eyes.
May our Lord God
unite us in the glory of Paradise! 'arewell.
Yours entirely in
Jesus Christ,
Malacca,
July 16, 1552. FRANCIS.
The memory of the
last days spent by Francis at Malacca •as afterwards treasured by those who had
been most frequently •ith him, as that of a time full of instances of his
charity, his srene firmness, and the supernatural gifts with which he 'as so
richly endowed. Several prophetical declarations which e made at this time were
afterwards remembered. One of his romises to Diego Pereira was, that neither he
nor his children iiould ever want, and the fulfilment of this prophecy was re-
larkable. Diego himself, as was to be expected, was amply ecompensed by the
King of Portugal for all his sacrifices. Many ears after, a son of his,
Francesco Pereira, fell into poverty, and ne day had no provisions in his
house. ‘There passed by that ouse,’ says Massei, ‘a youth of very fair aspect,
selling bread nd fruit and many other kinds of provision, and Francesco 'ent to
the door and took in abundance what was enough for imself and all his family.
But not finding in his purse any money D make payment, he took a robe of his
wife’s to give as a pledge istead. But the youth, with words of graceful
kindness very far bove the condition which seemed to be his, refused all, and
2ft in great courtesy the best part of what he was carrying, and 0 disappeared.
Francesco could never find him again, for all he great pains which, he took
thereto, and so it was thought hat he was an angel sent by God to fulfil the
promises made >y His servant.’7
Another celebrated
prophecy related to Don Alvaro him-
7 Massei, p. iii. cap. x. p. 405.
self. Francis
declared that before he finished his government, God would strike him in his
substance, his reputation, and his person, in such a way as to make those who
should hear it tremble. It was not difficult to predict that Alvaro would I
incur the inevitable lot of the persecutors of the Church and i of the servants
of God; but Francis Xavier’s words foretold i almost the particulars of the
chastisement which God was sure, . sooner or later, to inflict. It was also
remembered by Francesco ! Perez and the other members of the Society at
Malacca, that one day while in company with Francis — it seems to have <
been just before his departure, when he was taking leave of them — they had
seen him suddenly throw himself on a bed and remain for some time, to all
appearance, senseless. Then : he rose up ‘ all wearied, and like a man who had
dreamtj 1 very painful things,’ and exclaimed, ‘God forgive you! God*! forgive
you !’ naming one of the principal members of tho|. Society in Europe. It was
long afterwards known that at that. time there had been great troubles in the
Society in Portugal^ » on account of the person named.8
We must place at this
time the last interview which pass^ s between the good Father Joam Beira and
Francis Xavier. Joana i was on his way to India, in order to secure the taking
of son* t measures
against the King of Temate, who was behaving iflo a hostile manner to the
Portuguese and to Christianity. Ha had much to say to Francis, and appears to
have opened ■ ‘J
him some very sweet lights and inspirations which he had rl 3: ceived in
prayer. We shall find Francis presently referring tw: these. Another dear
brother whom he was to part from fo.«!' ever was Francesco Perez. He had caught
the plague himsel ip; in his service of the sick, and lay at the door of death.
Whel
• The person was no other than Simon
Rodriguez himself. He ha> J’ governed in Portugal with immense popularity,
but not quite in accordant 1 with the constitutions which Ignatius had been
drawing up. It therefor became necessary to transfer him to another sphere of
labour, in Spair which was done with the consent of the King. The troubles were
cause 1 by the unwillingness of many of the Portuguese subjects to
obey the nei Superiors both of the College of Coimbra and the Province; and it
wa ’ thought that Simon, in a visit he paid to Coimbra, had not done a that he
might have done to calm the agitation.
rrancis
Xavier went to take leave of him, he showed signs of adness, as he had hoped to
die in the arms of his spiritual ather. He begged that he would not forsake
him. Francis old him that there was no need for him to wait in order to lelp
him to die. He was to recover, and live many years abouring for God. A few days
after the departure of Francis Cavier, Perez recovered, and lived to fulfil the
prediction for seven and twenty years.9
At length the day
came for the Santa Croce to sail. Franks once more left the ship, and went up
to his favourite ;hrine of our Lady del Monte. There he remained in prayer mtil
sunset, while a crowd gathered around to see him for :he last time. At last he
was told that the anchor was >veighed, and that sail was being set. He went
down the hill ;o the shore, accompanied by numberless friends weeping and
entreating him not to risk himself in so perilous an undertaking as that of an
attempt to enter China. He said he was going whither God called him, and
consoled them with loving admonitions and warnings. Before he reached the
strand, the Vicar General, Joam Suarez, came to take leave of him. He seems to
have been a timid man, wishing to do his duty and at the same time stand well
with Don Alvaro and others like him. He asked Francis whether he had taken
leave of the ‘ Capitan’ ? would it not be better ? and might not people think
that he had been moved by human feeling if he left without saluting Don
Alvaro? Francis answered with firmness and dignity. He and Don Alvaro would meet
no more in this life; they would see one another again in the Valley of
Jehosha- phat on the day of the terrible judgment, when Jesus Christ, the Son
of God, would come to judge the living and the dead, and they would both stand
there before Him, and Alvaro would have to give an account of what he had done
in preventing him
» Another prophecy of
this time related to Gaspar Mendez di Vascon- cello, whom Diego Pereira had
intended to send on board the Santa Croce to look after his merchandize.
Francis told him that Mendez would not go, as he was to stay at Malacca and die
shortly. Mendez at the time was in full health, but he fell ill before the ship
left, and died four days after she had set sail.
from going to preach
to the unbelievers the faith of Jesus Christ, the Son of God, who had died on
the Cross for sinners. Very soon, indeed, would Don Alvaro feel the beginning
of the chastisements for his sins; chastisements which would fall on his
honour, his property, and his person ; and as for his soul, might Jesus Christ
our Lord God have mercy thereon ! They came | then to the open door of a church
which looked upon the sea, and there Francis knelt down and prayed aloud to
Jesus Christ, the Love of his soul, by the sorrows of His most holy death and
passion, by the precious wounds which He was always presenting for us to His
Eternal Father, and the merits thereof, to have pity on and to save the soul of
Don Alvaro, that he might find mercy and pardon before the Lord. He bent
himself down to the ground, and prayed in silence for a while; then he rose up,
took off his shoes, and beat them against one another and against a rock by the
shore, that he might cast off from his feet the very dust of Malacca. The
people were stupefied, but the Vicar spoke a last word, ‘How? is this parting
for ever? ^ for I surely hope in our Lord that you will soon come back to us
with much peace !’ ‘ As it pleases the mercy of God!’ Francis answered, and
mounted the side of the boat which was to take him to the ship.
CHAPTER III.
The Santa Croce was not long in reaching
Singapore, and there she must have remained for two or three days, since we
have some letters dated thence by Francis Xavier, which he sent back by some
vessel bound for Malacca. In them he speaks more freely than in .the few short
notes which he had written at Malacca. It is probable that he feared that his
letters might be intercepted. Indeed we are told that Don Alvaro actually
seized a bundle of his correspondence with Europe, expecting to find therein some
attacks upon himself, but there was nothing. Nevertheless, Francis had written
to the King to commend Diego Pereira to his notice, and it could hardly be but
that he must have said something about the manner in which the embassy to
China had been defeated. These letters have not been preserved to us; indeed,
we have no letters to Europe later than those written before Francis left India
for the last time.
The letters from
Singapore require but little commentary. Francis is most anxious that the
Bishop of Goa should be got to send to Malacca the formula declaring that Don
Alvaro dAtaide has incurred the penalty of excommunication by his conduct in
the matter of the Chinese mission. We may consider this as sufficient proof
that the Vicar, Joam Suarez, had not been bold enough in this respect to
satisfy Francis: and indeed, we find a confirmation of this in one of the
subsequent letters to Diego Pereira. Suarez perhaps objected that he had not
seen the bulls appointing Francis to be Nuncio Apostolic. The bulls were at
Goa. Or again, he may have pleaded that as Francis himself was allowed to
proceed, and Pereira alone was detained, it could not be said that the Nuncio
had been
hindered in his
mission. The want of courage which Suarez then manifested may have been a real
support to Don Alvaro, and may have had a share in making Francis form the
resolution, which we shall soon see him putting into words, to withdraw the
members of the Society altogether from Malacca. The following letter explains
very clearly the exact line taken by Francis in dealing with Don Alvaro. He did
not ask that he should be excommunicated; but that as he had already incurred
the penalty of excommunication, by virtue of the Pope’s bulls, the
ecclesiastical authorities should declare that such was the case.
(cxn.) To Father Gaspar Baertz,
Rector of the College at Goa.
May the
grace and love of our Lord Jesus Christ always help and favour us ! Aihen. »
You will hardly
believe, dear Master Gaspar, what trials were in store for me at Malacca. I
cannot write them to you myself; I have desired Francis Perez to give you an
account of them. You may believe what he writes, incredible as it may seem. I
am going to the islands of China, which lie near the city of Canton, destitute
of all human help, but protected, as I hope, by that of God. I am in hopes that
pagans will open to me the way of entering the Chinese continent, since Christians
have closed it against me, fearless of the sentence of the Church and of the
anger of God which they have incurred. You will, then, use all diligence that
his Lordship the Bishop may send to his Yicar in Malacca the formula of
excommunication, by virtue of which the Governor of Malacca and the other
persons who have caused the failure of a plan so useful to the Christian
religion, may be publicly and by name declared to be cut off from the
Sacraments of the Church.
I desire that it may
be expressed in this decree that I have been sent to India by his Holiness Paul
III. as Apostolical Legate, the bulls conferring which authority on me have
been verified by the prelate himself. My reason for acting in this
way is that in future
no one may oppose the propagation of the Christian religion and the designs of
pious men for that purpose. I would never ask of an ecclesiastical superior to
exclude any one from the communion of the faithful; but I will do all in my
power to let the world know that men who have already incurred excommunication
by the decrees and bulls of the holy Pontiffs are so excluded. I will never
consent in any way to connivance as to not publishing their miserable condition
; that the publishing it may one day bring them to themselves, and lead them to
seek a remedy for the wounds of their souls, and also that they may not have
the audacity in future to delay any member of the Society who may be going in
the interests of religion to the Moluccas, to China, or to Japan. So use every
means that this edict may arrive at its destination.
Of the four of the
Society whom I brought with me, I have sent three to Japan — Balthasar Gago,
Duarte de Silva, and Pedro de Alcaceva. They are in a good ship, and their
weather hitherto has been good. I pray God to bring them safely to Amanguchi,
where Cosmo Torres and Joam Fernandez are at present. I have kept with me one
of ours and Antony the Chinese. Both are seriously ill, to my great annoyance
and their own. Thanks be to God ! Remember to send another of ours to Japan
next year. He must be a priest, and also a man of learning. The subjects for
Japan and China ought always to be learned and well read. ' If you have not a
priest, send another, some clever man able to learn the Japanese language. At
the same time, you should get by way of alms for our brethren in Japan a
certain sum, either out of the treasury or from the Confraternity of Mercy, or
from other pious persons, in order to help to some degree the penury and want
in which those poor sufferers live.
Send F. Joam Beira
without delay back to the Moluccas, where his presence is so necessary,
together, if possible, with a priest of the Society, a man well furnished not
so much with learning as with virtue; for in the Moluccas goodness of life is
required more than learning. So the fathers who are sent thither later ought to
be more approved and tried.
vol. 11. MM
I again enjoin you to
observe diligently the injunctions which I left with you; in the first place,
those which regard the salvation of your soul, and your own perfection; in the
second place, those relating to the administration of the Society. Should it
happen, which God forbid, that I am not able to penetrate into China, I shall
return to Goa, if I am alive, in the month of January next year. Meanwhile be
sure to write me full details of everything concerning the affairs of India and
Portugal; send me news of the Bishop, of the Franciscans and Dominicans; offer
respectful greetings to all of them in my name, and beg them not to fail to
recommend me to our common Lord in their holy sacrifices and prayers. Ask the
same favour of the spiritual friends of our Society. Indeed, we who are living
in China or Japan need a more than ordinary protection from God. May He in His
mercy bring us to our heavenly country, where we shall certainly enjoy a far
more tranquil life than in this place of exile ! Amen.
Straits of
Singapore, July 20, 1552. FRANCIS.
The next letter is to
Joam Beira, who, as has already been said, was on his way to Goa. Its contents
need no further commentary than the facts already stated.
May the grace and
love of Jesus Christ our Lord always help and favour us ! Amen.
Joam Beira, by all
the love which you have for God’s service, I order and implore you not to
communicate to any one in the world the interior feelings which God has
communicated to you ; I mean those gleams of knowledge with which your soul has
been enlightened from Heaven, on matters not involving the spiritual progress
and salvation of the Christians of the Moluccas and the Islands of the Moor,
or of others whose direction has been committed to you. As to matters
concerning the advantage and spiritual progress of the Christians, you will
discuss them with the Lord Viceroy, and do your utmost to
obtain from him the
orders and letters patent which you may judge necessary for those objects. And
if you think you will succeed more easily by means of the authority and
influence of the Lord Bishop, then go to him to present your request, and
entreat him to induce the Lord Viceroy to extend the royal protection to the
Church of the Moluccas, and to grant in favour of that Church the proper orders
and rescripts in order to defend it from the injustice and plots of the King of
the Moluccas, whom you consider hostile thereto.
Try to settle this
business at Goa as quickly as possible, that you may be ready to return as soon
as possible. I should like you to be ready to avail yourself of the ships which
sail in May from Goa to the Moluccas, that you should take some of our priests
with you. If there should be no priests at your disposal, you could bring some
of our brothers who have had some education, and are destined for the
priesthood, or even simple laymen. These last, if they are well disposed and intelligent,
are more easily guided because of their greater humility, and so they are, I
think, to be preferred for the maintenance of peace and union among our
brothers of that residence. Settle too with Father M. Gaspar that at least one
priest or one layman of the Society shall be sent regularly every year to the
Moluccas. Pray do not let anything prevent your starting for the Moluccas in
May; you are ardently desired there, as your absence is sensibly prejudicial to
the interests of religion.
Take this letter with
you to Goa, that it may be read, if necessary, to our brethren who are in
authority there. I feel sure that when they know my intentions, they will not
oppose your return in virtue of this order; but be careful not to reveal to
anybody in Goa the things which you told me at our private conference in the
church at Malacca. I am writing to Father Gaspar, urging him to help in every
way, and to facilitate the speedy settlement of the affairs for which you have
made this voyage, so that you may get through your business and be at liberty
to seize the first opportunity of returning to the place from whence you came.
But be sure not to start without the Viceroy’s letters patent, drawn up in
correct form, and revoking
in so many words the
privileges granted to the King of the Moluccas by Don Joam de Castro, because
that King shows such flagrant bad faith as to fulfilling what he had promised
in return, in not granting the advantages stipulated in favour of the
Christians and the Portuguese. In short, his conduct is in direct contradiction
to his words and engagements.
May God reunite us in
the glory of Paradise !
Your brother in Jesus
Christ,
Straits of
Singapore, July 21, 1552. FRANCIS.
The two following
letters relate mainly to a Japanese whom Francis had picked up, and whom he
hoped to turn into a useful interpreter for the fathers who might in the
course of the next year proceed to Japan.
(cxiv.) To Father Master Gaspar
Baertz.
May the grace and
love of Jesus Christ our Lord always I help and favour us ! Amen.
Master Gaspar,—Antony
the Japanese is now sailing for H Japan with Balthasar Gago and Pedro de Alcageva,
to act as 1 their interpreter till they reach Arnanguchi. At my request t.
John the Japanese has consented to render the same service I to the Father, or
the brother, not yet a priest, as the case may I be, who is to be sent to Japan
next year, and he will accom- I pany him to Arnanguchi. I beg you, in the name
of God, to . obtain for this good convert, who is in a very destitute state, I
an alms to the sum of about 30 pardams, and to buy with it I for him such
articles as he will know can be readily and profit- I ably sold in Japan. This
little capital will enable him, for the future, to live in a quiet way in his
own country on his earn- I ings. I was obliged to give him hopes of this
advantage, to induce him to return to his native land, which he was obliged by
extreme poverty to leave. But to inspire him with more j zeal, so that he may
serve our brother, who is soon to start, with fidelity and attachment, I think
that, besides the gift I ]
lhave just mentioned,
which you will get for him from the Con- I fraternity of Mercy, or from some
rich and charitable person, ;you ought to receive him into your house, to feed
him, and to attach him closely to the Society by great charity. As I hope that
what I have said will be enough to show you how just my irequest is, and how
much I have it at heart, so I will add no- i thing to this expression of my
wishes, feeling sure that they | will be faithfully followed.
May our Lord God
bring us together in the glory of his Paradise !
Straits of Singapore,
July 22, 1552-
Master Gaspar,—I
think that the sum collected by way of ;alms which you are to send to Japan for
the relief of our brothers, who are employed in that new vineyard of Jesus
Christ,
1 ought to be
entirely converted into gold coin of the highest and best standard; you had
better therefore take the opinion of experienced persons in choosing from the
different gold coins, and keep, for this purpose, those which are acknowledged
to be of the purest metal. I have heard it said that the Venetian gold was the
most esteemed on this account. Ascertain by the opinion of persons acquainted
with the subject, whether there is money to be found of the same standard. In
Japan gold is exchanged to great advantage if it is of the best specific weight
and standard, for the purest metal is in request for the enchasing of weapons,
which is almost the only use to which gold is put in that country. Let our
brother who is to be sent to Japan next year, that is to say in 1553, be
trained to very great patience, for he will require an invincible patience to
withstand the countless trials, first of the voyage, and then of the living,
and abode. See also that he takes enough Portuguese cloth for himself and for
the brothers whom he will find in the country, that they may be protected from
the extreme cold of the winters, which are there far more severe than anywhere
else.
Your most loving
brother in Jesus Christ,
Francis.
John the Japanese, my
son,—I am writing to Father M.l Gaspar, to procure for you from the liberality
of pious persons at Goa the sum requisite for getting for you such articles as
j may be sold with profit in Japan, for I do not wish you to re-l turn to your
country as destitute as you left it. You will go] hence to Goa with Father Joam
Beira, by the vessels which sail] at stated times from Malacca to India. On
your arrival give the letter which I send to you, with this one, to Father
Gaspar, I the Rector of the College at Goa; it concerns you. Be careful I to
serve the fathers who are to come from Goa to Japan withl zeal and fidelity
till you all reach Amanguehi. I exhort you I to confess all your sins
frequently to a priest, with great sorrow! lor having offended God, and a firm
purpose of amendment. I I also wish you often to receive the Holy Eucharist
with the I deepest reverence and desire of fortifying yourself against the I
danger of losing the grace of God. To avoid this great evil, askl often for the
Divine assistance, and when you are exposed to! occasions of sin, strive with all
your strength to remain steadfast! in the service of God ; remember that if you
commit sin, you I will have to suffer for it very severely in this world, or
the next.I You must therefore fear the falling into sin as the most terrible!
of misfortunes, by which you incur the eternal punishment of hell. When you are
in Japan do not fail to greet Mark and j Paul affectionately for me. May God
make you holy and I happy, and bring you to the glory of His Paradise !
Straits of Singapore,
July 22, 1552.
Say from me to Father
Francis Perez, showing him thisl letter, that when you are setting sail for
India, he is to write I to Cochin to Father Antonia Eredia, charging 'him in my
name to collect some alms for you in that town, either from] the Confraternity
of Mercy, or from persons who are under his | spiritual direction. Let the said
Father F. Perez know that I 1 shall be very glad if, in expectation of your
return from India,1 he will collect at a favourable opportunity and keep for
your |j
use, a little money
to be given to you on your arrival from Goa and departure to Japan; give him
this letter to read, that he may know of my wish. He will help you more or less
according to his ability, and if anything should prevent your taking letters
from Perez to Eredia, you can show this letter, when you reach Cochin, to
Eredia, rector of the college in that town. It will be sufficient to inform him
of my intentions on your behalf, and he will do all in his power to raise
something for your assistance. Once more I charge you to take every care of the
fathers who will go with you to Japan, and to obey and serve them with perfect
fidelity.
I add this with my
own hand: My son John, serve the fathers, who will go with you to Japan with
the utmost care, .and accompany them to Amanguchi.
Your friend from the
bottom of my heart,
Francis.
On the outer fold of
the letter is written ‘ To my son John.’ 'On another: ‘John my son, Joam Bravo
will read this letter to you.’
The letter to Diego
Pereira (of which we have another short epitome, which was probably sent in
duplicate) shows all that extreme and affectionate consideration with which
Francis now regarded him.
(cxvi.) To Diego Pereira.
Senor,—Having so
lately seen you who are so very dear to me, and so tenderly loved, I cannot
help being torn by a longing regret, and by the thought and picture of the
danger in which I have left you, exposed daily to mortal contagion under a sky
where the air is poison, and infected by the breath of so many plague stricken
sufferers. This anxiety brings you constantly to my thoughts, and pierces my
heart with bitter fear, lest something should happen to you, as is the lot of
man, far different from your deserts and my prayers for you. In this ship, all
your people, knowing your wishes, treat me with great kind
ness and honour,
supplying me with everything necessary in abundance, not only for myself, who
am in good health, but also for my companions who were sick, as you know, when
we left. But all these sick, by the Divine mercy—for we know that even when
God’s hand is raised to strike us, He is merciful, and, coming from His hand,
even ills have the virtue of graces— all these sick, by the Divine goodness,
are daily getting worse. How sick at heart I am, and what bitter anguish
consumes me, is known only to the Lord, AVho consoles and afflicts us according
to His good pleasure, Whose providence dispenses both joys and sorrows in an
admirable manner; to Whom be praise and glory from all creatures in heaven and
on earth for ever !’
I send you, Senor.
the letters which I have addressed to his Highness and to the Viceroy of India,
open, and with the seal detached, in order that you may be able to read them,
and then close them up. Indeed I could have wished, for your sake, that my
letter to the King could be taken to Portugal this very year by some
confidential friend of yours, who could present it to the King, obtain and
bring back the royal decree; for I am not rash, I think, in taking for granted
that this decree will be what it is important to us both that it should be, and
you know how necessary it is that it should reach us quickly. You can show this
letter to Don Pedro—it will doubtless be a pleasure to him to see how I have
spoken ofhim to his Highness. You will have observed that I have made two copies
of the letter, one sealed, the other open, to be closed by you after you have
read it. You will send them in different dispatches, and by different ships. I
think, if you see no objection, that one of the two might be intrusted to Don
Pedro himself, as he is going to the King. I should like the other to be given
to the care of some one chosen by you—some very trustworthy friend whom you
consider will handle most faithfully and prudently a matter so nearly affecting
your fortune and honour. But I leave the whole thing to your will and wisdom.
I do most earnestly
entreat you, Senor, to be careful of your life, your health, and also of your
temporal condition; first of
all, keep out of the
way of contagion and of all dangerous communication with persons attacked by
the pestilence, or with those who serve them; in the next place, be careful of
your fortune, and do nothing imprudent—regulate all things with circumspection
and mature judgment; do not, while accepting the good offices of those who
profess friendship to you, confide too readily in any one, or go further than
is safe with him till experience has shown you his true sentiments; lest, as is
often the case, a false appearance of goodwill should have been assumed for
the purpose of imposing on you.
Above all things,
Senor, I conjure of you and beg it of you as * a special favour, that the more
you are pressed by adversity, the more you will turn to God in your heart. This
is the only way by which you can gain consolation and courage, now that
troubles and storms have fallen on you. In the name of your filial love to God,
and of the comfort which you take pleasure in giving me, I entreat and beg of
you as a favour, for which I shall be your debtor, that now that your heart is
tossed by storms from the keen sense of .your great affliction, caused by the
recent injustice which has been done you so undeservedly, you will set apart
some time to compose yourself, and after cleansing your soul by sacramental
confession, go to the sacred banquet of the Body of our Lord in holy Communion,
and so submitting every feeling of your soul to the providence of God, accept
as good what He has been pleased to permit; hoping at the same time, as I do
myself, not only that this violent storm will not injure you, but that it may
be for the whole of your life an abundant and fruitful source even of temporal
advantage and of public honour.
I keep, and shall
take with me to China, Francesco de Villa; both because I stand in the greatest
need of his services, and that I consider that no one is more capable of
looking after your affairs on board, and of helping Thomas Scandelho, your
agent. When, by God’s help, we are on Chinese soil, we will send him back to
Malacca by the first ship that sails. And if it is not God’s will to open China
to us, and I am refused an entrance there, I shall avail myself of the first
opportunity to reembark
for Malacca, and
return to that town from the Chinese shores; should I happen to arrive there
before the sailing of the vessels j which are returning to Portugal, I would go
to India in one of them.
I have been thinking
that it would be well, Senor, if you wrote yourself to the King at full length,
and minutely dwell-j ing on all the advantages which could not fail to accrue
to the Portuguese interests from the establishment of commerce with China, and
if a residence were obtained for the King’s officers j in the port of Canton. I
should like you to write on the same subject, and as carefully, to the Viceroy
of India. For I am writing myself to the King in the same tone, as you may see
by the letters which I send open. You will read and seal them, making them into
a single packet with yours, which will contain similar information, and you
will address it thus: ‘ To our Lord the King, from Father Master Francis.’ Be
careful, above all things, that the person to whom you intrust the delivering
the despatches into the King’s own hands is thoroughly attached to us—a man of
sufficient authority and management, and also one whom you know to have
important reasons obliging him soon to return to India, so that we may be sure
that he will come by the first ship returning from Portugal to Goa, and thus
enable us to have our business finished at once.
If our Lord God
deigns to open the way for me into the ■Chinese
empire, do not fail, Senor, as soon as you know that it is so, to write to me
often, and by every opportunity; for however I may fare, it will give me the
greatest consolation to have news of the health and doings of one so dear to
me.
May our Lord grant
you as much consolation in this life and glory in the next as I desire for
myself! Farewell.
Straits of Singapore,
August i, 1552.
The Bishop’s Vicar at
Malacca has begged me to write on his behalf to his Highness. I am complying
with his wish, although I have been told that, in the affair of our Embassy to
China, he did not accomplish all that was in his power for
our service, or
rather for the service of all; and that he sacrificed the interests of God and
of the propagation of our holy religion to the favour of Don Alvaro, the
Captain of Malacca, to whom he wished to show himself devoted, for the sake of
some worldly advantages which he hopes to purchase by his flattery. It is
indeed a great mistake in which any one lives, who neglects God, from Whom all
good comes, and hopes to gain what he wants or desires by means of men. •
Indeed it is my way to revenge myself on those who have offended me by loading
them with all the benefits in my power; for God will infallibly send them the
punishment they have deserved: and you will see, Senor, by very remarkable
instances, that God will punish very severely all who have opposed me when
I was labouring in His service. But in
truth, Senor, I declare to you, that at this moment I feel a deep compassion
for these men, and I tremble lest far heavier punishments than they expect
should be hanging over their heads. Be so kind, Senor, as to give into the
Vicar’s own hands the letter in which I recommend him to the King, so that he
may send it with his own.
If God brings me into
the empire of China, as I hope from His mercy, I shall inform the Portuguese
who are there of all that they owe you. I shall tell them of all your efforts,
all your expenditure, the object of which was their help and consolation ;
lastly, according to your desire, I will salute them all in your name : and as
you intend to continue to help them, I will lead them to hope that if in any
way you are able, through God’s help, to overcome the obstacles which have
hitherto hindered your pious intention, you will be with them within the next
year. I beg you, Senor, for your own sake, often to visit our fathers at
Malacca; I feel sure that their society and conversation will alleviate the
mental sufferings which agitate and distress you. Once more farewell.
Your very
true friend, Francis.1
1 The
duplicate of this letter, referred to above, is much shorter, and is dated July
zzd. It consists of three paragraphs
in Father Menchacha’s ■edition. The first mentions, very briefly, the fear Francis
expresses on .account of the danger in which he has left his friend, the
kindness shown
The voyage from
Singapore to San Chan—the last voyage of Francis Xavier—was made memorable by
several prodigies, and we find incidents of this kind crowded into the few last
months of his life, as if he was to be magnified before men, after having
incurred so severe a disappointment at Malacca. After leaving Singapore, the
vessel was becalmed for fourteen days. There were in all five hundred souls on
board, and the fresh water was soon consumed. No land was to be seen. The ship
lay motionless on the sea, the torrid summer’s sun streaming fiercely down upon
it from a, cloudless sky. Boats were sent out to search for some island that
was thought to be not far off, but after they had ventured as far as they could
go with safety,, they returned without any results.2 In this
terrible strait, the captain and crew—they were in great part Don Alvaro’s
people, and so hostile to Francis—remembered that they had the ‘holy Father’ on
board, the power of whose charity and miracles had rung through the whole East.
They went to Francis, and besought him to help them in their need. Francis
placed a crucifix before them, and bade them all kneel with him and sing the
Litanies of the Saints. Then he retired for a short time into his own little
cabin to pray, after which he came forth and bade them be of good courage. He
had a boat lowered, and went into it with a child. He told the child to take
some of the sea water and taste it. It was salt. Then he bade him try
to him on board the
ship by Pereira’s people, as also to his companions who are so ill that their
sickness daily grows worse, the desire of Francis that Pereira will frequent
the sacraments and visit the fathers at Malacca, and his hope that all will
turn to his honour and profit. The second paragraph, without mentioning the
Bishop’s Vicar, speaks of the great mistake made by those who seek the
advancement of their interests from men and not from God, as also of the best
way of vengeance, that of trying to do good to those who have injured us.
Francis then speaks of his intention of telling the Portuguese in China what
they owe to Uiego Pereira. In the last paragraph he begs Pereira to let him
have news of him. If he does not reach China, he will perhaps return to
Malacca, and thence to India. He sends with this letter a letter of his own to
the Viceroy, which Diego must send on by a faithful messenger, and write
himself also to the King and the Viceroy in the sense mentioned above.
: Bartoli
says they were near Formosa, but could not get to land. Asia, t. i. p. 338.
again. This time it
was sweet. On this Francis went on deck and ordered the crew to fill all the
barrels and vessels they had with the sea water. They obeyed him, but when they
tasted the water it was still salt. Then Francis Xavier blessed the water in
all the vessels with the sign of the holy Cross, and it was found to be sweeter
and fresher than the water of Bangan, as. the sailors said. Bangan was the name
of a spring at Goa, the water of which was highly prized. There was enough
water, after abundantly supplying all present needs, for the people on board to
keep some of it as a treasure, and in this way it became famous over the East,
being often used for cures and the like, as if it were the water of some
miraculous well.3
The calm ceased, and
the Santa Croce was able to pursue her course to San Chan. The remainder of the
voyage was full of wonders, which, as we have said, seem crowded to an unusual
degree into these last weeks of the life of St. Francis. A Mussulman lost his
child, a boy of five years old, who fell overboard at a time when the ship was
running fast before the wind, and when it was impossible even to make an
attempt to save him. The poor father was in despair for three days, till he
chanced to come across Francis Xavier on the deck. It seems that Francis had
not heard of the accident. He asked the father whether he would believe on
Jesus Christ if his child were restored to him ? The man declared that he
would, and after a few hours he met his child as bright and joyous as ever,
3 This miracle is one of those which were
specially selected from the Processes by the Auditors of the Rota as being
beyond all doubt and cavil. They tell the story much as it is told in the text,
which is mainly taken from Bartoli (Asia, t. i. p. 338, 339), except that they
leave out the incident of the little boy in the boat who first tasted the
water. The eyewitnesses, whose names are given, and who swore to the truth of
the facts at Cochin, are two whose names occur in the letters of St. Francis at
this time,—Domenico Caldeira, who was ninety-eight years old when he was
examined ; and Joam ISotelho, who was eighty-five. Botelho was one of those who
drew the water out of the sea at the order of Francis, and lasted it before it
was blessed, finding it salt, and then again after it was blessqd, when it was
sweet. There were a great many other witnesses who had hfeard the story from
eyewitnesses perfectly worthy of credit, but these two seem to have been the
only survivors within reach of the persons actually present.
running to him on the
deck. He kept his promise, and was baptized with all his family. The ship put
into Tchin-tcheon, the same port at which Francis had touched on his voyage to
Japan three years before, and the marvels related by the crew and passengers
drew universal attention to the holy Father. He preached to people of all
nations, and baptized sixty Mussulmans. While he was administering baptism on
the deck of the vessel, the bystanders remarked that he seemed to be of almost
gigantic stature, so that he could reach forward to pour the sacred water of
regeneration upon the heads of those who were kneeling behind the rest at a
distance from him. When they had left Tchin-tcheon and proceeded on their
voyage, they ran past San Chan without knowing it. Francis warned the crew of
the fact, but they would not believe him. After a time, however, they lay to
and sent a boat to look for the island. It was missing for some days, and they began
to give it up, till Francis told them that it would soon return with some fresh
provisions on board, sent as a present by the Portugese merchants already on
the island. All came about as he had said, and the ship reached its
destination.
The little island of
San Chan, which has been made so famous to Christians as the resting place, for
a short time, of the body of St. Francis Xavier, is described as half wild and
barren, covered with brushwood, haunted by tigers, and inhabited by a poor and
simple population. As the Portuguese ships were not admitted to Canton, San
Chan was a^ rendezvous for them as well as for the junks of the Chinese
traders, who exchanged goods with them. The Portuguese were not allowed to
settle even here; but they ran up huts of wood and branches during the few
months of their stay in the island. Life at San Chan during this time was wild,
jovial, and even licentious. Occasions of self indulgence abounded, money was
plentiful, the restraints imposed upon the Portuguese even in India were
wanting, and religion was but little more thought of by many Christians than by
the pagans. There were gaming and drinking, as well as other kinds of
debauchery; and even those who did not go headlong into a course of vice, gave
them
selves up to
enjoyment. The Portuguese, as always, received Francis with great joy. They
built for him in a couple of days a little chapel, with a hut attached to it.
Here he said mass daily and administered the sacraments, spending the rest of
his time in teaching children, making up quarrels, and other such offices of
charity. One of the gifts, the exercise of which characterizes this last stage
of his life, was that of the knowledge of the future. Among a number of
instances which were recorded afterwards, there is one which so beautifully
expresses his generous grateful charity, as well as the relations in which he
stood to the rich Portuguese merchants, that it can hardly be passed over. We
have already incidentally heard of Pedro Velho, a merchant who was among those
who had shown Francis so much respect and kindness while in the kingdom of
Boungo, and who was reproved by him during the passage from Japan to San Chan
for his want of faith. He was now trading at San Chan with a large sum of ready
money, such as it seems to have been necessary for the merchants to carry with
them in those days, and his chest was always readily opened on application from
Francis Xavier. It seems that he was on very familiar terms with Francis, who
used to exhort him to do penance by taking the discipline, and when he refused,
alleging the tenderness of his skin, Francis would go and inflict the penance
on himself. One day Francis was in want of a sum of three hundred ducats for a
good girl, to whom he wished to give the money as a portion, in order to save
her from the temptations to which her youth and beauty might otherwise expose
her. He went to Velho, who was playing chess with another merchant. ‘Ah, Father
Francis,’ said he, ‘this is a bad time to come and ask me for money, when I am
doing my best to get some of my neighbour’s.’ ‘ All times are good for doing
good, Pedro,’ said Francis ; ‘ and now you have your purse in your hand, you
can give more easily.’ ‘ I must get rid of you,’ said Velho, pretending to be
in a pet. ‘ Here is the key of my chest; go and take whatever you want.’ The
chest contained a sum equal to forty-five thousand scudi. Francis took the
money which he required, and gave back the key with many
thanks. When his game
was over, Velho thought he would go and see what Father Francis had taken ; but
he found that his money bags were as full as before. Nothing seemed to have
been touched. He went to Francis to complain that he had played him an
unfriendly trick. Francis assured him that he had taken as much as he wanted. ‘
Little or much,’ said Velho,
11 find nothing gone; and when I gave you my
key, my intention was that we should go shares in the whole money, and that
you should take your half; God forgive your Reverence !’ The good man spoke
with his whole heart in his face : he had really meant as he said. Francis’s
countenance lighted up as with a heavenly fire, as was his wont when he uttered
his numberless prophecies and revelations. ‘ Pedro,’ he said, ‘ your offering
has been accepted by our Lord, who weighs the most secret intentions of the
will. He will pay you in due time.l And now I promise you on His part, that
never while you live shall you want what is becoming to your station. You will
have times when you may be in danger of poverty, but you will always have good
friends to succour you; and besides this, you shall not die without first
knowing the hour of your death.’j Francis afterwards told him that he should
know death was at hand, and prepare for it, when the wine tasted sour in his
mouth/
Pedro Velho became a
changed man from that day. He had lived hitherto as an honest but easygoing
merchant, enjoying life, though keeping away from grievous sin; now he became
almost a religious in his care as to the perfection of his daily actions, and
in the restraint which he put upon his senses. He lived for many years, and was
always saved from want, when | his fortune had been bad, by the kindness of his
friends. He gave a good part of his substance to the poor, and had many masses
celebrated for his soul. At last one day at Macao, at an entertainment in the
house of a friend, he asked for a cup of wine, and found that it tasted sour.
He asked another friend to taste it, and this one found it sweet and good. Then
Velho knew that the time was come for the prediction of Francis Xavier to be
fulfilled. He arranged his affairs, prepared his
soul for death, and
went about bidding his friends goodbye as if he were going on a voyage, only
asking them to come to the church and be present at his funeral. He had the requiem
mass sung, laying himself on a bier with burning candles around him. The last
absolution was given by the priest, and when his servants went up to lift off
the pall with which their master had covered himself, Pedro Velho was cold and
motionless : he had died during the mass.4
Francis reached San
Chan in the last week of August 1552. He had not been long on the island before
he fell ill of a fever, which kept him to his bed for a fortnight. Towards the
end of October he wrote the letters which are next inserted, and which show the
state in which his prospects as to China were at the time.
God in His most
bountiful mercy has brought us and your shiper, Senor, safely in this port of
San Chan. You will receive information, from those who are able to give it, of
the state and conditions of trade, and of the actual and future results which
commerce may offer. I, who am unlearned in these matters, deem it more prudent
to say nothing. I will only write to you concerning my own affairs. I am daily
expecting a merchant, who has undertaken to take me to Canton. I have agreed to
give him as his price twenty piculs of pepper; the picul is a weight peculiar
to the country, and is equal to 120 Portuguese pounds. May this affair succeed,
as I hope it will, for the service and greater glory of our Lord God !
If there is one man
in the whole of this undertaking who deserves reward from Divine Providence, it
is undoubtedly you; and you will have the whole credit of it. With the ut-
4 This prophecy is selected by the
Auditors of the Rota 111 their J\e- 1 latio. They place it, however, at Macao,
where there was no settlement I till some years after this time. The historians
who had seen the Processes place the fulfilment of the prophecy at Macao, and
this perhaps explains the difficulty. The witnesses for the truth of the
prophecy and its fulfilment are very numerous, including the son-in-law and
two daughters of ! Pedro Velho himself.
VOL. II.
N N
most generosity, you
have advanced the expenses for my journey and that of my companions as far as
this island, as well! as the price to be paid, as I said, for my conveyance to
the- Chinese continent and the province of Canton. Thomas Scan- delho, your
agent, accomplishes faithfully your orders, and gives me all I ask. May God
reward him for his great charity, and. for the continual acts of kindness which
he performs on all’i possible occasions!
The Chinese merchant,
whom I expect to conduct me to the territory of Canton, is well known to Manuel
de Chaves, having kept him at his own house at Canton for several days, when he
escaped from prison. This makes me feel confident that he will not be
unfaithful to his word; and I have moreover discovered, in my dealings with
him in this port of San Chan, that he thinks a good deal of the 120 measures of
pepper, as I said. I hope, through means of Manuel de Chaves (whom I expect to
find at Canton at liberty, and preparing to return to India) to write to you at
length about the issue of the aftair of our passage, and the reception I meet
with at Canton. I
If (which God forbid
!) this Chinese merchant were not to keep his word, and no means remained of
going this year to i the continent of China, I am undecided what to do. I am
not I certain whether I should go back to India, or to the King of Siam, whs, they
tell me, is preparing a solemn embassy to the Chinese Emperor, and possibly I
might find some place or I other in its train. If I return to India, I see no
hope of success as long as Alvaro de Gama rules at Malacca. We should obtain
nothing just or favourable there, and nothingl would go well with regard to the
expedition to China, unless! God, who is all powerful, does by His supreme
might some,l thing which we do not at all expect. I do not write my inmost
thoughts on this subject; I only say one word—that II fear very much that God
will punish Don Alvaro more severely! than he dreams of, if, indeed, his
punishment has not already! begun.
I wrote to you a long
letter from the Straits of Singapore, I and I feel confident that my letter has
reached you safely, for
I gave it into the
hands of Manuel de Fonseca, a servant of Antonio Pegado, who is very
trustworthy. I have nothing farther, then, to say touching iny affairs,
excepting that I have just recovered from an attack of fever which had lasted a
fortnight. If the voyage to China comes about, you will receive ample news by
the letters I shall send from Canton by Manuel de Chaves, with others, full of
particulars for the King. If circumstances were to hinder me from going on this
voyage, Diego Vaz, of Aragon, offers kindly to take me with him; he proposes
going to Siam, and he has just bought a Chinese junk for the purpose. I am
inclined to this plan, because by occasion of the Siamese embassy I think I
see that access to China and Canton is possible, and from thence I might write
to you by Manuel de Chaves. This idea pleases me so much, that I almost lean
towards the voyage to Siam. I beg you, therefore, if you find a favourable
opportunity for sending letters to Siam, to take the trouble to do so, and let
me know what you have resolved to do since I left, and in what state your
affairs are— whether your embassy seems likely to come off at least next year,
for then I would wait for you at Coma'i',5 or in some other port
belonging to Canton. May God deign to grant it! With what delight we should
embrace at finding one another on the soil of China, the object of our most
earnest desires ! If God wills otherwise, and if we are not to meet again in
this life, may He, the most loving Lord of us and of the whole world, deign in
His infinite mercy to allow us to meet some day in the glory of His Paradise,
where we shall be for ever happy together! Farewell.
San Chan, October 21,
1552.
Francesco de Villa
renders you all possible service on board ship. I ought to testify his deep
gratitude towards you. Hex declares publicly that he owes his estate
and fortune to you, and that he is indebted to you for the bread that he has to
eat. He will return to you with Manuel de Chaves, and will
* It was, according to all appearance, the
anchorage of Kc-moi, in a small island opposite Amoy, depending on the province
of Fo-kiew. Leon Pages.
beg to be excused for
having come hither without having had your leave. If there is a fault in the
matter, it must be imputed to me. Once more farewell.
Your true friend from
his heart,
Francis.
(cxviii.) To Francesco Perez of the Society of Jesus.
Francesco Perez, I
command you in virtue of holy obedience, as soon as you have read this letter,
to leave Malacca and get ready as soon as possible to embark for India in one
of the vessels which will sail by the next monsoon. If this letter reaches you
after the ship have left, go by the vessel which sails by Coromandel to Cochin,
where you must remain, employing yourself in preaching, confessing, and
teaching the Catechism, as you did at Malacca, observing the order and method
which I recommended and put down on paper when I left Malacca for Japan. If the
difference of place demands a change, follow the rule which I gave in writing
to Antonio Eredia, whom you are to succeed in the care and government of the
College at Cochin. At the same time I order Eredia himself, or any other
father, who since my departure may for any cause have been placed at the head
of the house at Cochin, to go to Goa as soon as he has seen this letter, which
you will show him, and there hold himself in readiness till he be sent to
Japan. The day you enter the College of Cochin the Superior will give up his
authority, and you must take his place, governing the house with the powers of
Rector, depending, however, to the degree I have prescribed, on the Rector of
the College of St. Paul at Goa. At Cochin, in accordance with the Institute of
the Society, and with the talents which have been given you, you will employ
your whole strength in procuring the glory of our Lord God, and in helping both
our brothers and externs to advance in the ways of salvation and perfection.
And although I am convinced that you will perform these things or any others
greater and more in number, without hesitation, and at the mere sign of my
will, still in order to add to your merits
I make use of the
authority with which I am invested, and command you and Eredia also, or whoever
may be Rector of the house at Cochin, in the name of obedience to do all that I
have said in this letter. The Rector will immediately resign the government of
the house and proceed to Goa by the first opportunity, and you will take his
place. You will have under your authority not only all our brothers, both
priests and laymen, who are now at Cochin, but those also who may come there
at any time, whatever may be their rank and station and dignity, with the
exception of any one whom the Rector of Goa from certain causes may perhaps
desire to be exempt from your authority. And let all know that I command this
in virtue of obedience. Do not you then fail to leave Malacca at once, and to
go and take the government of the College at Cochin, both which things I order
you to do.
Port of
San Chan, October 21, 1552. FRANCIS.
(cxix.)' To Francesco Perez of
the Society of Jesus.
May the grace and
love of Jesus Christ our Lord always •help and favour us ! Amen.
By the grace of God
we have reached the port of San Chan, 120 miles from Canton. On disembarking I
had a hut made, in which I offered the Holy Sacrifice every day till I fell
ill. I suffered altogether for a fortnight from the fever, and now by God’s
goodness I am restored to health. I do not want for holy occupations. I hear
confessions, appease quarrels, and do other things of that sort. A great number
of Chinese merchants from Canton come to this island for the sake of commerce,
and the Portuguese have often dealt with them diligently to procure my passage
to Canton; but they have all flatly refused, declaring that it would be at great
risk to their lives and property if the governor of that town should hear of
it, and it was impossible to persuade them to receive us on board their junks.
However, doubtless by
God’s arrangement, we have met 'with a honest Canton merchant, who has come to
an agree
ment with me for 200
gold pieces. He promises to take us in a little vessel, which is to carry no
one else but his own sons and a few faithful slaves; so that if the governor of
the town ever gets to hear of the affair, he will not be able to find out from
the crew who it was who took us to Canton. He has also promised that we shall
be in his house for three or four days, with our books and baggage; and then
very early one morning he is to take us to the gate of the town and put us on
the road leading to the government house. I shall go straight to the governor,
telling him that I am come to announce the divine and heavenly law to the
Emperor of China, and then I shall produce the Bishop of Goa’s letters
addressed to that monarch. All the Chinese merchants are always glad to see us,
and say they shall be very glad if the matter is accomplished.
I am aware, as all
tell me, of the twofold danger of this enterprise. It is possible that the
Chinese merchant after receiving the gold may leave us in a desert island, or
throw us into the sea to conceal his crime; and again, if we reach Canton, the
governor may put us to all kinds of unheard of tortures, or make slaves of us
for life. It is a capital crime for a foreigner to enter any part of China without
a passport. But there are other dangers besides, greater and more unknown, all
of which I cannot enumerate to you, but I will mention a few of them.
The first, then, is
mistrust of God’s goodness and providence ; especially when I have only come to
this country in obedience to God, and from pure love of Him, to declare to the
Chinese nation the most holy law of God, and to preach to them His only Son
Jesus Christ, the Author of our salvation. Since He in His mercy has given us
this mind, to doubt of His help and protection in the midst of the dangers
which are before us would be a greater and more real danger than any that could
be brought on us by His enemies. For neither the devils nor their satellites
and servants can hurt us, j without the permission of Almighty God. If God is
our defender, how easily will He dispel all perils ! And besides, we shall
follow the precept of the Lord Jesus, 1 He that loveth his
life shall lose it, and he that hateth his life in this world keepeth
it unto life eternal?* words which are in accordance with those other
words of Jesus Christ, i No man putting his hand to the J>lough
and looking back is fit for the kingdom of God.'7 As, then,
we see that these spiritual dangers are more serious and more certain than any
perils of the body, we prefer to face those of this life rather than incur
everlasting death. In truth wc have resolved and are positively determined to
enter China. May God only prosper our footsteps for the spreading of His Faith;
and then let the devils and their army do their worst! I care not for them. ‘
If God be for us, who shall be against us f8
I hope that the ships
which are sailing soon for India will bring you letters from me, announcing my
entry into the city of Canton. My companions are perpetually sick. The Chinese
lad I brought here to act as my interpreter has, I find, forgotten his native
tongue; but I have found another well acquainted not only with the language,
but with the literature of his country, who has offered of his own accord to accompany
me in my voyage. May God reward him for it in this life, and after death ! I
beg you to pray that God will keep him firm in his intention and purpose.
All the good Chinese
who know us take pleasure in our company, and earnestly desire that we may penetrate
into China. They have already got an idea that the books which they see us
carrying everywhere contain better doctrine than theirs ; and thougl^ it is
possible that it may only be from their love of novelty, they would like to see
us enter their country. Notwithstanding, as I told you, these Chinese refuse
altogether to take us there themselves. I am daily expecting the merchant with
whom I made the agreement. God grant that he miay not fail me ! Should that
misfortune happen, I know not what I should do, whether I shall return to
India, or go to Siam, to join the embassy which the King of Siam is said to be
shortly about to send to the Emperor of China. I will let you know
8 Lat. orig. Qiti amat animam suam in hoc
mundo per Jet cam, etqui edit animam suam in hoc hi undo in vitam ictcrnam
custodit cam. S. John xii. 25.
7 Qui pouit mcinum suam ad aratrum et respicit retro,
non est aptus regno Dei. S. Luke ix. 62.
* Si cnim Dcits pjo nobis, quis contra nos
I Rom. viii. 31.
what we shall do by a
ship that sails for Malacca after a few days. May Jesus Christ our Lord grant
us His help and guid-. ance, that we may one day come to the possession of the
glory of heaven!
The least of your
brothers in Jesus Christ,
Island of
San Chan, October 22, 1552. FRANCIS.
(cxx.) To Father Gaspar Baertz.
May the grace and
love of Jesus Christ our Lord always help and favour us ! Amen.
I do not know whether
it was from Malacca or from the Straits of Singapore that I wrote to tell you
what had happened to me. God has brought us safe and sound to San Chan, a
Chinese island about 120 miles from Canton. Here I am in daily expectation of a
Chinese merchant with whom (in consequence of severe edicts forbidding-the
entrance of a foreigner without a government passport) I have agreed for 200
pardams to be taken to Canton. May God permit this plan to come about! I have
heard that the Emperor of China has been sending persons into different
countries to learn their manners, institutions, and laws. So there is reason to
hope (and this the Chinese themselves tell me) that the King will not despise
the Christian religion, or reject it at once. If God grants me life, and deigns
to make use of us for His work, I will let you know about it. For the present,
I charge you to watch over your soul, for in truth if you do not I can have no
hope of you.
Remember to read
again and again and observe very strictly the rules which I left with you,
especially those as to self humiliation, in which I recommended you to exercise
yourself bvery day. Fear above all things lest, in looking round on all that
God is pleased to do by means of you and our brothers, you should learn to
forget your own soul. My great love for you all makes me wish very much that
you would consider very seriously within yourselves [how many things, through
your fault, God has not done. I would rather see you occupied with this thought
than with that of the great works of which
you are the
instrument. The first thought would cause you to Ifeel shame and humility, by
making you sensible of your imperfections and miseries; the latter might be
the means ofyoar [running into danger of pride and presumption, trusting in
good deeds with which you have nothing to do, and in wonders of [grace which
are the work of God alone. Pray consider how many persons this pernicious error
has led into danger, and how fatal it would be to the whole Society if such a
contagion i should ever spread in it.
I also charge you to
receive very few subjects into the Society; choose those who are capable of
devoting themselves to literary studies, or of attending to the w’ork of the
house. I assure you it would be better to buy slaves—yes, slaves—for domestic
employments, than to admit into the Society persons unfit for it. If any of
those whom I have sent away are at Goa, be sure not to receive them back on any
pretence, for they are not suited to our Institute. If any one of them should
completely reform his life, and give sufficient proof of it, by public
penances, voluntarily accepted and long persevered in, so as to have made in
your judgment full satisfaction, you may send him to Portugal to the Superior
of the Society there, with a recommendation from you; for I am satisfied that
none of these persons are fitted for India.
And jhould any member
of the Society, priest or layman, be guilty of any serious fault, which has
given scandal to others, send him away instantly, and do not allow yourself to
be persuaded by any one to receive him back, unless perchance his sense of
guilt, his repentance, and voluntary penance, have been such as to save him
from this calamity. Otherwise, on no account receive him; not if the Viceroy
and the whole of India were to ask you to do so. I remind you also to send to
the Moluccas and Japan none but well tried brothers, of great virtue and
experience ; these are the kind of workmen wanted in these countries.
Recommend me very
much to all the fathers and brothers of our Society, and to all our friends.
Greet the Dominican and Franciscan Fathers from me, and beg them riot to cease
to intercede for me
with God in their prayers and holy sacrifices.
May God
direct us continually, and call us some day to the enjoyment of His everlasting
bliss in heaven ! « I
The least of your
brothers in Jesus Christ,
San Chan,
October 25, 1552. FRANCIS.
The plan which
Francis mentions in these letters, accord-1 ing to which he was to be landed on
the Chinese shore, and after three or four days left to shift for himself with
the mandarin who governed at Canton, was necessarily alarmingj to the Portuguese
merchants. The year before this, one of their ships had been driven ashore on
the Chinese coast. It had been mercilessly confiscated, and the whole crew
thrown! into prison. The Manuel de Chaves whom Francis mentions! was probably
the captain or owner of this ill-fated vessel.! Indeed, the Chinese prisons
were full of Portuguese, the lib-1 eration of whom had been made one of the
main objects of the projected embassy of Pereira. If Francis were to give him-l
self up to the mandarin after landing, the Chinese merchant! might escape, as
Francis had pledged himself by an oath not to reveal his name to the
authorities. But the latter were very likely to make his appearance an excuse
for a descent on San Chan with an armed force, which might seize whatever
ships! and merchants it could find there, and thus punish what was looked upon
as an invasion. This accounts for the strong opposition which we are told was
made by the Portuguese to the design which Francis had conceived, which,
however, he j would certainly have executed, if the Chinese merchant had not I
played him false. His intention to carry out at all costs the heavenly
inspiration which had guided him to the coasts of China is an instance of what
frequently meets us in the lives ( of the Saints.
The servants of God
are strongly and unmistakably! prompted to undertake some great work for His
glory, and then in His inscrutable providence He does not permit the execution
of the design, giving them the merit of the inten
tion, and of the
faithfulness and perseverance with which they have followed it out against the
greatest difficulties and dangers. China was not yet to open her gates to the
Gospel of Jesus Christ. The magnificence and sound policy of the attempt remain
the same, for if it had been given to Francis Xavier to found a flourishing
Church'in that great Empire, the Christianization of the extreme east of Asia
would have been secured. It was such a design as only an Apostle could
conceive; its failure entailed a long series of calamities, and the loss of a
precious opportunity which has never recurred. The power of Portugal was
already beginning to wane, and the European influence in the East was at no
distant date to be transferred to Holland and to England, Protestant powers,
the first of whom made no scruple of letting her envoys trample on the Cross
for the sake of securing a footing in Japan, while the latter has at least
never thought it unwise to sacrifice the interests of Christianity to those of
commerce or political power. Again, it would have been a bad example to future
missioners if Francis Xavier had abandoned his design on China merely because
he could not enter its ports as a member of a Portuguese embassy. These
thoughts may not have been in his mind : but he at least intimates that he was
guided by that true instinct of sanctity which bids the servants of God never
look back when they have put their hand to the plough, never to yield to the
obstacles of various kinds which the devil raises against them, but to make
such opposition a fresh motive for their perseverance, an additional reason
for implicit trust in the power of the God whose cause they have in hand, and
Who is wont to bring about the mightiest results by the weakest instruments and
when all human hope of success has faded away.
Francis calmed the
alarm of his Portuguese friends by promising not to land on the Chinese coast
till their ships were safe on the high seas on their way to Malacca. The
appointed day for the coming of the Chinese merchant was the 19th of November.
Before that time, all the ships except the Santa Croce had left San Chan. They
took with them the last set of letters which remain to us from the hand of
Francis.
(cxxi.) To Father Francis Perez
of the Society of Jesus.
May the grace and
love of Jesus Christ our Lord always- help and favour us ! Amen.
As Gaspar Mendez’s
ship was weighing anchor, I gave Francesco Sanchez, one of the passengers,*a
letter for you, which I hope has reached you; and I beg you to take to heart
the orders which it contains, and which I here repeat, and to give all heed and
attention to carry them out. I have been expecting for a week the merchant who
is to take me secretly to the city of Canton. I have the fullest confidence in
his return, | unless some hindrance should occur beyond the power of man to
overcome, and I rely on the great value of the reward which I have promised
him, and which he highly appreciates himself -r for the quantity
of pepper which I have agreed to have delivered to him, if he conveys me safe
and sound to Canton, will easily obtain for him a profit of more than 350 gold
pieces of our money. I have to thank my very dear friend Diego Pereira for- the
means of buying my passage to China at so high a price, and he has of his own
accord, and with great generosity, placed at my disposal this large quantity of
very valuable merchandize. I May God reward him ! as I cannot, for I shall owe
him a debt,. I can never repay all my life. I beg you all to use your most
zealous endeavours to render signal services to this excellent. man in every
part of India where it is possible to serve, support, or assist him, whenever
any of you may have the opportunity; to embrace eagerly every means of doing
him kindness,, j without sparing your utmost pains. The most earnest efforts of
our united body will never be enough to repay only this last sacrifice which he
has made at so great a cost to himself, one. so beneficial to the propagation
of our holy faith, in order to introduce us into the empire of China, hitherto
impenetrably closed against the Gospel. By this means the Society of Jesus will
obtain the object of all its constant prayers—the power or spreading the
kingdom of Jesus Christ and bringing into the Church the many nations of that
immense empire: and as results- are rightly attributed to their origin, it will
really owe all these
Iblessings to the
generosity of one single man, Diego Pereira, Uvho out of his own fortune has
provided the funds so necessary
(for my voyage, that
is to say for the beginning of this great work.
Pray inquire of him
whether he has hopes of surmounting Ithe obstacles in the way of his embassy,
and if he is coming I to Canton next year. I desire this as greatly, as I
expect it llittle. God grant that my small hopes may be contradicted by i a
more fortunate issue than I look for! God forgive the man ► who is
the cause of so great a misfortune ! I greatly fear that | before long a
terrible vengeance from the God he has offended i will overtake him, and it may
be that he is even now about to experience its first effects. I am writing to
Pereira himself, so [that if he obtains a more favourable result than I dare
hope I for he may be good enough, on sailing for China, to take with I him some
of our Society, whom Father Gaspar will send to him [from Goa, if he has notice
given him some time beforehand. I have told him this by letter. But if, as I
think most likely, Pereira, despairing of the success of his mission, should
pass 1 by Malacca, and direct his course towards Sunda, then it will
no longer be necessary for the priest who would have gone with him to China to
sail from Goa to Malacca in May. You should give notice of this, as I have told
you in good time, to Father Gaspar, the Rector of the College at Goa; and I
wish 1 you to be clearly informed of Pereira’s intentions before
your departure for Malacca. I have dismissed Ferreira from the Society, as he
was not fitted for it; when therefore you arrive at Cochin, and have taken the
management of the College, I command you, in virtue of obedience, not to
receive him into the house. Do all you can to urge him to enter the Franciscan
or Dominican Order: and if you succeed, ask those fathers to grant him
admission. Write also to Father Gaspar Baertz at Goa; saying, that by virtue of
my authority I absolutely forbid his receiving Ferreira into the community or
under the College roof; only let him do all he can to help him as to his
admission into the Order of St. Francis or St. Dominic.
If by God’s grace I
am able to reach Canton, I will do all
in my power that you
may hear of it from me next year, by letters which I will send you to India,
which I will dispatch,! if possible, so as to catch the vessel sailing to
Coromandel. I shall use for this Pereira’s ship on its return to Malacca; I
only pray it may reach Malacca in time. If all this can be success-j fully
arranged, you will be able to hear at Cochin during March of my arrival at
Canton. With this view, it may be well, when you leave Malacca, to ask Vincent
Viegas to be good enough, as soon as he hears that Pereira’s vessel has
returned from the Chinese coast, to ask for and take charge] of any letters
from me which it may bring, and to send them to Cochin by way of Coromandel.
And that these letters may not be left at Coromandel, especially if, as I think
will be the case, there is no immediate opportunity of sending them further! by
sea, you will do well to beg Diego Pereira himself before! hand to send you my
letters to Cochin, together with his own,l so as to be forwarded, in case of
necessity, overland from Coromandel.
With regard to your
departure for Malacca. A day or so before you start, I think you should ask
Vincent Viegas to take charge of our house in the city, and of the little
chapel in the , suburb attached to it dedicated to Our Lady the Mother of God.
j Ask him, then, to allow you to commit these two houses of the Society to his
care and custody. And lest, in the course of time, either he himself, or any
other in his name, should think! of acquiring any right of property in these two
places, you j must put in his hand the copy of the deed of gift, by which! the
Bishop has made over these two buildings in regular legal form to the Society
of Jesus in perpetuity; and at the samel time you must get Vincent to give you
an acknowledgment,! declaring that he takes these two houses under his charge
and protection simply as a trust, and for their preservation, and that he is
ready to restore them to the Society when required j to do so. You must take
with you the original of the Lord Bishop’s deed of gift and diploma, that they
may be sent in the safest way from Cochin to Goa, to be kept in the latter town
in the archives of St. Paul.
I most positively order you to adhere
resolutely to your determination of leaving Malacca, and I expressly forbid
your being you to let yourself be persuaded to. remain there by any entreaties
however pressing, or by deceitful promises from any one. You must not continue
wasting your labours, which, as things are, may be far better employed
elsewhere, on a town so ungrateful and unworthy of your help, as has for some
time been the case. If you think well, you can leave with Vincent Viegas, the
good priest I have mentioned to you, our Brother Bernard, who can occupy
himself as he has hitherto done, in teaching children the rudiments of grammar
and the elementary prayers, as well as the Catechism. But in this matter I
leave all to your discretion; you will settle as seems best to you, either to
take him or to leave him. I should not like Ferreira, who has been dismissed
from the Society, to sail for India in the same ship with you : do your best
that he may embark in another. If there is none to be found, or if he refuses
to part from you, and begs you earnestly to take him with you, you may consent
to do so, on the express condition that he must solemnly promise to enter some
other religious order. After he has entered into this formal engagement, you
can receive him, and charitably do all you can to help to confirm him in his
resolution.
The interpreter who
consented, as I told you, to come with me to China has been frightened, and
given up the idea. He remains here, having abandoned me; we are determined to
run all risks, relying on God’s help. There are three of us—Antony of the holy
Faith (a Chinese educated at our college), Cristo- val, and myself. Pray much
to God for us, for we are going to expose ourselves to the almost certain
danger of the most dreadful slavery. But our consolation is in this thought
with which we are deeply penetrated,—that it is infinitely preferable to be a
captive in chains for the pure love of God than to purchase the most delightful
liberty by basely and ungratefully deserting the sufferings and the Cross of
Jesus Christ. Should it happen that the Chinese merchant, on whom depend our
hopes of going to Canton, should change his mind through fear or any other
reason, and break his
word, I have resolved in this last case to sail for the kingdom of Siam, for
which voyage I have a favourable opportunity. In fact, I have heard that a
ship was being fitted out there for Canton, and if I can get on board, by God’s
protection I hope before the end of the year to land on the shore which is the
object of so many prayers to me. Salute very heartily all our friends for me,
and especially Vincent Viegas, and beg them to commend me to our Lord. May He
remain with you, and accompany me ! May He bring us all to the glory of
Paradise ! Farewell.
Your brother in Jesus
Christ,
Port of
San Chan, November 12, 1552. FRANCIS.9
I have nothing,
Senor, to write to you at present, except to repeat over and over again the
assurance (which however often it were expressed, would be always inadequate to
my obliga-j tion) of my gratitude for the daily and hourly kindness which] your
affection and charity are constantly lavishing on me with! out end or measure;
you have, even in your absence, thought of means of exercising these virtues
through your servants and representatives, who assist and do me services in all
ways and at all times. Among them is Thomas Scandelho, your agent, who supplies
me so affectionately and generously with everything IJ ask for, that it is easy
to see that he knows and shares the ex-' treme tenderness and goodness which
you entertain for me, not only always ready, but always eager and anxious to
give me even more than I ask and more than I want. May our Lord God reward you,
for He alone can ! I am unable to pay my debt to
9 Father Menchacha gives another letter
here, which is obviously a duplicate of that to Francesco Perez (October 22).
It is addressed to Francesco Perez and Antonio Eredia, and formally orders the
first to go at once to Cochin and assume the Rectorship there, and the second,
or any one who may be in his place, to surrender his post to Perez, and go to
Goa, there to prepare for the voyage to Japan as soon as Father Gaspar Baertz
orders it.
you, and
must owe it for the rest of my life; but though I can never pay the principal,
I will not fail, at any rate while I live, to pay you as it were a daily instalment,
and interest according to my ability, by continually praying our Lord God to
preserve you from all evil, and never to suffer you in this life to be
deprived of His grace, but to keep you always flourishing both in body and mind
through all accidents of health and unfavourable chances of fortune, always
constant in the faith, •diligent in the duties of holy religion and divine
worship, so that He may one day crown your merits, and receive your soul to the
glory of His Paradise. And as in spite of my endeavours I can never satisfy
myself as to this, I call on all my brothers the fathers of the Society of
Jesus, who are serving the holy Church in different places in India, to be my
helpers and assistants : certainly all would have performed this duty of their
own accord; nevertheless I have, so to speak, added spurs to their willingness
by ordering them to show you all the offices of most friendly goodwill as an
eminent patron of our Society, and commend you to God in their daily prayers
and sacrifices as a mainstay of the Christian religion in this country, on whom
rests the chief hope of seeing the holy law of Jesus Christ, the Son of God,
preached in the empire of China, and of spreading His glory to the ends of the
earth. Indeed our Lord Himself, Who knows so well your ardent zeal for His
service, Who so truly values your labours so profitable for the extension of
His kingdom, could not fail, independently of the prayers of His servants, to
encircle you and your interests with His constant favour and protection, and to
further the accomplishment of your desires to this holy end of helping the
preaching of the Gospel and the calling wandering souls to the faith of Jesus
Christ. If, Senor, the affair of your embassy to the Sovereign of China
intrusted to you by the Viceroy of India should be at length successfully
arranged next year, I beg of you to deal with Francesco Perez (whom I have
ordered to set sail for Goa) so that he may procure from Father Gaspar Baertz,
the Rector of the College of Goa, a priest of our Society, whom you may vol. 11. 00
take with you when
you embark for China. I should wish the valuable vestments which, as you know,
we had prepared for that expedition, to be given to him to bring them with him.
When our project failed, I left them at Malacca in the care of Francesco Perez;
that father will deliver them to you on seeing this letter, which will
sufficiently acquaint him with my intentions. I will send the chalice, a part
of the same set, which I brought with me, by Thomas Scandelho, so that you may,
if you think well, give them all to the father who is to accompany you on your
embassy.
I would go to Malacca
with your people, if I could hope that you would start for China next year.
Now, I am following a more probable hope of going there this very year, which
rests on a merchant of Canton; and if (which God forbid !) he should fail me, I
have now made up my mind to accompany an Aragonese named Diego Vaz, who, as I
told you, is going to the kingdom of Siam. From thence, I rely on being able
easily to reach Canton next year by a Chinese junk. Thus should it happen that
your embassy really starts next year, I' hope that we shall meet again, God
knows with what consolation, at Coma'i or at Canton. Pray write to me, if you
have an opportunity, to the kingdom of Siam, saying what you have decided, for
under any circumstances I shall much like to know the state of your affairs
from yourself. As to the particulars of my agreement with the Chinese merchant
who is to take me into the city of Canton, I do not give them to you yet: it
will be more convenient and satisfactory to do so when the matter is over. You
may look for them in letters which I hope to send you by Manuel de Chaves. If
our fathers at Malacca, Goa, or elsewhere, can render you any services towards
the favourable conclusion of your embassy, do not fear using them; you will
find Francesco Perez, Gaspar Baertz, and all the others, wherever they are,
eager at the first expression of your wishes to serve you with all their power;
they know perfectly how much I have this at heart. But—and this is the chief
point in their eyes—they are firmly convinced that this matter concerns, above
all, the glory of our Lord God, and the release of a vast number of
unfortunate
Portuguese, who are suffering a wretched captivity in the Chinese prisons. I
have just learnt with excessive pain that my excellent friend Francesco Pereira
de Miranda has quite lately, through some melancholy chance, fallen into the
same misery. I most gratefully and sorrowfully remember all my obligations to
him, for the good offices and kindnesses which he loaded me with so charitably
when he was with us at Firando in Japan, with a numerous band of companions who
were under his command, and who shared all his kindly feelings towards me. .
I have by mistake
taken with me the letters which the Viceroy of India sent for you to deliver to
the Sovereign of China, and I now send them back to you with this. Once more I
beg you, Senor, not to fail to write to me to the kingdom of Siam; for, as I
say, I am fully resolved, should the hopes fail which I have built on the
Chinese merchant—which God forbid! —to go to the kingdom of Siam, and endeavour
to get into China by that way. Should our Lord God deign to favour at least
this last enterprise, I shall go to wait for you at the court of the Chinese
Emperor, unless I am thrown into prison at Canton. In short, then, in any case,
if the Divine favour opens to me the way to China, you will find me in one of
two very different places, in one of two very dissimilar conditions—a captive
in the prisons of Canton, or at Pekin (which it appears is the residence of the
Sovereign of China), awaiting your arrival, and endeavouring to discharge the
office of an avant courier or pioneer for your interests.
I add no more, except
to say, what is the exact truth, that I so ardently desire to know what you are
doing, how your health is, the state of your affairs and hopes, that if I were
rich I should not think the news bought too dear with much gold, and would give
profusely any most precious gifts as its price, especially as my confidence as
to the high favour in which our Lord Jesus Christ holds you makes me hopeful
that if the news were true it would be what I most eagerly desire. May our Lord
God, if He sees it advisable for the interests of His holy service, grant us to
see one another again in the empire of China ! If
He has ordered
otherwise, may He at least reunite us one day in the blissful abode of Paradise
! Farewell.
Your servant and
entire friend from the bottom of my soul,
San Chan,
November 12, 1552. FRANCIS.
(cxxiii.) To Father Gaspar Baertz.
I have written to
Francesco Perez, telling him to leave Malacca at once, and go to India with
all his brothers. I think that at this time that city is unworthy of so great a
blessing, after having been the occasion of so great a misfortune, hindering
by exceeding wickedness our voyage to China and the extension of God’s glory. I
again enjoin you to carry out my last order with great zeal and diligence; that
is to say, to arrange with the Lord Bishop that he may have the excommunications
incurred by those who prevented our voyage to China solemnly pronounced in
Malacca; for I was on my way to China in the character of Apostolical Nuncio. I
insist on this point on two grounds : .first, because I want the Governor of
Malacca to be made to understand the gravity both of the crime he has committed
and of the penalty he has incurred, so that he may not in future act to any one
else as he has acted to me; secondly, that no one may venture to stop those members
of our Society who may later on go to Malacca, to the Moluccas, to Japan, or to
China, in the interests of religion. And as nowadays most men are more
restrained by disgrace before the world than before God, I desire all such
persons to be frightened by such a mark of infamy and ignominy from acting with
such outrageous audacity.
I also pray you to
observe strictly all the other directions which I left with you, especially
that one of receiving into the Society only very few andthose fit men,to
examine and tryfor along time those who are received, and to test their virtues
thoroughly and frequently. I am afraid that a good number have already been
received, and continue to be received, whom it would be much better to refuse
and dismiss. I wish you, therefore, to be towards such persons what I myself
was with several at
Goa, and here have
been with one of my own companions whom I have thought unfit for the Society,
and so sent him away and excluded from it. You must follow this line of conduct
with zeal and constancy, and not be frightened by any consideration from
persevering in it, even if it involved your remaining alone.
I cannot express to
you how enraged the devil is that the Society should invade China. I have no
doubt whatever, and so may say with confidence, that the enemy of the human
race cannot endure to see the doors of that empire opened to us. It is beyond
belief how cunningly he has fought, and is still fighting at this moment, to
disappoint our efforts. But I have great confidence that our Lord Jesus Christ
will render futile all the snares of Satan. It certainly will be for the honour
and glory of God that a weak creature should have conquered the presumption of
the devil, and laid low his intolerable pride. May God in His infinite mercy
grant us this ! May He abide with you arid direct me, and at last lead us all
together to heaven !
Port of
San Chan, November 13, 1552. FRANCIS.
(cxxiv.) To Fathers Francis Perez at Malacca and Master
Gaspar Baertz at Goa.
By this letter I
expressly command and earnestly beg* you, Father Francis Perez, who, according
to my previous orders, are to sail from Malacca to India, to send this letter
of mine to our brother Gaspar at Goa, and to obtain as soon as possible from
the Lord Bishop, through Father Gaspar or our other brothers at Goa, the
canonical proclamation' of the excommunication incurred by Don Alvaro, the
Commandant of Malacca, by having prevented my going to China. I think the way
to proceed is, for our brothers to go to his Lordship and his Vicar, and show
them the bulls of the Sovereign Pontiff concerning the institution,
confirmation, and the privileges of the Society of Jesus, and separately show
them the Pontifical brief written on parchment, in which the Sovereign Pontiff
ere-
ates and appoints me
by name his Legate in these regions of India; for which purpose it must be
taken from the secret archives of the College of St. Paul at Goa.
After showing them
these documents, they should both be asked, seeing that—contrary to the
manifest privileges of the Society of Jesus, granted by the decrees of
Sovereign Pontiffs, and contrary to my own personal authority, by right of the
office of Apostolic Legate conferred on me—Don Alvaro de Gama, the Commandant of
the city of Malacca, has violently opposed my going to China to preach the
Gospel there, disregarded the formal authorization of the Viceroy of India
which I presented to him, and has made it useless by his rebellious obstinacy
; seeing farther that he has despised the order and authority of Don Francesco
Alvarez, then in command of the royal citadel and fortress of Malacca, and also
Receiver General and Keeper of the royal treasury, when the latter guaranteed
my rights, and declared the formal will of his Highness, and audaciously persisted
in his disobedience; and seeing that by these offences Don Alvaro de Gama,
besides the crime of rebellion against his Highness, has plainly incurred the
ecclesiastical anathema set forth in the bulls of the Sovereign Pontiff: we
therefore pray that this same may be declared in the accustomed form, and that
in the place where the crime was committed the author of it be pronounced to
be publicly separated from Catholic communion, and cut off from the body of the
Church, in punishment for his so hateful wickedness.
Let a rescript of his
Lordship the Bishop, in which this is clearly drawn out, be sent to Malacca,
together with letters from the same prelate to his Vicar in that place,
charging him to take good care that those letters of his be read from the
pulpit, according to custom, on a Sunday, to the people assembled in church. I
have two reasons which I wish you to make this demand, and that everything may
be done as I say. The first is that, as far as is in me, and out of my pity for
him, I wish to consult the interests of the author of this bitter injustice :
for indeed he is still ignorant into what an abyss he has plunged himself; and
it is most likely that the public pro-
• clamation of the
terrible anathema which he has so rashly brought upon himself will fill him
with terror at the thought of •so great a calamity, and inspire him with some
sentiments of penitence, which may be the beginning of his salvation, and might
excite in him a salutary desire of meriting by due satisfaction the lawful
absolution of the Church at the hands of her competent ministers.
The other reason
which moves me to take this step is my wish to hinder for the future any such
audacious attempt of wicked persons, which would be so hurtful to the preaching
of the Gospel. For I see by experience that the apostolic labourers of our
Society will often find opportunities of embarking at the different Indian
ports for Japan, the Moluccas, or •other countries, to preach the law of Jesus
Christ, and that the officers, invested in such places with the authority of
royal governors, may be tempted by avarice, jealousy, or other bad passions, to
thwart and insult them, by causing the failure of •their plans, as has happened
to myself. In order, therefore, •that these officers may not imagine that such
crimes will remain unpunished, this bad example must be made infamous by its
terrible issue, and must be branded with so much ignominy that those persons
whom the fear of God does not influence may be made to shrink from its
imitation by the disgrace before men, the dishonoured name, the mark of shame
burnt an on his forehead, which will render this poor man so utterly infamous
for ever. I am convinced that some of these persons let themselves go with more
audacity to such wickedness partly from forgetting the severe punishments
attached to this kind of •crime, through the sordid cares in which their souls
are plunged, .and partly often through their disgraceful ignorance of the discipline
of the Church, in which they are wonderfully uninstructed. It is necessary to
put visibly and palpably before them an example of the Church’s severity
inflicted on a person of note, that by this salutary warning they may be held
back when instigated to perpetrate a deed so injurious to religion; and that
perceiving the danger they incur in this way of sin, they may jestrain their
licentiousness by fear.
The letter of the
Bishop, or of his Vicar General, declaring the Commandant of Malacca separated
from the Sacraments- of the Church and under anathema, should be taken to
Malacca by Joam Beira, or by any other of our brothers who are going there to
embark for Japan. At Malacca he must place it in the hands of the Bishop’s
Vicar. In order that this latter may not put off carrying his orders into
effect, you must obtain the Bishop’s promise to write, or to order his Vicar
General to write i in his name, a special letter to the Bishop’s Vicar at
Malacca,] charging him under pain of anathema not to delay publishing in the
Church the excommunication incurred by Don Alvaro. | As for yourselves, beware
in the name of God of neglecting this order of mine, and so of committing the
great sin of violating obedience. Let me hear before the end of the year how
dilil gent you have been in this, and what has been the issue of this affair.
With regard to
myself, I have written this letter in the midst of preparations and anxieties
relating to my passage from this island to the Chinese continent. The voyage
will be most painful under my present straitened circumstances; it is full of a
thousand dangers, of very doubtful issue, and full of terrors. How it will turn
out I know not, but I have a firm confidence, and a strong inward assurance,
that however things may go, the result will be good. If—which God forbid !—my
hopes of the Canton merchant captain, whom I expect every moment, | should
fail, I am determined, as I told you, to go by sea to Siam, whence there is
some expectation of being able to get to China. Should this hope too come to
nothing, through some accident, then I shall return to India. But my mind
presages j that I shall not be driven to this last resolution, and I persist in
believing that my first hopes will be fulfilled, and that I shall have my
prayer and place my foot at last on Chinese ground. I
One truth has been
proved to me by the clearest evidence,, and I tell it you confidently, and wish
you to be fully convinced of it. The devil has an unspeakable dread of the
Society of Jesus entering China, and every effort in this direction seems to
wound the very apple of his eye; it makes him rage with
impotent fury, and
lash himself up, and boil over with passion. Take my most certain word for it,
in this port of San Chan, where fresh obstacles to our passage to China are raised
every hour, he keeps contriving them in swarms, one after another, as though he
thought the first nothing, and that new ones were always needed; and if I were
to describe them by letter, or by work of mouth, I should never end. I perceive
most clearly that the war cry has sounded in the camp of hell, and the spirits
of darkness, all in consternation, are arrayed against us as if to defend their
last entrenchments. But let it be no less certain to you, that I am confident,
relying on the unfailing help and grace and favour of our Lord God, that Jesus
Christ, our Saviour and Redeemer, will expose to the scorn of the whole world
the enemy of mankind, disappointing his wishes and making his vain hope void;
and the glory of the Divine Majesty will shine all the more brightly because
the instrument of these wonders will be one so mean, because that by means of
me, the least and the vilest of men, He will overthrow that insolent spirit,
so bold in his pride, and expose him to the most shameful defeat and universal
derision.
It is to you
especially, Master Gaspar, that I now particularly address myself. I most
earnestly beg of you not to fail I to fulfil exactly and completely everything
which I commanded you on my departure, whether by word of mouth or by writing,
in the form of instructions. Be careful to forget nothing, nor to neglect
carrying it out at the proper time : as if supposing me perhaps dead, you might
imagine yourself free and independent and no longer under obedience to me. I
remember a case of this kind when certain persons fell into this error in
consequence of my long absence. In truth I shall not die before the time appointed
by God; long indeed it is that life has been a burthen to me, and to die my
prayer; but it is idle for men to speculate curiously as to the hour of my
decease, which is settled beforehand in the eternal decrees, and which the
foolish opinions of men cannot hasten or retard. This counsel is given to
fortify you against the temptation of trusting too much to your own judgment;
as you may remember a time when you allowed yourself to follow your own opinion
irrespective of my instruc*1) tions. Whether you did the best thing
in the world on that occasion, or whether you made a mistake, God knows; but I
should not like by any chance on my return next year to find in India anything
that I should have to punish.
And pray pay
particular attention to what I am about to add. Be very severe, I would almost
say be most fastidious, in choosing persons to be received into the Society. The
few who have stood the sharp test, as I may say, of the first examen should
then go through all the successive experiments of the novitiate at home. Indeed
I have seen in certain persons, who had passed through the first beginnings,
things which made me mistrust the judgment of those who could have admitted
them. They were persons who, as experience shows, ought to be excluded from our
Society, from consideration of our own good character and tranquillity. It was
impossible for me not to make an example of this sort in the person of Alvaro
Ferreira,10 whom I have struck off the list of our brothers. Should
he come to you, be sure not to receive him into your house, but you may give
him the help of your advice and influence to enable him to, enter another
religious Order. But you must absolutely refuse to receive him back into our
Society, however pressingly he may entreat you; and you must understand that
you are forbidden this by the obedience which you owe me; for after mature
deliberation, and by my authority, I order you not to receive into our house
Alvaro Ferreira, whom I know to be in no way suited to the ways of our Society.
Should it happen that
when this letter reaches Goa another than Gaspar Baertz is Rector, let him,
whoever he may be, understand that the directions I have given to Gaspar apply
equally to him.
Port of
San Chan, November 13, 1552. FRANCIS.
10 A Captain Alvaro Ferreira was martyred at
Achen in 1565, with four other Portuguese, because they would not abandon the
faith of Jesus Christ. Perhaps he may have been the same religious who was not
able to remain in the Society, but to whom Cod afforded the opportunity of confessing
the faith, and gave the grace of martyrdom. Leon Pages.
A few days after
these last letters were written, Francis Xavier was again struck by the fever.
It was Sunday the 20th 'f November, after he had said mass. The mandarins at
Janton had stopped the supplies of food on which the sojourners at San Chan
mainly depended. There was thus a scarcity If provisions on the island, and
Francis suffered real privation, he people of Don Alvaro, of whom the greater
part of the crew of the Santa Croce was composed, still showing him but •canty
kindness, out of fear of displeasing their master. At the lame time the day passed
on which the Chinese merchant had jiromised to appear. The interpreter on whom
Francis had eckoned had already given up the design for want of courage. I^o
hopes remained; and the fever came to bid him prepare ,0 meet his Lord. He had
long known that his death was at jiand : he had taken leave of his friends,
even in India, as if he l^ere never to see them more. While at San Chan, he had
once |>een in company with six others, Portuguese merchants. Francis lad
said to them that they must look after their souls : ‘ within I. year,’ he
said, ‘the greater number of us will be dead.’ Five |>fthe seven, besides
himself, died within the year.
When the fever first
attacked him, Francis had come on board the Santa Croce as to a kind of
hospital: but the motion j)f the ship made it difficult for him to keep his
thoughts fixed [>n God, and he begged to be taken ashore. He was apparently
lying on the ground in the open air, when Jorge Alvarez, i he same, as it
seems, whose account of Japan we have printed jibove, could not bear to see him
so abandoned, and took him nto his own hut. It gave him hardly any shelter from
the cold Ivind and rain, but it was something. On the Tuesday, he good Jorge
thought it would be well to bleed the patient. Francis knew that this could but
be a fresh torment, but he :onsented, and the operation was repeated a second
time. His lierves were lacerated, and he fainted under the pain.
Then there came on a
great nausea, so that he could not eat (even a few almonds, which the captain
of the ship sent him as ji present. So he went on suffering through the week;
lying in the wretched cabin, gazing up to heaven through a small window in the
side, and talking with the tenderest devotion to a littl crucifix which he held
in his hand. On the Monday week afte his illness had begun, he became delirious
for a time: hi wanderings were all about his expedition to China. After thi he
lost his speech, but on the Wednesday he regained it, an his mind no longer
wandered. He begged that the vestment and sacred vessels which he had used for
mass, as well as hi manuscript of the Christian doctrine in Chinese letters,
and thi rest, might be taken on board the ship. Antonio, the Chines) lad from
the College, and Cristoval, the other mentioned in hi last letter, were his
only attendants. Antonio related afterward) how on one of these days, Francis
had fixed his eyes on CrisJ tovel, and began to weep, saying, ‘ O miseravel, O
miseravel Some months after the poor boy fell into a habit of sin, and die*
suddenly and miserably. This was Francis’s last prediction. H spoke a good deal
in ejaculations, but chiefly in Latin, so th lad could only remember what was
not new to him, such as hi favourite exclamations, lO Sanctissima Trinitas,’ ‘Jcsu Fill Davl miserere mei,’ and ‘Monstra
teesse matron! So the fever went or and he grew weaker and weaker.
He could take nothing for som days before the end came. At last, on the Friday,
the 2d c December, about two in the afternoon, he fixed his eyes lovingl upon
his crucifix, his face lighted up with joy, sweet tears poure< from his
eyes, and he breathed his last, repeating the words c 1 the Te Deum, ‘In te
Domine spcravi, non confundar in cetcrnutfn The body of Francis Xavier remained
unburied till the Sun day after his death. Some of the Portuguese belonging to
th ship were touched at the sight of his corpse; but it does no seem that the
majority showed any great devotion. The fea of Don Alvaro was strong upon them.
The good pilot, how ever, Francesco d’Aghiar, was there, and he did what was i;
his power in honour of the Saint whose companion he ha< often been. Jorge
Alvarez, also, had a coffin made, iij which the body was placed, clothed in the
priestly vestments I but it was thought well to cover it, and fill the coffin,
wit J quick lime, in order that the flesh might be consumed, and th 1 bones
taken to India. Late on the Sunday evening the coffin as lowered into a grave
dug on the top of a low spur of hill, l^.ose to the shore. There was a level
space on the summit, I id here they planted a wooden cross, at the foot of
which was | ie grave, with two mounds of stones, one at the head and the ther
at the feet. No one followed Francis to the grave but s.ntonio the Chinese, two
mulattos who bore the coffin, and Francesco d’Aghiar.
It is possible that
the utter abandonment and destitution |,'t which Francis had died to some
extent encouraged the Portuguese in their neglect. One of Don Alvaro’s men wrote
to him [ft Malacca saying that Master Francis had died, and had done o miracle
in his death; that he had been buried at San Chan I ke any one else, and that
they meant to bring his body to jVlalacca when they set sail, that the people
there might not say mat they were not as good Christians as themselves. Meanwhile
time went on, and after the middle of February the time Pame for the ship to
depart. Antonio the Chinese asked the laptain to have examination made as to
the state of the bones If Francis Xavier. But when the coffin was opened, and
the |jme removed, the body was found entire, fresh, the flesh soft jnd
succulent, the veins full of blood. The Portuguese who Biade the examination
tried to cut off a small piece from near [he left knee, and found that blood
flowed freely. Even the lestments were unhurt by the lime. The prodigy at once
concerted the indifference of the Portuguese into veneration and levotion. The
men of the crew crowded round, weeping, and legging pardon for their neglect
and coldness. The body was aken as it was, in the coffin, on board the Santa
Croce, which |et sail immediately, and after a perfectly prosperous voyage,
leached Malacca on the 22d of March 1553.
It was late in the
evening, but the news of the arrival flew through the city. There were none of
the Society there. Francesco Perez and his companions had punctually obeyed he
order of Francis as to leaving Malacca. Some priests were sent on board that
same evening by the Vicar; they examined the body, and testified to its
wonderful preservation. The lext day a solemn procession was organized, and the
body was carried to the Church of our Lady del Monte, the shrine which we have
more than once mentioned as so much beloved by Francis. The clergy, the nobles,
the people, even, it was remarked, the heathen and Mussulmans themselves, all
thronged with torches and candles to honour one whom they regarded as their
Apostle. The plague had been still raging at the time when the Santa Croce came
into the harbour—while the sacred body was being carried through the streets it
ceased all of a sudden. The city also had been suffering from want of provisions,
and a supply came in just at this moment.
Don Alvaro dAtaide
alone was indifferent to the arrival of the body of Francis Xavier. He was at
play with one of his officers when the procession passed. He went to the
window, made a scornful remark on the devotion and simplicity of the people,
and resumed his game. We may as well add here the sequel of his history. A
little more than a year after the time I of which we are writing, Don Antonio
de Norona, a son of the Viceroy, was sent as Capitan to supersede Don Alvaro,
againsitl whom a number of charges had already been, and were afterwards,
made. One of these charges rested on his disobedient to the Viceroy’s orders.
Don Alvaro was put in prison, and his goods confiscated. Such severity was
exercised against those of his party, that a number fled from Malacca, and took
refuge ini the Mussulman states. Don Alvaro was sent to Portugal. He I had
already a sort of leprosy creeping over his body, and while i in prison at home
a bad abscess broke out in his neck, and his whole body became so corrupt that
no one could be found to go near him and wait upon him. In this state the poor
man died; helped, as may be trusted, by the prayers for the salvation of his
soul of the Saint who had predicted so accurately the inevitable temporal
chastisement which his public opposition to the Church had brought upon him.
The body of Francis
Xavier was buried in the doorway leading to the sacristy; but it was taken out
the coffin, and covered with earth. The grave is said to have been too short;
certainly a wound was made on the shoulder, whence blood flowed fresh and
fragrant. So things remained till August, when Joam Beira arrived at Malacca
with two companions, on his way back to his mission at the Moluccas. He could
not bear to leave Malacca without seeing the body. Diego Pereira and some other
devout friends of the Saint disinterred it secretly. It was found perfect and
fresh as before, emitting the most exquisite fragrance. A cloth spread over
the face was stained with blood, and there was a wound in the side, from stones
which had fallen in when the earth was pressed down. Diego Pereira now had a
magnificent coffin made, in which the body was laid, the head resting on an
embroidered cushion, and the whole covered by a coverlet of cloth of gold. It
was put in a secure place, and Joam Beira left one of his companions, a lay
brother, Manuel Tavora, to take charge of the corpse until it could be moved
from Malacca. Soon after Pedro dAlcageva arrived, on his way back from Japan,
and it was by him that the transfer to Goa was finally arranged.
The two brothers set
out late in 1553, on board an old unseaworthy vessel, the worst, it was said,
that was then navigating the Eastern seas. More than once on the voyage she
was saved in a preternatural manner. Once she got aground on a shoal, and once
she ran against a rock. The last time the danger was so imminent, that the crew
gathered round the sacred body in the cabin, imploring the intercession of
Francis as if he had been alive among them. In January the vessel arrived at
Cochin, where the body was venerated by Francesco Perez and a crowd of others.
It touched at Baticala on its way northwards, where a lady who was desperately
ill heard of the arrival of the body, and declared that she should recover if
she could see it. She was taken on board the ship, and was immediately healed.
The captain seems to have put into Baticala on account of adverse winds from
the north; and he despaired of reaching Goa before Holy Week, which that year
fell very early. He went on in a boat to Goa, to announce the approach of the
treasure which his ship contained. The Viceroy immediately equipped one of the
large swift galleys of the country, and sent the Superior of the College of
Santa F£, with two other .religious and some choristers and orphans, to escort
the body at once to Goa. Gaspar Baertz was already dead—he had been long
ailing, and had finally broken down on a Sunday in the October before, while he
was explaining in the pulpit of the Cathedral the Gospel of the day :1X
‘ The kingdom of heaven is like unto a king, who would take account of his
servants.’ He had died on the 19th of October, having just sent for Melchior
Nunez, who, according to the orders of Francis Xavier, was to succeed him; for
Manuel de Morales, whom Francis had put first in the order of succession, had
worn himself out in Ceylon, and though ordered to Goa for his health, had died
there two months before Gaspar himself.
The galley to which
the body of St. Francis was now transferred left Baticala amid salvos of
artillery from the ships lying there, and the chanting of the Benedict us Dominits
Dciis Israel by the youths sent from the College, and reached the harbour of
Goa on the Thursday in Passion Week, March 15th. The galley anchored opposite a
church of our Lady at Rebandar, about half a league from Goa itself; and as it
was night, a message was sent on to the Fathers of the College to be ready to
meet the body when it arrived at the quay the next morning. It was taken into
the church, where Melchior Nunez said mass very early the next morning; and
almost before they had time to arrange for the start to Goa, six large boats
arrived with Diego Pereira and a number of other Portuguese gentlemen and
merchants on board, with torches in their hands, come to do honour to the Saint
whom they had known and loved. Before they reached the quay, the number of
these boats had swollen to twenty. On the quay was the Viceroy with-his Court,
the Council, the Envoys of allied Asiatic princes, and a crowd of nobles and
people, the Chapter, the Brethren of Mercy, and the religious community of the
College. The orphans carried in front a large crucifix veiled (for it was
Passion Week), and once more the sweet strains of the Benedictus rang through
the air. The procession through the streets was impressively touching, £
so much,’ says an eyewitness, ‘ that in all that assembly of Christians tears
and sobbings were so universal, that the mere sight thereof was enough to make
a sinner become truly converted.’ The procession marched from the gate of the
city straight up the great street, which from one end to the other was .richly
hung with tapestries and silken cloths, the windows crowded with ladies, while
below the doors were filled with vessels of incense and fragrant scents.
Flowers were showered ’ in the- path, all the forts fired their cannon, the
church bells rang joyously. So it went up to the College of St. Paul, ‘ and
although that day was the Friday of Lazarus,12 the College nevertheless
made great festival, all the altars were richly apparelled. There were quantities
of lamps and candelabras and crosses of silver, and the like. The sacred body
having arrived in the church was placed near the High Altar, and a solemn Mass
was sung with concert of voices and instruments, conformable to the solemnity
of so great a feast.lU
Others relate how
many wonderful cures were wrought upon the sick as the body was borne through
the streets. Among the persons healed was Dona Juana Pereira, probably one of
Diego’s family, who recovered at once from an illness of three months; and also
a child which lay at the point of death with a blessed candle lighted in its
hand. The body lay in the sanctuary with the face, hands, and feet uncovered,
in order to satisfy the devotion of the people, whom it was difficult to keep
from it. That day the mass of the Holy Cross was sung by the Chapter, and on
the Saturday the mass of our Lady, by the Franciscan friars. On Sunday the body
was placed in a cavity made in the wall of the sanctuary, near the gospel end
of the altar.
The ships which came
that spring from Portugal brought a letter from St. Ignatius, written at the
end of the preceding June, in answer to that of St. Francis Xavier of January
29th, 1552. St. Ignatius begins by rejoicing over the good news as to the
opening of Japan and China to the preaching of the Gospel. Then he goes on to
say that lie regards as a wise measure what Francis has mentioned as possible,
his sending to Japan and China Gaspar Baertz and others j and if he has himself
gone to China, as he has spoken of as probable if the affairs of India permit,
that also he regards as good, being persuaded that it is the Eternal Wisdom
Who guides him. But, he adds, as far as his own lights go, he thinks Francis
will do , more for God by remaining in India and sending others, as he then may
be able to make his work felt in more countries than one. Still further, he
says, considering the greater glory of God I and the greater good of souls in
India, and the dependence of I India on Portugal, he has made up his mind to
order him by I holy obedience to return to Portugal on the first favourable I
opportunity; and so he commands him in the name of Jesus I Christ, though his
return to Europe be in order to his going I back again as soon as possible to
India. Moreover, in order I that when people oppose his departure he may be
able to j make them understand the reasons for the determination, Ig- I natius
adds certain heads—the good effect which the presence I of Francis may produce
on the King, as to the progress of the I faith in India, Guinea, and Brazil,
the need which the Holy 1 See has to be thoroughly informed as to the state of
affairs in I India, the necessity that Francis should come to choose and I form
for himself subjects in Portugal and Rome, and the good 1 which he might do in
the affair of the mission to Ethiopia. I As for his subjects in India, he could
govern them meantime I as well from Portugal as from China or Japan. Such was
the I provision made by Ignatius for that long desired meeting, of I which both
he. and Francis Xavier had spoken so tenderly! in their letters—a meeting the
enjoyment of which was only I to be granted to them in the kingdom of heaven.
The body of St.
Francis Xavier still rests at Goa, in the I church which formerly belonged to
the religious of the Society! which he loved so much, and which one of the
successors of I his friend, King John III., was persuaded by a despotic minis-!
ter to persecute so savagely. His work lived after him, and is I living
still,—although it would be difficult to say whether the! ignorant opposition
of heathen barbarity or the more culpable j malice of enemies calling
themselves Christians has done the most to mar the fulfilment of his glorious
designs for the conversion of the East.
We may trust that
India has not been allowed to retain him without a special intention of the
good Providence of God in favour of the nations for whom he laboured so
devotedly. We may hope that the presence of his relics on those distant shores
may be an earnest that the day is to come when the darkness which has hitherto
covered the largest, the richest, the most populous of the world’s continents
may be rolled back, when the early dreams of Ignatius and his companions about
the East may be more than fulfilled, and the countless churches of Christian
Asia may form the brightest gems in the diadem of the Spouse of Christ. Two
glorious names, that of St. Thomas their ancient, and that of St. Francis their
modern, Apostle, will then receive preeminent honour from myriads of rejoicing
believers, whose grateful praises will faintly reflect the reward decreed to
them above, where ‘ they that are learned shall shine as the brightness of the
firmament, and they that instruct many to justice as stars for all eternity.’15
THK END.