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CEYLON AND THE PORTUGUESE
1505- 1658
BY
DEDICATION'
Dear Lady Blake,
I have
written this book in the hope that it will awaken in those of your fellow
countrymen and fellow countrywomen whose hands it may chance to reach, an
interest in Ceylon and a desire to understand her people. In that respect you
and Sir Henry have set a shining example, and in grateful recognition I
venture respectfully to dedicate this work to you.
Yours sincerely,
Kandy,
3rd June, 1920-P. E. PIERIS.
“Son of man,
stand upon thy feet”
The period of the
history of Ceylon Which is covered by the present work has been already dealt
with by me in another book which, inasmuch as it was addressed primarily to the
people of that country, assumed in the reader a degree of knowledge which no
one who has not resided there for many years can have, and was burdened with a
minuteness of detail which, however novel and interesting to the local student,
cannot but weary, if not repel, the general reader. And yet the story of the
Portuguese in Ceylon is of more than local interest, for it depicts for us a
characteristic phase of the beginning of European expansion in the East. A
hundred and fifty three years after the Portuguese first landed in Ceylon they
were expelled from the country, leaving the gloomy word Failure writ large over
all their actions. That however was not all, for they left the Sinhalese a
broken race, with their ancient civilisation brought to the verge of ruin, and
their scheme of life well-nigh destroyed.
In 1796 the British
flag was unfurled over the country; and though perhaps the old romance of life
has gone, never again to return, a material prosperity and a personal security
such as have not been known before have grown up under its protection. It is
difficult for the West to understand the East,
and for that reason
this book has been re-written for the English reader as some contribution to
the increase of that knowledge. For the matter contained therein I am solely
responsible; any credit which may be considered due for the manner in which
that material is presented to the reader, should be ascribed to Mr. Naish, for whose
incisive and illuminating criticism I cannot too deeply express my gratitude.
A complete Bibliographical List will be* found in the first Volume of ‘Ceylon,
the Portuguese.
CONTENTS OF CHAPTERS
CHAPTER I
The Ramayana story. Arrival of Wijayo. The Kingdom of the Fandiyans. The
conservation of water. Sinhalese tanks. Introduction of Buddhism. The Bo tree.
Dagobas. Political divisiona of the Island. Elara. Duttha Gamani. Anuradhapura.
Walagamba. The Tri Pitakas. Embassy to Rome. The Waitulya heresy. Siri SangaBo.
The Danta Dhatu. Bue'c'ha Ccsha. The Mshtwsnsa. Moggalana. Polonnaruwa. The
Pandiyan invasion. The Choliyans. Wijaya Bahu. His reforms. Parakrama Bahu. His
training. The gems of Ceylon. Victories of Parakrama Bahu. His reforms, foreign
expeditions. The Kalinga invasion. Pardita Parakrama Bahu. Jafanapatam.
Jayawardhana Kotte. The Kanda Uda Rata.
CHAPTER II
Portugal. Francisco de Almeida. Arrival of the Portuguese in Ceylon. Kolon Tota. The Portuguese at Kotte.
Description of Kotte. The Sinhalese. Their mode of life. King Dharma Parakrama
Bahu. Treaty with the Portuguese. Cinnamon. Elephants. The Portuguese padrao.
The position cf the Portuguese. Their Factory abandoned. Affonco de
Alboquerque. The new policy. The M jors. Opposition to the Portuguese. Peace
restored. The Pearl fishery. Method of fishing. Accession of Wijaya Bahu. The
fort of Colombo. The Sinhalese army. Land tenure. Siege of the fort. Peace,
CHAPTER III
Sinhalese marriages. Polygamy and Polyandry. Deva Raja Sinha. Death of
Wijaya Bahu. The King’s investiture. The lucky hour. The Minister Illangakon.
The fort abandoned. The Samorin of Calicut. Mayadunna and the Moors. Battle of
Rameswaram. Samudra Devi. The Turks at Diu Arrival of Miguel Ferreira.
Expedition aiainst Mayadj.ina. Peaca restored. Dharmnpala selected as heir to
the Throna. His coronation in effigy. A Portuguese Alvara. Arrangements with
the Portuguese. The King’s family. Expedition against Jaffna. Changes in
Eirope. The Franciscans. St. Fraicis Xaviar. Tns Mimr miss.vcre. Djm Joao de
Castro, The King of Portugal and conversion.
CHAPTER IV
Methods of conversion. Antonio Moniz Barretto. Mayadunna’s diplomacy. Barretto as missionary. The Viceroy in Ceylon. Murder of Bhuwaneka Bahu.
Misrule of the Pcituguese. Changes in
Portugal. The Viceroy as robber. Sitawaka occupied. The Portuguese at
Kotte. Sembahap Perumal. Euddhism and tolerance. Colombo rebuilt. Arrest of
Widiye Bandara. Leeches. Raja Sinha. Mudu* kondapola. Death of Widiye Bandara.
Conversion of Sembahap Perumal. Removal of the Danta Dhatu. Conversion in
Ceylon. Dharmapala baptised. Effects of his conversion. Buddhism in Ceylon.
Education. Felly of Dharmapala.
CHAPTER V
Mayadunna as nationalist leader. Battle of Mulleriyawa. Hostilities.
Kotte besieged. Dha-mapala at Colombo. Diogo de Melo. Munnessaram Temple.
Poisoning of Dharmapala. Abdication of Mayadunna. Dom Sebastiao. Colombo
besieged. The donation of Dharmapala. The Uda Rata invaded. Dharmapala's
successor nominated. War preparations. Raja Sinha and the Priesthood. The Sri
Pada. Alagiyawanna Mukawetti. Sinhalese Literature. Sri Rahula. The Sevul
Sandesaya and Raja Sinha’s Court Th<5 Sinhalese army.
CHAPTER VI
Preparations at Colombo. The siege begun. An assault. Sinhalese tactics.
Mining. A naval engagement. Plague. Another assault. A raiding expedition.
Destruction of Devundara. The siege ra-sed. The Portuguese at Senkadigala.
Revolt of the Udu Rata. Death of Raja Sinha. Aritta Kivendu Perumal. Sitawaka
occupied Change in Portuguese policy. Its effects. Condition of Portugal. Portuguese abuses.
CHAPTER VII
De Sousa in Ceylon. Senkadagala occupied. The Veddahs. Proposed marriage cf Dcna Catherina. Death of Jayawira. The
Portuguese withdrawal. Their defeat. Reprisals. Effect of the defeat. Dom
Jeronymo de Azavedo. Edirille Rala. Intermarriage. Sinhalese rewards of merit.
Honorific names. Revolt of Edirille Rala. Retreat of the Portuguese. The
pursuit. The rebels repulsed. Capture of Edirille Rala. Triimph of Samarakon
Rala. Death of the rebel. Dharmapala and the Portuguese. His appeal to King
Philip. Dishonesty of the Portuguese. Death of Dharmapala,
CHAPTER VIII
The Convention of Maiwana. The successor of Dharmapala. The political
divisions. Portuguese policy. The Buddhist revival. Simao Correa and Simao
Pinhao. Hostilities. Cruelty of de Azavedo. The Rhodiyas. The Portuguese
advance. Flot "gainss
the King. Balane Fort. Failure of the plot. Spain and the Hollanders.
Van Spilbergen at Court. Sinhalese ideas on eating. A banquet at the palace.
European sympathies of the King. Sinhalese music. Dancing and singing. Seebald
de Weert at Court.
CHAPTER IX
The Portuguese at Balane. View from Balane. The Great Retreat. Samarakon
and the Crown. Malwana sacked. The Portuguese failure. Return of de Weert.
Drunkenness. The betel leaf. Death of de Weert. Negociations with the King.
Samarakon banished. Death of Wimala Dharma. His cremation. Attitude of King
Philip. Misgovemment of the Portuguese. De Azavedo's policy. Salt. Portuguese
preparations. Arrival of the Jesuits. The Viceroy and the Hollanders. The
condition of the Portuguese. The right of Sanctuary. King Senerat. Marcellus de
Boschouwer at Court.
CHAPTER X
Antao Vaz Ferreira. Alagiyawanna Mukawetti. The Tombo. Loss of title
deeds. The Franciscans and their claims. Distribution of the villages.
Nindagama tenure. Caste among the Sinhalese. Korale Vidahes. Crown dues.
Ceylon artisans. The Cinnamon revenue. Elephants and pearls. The gem lands.
Arecanut. Maralas. Minor taxes. The system of punishments. Slavery. Presents
CHAPTER XI
Dorn Francisco de Meneses Roxo. Condition of the Portuguese. King
Senerat. Manuel Mascarenhas Homem and his instructions. The sale of offices.
Portuguese methods of warfare. The coconut palm. Sinhalese military tactics. A
comet. Departure of Ferreira. A pretender. Anuradha Pura. Nikapitiya Bandara.
Battle of Gan- dolaha. The pretender crowned as Emperor. He retires. Balane
captured by Senerat The troubles of the Portuguese. The New Year. Nikapitiya
withdraws Northwards. Portuguese demoralised. Treaty of 1617. End of de
Azavedo. Arrival of Constantino de Sa. His reforms. Defeat of Baretto.
Atrocities of Teixeira. Death of Baretto. Gratitude to de Sa.
CHAPTER XII
Jorge de Alboquerque as General. He is succeeded by de Sa. Trincomalee occupied. Further reforms of de Sa.
He expels the Moors. And erects a fort at Batticaloa. Birth of the future Raja
Sinha. He becomes Aga Raja. The campaign of 1629. Illness of de Sa. Conspiracy
against him. Invasion of Uwa. Defeat and death of de Sa. Colombo besieged. The
Sinhalese with
draw. Dom Jorge de Almeida as General. Treaty of 1633. The condition of
Portugal. Financial Chaos. Death of Senerat. Raja Sinha and the Hollanders.
Diogo de Melo and the Court. Hostilities recommence. The Parangi Hatane.
Battle of Gannoruwa. The King's thank-offering.
CHAPTER XIII
Capture of Batticaloa. Treaty of Batticaloa. The policy of the
Hollanders. Quarrel between the King and Wijaya Pala. Capture of Negombo.
Sinhalese medicine. The fort of Galle. The assault. Division of the spoil. The
Portuguese in consternation. Coster at Court. The King’s reply. Death of
Coster. Desertion at Galle. The Portuguese dominion threatened. Joao de
Ribeiro. Negumbo retaken. Revolt of Wijaya Pala. The Prince at Colombo. He
leaves Ceylon. The obsequiousness of the Hollanders. Hostilities. The approach
of peace. Negumbo occupied by the Hollanders. Declaration of peace.
CHAPTER XIV
Adrian van der Stel. Capture of Pannara. The Hollanders non plussed.
Their policy. Raja Sinha m peace time. His fondness for animals. European
music. His views on inter-marriage. The King as God. The Portuguese
administration. Excesses of the Generals. Peculation. Oppression by minor
officials. The law courts. The Military. The Religious Orders. The pledge at
Malwcna. Sinhalese Law. Caste among the Sinhalese. The Portuguese and caste.
Palanquin bearers. Petty oppression of the tenants. The areca- nut boom. The
Chalias. The Lascarins." The dignity of the Sinhalese. Hostilities
renewed. The Portuguese disorganised. Gaspar de Figueira. Further fighting. The
origin of the Esala Perahera. Its celebration. Arrival of Hulft. Fall of
Kalutara.
CHAPTER XV
The fortification of Colombo. The siege begun. Raja Sinha and his
dignity. Tennekon Appuhami. An Assault. The Hollanders repulsed. The King
annoyed. The tactics of the besiegers. Mine and countermine. St. Thomas’ image.
Ferocity of.Hollanders towards noncombatants. Underground fighting. Portuguese
appeal to the King. Hulft appointed the King’s Director General. Plague in the
town. Hulft before the King. His death. The King's grief. The Portuguese
defensive. The last assault. The resistance. Terms of surrender. The
evacuation of the fort. Raja Sinha disillusioned. He breaks off with the
Hollandars. Colombo re-fortified. The King withdraws. Fall of Manar. The siege
of Jaffna. The surrender. Thanksgiving.
CHAPTER I.
The great Indian Epic
of the Ramayana, however much involved in legend and myth, has, there is no
reason to doubt, preserved for us the record of events which did actually take
place in the early dawn of the history of Ceylon. It tells how Ravana, the
fierce Island King, had captured the beautiful Sita, the wife of Rama Chandra,1
a North Indian Prince, and how, to avenge the insult, her husband led a mighty
army across the water to the invasion of Ravana’s mysterious land. He was met
by the army of Ravana, which, after a fierce battle, was driven back in
confusion. Rama Chandra thereupon advanced to Ravana's fabled fortress, and
after a siege of ten years succeeded in killing the King and rescuing the
Princess.
More certainty
attaches to the story of the next invasion from India. It was the time of the
full moon of the month of Wesak, 543 years before the birth of Christ, when
over the loveliness of “the loveliest parcel of land the Creator has placed in
this Earth,2” was thrown the warm embrace of the glowing Eastern
Moon. Far away at Kusinara, Gautama Buddha, the Perfectly Enlightened one, had
reached Eternal Peace, and to the protection of Sekraya the Great God he
commended Wijayo, the Lion born, who, exiled from India, that day had reached
Ceylon with his seven hundred followers. And by the command of the god the
Lotus-hued Vishnu, now appointed Protector of the Kingdom and the Faith which
were to be, hastened to bless the Prince and to sprinkle holy water on his men,
in preparation for the new life which was opening before them. Wijayo’s
attempts at colonising were successful, a portion of the aboriginal Yakkas4
joined themselves to him, and in a few years his position was so firmly
established that he was able to obtain a suitable consort from the most
prominent of the ruling families of South India.
The Kingdom of the
Pandyans was known to the Greeks, and is mentioned by Ptolemy as the Regnum
Pandionis. Its capital, Madura, from which more than one embassy visited the
court of Augustus, was for many centuries the centre of Dravidian learning.
Wijayo’s marriage with the daughter of the Ruler of this country was a
recognition of his position among the Princes of India, though this advantage
was secured by sacrificing Kuweni, the aboriginal Princess whom he had married,
and whose influence had been loyally exercised to consolidate his power.
Nature has scattered
her gifts over this happy Island of Ceylon with am unstinting hand. Jutting out
as it does like a mole from the Indian Peninsula, it is the meeting-ground of
the two monsoons. Twice in the year, in May and in November, as the wind
changes from the north-east to the south-west and back again, the
moisture-laden clouds roll up from the ocean and pour their wealth in torrents
on the thirsty land. The fierce tropical sun blazes forth, and in a short time
the soil, however poor it may be, is covered with the rankest vegetation. The
sun is always there, and if only this wealth of water can be secured from
waste, the health and happiness of the people is in a large degree insured. For
rice is the food of the tropics, and given water and sun, only a little
scratching of the soil is required to provide an abundant harvest. Religious
ceremonies mark every stage of its cultivation, and the proudest in the land
would take his share in what is still esteemed the most honourable of all
occupations.
Early Irrigation
From the earliest
times the Sinhalese set themselves to solve the problem of the conservation of
the water, and so successful were their efforts that for generations the
surplus of the grain which they produced was sent to feed the neighbouring continent.
Mighty dams were constructed across great valleys, and the water stored behind
them was led by a skilful system of channels to irrigate wide tracts of
country. Thus, within fifty years from the arrival of Wijayo, there was
constructed the Abhaya Wewa, the first of that series of marvellous reservoirs
which form the most amazing product of Sinhalese industry and science; and in
two centuries the nation had reached a stage of prosperity the extent of which
can be gauged from the fact that five hundred low- caste Chandalas had to be
constantly employed in the task of scavenging its capital, Anuradhapura.
Then there came that
tremendous religious movement which has covered the Island with those mighty
buildings the remains of which still compel our wonder and amazement, and which
has left to the Sinhalese that heritage of high ideals, gentleness and
contentment of which neither the centuries of ruthless warfare, nor the more
insidious attacks of modern commercialism, has succeeded in robbing them. This
religious movement dates from the arrival in Ceylon of Mihindu, the son of the
Emperor Asoka, in B. C. 307, as the first Missionary of Buddhism. He was soon
joined by his sister Sanghamitta, who brought with her in a vase of gold a
sprig, which was planted at Anuradhapura, of that Bo* tree under the shadow of
which Gautama had attained to Perfect Knowledge.
It is doubtful if any
other single incident in the long story of their race has seized upon the
imagination of the Sinhalese with such tenacity as this of the planting of the
aged tree. Like its pliant roots, which find sustenance on the face of the bare
rock and cleave their way through the stoutest
fabric, the influence
of what it represents has penetrated into the innermost being of the people,
till the tree itself has become almost human. The loving care of some pious
observer has left on record in sonorous Pali, and with minute detail, the
incidents of the day when the soil of Ceylon first received it; and to*day the
descendants of the princely escort who accompained it from India continue to be
its guardians. The axe of the ruthless invaders who for so many centuries to
come were destined to spread ruin throughout the country, was reverently
withheld from its base. And even now, on the stillest night, its heart-shaped
leaves on their slender stalks ceaselessly quiver and sigh, as they have
quivered and sighed for twenty-three centuries. The Buddhist looks forward to
no greater happiness than once in his lifetime to make the pilgrimage to this tree,
and there after offering his bloodless sacrifice of oil and sweet-smelling
flowers, to renew his vows not to take life" and not to drink strong
drinks.
Three objects are
essential for the sanctity of every Buddhist place of worship. There must be a
Bo tree, usually planted on a mound of earth supported by an ornamental stone
railing; an image of the Buddha, who is usually represented in one of three
postures—erect, sedent or recumbent; and finally the dagoba\ or reliquary.
As in every other age
and country, relics have commanded the utmost reverence amongst the Sinhalese,
and their zeal has been nowhere more prominently displayed than in the great
structures which they erected for the protection of the relics of the Buddha.
These dagobas were invariably bellshaped, and rested on a solid platform of
bricks. The tiny relic was enclosed in a leaf of gold, and formed the centre
for an immense pile of bricks which was built round it in concentric circles of
ever-widening diameter. A graceful solid spire, itself springing from a square
base, crowned the structure and terminated in a finial of gold or bronze. The
whole of the brickwork was coated with a strong cement prepared from lime, and
whether in the bright sunlight, or when illuminated by thousands of tiny
oil-lamps at night, it threw off a sheen of speckless white. Such was the
Thuparama, the earliest and the most graceful of the dagobas of the Island,
which was erected as a receptacle for the Buddha’s Refection Bowl; and round
it thousands of pilgrims bow in worship to-day.
Mihindu
died in B. C. 258 when his body was cremated
with extraordinary pomp, the whole Island joining in the celebration of the obsequies,
which lasted several days.
The Island was at
this period of its history divided into three Kingdoms or Ratas. The
most northerly of these was named Pihiti Rata, and also Raja Rata, the Country
of the Kings, as it contained the Royal Capital. Its southern boundary was
mainly defined by two rivers. Of these the first was the Maha Weli Ganga, the
Great Sandy River, which has its source in the mountain known to Europeans as
Adam’s Peak, and flows in a north-easterly direction till it reaches the sea
near the great harbour of Trincomalee. The second was the Deduru Oya which runs
west from the central mountain plateau as far as Chilaw. Southward from the
Maha Weli Ganga and the plateau lay the Kingdom of Ruhuna, which included the
flat country as far as the Kalu Ganga, which joins the sea twenty-five miles
south of Colombo. The central mountainous district and the rich western low
country between the Kalu Ganga and the Deduru Oya formed the third Kingdom of
Maya Rata.
The peace and
goodwill which followed the message of Mihindu could not last, and by 200 B, C,
an invader from the
Choromandel Coast’, Elara by name, had seized the throne of Anuradhapura.
Usurper and stranger though he was, even the priestly Buddhist chroniclers bear
witness to the eminent qualities of this King, who “ruled the kingdom for
forty-four years, administering justice with impartiality to friends and to
foes.” But a greater than Elara had already been born in the person of Gamani,
the son of Kawan Tissa, the King of the Ruhunu Rata, a district which was
always noted for the turbulent independence of its people. Intense and fiery patriotism
characterised Gamani from his earliest years. As a boy of twelve when his
mother, who had found him sleeping curled up in bed, advised him to lie with
limbs outstretched, he had bitterly retorted, “Confined by the Damilas beyond
the river, and on the other side by the unyielding ocean, how can I lie down
with outstretched limbs ? ” and no sooner had he reached man’s estate than he
began to prepare the army with which he hoped to drive the invader out of the
country.
But Kawan Tissa was
cautious and withheld his consent, and the disappointed Prince in bitter jest
sent his father a present of a female ornament, remarking : “Friends, my father
if he were a man would not say so. Let him therefore wear this.” The irate King
gave orders for a golden chain to be prepared for the punishment of his
impetuous son, and Gamani had to flee from the Court, thus earning the epithet
of Duttha, or the Disobedient, which, in spite of his subsequent glorious
career, has always been applied to him in history.
The King did not long
survive this incident, and Gamani at length found himself in a position to put
his cherished plans into execution. A great army of horse and foot, of
elephants and chariots, forced its way northwards. The forts guarding the road
to Anuradhapura were soon captured, and at length the Sinhalese army appeared
before Elara’s capital and entered upon the construction of elaborate siege
works. Elara thereupon marched out of the city to attack the enemy, and redoubt
after redoubt fell before him till he came to where the King himself was
stationed. Here the fight raged hottest, but Dighajantu, Elara’s brave
commander, was killed at the very feet of Gamani, and his men turned back in
confusion. The Sinhalese hurried in pursuit, and the two Kings met near the
southern gate of the city. Elara fell before the javelin of his rival, the city
was captured, and before long the whole of the island recognised the
sovereignty of Gamani. The body of Elara was cremated with all honour and a
mound erected over his ashes; while in acknowledgment of the goodness and
chivalry of his foe, a decree was promulgated by the generous conqueror that
royalty itself on passing that mound must dismount and silence its music—a
decree which was loyally observed so long as a King reigned in the Island of
Ceylon.
Gamani now had
leisure to attend to the improvement of the country. Numerous tanks were
constructed, and the nine-storied Lowa Maha Paya at Anuradhapura raised on its
sixteen hundred columns of granite for the accommodation of the priesthood.
Silver and gold and precious stones were lavished without stint on the
adornment of this superb structure, which was roofed throughout with copper. An
exquisite throne of ivory with the emblems of the Sun and the Moon embossed in
silver and gold occupied the main hall, while above it the white chatra or
parasol, the symbol of dominion, glittered on its silver staff. A stupendous
dagoba, the Ruvanveli Seya, was next begun, the whole cost being met out of the
Royal Treasury.
Gamani did not
however live to see this task completed. As he lay on his deathbed he was
carried out to where he could gaze on the unfinished structure, and there
single-handed he fought his last
fight with death,
cheered by the assurance that for his meritorious acts his place was secure in
heaven. His regenerate figure was seen to circle the great structure three
times, and then to disappear into space in sight of the assembled multitudes ;
and even today his memory is revered among the Sinhalese as that of one of the
greatest of the rulers of Ceylon.
It was one of
Gamani’s successors, Walagamba, who erected the Abhayagiri Dagoba, the
mightiest of its kind, which rising from its square platform of eight acres in
extent, originally exceeded 400 feet in height. In his reign also, throughout
the length and breadth of the country, every recess in the hard rock which
could be converted into a human abode was prepared for the occupation of those
devotees who desired to retire from the distractions of life and pass their
time in contemplation.
But it is a different
work which has secured for him fame more indestructible than the living rock
out of which his caves were fashioned. For nearly five centuries the Dharma,
the Doctrine of the Buddha, had been handed down by word of mouth alone amongst
the priesthood, just as even today the ritual of each ancient shrine is
preserved only in the memories of those whose inherited duty it is to carry it
out. It was, however, recognised that the time had come to record the Dharma in
a form which would obviate any risk of unauthorised alteration. About eighty
years, therefore, before the beginning of the Christian Era, five hundred of
the most learned priests in the country met at the King’s summons, among the
rugged crags of the Alu Vihare8; there, with infinite patience, they
inscribed on long strips of palm leaf in the Pali language the profound
Metaphysics of the Buddha, his discourses on Morality, and his code of
Discipline.8
A series of
undistinguished rulers now occupied the throne in rapid succession. It was
during this period that, as recorded by Pliny, four ambassadors from Ceylon
made their way to Rome on a complimentary mission to a State the intercourse
with which is still evidenced by large finds of Roman coins in the Island; but
no event of special importance marked the history of the country till the
accession to the throne of Gaja Bahu, who, early in the beginning of the second
century of the Christian era, invaded Tanjor with a great army. The expedition
was entirely successful. The King of Tanjor, intimidated by the overwhelming
power which accompanied Gaja Bahu, was glad to make peace, surrendering to him
not only the 12,000 Sinhalese prisoners and the Bowl Relic which had been
captured during a previous invasion of Ceylon, but 12,000 more of his own
subjects.
A hundred years later
Voharaka Tissa, who humanised the administration of justice by the abolition of
torture, was faced by the problem of a threatened religious schism. An attempt
was made to introduce a new doctrine known as the Waitulya, which embraced a
considerable amount of Brahminical teaching, as the genuine Dharma of the
Buddha; but the King ordered the destruction of the work and the degradation of
the priests of the Abhayagiri establishment who had adopted it.
The rigid adherence
of the eccentric saint-king Siri Sanga Bo to the letter of the Dharma, reduced
the country to a state of anarchy. The prohibition against taking life was
regarded by him as forbidding the infliction of capital punishment on condemned
criminals, who consequently were often secretly released from custody, while
the bodies of those who had died from natural causes were exposed to view at
the place of execution. Various miracles are stated to have been brought about
by the power of his virtues; and when at last a rebellion broke out headed by
his minister Gothabaya, rather than be the cause of bloodshed he abdicated the
throne and fled from Anuradhapura. At Attanagalla he miraculously separated
his head from his body and sent it to the rebellious minister in the hands of a
poor peasant who had shared his meal with him, so that he might obtain the
reward which had been promised for its production; and there are still shown
there the plants, self-sown, which yearly spring up in the pond into which the
saint threw a handful of the boiled rice which had formed the peasant’s meal.
A great temple was
erected by Gothabaya to mark the place of the King’s death, and his vigorous
repression of the Waitulyan heresy, which once again broke out at Abhayagiriya,
won for him the support of the powerful priesthood. His own son Maha Sena, howrever,
did not escape the taint, and under him the Lowa Maha Paya was razed to the
ground, till a threatened rebellion compelled him to alter his views and once
again to drive out the Waitulyans. The ponderous mass of the Jetawanarama,
together with numerous temples and sixteen tanks, including the great Minneriya
Wewa which once irrigated many thousand acres of fields, marked the closing
years of his reign.
The Danta
Dhatu
In A. D. 305, during
the reign of his son Kit Siri Me wan, the right Eye Tooth of the Buddha, which
for eight hundred years had been preserved at Dantapura, was brought to Ceylon
by the Princess Ranmali, daughter of the King of Kalinga,9 whose
country had been invaded by enemies, and delivered to the Sinhalese King. Even
today no relic on earth commands the veneration of a larger number of the human
race than this, the Danta Dhatiu Among the Sinhalese it obtained the
position which the Palladium held in Imperial Rome, for the sovereignty of the
country could not be denied to the possessor of the relic. Wherever the
violence of the invader forced the King to establish his Court, the Maltgawa,
which housed the sacred object, rose within the Royal precincts—smaller, but
incomparably more beautiful in its workmanship, than the Wasala of the King.
The wealth of the country was freely poured out to render it honour; its
attendants formed an establishment which was kingly in its size and arrangement;
entire villages were dedicated to it for the supply of the offerings of rice
and flowers and oil; ivory and gold and gems concealed the massive frames of
the narrow doors which guarded the approach to the shrine, where one King at
least offered up all the ornaments of royalty which he wore upon his person.
^ The village of
Kirawella was set apart for the maintenance of the Princess Ranmali and her
Consort, and the royal rank of their descendants was recognised even by the
Portuguese.
Jeta Tissa the
artist, Bujas Raja the surgeon, and Upatissa who fed the squirrels in his park
and built homes for incurables and maternity hospitals till the faithlessness
of his wife led to his assassination, bring us to the times of Mahanama, when
the eloquent Buddhist Brahmin Buddha Gosha, The Voice of Buddha, so famous as
the missionary of Burmah, translated the Commentary of the Pitakas into Pali,
and Fa Hian the Chinese traveller visited Ceylon, of which he has left us a
valuable account.
An invasion from
South India once more compelled the Royal Family to take shelter in the
Ruhuna, till Dhatu Sena (458-476 A. D.) was able to re-establish himself at
Anuradhapura. The Kala Wewa with its great dam six miles in length, which still
feeds Anuradhapura by its fifty-four mile Canal, is the chief surviving
monument of this able King, under whose directions the great historical
chronicle of the Mahawjnsa was begun by his own uncle. The cruelty and avarice
of Kasyapa, his son by one of the junior
wives, led to the
deposition of the King and his terrible death by being walled up alive.
Moggalana the rightful heir fled to India, and the frightened parricide built
for himself the amazing rock fortress of Sigiriya, whence he attempted to win
the favour of his subjects. But the day of retribution was fast approaching.
Moggalana landed with an army of mercenaries, and Kasyapa unwisely leaving his
stronghold gave him battle in the open field. Kasyapa’s army was defeated and
fled in confusion, and the wretched man, rather than fall into the hands of the
avenger, killed himself on the field of battle.
A thousand of the
parricide’s partisans were put to death, and numerous others were punished by
having their ears and noses cut off and being banished from the country.
Moggalana richly rewarded those who had shown kindness to his father when he
had fallen from power. For the first time also in the history of the country a
naval force was organised for the purpose of coast defence; and the King’s
happiness was completed' by the arrival from India of a fresh relic, a Hair of
the Buddha.
His son Kumaradas
immolated himself on the funeral pyre of his friend the poet Kalidas who had
been foully murdered by a courtesan, and for many years no king of outstanding
ability occupied the throne. A dreary tale of murder, civil war and foreign
invasion fills up the greater portion of this chapter in the history of the
Island, interspersed however with strange flashes of romantic chivalry. Princes
settle their claims to the throne by single combat in the presence of their
armies, and the victor entreats the defeated rival not to kill himself in his
despair, a prayer unheeded in the depth of shame. Poetasters who had attained
to the regal power would send men round their dominions upon elephants, singing
the songs composed by their royal masters. In other cases the work of
government would be neglected while the King coaxed his children into attending
to their studies. Learning, however, maintained a hold on the country, several
poets of merit flourished at this time, and in various places important
colleges were established.
Polonnaruwa
In the eighth century
Dapula II transferred the seat of Government to Polonnaruwa, fifty-five miles
to the South East of Anuradhapura. This King it was who was the first to realise
the importance of preserving authentic records of all legal proceedings, which
he ordered to be deposited in the palace itself. A gentle and kind-hearted man,
he established hospitals in various parts of the country and took a delight in
entertaining children. Even the beasts of the field and the birds of the air
were not forgotten by him, and the tact and delicacy of his sympathy is proved
by what the ancient chronicler of his acts has recorded, that he used to send
food to destitute ladies under cover of the night.
In spite of the
political weakness of the country the Buddhist virtues were enthusiastically
cultivated during the recurring intervals of peace. Kings divided among the
poor their weight of treasure, and set an example to their people in dutiful
affection to their mothers. More than one of them expounded the most
complicated dogmas of the Dharma before congregations of priests, while others
were authors of works of considerable learning. The establishment of free
hospitals, the endowment of colleges, and the construction of tanks and places
of worship, were tasks in which kings vied with each other, and their ministers
and generals followed their example; while Mahindo IV (964-980 A. D.) exempted
all temple lands from the payment of the royal dues for ever.
But the dissensions
within the country once again attracted the attention of the Indian marauders.
Anuradhapura was occupied and sacked by the Pand- yans in the middle of the
ninth country, and a heavy indemnity alone secured their withdrawal to
their own country.
The Sinhalese, however, had not to wait long for their revenge; within a
generation the sack of Madura more than compensated for the plunder of
Anuradhapura. In the middle of the next century an invasion was attempted by
the Choliyans, but they were brought to bay and were glad to return with what
booty they could. A Sinhalese army followed them beyond the sea into their own
country, and compelled them to make good the plunder which they had seized. The
tide of invasion thus temporarily checked returned with overwhelming force; the
North of the Island was wrested foot by foot by Dravidian tribes from the
Sinhalese. Kings; and by the beginning of the eleventh century the power of the
latter was confined to the Ruhuna district.
Once more the
Choliyans swooped on the Island. By treachery they succeeded in capturing the
King with his jewels and treasure. The temples and dagobas were plundered, “and
like unto the demons who suck up the blood, they took to themselves all the
substance”10 that was in Ceylon. The exasperated Sinhalese led by
two of their noblemen erected a stronghold from which they maintained so
stubborn a resistance that the Choliyans had once more to withdraw to the North
of the Island. Nevertheless the power had departed from the hands of the
Sinhalese Princes, and for many years the country was little more than the
hunting ground of the Indian warriors.
But the spirit of
resistance was strong within the people, and a leader came forward in the
person of Wijaya Bahu. In spite of internal dissensions which intensified the
difficulty of his task, he patiently developed his plans till he found himself
strong enough to place two armies on the field. Fortress after fortress fell
before his generals, and at last he himself took the field, and appeared before
Polonnaruwa. The Choliyans, who fought with more than their usual courage, were
defeated, and had to
shelter themselves
behind the walls of the capital. For six weeks more the struggle was kept up
with the utmost desperation ; then at last the Sinhalese succeeded in scaling
the ramparts and carrying the place by storm. Every one of the hated Choliyans
was put to the sword.
Once more the
Sinhalese flag floated over the whole of Ceylon, and Wijaya Bahu set himself
vigorously to create order out of the chaos that the Indians had left behind.
Courts of Justice were organised, priests were obtained frcin Pegu11
to restore the sacerdotal succession, the capital was strengthened and
beautified, numerous tanks were constructed, and amidst all these labours the
King found time to devote himself to literature. The latter part of his long
reign of fifty-five years was tranquil and prosperous, and when he died in A.
D. 1109 the terror of the Choliyan domination was a thing almost forgotten in
the Island.
His death was once
again the signal for internal discord, but a mighty figure had appeared on the
stage. Great things had been prophesied at the birth of Parakrama Bahu, the son
of the Princess Ratanavali, and the thoughtful quiet prince was given an
education suitable to his future destiny. Not only was he carefully trained in
those warlike accomplishments of riding, archery and swordsmanship which the
necessities of the times rendered essential to every Prince, and in that
knowledge of juris, prudence which is expected from the chief judge of a
country, but also in the more refining arts of poetry, music and elegant
writing; and from his youth he took a share in the practical administra. tion
of the government. High thoughts welled within his breast. “If I who am born of
a princely race should not do a deed worthy of the heroism of Kings, my life
would be of none avail12." Taking only his arms with him he
travelled in disguise through the country, and organised a system of
spies by means of
which he made himself conversant with the disposition of the people and also
with the various strategic routes. His succession to the government of the
Ruhuna brought the fulfilment of his long-cherished schemes within the range of
possibility. Garrisons were formed on the frontier outposts, and on every side
all land suitable for rice cultivation was irrigated and utilised, so as to
render the country independent of foreign supplies in case of prolonged
hostilities. The local bodies of troops were systematically drilled in
manoeuvres, mercenaries were obtained from India in large numbers, the
artificers were organised for the preparation of the necessary weapons, and the
sons of the nobility trained in arms at his own palace.
Money, however, was
lacking, and a special Minister was delegated to supervise the collection of
the revenue. Gold and silver are not found in the Island, but the lack of these
has been compensated for by the abundance of her gems. The country lying
between the Kelani Ganga and Walawe Ganga on the South, and stretching inland
within the mountain zone, has from the remotest times been renowned for the
beauty and the lustre of the rubies, sapphires and the catseyes which are there
met with in such abundance. Great mounds of earth still mark the diggings of
Indian visitors who came in search of them probably before the arrival of the
Sinhalese, and the markets of that country were always ready to absorb all that
the Island could produce. Gems have from the earliest times been the property
of the King, and the work of digging for them was now energetically taken in
hand. Gem- mining is not an expensive undertaking, for the debris of the
crystalline rocks in which the precious stones are found is reached at a depth
of about twenty feet. This is washed in circular baskets of cane and the gems
picked out by hand. The Sinhalese knew that inorganic crystals grew and
multiplied and
reproduced their kind, or, as they put it, that gems ripened under the action
of the sun, and mining would not be carried on at the same spot more often than
once in twelve years. The exploitation of this source of revenue soon brought
the necessary treasure to the coffers of the King, and when everything was
ready he openly declared war.
Polonnaruwa was soon
taken by storm, but the riotous conduct of Parakrama’s soldiers so exasperated
the inhabitants, that they drove his generals away from the city. Parakrama
Bahu was not long in raising a second army, and Polonnaruwa once again fell
into his hands. A confused period of fierce struggle followed. Manabarana, who
led the opposing faction, after a terrible battle which lasted seven days, fled
from the field to die; and Parakrama Bahu was crowned King of the whole of
Ceylon, amidst scenes of amazing pomp and splendour.
The consolidation of
the Kingdom being successfully achieved, Parakrama Bahu next took in hand the
reform of the Buddhist religion, which by the oppression of the foreigner and
the negligence of its votaries was in a critical condition. By the exercise of
his tact and authority the dissensions among the various fraternities were
healed, and the priesthood itself purified. Polonnaruwa was strengthened by a
chain of ramparts; a magnificent palace with a large theatre and parks added to
the beauty of the city; a hospital which was regularly visited by the King,
gave proof of his sympathy for suffering mankind; while the precious Bowl and
Tooth relics were transferred to the capital.
The insulting
attitude assumed by the King of Pegu towards the Sinhalese ambassadors
accredited to his Court, and his seizure of a Sinhalese Princess on her way to
Cambodia, led to the despatch of a . 3
punitive expedition
which took his capital, put the King to death, and returned to Ceylon after
imposing a tribute on the conquered. Another army was despatched to assist the
Pandiyans against the Choliyan King Kulasekara. The campaign which followed was
triumphantly successful, and coins struck in the country with the
superscription of Parakrama Bahu were left behind in token of his suzerainty.
The thirty-three
years of his reign were indeed among the most flourishing in the history of the
Island. A Civil Service was carefully organised in its various departments; the
ancient edifices at Anuradhapura were restored; numerous parks were laid out
with fruit trees and flowers; over six thousand image houses and seventy-three
great dagobas were erected; and thousands of tanks were repaired in addition to
the one thousand four hundred and seventy-one reservoirs which were newly
constructed; while hospitals and libraries were established in various parts of
the country. So efficient was his administration that it was said “Even a woman
might traverse the length of the Island with a precious jewel, and not be asked
what it was.12 The great King died in the year 1197; Ceylon never
again produced his like,
Not a generation had
elapsed after the death of Parakrama Bahu, when once again Ceylon was overrun
by Indian hordes, starting this time from the Kingdom of Kalinga13.
Twenty thousand merciless warriors swept through the country, plundering,
ravishing, mutilating, and slaughtering. Even the yellow robe of the ascetic
could not avail to save the person of the priest. The holiest shrines were
violated and overthrown. Ruwanweli Seya, “which stood like the embodiment of
the glory of all the pious Kings of old,”12 was despoiled of its
priceless relics. In sheer wantonness they loosed the cords which held together
the rare palm-leaf books, and scattered the
Jaftnapatam
leaves to the winds.
The King himself was taken prisoner and blinded, and then the marauders established
themselves at Polonnaruwa, while another capital was erected by the Sinhalese
at Dambadeniya, The vigorous action, however, of Pandita Parakrama Bahu
(1235-1270 A. D.), a King distinguished as much for his success in the field as
for the splendour of his intellectual attainments, compelled them to abandon
Polonnaruwa and retreat towards the continent; but they were intercepted at
Kala Wewa and put to the sword.
Repeated invasions
from India followed the death of Pandita Parakrama Bahu, and the Tooth Relic
was captured by the Pandiyans; it was, however, restored on the personal
intercession of the King, who proceeded to India for the purpose. It was about
this time that the Sidat Sangarawa, the most important work on Sinhalese
Grammar, was written1*.
Meanwhile a Tamil
settlement had been formed in Jaffnapatam, the sandy peninsula in which the
Island terminates on the North, and its King Arya Chakrawarti was attempting to
spread his dominion over the Sinhalese territory. The feeble Bhuwaneka Bahu
maintained a nominal rule as King of the mountain region, while the country
below was administered by the powerful Minister Alakeswara Mantri. The new
fortress of Jayawardhana Kotte, six miles from the Colombo of today, which was
erected by him, served as a rallying point for the Sinhalese, and the defeat of
two Tamil armies was the auspicious prelude to the reign of Rukule Parakrama
Bahu, which began in 1415 A. D. Kotte now became the Capital and thither the
Tooth Relic was transferred. An invasion of the Canaresels was
successfully repelled, and a naval expedition punished the piratical Malabar
Prince of Vira Rama Pattanam for the seizure of a Sinhalese trading vessel.
The lofty plateau which
formed the eastern portion of the Maya Rata was at this period a subordinate
principality known by the descriptive name of Kanda Uda Rata,16 the
country above the Mountains. Its capital was the small town of Senkadagala,
known today among Europeans as Kandy, and it was ruled by a Prince named Jay a
Sinha. Being however suspected of treasonable designs, he was reduced to
subjection by the younger son of the King; while his elder son occupied Jaffna,
which became his principality till he succeeded his father at Kotte. His short
reign of seven years was marked by a great rebellion in the South, suppressed
by his brother, who subsequently ascended the throne as Wira Parakrama Bahu. He
in turn was succeeded by his son Dharma Parakrama Bahu, during whose reign the
Portuguese visited the Island for the first time.
1. Rama Chandra is worshipped
as an Incarnation of Vishnu. The ruling Rajput families of Jeypur and Udaipur
claim descent from him.
2. So says the Portuguese
Captain Joao Ribeiro, who was in the Island from 1640 to 1658.
3. Wijayo claimed to be the
grandson of a Lion, smha ; hia followers are the Sinhalese, the Lion Race. The
month of Wesak corresponds to May—June.
4. There can be little doubt
from the narrative contained in the ancient Sinhalese chronicle, the
Mahawatisa, that the Yakkhas had attained to a considerable pitch of
civilisation, and that the new settlers freely intermarried among them. No
traces of their civilisation, however, can be recognised today.
5. The Ficus Religiosa; four
Buddhas are said to have visited the world, and a different variety of the fig
tree is sacred to each of them.
6. From Datu, relic ; Garbham,
receptacle. These are probably more familiar under the Indian name of tope.
7. The Eastern Coast of India,
from Pt. Cali mere to Oris9a. Chola, Chera, and Pandya were the three ancient
divisions of the Dravida country of South India.
8. A Vihare is a temple of the
Buddhist religion.
9. Commonly known as the T>
i Pitakas, the Three Baskets of the Buddhist Canon,
10 Mahawansa.
11. This is Chryse, the Golden,
of the Periplus; the Swama Bhumi, the Land of Gold, of ancient Oriental
writers. At one time it took its place among the greatest Empires of the East,
and its close connectton with Ceylon is well set out in the famous Kalyani
inscription at Pegu, dated A. D. 1476.
12. Mahawansa.
13. Kalinga is the Northern
Circars of today, extending from the Kistna to the Mahanudi.
14. The date of the Sidat
Sangarawa is a matter of some doubt, but it is usually considered to have been
written early in the 14th century.
15. On the West Coast of India,
and to the North of Malabar.
16. The Portuguese formed the
name Candia from the Sinhalese Kanda, mountain, and applied it both to the
principality and also to the Capital, the full name of which in official
Sinhalese is Senkanda Saila Sriwardhana Pura. The name Kandy is unknown to the
Sinhalese.
The early history of
Portugal and of the great maritime enterprises upon which she engaged under the
impulse of the movement created by Prince Henry the Navigator, grandson of John
of Gaunt, has been frequently told. In 1498 when Dom Manuel was on the throne,
the first Portuguese vessels under Vasco da Gama reached Calicut; and seven
years later, on the 25th of March 1505, Dom Francisco de Almeida set out from
the Tagus with the pompous title of Viceroy of India.
De Almeida was more
than a pirate or conqueror, for he was also a statesman with a far-sighted and
wise policy- The , Eastern trade had filled the treasuries of Venice with
almost limitless wealth, and his desire was to direct this stream of gold into
his Royal Master’s coffers. In the Indian waters the carrying trade was in the
hands of the hated Mohammedan races. The Soldan at Cairo was the undisputed
master of the Red Sea, while the Turk, from Bussorah, controlled the Persian
Gulf; and it was over these two sheets of water that the Eastern merchandise
found its way to the vessels which awaited it on the coasts of the
Mediterranean. De Almeida’s aim was to divert this traffic to Portugal by way
of the newly discovered Cape route, but its fulfilment could only be brought
about by first securing the undisputed control of the sea. It was not likely
that the Mohammedans would surrender the supremacy which they had held so long
without a fierce resistance, and both the Egyptian and the Turk had navies and
artillery powerful enough to challenge the best that Europe was likely
Lourenco de Almeida
23
to send. De
Almeida therefore devoted his energies to strengthening his navy and deprecated
the erection of fortresses except where they were absolutely necessary for the
protection of the trade factories. He advocated the maintenance of friendly
relations with the Indian Rajas, and the making of alliances with them, under which
they would look after the factories and supply the merchandise which was
required, while the Portuguese in return would guarantee the protection of
their coasts against all attack by sea.
Early in November
1505 the Viceroy’s son Dom Lourenco was sent by his father with a fleet of nine
vessels to attack the Moorish1 spice ships which were reported to be
making for the Red Sea by way of the Maldives, when adverse winds drove him to
the coast of Ceylon in the neighbourhood of Galle. Two generations before Sri
Rahula of Totagamuwa, the great hierarch2 whose versatile genius has
not been surpassed by that of any Sinhalese since his time, had sung the
praises of Galle “where the shops were resplendent with gold and gems and
pearls, as if the depths of every ocean had been searched to procure them.” Its
great bay afforded a welcome shelter to the Portuguese while they replenished
their stock of water and fuel before setting sail for Kolon Tota, always spoken
of by their writers as Colombo. The unbroken stretch of coconut palms which
covered the shore with a garment of exquisite verdure, the soft scented breeze
of the cool morning, the green hills crowned with their snowy white dagobas
flashing like silver in the blazing sun, above all the fresh luxuriance of the
vegetation, made a picture well calculated to fill with delight the hearts of
men who had recently faced the bufferings of the stormy ocean. At length on the
15th of November the fleet anchored off Colombo.
Mud-walled houses
with thatched roofs slanting low towards the sea as a protection against the
fierce attack of the South-west Monsoon, formed the main street of the town.
High above them arose the white walls of two mosques, standing out clear from
the background of green. The light canoes of the hardy fishermen were drawn up
on the stretch of sand, and near them a shouting crowd of men and boys dragged
in the great net over which the seagulls hovered in their circling flight. West
of the town lay the stretch of marshy ground which connected the lagoon with
the sea, and beyond, sweeping to the North, rose a bleak headland which formed
the extremity of the natural rampart known as the Galbokka. The harbour was
crowded with shipping; some of the vessels were taking aboard the elephants3
and cinnamon for which the island has been always famous throughout the East;
others were being laden with copra and fresh coconuts; here logs of satinwood
and ebony were being hauled to the shore for transport to the great mart of
Ormuz in the Persian Gulf; while elsewhere vessels from the further Eastern
waters were landing their goods for transhipment to the Red Sea. The trade of
the port was in the hands of a colony of Moors, of Indian origin. Their
ancestors had settled in the country some five hundred years before, and had
been received with the liberality which ever characterised the conduct of the
Sinhalese towards strangers who did not prove themselves unworthy of it.
The arrival of this
flotilla of white strangers was immediately reported to the Court, whither the
reputation of the Portuguese had preceded them; a Council of State was
summoned, and it was decided to receive them amicably. A message was sent
demanding of the strangers what they desired at the King’s port. Dom Lourenco
sent back a reply that he was a merchant, a servant of the King of Portugal,
who had been driven out of his course to
Ceylon, and that he
would be glad to open a friendly trade. The King directed that the Portuguese
should send a representative to discuss matters with him, and an officer named
Fernao Cotrim set out with a Sinhalese escort. For three days he travelled
crossing hills, and fording numerous streams ; for the Sinhalese had no desire
to let the foreigners learn that their Capital was but two hours’ journey from
the sea. “As the Parangi4 went to Kotte” is the Sinhalese proverb
which still preserves the memory of this ruse.
Cotrim was accorded
an interview with the King’s Ministers, to whom he explained the errand on
which the Portuguese were come. He asserted that their only desire was for
peaceful trade. If the King wished for this, he should send an yearly present
as a token of friendship to the King of Portugal, who would send him presents
in return. Moreover, the Portuguese would undertake to protect his coasts
against all enemies.
The offer found
acceptance with the King and his Council, and they consented to the terms proposed.
Cotrim returned to the fleet and reported the success of his mission. De
Almeida was highly gratified; in celebration of it he ordered a salvo of
artillery to be fired, to the great terror of the peaceful inhabitants of the
port, who regarded it as a hostile demonstration-
Another officer, Payo
de Sousa, was now sent with full powers to conclude a treaty with the King. He
was conveyed to the Capital, Jayawardhana Kotte, on elephant back with the same
precautions as were observed in the case of his predecessor. This royal city
was built on a triangular tract of elevated land, the apex of which lay to the
North. On its two sides it was flanked by the waters of the Diyawanna Oya and
its tributary streams, which approached each other so closely at the base that
4
the narrow neck
joining the fort to the Pita Kotte or town was a bare fifty paces across.
Strong walls of dressed cabook or laterite taken from the quarries in the
neighbourhood added to the security afforded by the water, which teemed with
crocodiles. At the base was the Periya Kotte or Main Guard, where additional
stone-works and a broad moat guarded the entrance to the citadel from the land
side. Within lay the Palace, side by side, as was always the case, with the
three-storied Dalada Mali- gawa, the Temple of the precious Tooth Relic. A few
of the great dignitaries connected with the Court also had their residences
within the walls. Half a mile to the South of the Periya Kotte a considerable
moat crossed by a bridge protected the town.
Sri Rahula in his
Selalihini Sandesaya has left us a charming description of the Capital as he
saw it. To him it was a city of the gods, with stately mansions and tinkling
Jbells, filled with the odours of sandal wood and champac-flowers, where every
woman was lovely, and every heart was joyous; but it does not appear rash to
assert that at the beginning of the sixteenth century there was not in the
Island one town which surpassed in its extent and population a large English
village of today. Towns are the creation of trade or of manufacture on a large
scale, but the Sinhalese were never a commercial race, and their manufactures
did not rise above the level of handicrafts. Seaports like Colombo, Beruwala,
and Weligama, owed their importance to the presence of the foreign trading
element, chiefly Mohammedan; the Sinhalese himself lived at a distance on the
land which he cultivated. In this fortunate climate the social scheme was one
which was eminently calculated to produce contentment in the majority; everyone
had a sufficiency of land for the maintenance of himself and his family, and
nhere was always an abundance of forest available
The
Sinhalese
27
for the occupation of
the more enterprising. Of money there was but very little, and the luxuries
which money could procure were few.
The house of a
Sinhalese was little more than a temporary protection against the inclemency of
the weather. The houses of the greatest contained no chair or table; the
furniture at best would consist of a few stools. Till he entered the actual
precincts of the palace, the town as it revealed itself to the eyes of de
Sousa must have seemed very dingy. One or two of the houses of the great
noblemen which he passed would have two storeys, with narrow balconies and
painted walls. The strict sumptuary laws which prevailed there no less than in
South India limited the rest of the small populace to thatched roofs and
unplastered walls. All magnificence was centred round the King, and the
religion of which he was the patron, and often the servant. The magnificence,
however, was that of artistic beauty and not of size. Dwelling houses were
always small, and individual rooms cramped and suffocating. The practice of
eating and drinking in crowds as a means of social enjoyment was unknown, hence
there was no need for stately halls where such crowds could meet, for temporary
structures could always be erected with little trouble to house the gathering
which assembled at a marriage.
The courteous but
frankly inquisitive crowd which gathered to watch de Sousa’s progress through
the town would contain as many women as men, for the Mohammedan habit of
seclusion was unknown in the country, except in the case of noble women who
considered it a disgrace to be seen by any man but their husbands. Both sexes
wore their hair long and tied in a knot behind, and the ear-lobes of both were
bored and weighed down with heavy pieces of jewellery. A cloth wrapped round
the waist, whether the coarse product of their own country or the fine muslin
of the Indian looms, formed the main portion
of the costume of the
males. The women wore little more, though all of them were covered with
jewellery which varied in quality according to the caste. The little children
were, as now, innocent of clothing, save perhaps a silver chain. Most of the
girls would have flowers entwined in their black hair, and their faces would be
daubed with a paste made of the sweet-smelling sandalwood finely ground; all of
them would be chewing the one stimulant of the Sinhalese, the betel leaf and
slice of arecanut.
The golden gem-set
spire which surmounted the Palace attracted the eye as the ambassador was led
through the narrow gates of the Sumangala Pra- sada, the massive door-frames of
which were of elaborately carved stone. From the palace eaves hung a row of
flags of all colours, the tiny bells which were attached to them tinkling with
every breeze. According to Sinhalese custom the audience took place by candle-light.
De Sousa was ushered into a large hall hung with the fabrics of Persia, its
sombre gloom relieved by lamps and torches on silver stands. The place of
audience was filled with the crouching figures of numerous courtiers, and on
either side were rows of warriors, their naked swords by their sides and
shields on their arms.
At one end of the
hall rose a massive canopy of stone shaped like the head of the fabulous
Makara,s and surmounted by the figures of the deities who preside
over the four quarters of the universe. Above it was raised the white chatra of
dominion, which overshadowed the “Lion Throne” of the Race of the Lion. On this
massive seat of ivory, which rose on six stages and was covered with cloth of
gold, was seated Dharma Parakrama Bahu, Overlord of Ceylon. A white tunic
covered the upper portion of his body, while his head dress, which was studded
with gems and large pearls, fell in two points over his shoulders. Round his
waist was wrapped a cloth
Cinnamon
29
picked] out with
silver and reaching to his feet, which were protected by sandals studded with
rubies. A profusion of rubies, diamonds and emeralds covered his fingers and
weighed down his ears till they reached nearly to his shoulders.
Advancing between the
rows of armed men, de Sousa halted at a respectful distance and made a profound
obeisance. After a grandiloquent harangue on the greatness of the King of
Portugal and of his people, he explained the object of his mission. In reply
the King after consulting with his Ministers promised to allow the Portuguese
four hundred bahars6 of cinnamon a year, on condition of their
protecting his coasts from all external attack. A Saunas to this effect written
in Sinhalese on a sheet of gold was presented to the ambassador, who was then
given permission to return to his vessel.
“It was on account of
the cinnamon that the Romans and other nations came to Ceilao; I fear, Senhor,
that those who have obtained the taste for it will come behind us on its
scent.” So wrote the veteran Portuguese warrior Miguel Ferreyra to the Viceroy
at Goa as he left Ceylon in 1540. Nature laid a heavy curse on the Island when
she decreed that this delicious spice was not to grow in any other country of
the world. The shrub—for it can hardly be dignified by the name of tree—the
inner bark of which supplies the coveted article, was not the object of
cultivation, but grew wild in abundance in the forests. The trade in cinnamon
was always a Royal monopoly, and the preparation and collection of the bark was
a service which had to be rendered by the caste of Chalias, who were confined,
under circumstances of great hardship, to some of the royal villages along the
southern and western coasts. A definite amount had to be provided by the caste
every year, and an elaborate system had been devised for the control of the men
and the supervision of their work. The bark . was dried in the form of long
quills and tied in
bundles of a fixed weight, which were then wrapped in mats and conveyed to the
King’s Bangasalai or Store at Colombo. This store was in charge of a high
official under whose directions the article was sold by weight to the foreign
merchants. It was from this trade that the King obtained the largest portion of
his revenue. The cinnamon, stored in the holds of vessels along with loose
pepper to preserve it from deterioration, was conveyed to Ormuz or the Red Sea
on its way to Europe.
Next in importance
from the point of view of the Royal Revenues was the trade in elephants. These
animals had always been, as they are to-day, the property of the Crown, and
roamed about in great herds over the less thickly populated districts of the
Island. The Ceylon elephant surpassed all others in sagacity, and the
Portuguese, speaking from what they witnessed in after years at the dockyard at
Goa, used to declare that its superiority was acknowledged by the animals
brought from other parts of the world, which would make obeisance to it. The
Sinhalese themselves distinguished ten classes among their elephants, just as
they recognise a royal caste among cattle and a low caste among the cobras.
The usual method of
capturing elephants was by driving the herd within a great stockade: but
individuals would sometimes be taken by means of trained decoys. The chief hunt
was maintained where Ptolemy had indicated the existence of their feeding
grounds, namely, towards the eastern extremity of the Ruhuna. Other hunts were
held not far from the capital itself, while large numbers were obtained from
the dry regions in the North and centre of the island; but these were
considered inferior to the others both in intelligence and stamina. Several
villages were attached to the hunt, and the services which their inhabitants
had to render were
Elephants
31
entirely connected
with the capture, taming, and maintenance of the beasts. Certain villages also
in the North Central districts, where herds of deer abounded, furnished the
stout ropes made of deer hides which were used for securing the newly captured
animals. The traffic in elephants was carried on almost exclusively with India.
In the seventeenth century at the Court of the Great Mogul, a tusker from
Ceylon was a means of conveyance reserved for the Royal Princes. Whether it was
for purposes of dignified ceremonial, as a means of transport, or for purposes
of war, the elephant stood unmatched at this period of the history of the East,
and the Gajanayaka Nilame—the Chief of the Elephants— who was at the head of
the establishment, ranked among the highest Household Officers of the Sinhalese
Court.
A short time after de
Sousa’s return the promised cinnamon arrived with two little elephants, and a
great quantity of fruit and other provisions for the use of the fleet. It had
been customary for the fleets which were sent from Portugal on voyages of
discovery to take with them stone pillars called padroes to be set up in the
newly discovered countries. These padroes were surmounted with a cross, below
which the Royal Arms were sculptured. Dom Lourenco now asked for and received
permission from the Sinhalese King to engrave such a cross and the Portuguese
arms on a boulder overlooking the Bay; and this memorial of the first arrival
of the Portuguese may still be seen, though bearing the inexplicable date 1501.
In addition to this a small hut was erected on the hill behind the boulder, and
dedicated as a chapel to Sao Lourenco, de Almeida’s patron Saint, after whom
also the promontory was named. This done the fleet sailed away, leaving a few
Portuguese behind in charge of a temporary Factory where they could collect the
produce of the Island for export to Europe.
So pleased was Dom
Manuel with this new discovery, that he ordered a commemorative painting to be
prepared, while at the Papal Court a solemn procession was conducted in honour
of the event on St. Thomas’s Day, 21st December 1507. It should be remembered
that at this time the Portuguese did not possess a foot of territory in Asia,
and that the Viceroy himself had to rely on the hospitality of the Raja of
Cochin. Dom Manuel therefore suggested that Ceylon was, by virtue of its
central position and excellent climate, the most suitable residence for his
representative in Asia. The time, however, was unfavourable for the development
of this scheme, as the Viceroy’s energies were concentrated on repelling an
Egyptian fleet which had defeated and killed his son Dom Lourenco. The Factory
at Colombo was neglected, while the attempt of the Portuguese to monopolise the
trade of the port only served to rouse the resentment of both the Sinhalese and
the Moors. In a few years the men who had been left' in charge were recalled,
while the demand for cinnamon was met by trade or piracy.
But Dharma Parakrama
Bahu’s reign was not a peaceful one. There were dissensions among his own
subjects, and the corsairs from the mainland from time to time harried his
coasts, till they were attacked and defeated by the Prince Sakala Kala
Wallabha. A rebellion in the Uda Rata, where a certain Wikrama Bahu was in
power, occurred not long after, but after two short campaigns the district was
reduced to submission by the Prince.
In the meantime
Affonco de Alboquerque had succeded de Almeida, and his occupation of the three
great ports of Goa, Malacca, and Ormuz marked the commencement of a new policy
of territorial aggrandisement. The appetite of Portugal was whetted by a fuller
realisation of the immensity of the wealth which could be obtained from the
Eastern
trade, and she was
determined to secure this for herself. It was not, however, possible for her to
hope for success by peaceful rivalry, for the Eastern Princes fully appreciated
the fair dealing of their long-standing customers. The Mohammedan trade had
therefore to be destroyed by force, and powerful forts established in order to
sweep the Moors from the Eastern seas.
The inhuman
barbarities which accompanied the execution of this policy, the utter
callousness to human pain and suffering—a callousness which knew no distinction
between man, woman and child—were discussed with horror from the Cape to
Nagasaki. Alboquerque himself was fortunately too busy in India to turn his
attention to Ceylon, but in 1518 his successor, the Governor Lopo Soarez de
Alber- garia, arrived at Colombo with a large fleet, and applied for permission
to erect a fort; he urged on the King the advantages he would derive from the
trade which was sure to follow, and the importance of driving the Moors out of
the country, expressing at the same time his firm determination never to cease
in his hostility towards them.
The Moors watched the
new development with anxiety, and a deputation of their leading merchants
waited on the King, and begged him earnestly not to be led astray by the
flattery of the Governor; for their experience in India had warned them not to
trust the Portuguese, [whose sole object was to aggrandise themselves at the
expense of the countries which they visited. The Sinhalese, they asserted,
would find too late that the sovereign power had been wrested from them. They
emphasized their own good services to the country of their adoption; they had
never interfered with its political affairs, while their trade had brought
wealth and prosperity in its train; they had not attempted to obtrude their
religion on anyone, but they warned the King that the
5
arrival of the
Portuguese would be speedily followed by the downfall of the national religion.
Their vehement expostulations stirred up the populace to a condition of
frenzied excitement. A few cannon which the Moors had presented to the King
were dragged to the shore, and an ill-directed fire was opened on the ships,
whose reply however soon drove away the angry rabble. The next morning the
Portuguese landed and erected a stockade guarded by a moat across the narrow
isthmus. Protected by these they began the erection of a small fort.
The King, however,
was averse to hostilities; and a conciliatory message from him led to the
resumption of negotiations, which terminated in his issuing his Sannas
promising the Portuguese 400 bahars of cinnamon and twenty rings set with
rubies and ten elephants every year, on the same condition as formerly, namely,
their undertaking the defence of his coasts. The fort, named Nossa Senhora das
Virtudes, was soon completed, whereupon the fleet sailed away leaving a
garrison behind under the command of Dom Joao de Silveira.
On the north-west
coast of Ceylon, there are in the bed of the ocean a cluster of elevated
patches on which the eyes of all Asia have from the earliest times been fixed
with admiring envy. For these patches are the banks where, long before the days
of Wijayo, the loveliest pearls in the world used to be found. The peculiar
lustre of the pearls of Ceylon is popularly ascribed, as is that of her gems,
to the effect of her sun; however that may be, the fact remains that the pearls
which are obtained in such quantities from the same species of mollusc in the
Persian Gulf, can invariably be detected by their inferior lustre.
The Pearl Banks have
always been royal property; but the divers employed in the collection of the
oysters were usually obtained from South India, and were not Sinhalese. The
revenue yielded by the
Fishery was
precarious in its nature, for the millions of oysters, whose growth was
carefully watched till they attained maturity, might any day disappear into the
depths of the surrounding ocean, The hundreds of boats which were engaged in
the fishing were furnished not by the King but by private persons, and each
day’s catch was divided according to certain recognised rules between the King,
the boat owners and the divers.
Before the fishery
commenced incantations were performed in order to render the terrible sharks
and other monsters of the deep harmless to the divers, and then the men plunged
into the water. They employed a heavy stone to assist them in their descent
from the ship’s side. On reaching the bottom they threw themselves on their
faces and collected what oysters they could into a net bag secured at their
waists. When their ear-drums began to ring they gave a signal by a cord which
was attached to their bodies, and were hauled up by their companions in the
boat. The Fishery began in the middle of March and ceased with the setting in
of the south-west Monsoon towards the end of April, a great Fair, which
attracted merchants from all parts of Asia, being maintained on the barren
shore so long as the Fishery lasted. The oysters of each group of owners were
piled up within an enclosure of thorns on the beach, and there they remained
till their fleshy contents had rotted away, when the shells were carefully
examined for the pearls. These, when collected, were sorted by being sifted
through a series of nine brass sieves. The finest would be immediately secured
for the Indian Courts, and the inferior kinds as well as the seed pearls
transported to Europe to be used in the aljofar work of the Moors, which bedecked
the Court dresses of the Iberian beauties.
By order of the
Governor a report was prepared of the possibilities of this Fishery and of the
trade prospects of
the country in general, for transmission to Lisbon. A careful examination of
the coast was also begun. At the same time the indefatigable priests began the
work of conversion among the Sinhalese; for under the Papal Bull of Alexander
VI. issued in 1494, one of the conditions of the sovereignty of new discoveries
being vested in Portugal was the propagation of the Catholic Religion.
King Dharma Parakrama
Bahu died not long after, and the vacant throne was offered to Sakala Kala
Wallabha; but with rare self-denial he rejected the proffered honour in favour
of his half-brother Wijaya Bahu, who was accordingly proclaimed King. Early in
1520 Lopo de Brito reached Colombo with 400 men in succession to de Silveira.
His arrival was not a day too soon, for the clay walls had already begun to
crumble under the torrential rains of Ceylon. Pearl shells were fetched to
provide the necessary lime, and the rebuilding of the walls and barracks taken
in hand. But so unpopular had the Portuguese become, that the inhabitants first
refused to furnish them with provisions, and finally began to cut off all
soldiers found outside the walls. The garrison retaliated by making an attack
on the town, and succeeded in setting fire to a portion of it, but was driven
back with a loss of thirty men. The tension increased, for Wijaya Bahu’s
sympathies were with his subjects, and the alternate flattery and threats which
de Brito employed towards him only served to delay for a short time the
appearance of a Sinhalese army before the fort.
The two armies which
were now face to face were in strange contrast to one another. Behind the
protecting walls stood a highly efficient body of professional soldiers, who
would have lost little by comparison with the finest troops in Europe. Their
numbers were scanty, but they were all more or less
veterans, wearing
defensive armour, and a fair proportion of them supplied with firearms. To
them the enemy must have seemed merely a tumultuous rabble, without discipline
and only formidable by reason of the war-elephants which could be seen in their
ranks.
Under the system of
land tenure which prevailed in the Island from the earliest times, all
occupied land was divided into Pangu or allotments, which varied in size and
importance. To each allotment was assigned a portion of high land which could
be planted with trees, a mud land capable of being sown with rice, and an
extent of waste land which would be cleared in patches, according to the
exigencies of the seasons, for less permanent cultivation. On the high land
would be the cottage where the family of the tenant lived, and round it would
be planted the coconut, jak and other trees which were so important an item in
the domestic economy of the villager. Each allotment was liable to contribute
towards the maintenance of the common wealth whether by personal service,
called Rajakariya, on the part of the tenant, or by payment in money or in
kind. Some pangu would have to supply soldiers with their weapons, consisting
in the main of bows and arrows, pikes and other similar instruments of warfare.
The professional soldier was unknown, unless it were among the members of the
Attapattu, who formed the Royal Guard; or the trained Indian mercenaries who
were maintained at Court.
When the summons to
arms arrived, the cultivator would exchange his plough for the bow, provide
himself with a scanty stock of rice and a few dried palm leaves which were to
serve him as a tent, and join the rest of his fellows at the appointed rendezvous.
Over each group of twenty or thirty men there would be an Arachchi armed with
his lionheaded sword of native steel, short and small handled,
as befitted a
slightly built race. To act as Arachchi would be the service which his Panguwa
carried with it. The superior officers were known as Mudaliyars.
Each caste among the
soldiery would be grouped separately, and no one of a low caste could take
command over a man of a higher caste. Other pangu would supply the
wood-cutters, who formed an important element in an army whose fighting was
mainly guerilla. They would bring their own axes. Others would attend to haul
the trees they felled, and to convey the baggage and ammunition. The tom-tom
beaters held always a prominent place, for their noisy drums not only
inspirited the men on the march and in the attack, but also conveyed messages
over great distances. The smiths sent their contingent to furnish and repair
the necessary weapons; others again brought the charcoal which was required at
their forges; while a few pangu would supply a man with a horn or the raucous
conch-shell. In the nature of things those whose duties were connected with the
care and manoeuvring of elephants had a better and more systematic training,
but as a rule it was left to each man to render himself efficient in the line
of service to which his allotment was liable.
This army was meant
for purposes of defence. Each individual who went to make it up was liable to
serve only for a certain number of days, and there were limitations to the
distance which he was expected to travel from his home7. Carefully
prepared registers existed of the various holdings, and the number of men who
could be called up at any time was known. When a man died, a member of his
family would step into his place and continue in the enjoyment of the panguwa
on the same terms. The fact that there were several ablebodied members in a
family made no difference, for it was the panguwa and not the individual which
was liable, and so
long as the service was rendered the tenancy could not be altered.
Anything in the
nature of a uniform was unknown. In the tropics dress, except in its most
meagre form, is not a necessity. Each man dressed himself as he liked, which
made little practical difference, for the Sinhalese fought bare-bodied, with
merely a strip of cloth tied round his waist and tucked up behind. Each
district had its distinctive flag, round which the men of the district were
grouped.
Probably there was
not one amongst those who were gathered before the little fort who had
previously attacked a walled position. Unused as they were to this kind of
warfare, the Sinhalese progressed but slowly; nevertheless step by step they
drew nearer. Earthworks were thrown up, and on these were mounted several
hundered machines, some of them throwing wooden darts ten palms in length. From
others fire-bombs were hurled on the thatched roofs within the fort, while two bastions
constructed of the trunks of the coconut palms which grew in abundance in the
neighbourhood, rendered the task of supplying the fort with water, which had to
be fetched from outside the walls, one of great peril. An urgent demand for
help was sent to the Governor at Cochin, but he was powerless to assist; he
advised de Brito to pacify the enemy if he could do so without discredit to his
sovereign, and to wait till sufficient forces should be available for an
attempt to obtain vengeance. For the rest he promised that as soon as the
weather changed, the first ship which left the harbour should sail to his
assistance.
For six months more
the little garrison held out, though famine was hovering over it and everything
was doled out with the most rigid care. At last on the 4th of October a galley
reached Colombo, to the
great delight of the
besieged, and a joint attack by sea and land drove the Sinhalese back into the
town. They soon returned supported by twenty five of the war elephants, and
made a determined attempt to carry the place by storm ; but the firearms of the
Portuguese rendered the task a hopeless one, and at last Wijaya Bahu withdrew
from the field, whereupon the Portuguese entered the town and set it on fire.
Both sides however were anxious for the cessation of hostilities. Peace was
accordingly concluded, and friendly relations re-established.
1. This term was applied indifferently by
the Portuguese to all who professed the Mohammedan Faith.
2. He held-'the office of Sanga Raja, or King
of the Priesthood, with the honorific name of Wijaya Bahu. His poem, the
Paravi'Sandesaya, from which this quotation is taken, was written about 1450 A.
D.
3. In 1500 the Portuguese had found a ship of
Cochin conveying seven elephants from Ceylon. This vessel wai of 600 tons. The
Sao Gabriel, in which Vasco da Gama reached India, did not exceed 120 tons.
4. Parangi is the Sinhalese
form of Feringhee,
5. A fabulous sea-monster with the tail of a
fish. The chatra is the parasol of dominion
6. The Bahar was approximately 176.25 kilo.
7. Cf. the Anglo-Saxon fyrd, or county
militia.
In the meantime a
family quarrel had broken out with regard to the succession to the throne.
Marriage among the Sinhalese is purely a social contract, without any of that
glamour of religion with which Christianity has after many centuries succeeded
in surrounding it in some countries of Europe. The position of the Sinhalese
wife in the early part of the sixteenth century was in some ways curiously in advance
of the age. Marriage did not reduce her to the condition of her husband’s
chattel; she retained her right of private property, and enjoyed large
privileges in regard to divorce. The circle of choice, however, was limited not
only to the caste, but even to the special class of the caste to which either
party to the marriage belonged. It was a near relative and not the priest who
performed the actual marriage ceremony by tying together the little ‘fingers of
the man and woman with cotton and pouring over them the sacred water; and it
was the father who followed this up by an admonition on the duties and
responsibilities of matrimony.
The fact of marriage
could operate in one of two ways. In the first case the husband was absorbed
into the family of his wife. The position of such a husband has always been the
object of a certain degree of ridicule among the Sinhalese; as their proverb
puts it, he takes with him only his mat to sleep on and a torch to guide him on
his way back when he is turned out by his wife. In the second case the wife
separated herself from her family and divested herself of all right of
inheritance
of the ancestral
property, being absorbed into the family of her husband.
Polygamy was not
practised, though, where an important family was in danger of extinction, a
husband was permitted to take a second wife with the consent of the first. A
husband who detected his wife in the act of adultery was entitled to put her to
death; but side by side with this severe regulation for the preservation of
what was dearer to him than life, untainted blood, there obtained the peculiar
custom of polyandry. This custom, which prevailed among the Spartans, and was
common in Britain in the time of Julius Caesar, is still found in various parts
of India, among races so diverse as the Rajputs and the Nairs. Under it a wife
marrying into her husband’s family, becomes the wife of all her husband's
brothers in common, if they so desire. The practice probably originated in the
exigencies of a system of land tenure under which the husband was obliged to be
absent from his home for long periods, while his family was left unprovided
for, as well as in a natural desire to maintain the ancestral property
undiminished. That the Sinhalese of this time acquiesced in polyandry and
rejected polygamy, cannot but be regarded as a significant indication of their
standard of sexual morality.
Wijaya Bahu when a
young man had lived with one of his brothers as the associated husband of one
wife, and three sons represented their common family. It now began to be
whispered about that he proposed to override their just claims to the Throne in
favour of Deva Raja Sinha, a son by a previous marriage of his second Queen,
one of the Kirawella Princesses. Fearing that their lives were in danger the
three brothers fled from Court, and the youngest of them, Mayadunna, making his
way to Senkadagala, soon returned with an army and
threatened Kotte,
whereupon Wijaya Bahu was compelled to sue for peace.
The Princes now
advanced. to the Capital, and stationing the army outside the palace, entered
it unattended and without suspicion. As they passed within the walls they were
met by the young Deva Raja Sinha, then but seven years of age, who innocently
informed Mayadunna that a body of soldiery was lying in wait to kill them.
Turning on his heel and hurrying his two brothers in front of him, Mayadunna
dashed through the palace gates and escaped to the army. Their line of action
was quickly resolved upon. The King’s army was known to be sympathetic, and
soon the palace was being besieged by a fierce mob, assisted by the soldiers of
the two armies. The gates were battered down and the crowd rushed to the
Antahpuraya or Harem, to plunder the great treasures of the King. The coffers
and chests were burst open; the magnificent gems and hoards of gold coin, the
priceless silks and foreign stuffs, and the whole contents of the royal
wardrobe, were tossed about from hand to hand. The King himself was left for
the present unmolested, and allowed to escape to the upper storey where, with
two of his wives, he barred himself in; at the same time strict orders were
issued by beat of drum that no violence was to be offered to any citizen.
Night came on. A
Council was summoned and formally decided that Wijaya Bahu should be put to
death; but no Sinhalese would incur the odium of shedding royal blood. At last
a stranger was found, and at his hand the King met his death within his own
chamber. The next morning the Council assembled again and selected Bhuwaneka
Bahu, the eldest of the three brothers, as a fitting person to succeed to the
vacant Lion Throne, the nomination being received with acclamation by the
expectant people, to whom in accordance with
Astrology
45
ancient custom, the
selection was submitted for ratification.
Attended by the Great
Officers of the Household, the King was ceremonially bathed and attired in the
sixty-four regal ornaments, after which he was conveyed on the richly
caparisoned State elephant to the Dalada Maligawa, where the religious rites
were performed by the Chief Priests. Last of all he was escorted to the stone
Mandape or platform, and presented to the people who prostrated themselves in
obeisance before him three times, amidst the roll of drums and the chanting of
hymns of praise. His formal investiture with the Sword of State was delayed for
a short time while Mayadunna was suppressing all resistance, striking terror
into the hearts of the disaffected by bestowing the villages of the rebellious
nobles upon the low-caste cutters of grass for the elephants.1
No event, however,
even the most trivial in the life of the Oriental, could take place till the
fortunate hour had been ascertained. A King starting on a campaign would turn
to his astrologer with the same anxiety with which a Roman general consulted
the entrails of his birds. The pettiest and the most important doings, the
beginning to build a house, the ploughing of a field, or the despatch of a
proposal of marriage, were all controlled by the decision of the Nekatiya, the Learned
in the Planets. It is a curious illustration of the interdependence created by
the system of caste, that the actions of the highest were thus placed under the
control of the members of one of the lowest castes. For the Nekatiya was of the
caste of tomtom beaters. How the complicated system of mathematics which astrology
involved came to be the special field of this caste, is a mystery; there is,
however, a tradition that the knowledge was communicated to them by
a Buddhist priest,
who desired to humiliate an arrogant Brahmin.
An auspicious hour
was therefore selected, and the new King was escorted to the gaily-decorated
Mandape together with the five Insignia of Royalty,2 and placed
under the Chatra of Dominion on a seat prepared in accordance with all the
ancient rites. A beautiful virgin of the Royal Caste then poured on his head
the sacred water of the Ganges, brought from the remotest point accessible to
man, where it emerges from the everlasting snows, out of a milk- white chank
with its whorls twisted to the left,3 which she held aloft in both
her hands. The Household Brahmin and a Goigama Minister4 followed
in turn, the former employing a chank fashioned in silver, and the latter one
of gold. Each of the three concluded by exhorting the King to rule in accordance
with the Ten Royal Virtues,5 and to protect the caste he or she
represented, vowing allegiance and fealty to him, but at the same time imprecating
a curse on him should he be found wanting. The Crown was then placed upon the
King’s head, and the Sword of State fastened to his side by a nobleman of the
Royal caste. When this was accomplished the King drew the sword from its
scabbard and plunged it into a vase full of powdered sandal wood; after which,
carrying it unsheathed in his hand, he was conveyed in procession round the
Capital, mounted on his State Elephant, while the rejoicing populace shouted
“Live, 0 live, Great King.”
By the advice of his
Minister Illangakon the King created two Principalities for his brothers,
Rayigam Korale being allotted by Sannas to the elder, Para Raja Sinha; and
Sitawaka, from the neighbourhood of Kotte as far as the mountain ranges of the
Uda Rata, to the gallant Mayadunna.
In the meanwhile de
Brito had completed his fortress, but upon the accession of King Dom Joao III
to the throne of
Portugal in 1521, it was decided that the expense of maintaining an outpost in
Ceylon was not sufficiently compensated for by the revenue derived therefrom.
The cruelty and quarrelsome disposition of the Portuguese officers also had
destroyed their popularity among the Sinhalese ; and when in 1524 the aged Dom
Vasco da Gama was persuaded once more to return to India as Viceroy, he carried
with him instructions to dismantle the fort at Colombo. This was accordingly
done, the artillery and garrison being removed; whilst such commercial
interests as the Portuguese still retained in Ceylon were left in the care of a
certain Nuno Freyre de Andrade, who remained in the Island as Factor, under the
protection of the Sinhalese King.
The abandonment of
the fort which they had established at Calicut soon followed, in consequence of
the hostility of the powerful Hindoo ruler of that place, who bore the proud
title of Samorin, the Lord of the Ocean. His subjects included the fanatical Moplahs
who were descended from the Arab settlers on the Malabar Coast, and who were
the wealthiest inhabitants of the sea-board. The bulk of the sea borne trade
with the Red Sea was in their hands, and consequently the bitterest hatred
existed between them and the Portuguese. Their swift vessels now appeared in
large numbers off the coasts of Ceylon, and the Portuguese had to flee for
shelter to the Court of Bhuwaneka Bahu. His own relations with his brothers had
soon become so strained that hostilities had broken out between them, and he
begged the Portuguese to rebuild their abandoned fort, that they might be the
better able to render him the protection which they had promised. Mayadunna on
this side applied to the Samorin, who in 1528 sent him a small armament
commanded by the two distinguished Moors, Pachchi Marikar and Cunhale Marikar
of Calicut, and a third named Ali Ibrahim. The united forces laid siege to
Kotte, but on the Portu*
guese sending
assistance to Bhuwaneka Bahu from Goa, the Moors withdrew. This however did not
bring hostilities to an end. Para Raja Sinha, or Rayigam Bandara as he was
called after his principality, joined Mayadunna, whose successful conduct of a
campaign against the Kanda Uda Rata added to their strength. Matters dragged on
without any definite result till in October, 1536, Ali Ibrahim arrived at
Colombo with a fresh contingent of four thousand men and Kotte was once again
laid under siege; but as before the news that Portuguese assistance was on its
way compelled the King’s enemies to retire.
The following year a
great armament of fifty- one vessels carrying eight thousand men and four
hundred pieces of artillery was despatched by the Samorin to Ceylon, and Martin
Affonco de Sousa, Captain Major of the Seas, hurried in pursuit. He overtook
the fleet near Rameswaram, the sacred island which lies between Ceylon and the
mainland. There was fought on the 29th of February, 1538, one of the fiercest
battles in the history of the Portuguese in India, the forces of the Samorin
being overwhelmingly defeated.
De Sousa now visited
the delighted Bhuwane ka Bahu, by whom he was entertained in regal fashion, and
who gave tangible expression to his gratitude by a loan of 45,000 cruzados6
towards the expenses of the expedition. The death of Rayigam Bandara which
followed shortly after served as an excuse to Mayadunna for seizing his
brother’s principality, in spite of the remonstrances of the King. The latter
was anxiously considering the question of a successor. He had had by his
principal Queen but one child, a daughter, who bore the beautiful name of
Samudra Devi, the Queen of the Ocean. She was now given in marriage to a scion
of the Royal family, Widiye Bandara, a tall swarthy young Prince with large
Dom Gracia de Nor on ha
49
fearless eyes.
Mayadunna, whose hopes of succeeding to his brother’s throne had been strong so
long as the legal heir was an unmarried girl, now saw that the realisation of
his wishes depended on his sword alone. His army was soon on the held, while
the Samorin sent a fleet of sixteen vessels under Pachchi Marikar and his
brother, to assist him by sea. Bhuwaneka Bahu once more applied to the Portuguese
for help, but the appearance of the Turks before Diu7 where Bahadur Shah of
Gujarat had permitted them to erect a fort in 1535, compelled the new Viceroy,
Dom Gracia de Noronha, to divert the assistance which was being prepared in
response to this appeal. He sent a message begging the King to forgive him for
using for his own purposes that assistance for which the other had paid. He
assured him that no sooner should Diu be relieved than the promised force would
be despatched, and expressed his appreciation of the generosity the King had
displayed in the matter of the loan to de Sousa ; at the same time entreating
him, as a friend and brother of the King of Portugal, to assist yet further
with money at this hour of sore peril.
Disappointed as he
was, Bhuwaneka Bahu immediately despatched three thousand gold Portu- guezes8
with an apology for his inability to send a larger sum, expressing at the same
time a hope that the Viceroy would not forget to help him as soon as his own
troubles were terminated. The Viceroy, delighted at such generosity, gave
profuse expression to his gratitude—albeit the loan was never repaid.
By the end of March
1539 the prospects of the Portuguese had so much improved that the veteran
Miguel Ferreira, now past seventy years of age, was able to set out for Ceylon.
His arrival brought about an entire change in the situation; Mayadunna
promptly withdrew to
within his own territory, and once more Kotte was saved.
A great military
reception was accorded to Ferreira, but the King had found his friends more
intolerable than his enemies, and poured out to him all his grievances against
the Factor, relating further how he was exposed to open insult and obloquy at
his hands, and ending with the demand that he should be removed from his office
at once and sent to the Viceroy to be dealt with. Ferreira was much embarrassed
at this unexpected turn and suggested that the matter should be referred to the
Viceroy, as he had no authority to do anything but fight the King’s enemies.
The King, however, was so indignant at the treatment which he had received,
that he passionately declared that he would rather lose his Kingdom than
tolerate the presence of such a man at his Court: Ferreira and his men could go
back if they liked. Matters appeared to be at a deadlock ; but the next day
Ferreira had another interview with the King, and with great tact persuaded him
not to abandon the proposed campaign. He was finally won over, and expressed
his determination to take part in the expedition in person.
The preparations were
soon made, and three hundred Portuguese with 18,000 Hewayo, or Lascarins, as
the Sinhalese troops were called by the Portuguese, took the field. For two
days they advanced ravaging the country, a Mudaliyar being sent on ahead to
Mayadunna at Sitawaka Cith a message from Ferreira calling on him to surrender
the Moors. Ferreira swore by Nazareth, his favourite oath, that should the
mission end in failure Mayadunna’s capital should be burnt, and he himself
taken in chains to receive his reward at the hands of the Viceroy.
Mayadunna in reply
pointed out how dishonourable it would be for him to surrender men who
had taken shelter
with him, but begged for two days in which to arrange some settlement; the two
days passed without anything being done, but a night attack on the allied
forces brought matters to a crisis. Mayadunna laid the blame on the Moors, and
the King on Ferreira’s indignant remonstrance insisted that they should be
surrendered. In reply he was informed that they had escaped. Orders had already
been issued to march on Sitawaka, when a body of men were seen approaching the
camp. A hostile demonstration was feared, and the Portuguese opened fire on
them before it was discovered that they were 200 low caste Paduwo9
who were bringing in the heads of the offending Moors, including those of their
gallant commanders. Some say that they were done to death on the orders of
Mayadunna, and others that they were killed by the villagers who resented their
overbearing conduct; the truth will never be known. The King’s demand had been
satisfied and there was nothing more left to do but to return to Kotte.
A peace which was
faithfully observed till 1547 was now concluded between the two brothers. Mayadunna
surrendered to the King all the territory he had conquered, paying a heavy war
indemnity and swearing never again to take up arms against his Suzerain.
Bhuwaneka Bahu in his joy at this success rewarded the soldiers of the armada,
and presented the officers with jewels and precious stones. To the Government
at Goa he despatched a large quantity of cinnamon, together with a loan of
30,000 cruzados. The offending Factor, whilst on his way to India in chains to
stand his trial, met with a violent death at the hands of robbers.
The question of a
successor to the throne could no longer be deferred. Samudra Devi had borne two
children, Dharmapala and Wijayapala, and the elder of the two was selected by
his grandfather as his heir. In view of the attitude of Mayadunna
it was resolved to
place the infant Prince, who had been entrusted to the custody of his father’s
brother Tammita Sembahap Perumal, under the protection of Dom Joao III. A
beautiful image of the child was prepared; the head was of ivory and gold, and
the body of silver, while in the hand the figure carried a jewelled crown
studded with the finest gems of Ceylon, The whole was placed in a rich coffer
and despatched to Portugal in the care of a Brahmin Minister named Panditer,
who reached Lisbon after a tedious voyage about August 1541.
By the King’s command
all the Fidalgos who were at Court attended the landing of the Sinhalese, who
were attired in crimson Cabayas10. Escorted by two Marquises they were driven
in a State coach to the Palace, where after a ceremonious exchange of greetings
the Sinhalese delivered the presents they had brought with them, and handed to
the King a palm-leaf scroll from Bhuwaneka Bahu. Therein, after the usual
compliments, he requested the King of Portugal to recognise Dharmapala as heir
to his Kingdom, and to receive him under his protection. Should the
request be granted Bhuwaneka Bahu pledged himself to continue the payment of
the subsidy as before, and to allow Dom Joao to retain the places which had
been assigned to him, on condition of his undertaking their defence.
The arrival of the
embassy was a source of much gratification to the Portuguese, whose vanity was
flattered by this tangible recognition of the far- reaching extent of their
Empire. The Coronation of the image was celebrated with all the stately pomp
and ceremonial of the Portuguese Court, and the day was observed as a holiday
throughout the country, with bullfights and other festivities. A formal
confirmation of the Act was drawn up, and the following Alvar a proclaimed:
An Alvara
53
Dom Joham &c.
To all to whom these
presents shall come. Whereas Buhanegabaho. King of Ceilam, has sent me word by
his Ambassador Panditcr of the great confidence which he has in
Taomapala Pandarym his grandson, being his daughter’s son, that after his
own decease he will be fit to rule and govern his kingdom and protect his
subjects and vassals with all justice, and will preserve inviolate the true
friendship which exists between u«, ae it is his great desire that all his
heirs and successors should observe the same,
And whereas he has
requested me to be pleased to ordain that at his demise his aforesaid grandson
should succeed to and inherit his kingdom ;
And whereas I have
considered that it is the custom for sons to succeed their fathers in the
aforesaid kingdom, and that the aforesaid Tammapala Pandarym is his grandson,
being his daughter’s son, and that there is no other son or grandson of the
aforesaid King save he alone, wherefore by the aforesaid custom the aforesaid
kingdom pertains to him of right,
And whereas it is my
earnest desire in this matter to please the aforesaid King of Ceyllam as well
for the great goodwill I bear towards him as for the high kindness which he
has always willingly displayed in all matters relating to my interests which
have arisen, and it is my hope that the aforesaid his grandson will likewise
for all time cherish, maintain and preserve this our friendship, and will be
grateful to me and will merit all this great kindness at my hands,
And for various other
just causes me thereunto moving:
I do by these
presents ordain and it is my pleasure that at the death of the aforesaid
Buhanegabaho, King of Ceillam, he the aforesaid Tammapalla Pandarym his
grandson should succeed to and inherit the aforesaid kingdom and be the King
thereof as and in the like manner that his aforesaid grandsire does at this day
hold and possess the same without question, let, or hindrance of any kind
soever.
Wherefore I do issue
my command in such wise to my Captain-Major and Governor in the parts of India,
to the Comptroller of my Treasury, and to all and several my other Captains,
officers and persons to whom these presents are shown or to whom knowledge is
conveyed thereof, that they do hold the aforesaid Tammapalla Pandarym as true
and lawful heir to the aforesaid Kingdom of Ceyllam, and that at the decease
of the aforesaid King his grandsire, they permit him to inherit and succeed thereto,
and for such purpose render him all support and assistance he may desire, and
protect him from all those who attempt to
impede or oppose the
same ; for such is my pleasure, and it is to the advantage of my service.
In confirmation
whereof I have commanded that these presents do issue signed by my hand and
sealed with my leaden seal and registered at my Chancellary.
Given at the City of
Allmeirym this XII day of March: thus done pero fernandez
In the year of the
birth of our Lord Jesus Christ one thousand and five hundred and forty-three.
Ordinances were also
promulgated regulating trade transactions between the Portuguese and the
Sinhalese. The former were declared liable to render the same dues on goods
purchased as any other nation. The extortion and violence of their merchants
were provided against : they were forbidden to fell the timber-trees of the
Sinhalese for purposes of ship-building, or to construct ships without the
licence of the King of Ceylon and of the Governor of India. Regulations were
moreover drawn up with regard to the purchase of lands by Portuguese settlers,
and the conversion of slaves to Christianity ; and at the special request of
Bhuwaneka Bahu six Franciscans, with Frey Joao de Villa de Conde as their
Superior, were despatched to Ceylon to preach the Gospel among his subjects,
Upon the return of
the Sinhalese ambassador to India, Martin Affonco de Sousa, who was now
Governor, fitted out two galliots to convey him to his own country, at the same
time charging him with a courteous message to his friend the King, assuring him
that he had never forgotten the kindness which he had received at the Royal
hands when Captain Major of the Seas. The spear which he had once grasped, he
protested, was still as keen if required in the King’s defence. The result of
the mission was very gratifying to the King, who testified to his appreciation
in that practical manner
which he knew to
commend itself to the Portuguese, by including with his letter of thanks to the
Governor a quittance for a sum of 50,000 cruzados out of the debt due to him
from the King of Portugal.
But the despatch of
the embassy led to further complications. According to the constitution of the
Sinhalese monarchy, the occupant of the Throne had necessarily to be of the
Royal Caste. Not only so, but he had to be a member of that division of it
which called itself the Suriya Wansa and claimed descent from the Sun—a claim
which recalls the story of the Quest of the Golden Fleece. As the Royal Caste
was in Ceylon found untainted only in the reigning family, it had been
customary to obtain from Suuth India the Queens who were to perpetuate the
succession. Such a Queen was popularly known as the Ran Doliya, or Golden
Vehicle. In the case of the King the prevailing rule of monogamy was relaxed,
and he was permitted, if he so desired, to have in addition two or three junior
wives of the Goi Wansa, and to these was applied the designation of Yakada
Doliya, or Iron Vehicle.
At this time
Bhuwaneka Bahu had by his Yakada Doli two sons who had cherished high
expectations on their own account, and were bitterly disappointed at his choice
of Dharmapala to succeed him on the throne. To pacify them he proposed that
they should conquer for themselves the Kanda Uda Rata and Jaffna, while at the same
time there were ominous rumours that Mayadunna proposed to support his claim by
a display ?)f force. Under the circumstances Bhuwaneka Bahu made
representations at Goa, begging the Governor to interfere to prevent the
outbreak of a war which would ruin the hopes of his grandson, and further
requesting his assistance in conquering the Kingdoms which he proposed to give
to his two discontented sons. He himself undertook to bear all expenses likely
to be incurred in the attempt.
The application was a
tempting one, and on the 12th of August 1543 de Sousa set out from Goa with a
fleet of thirty-six vessels. Misfortune attended the expedition from the start.
Storms scattered the ships about the Indian Ocean, and the Governor himself was
glad to take shelter in Neduntivo,11 a small island off the Coast of
Jaffna. From there negotiations however were opened with Chaga Raja, the
reigning chieftain at Nallur, the capital of Jaffna, who was finally bullied
into an agreement whereby he promised to pay a yearly tribute of 5000 xera-
fims,12 and two tusked elephants: of this tribute he was required to
deliver two instalments in advance. He was on the other hand allowed to retain
a large number of the cannon which he had taken from wrecked Portuguese
vessels, on payment of their value. After these achievements the Governor
returned to Cochin.
In the meanwhile an
important development was taking place in Europe. The spread of Classical
learning, the extension of maritime enterprise, and the views advanced by
Luther and others who thought with him, compelled the Church to take stock of
her position and to adopt vigorous action for the maintenance of her lofty
claims. In 1534 Ignatius of Loyala founded the Society of Jesus at Paris, and
two years later the Inquisition was established. Dom Joao III supported the
cause of the Church with a zeal which was fanatical, and in the very year in
which Bhuwaneka Bahu’s ambassador to his Court set sail from Ceylon, presided
over the first Auto da Fe held in Portugal. Bhuwaneka Bahu therefore acted with
much political shrewdness when he applied for Missionaries to be sent to his
country, though he himself had no intention of adopting the new religion.
Buddhism, perhaps not the least intellectual of religions, disdained the idea
of spiritual rivalry, and treated with genial liberality all who attempted
Francis Xavier
57
to minister to the
higher cravings of mankind. With the King’s encouragement Churches were soon
erected in the fishing villages of the south-western coast, while de Conde took
up his residence at Court, where he was placed in charge of the education of
Dharmapala.
In October 1542
Francis Xavier arrived in India, and the story of his conversion of the
Parawas, who mainly supplied the divers for the Indian Pearl Fishery, and who
possessed at the time a nominal Christianity, the price of their being rescued
from the oppression of their Moorish rulers, is well known. A wave of
enthusiasm swept all heathen practises from the country, idols were destroyed
with every mark of ignominy, instruction in the Faith was rapidly organised,
-and whole villages were baptised daily. A convert of Xavier, who had adopted
his name, was sent to carry on the good work among the kindred people at Manar,
the sandy Island which, lying between Ceylon and Adam’s Bridge, controlled the
approach by sea to Jaffna from the South. The disciple proved worthy of his
teacher, and crowds flocked to join the Church of Christ. No doubt the converts
in their ardour for their new faith showed, like their kinsfolk in India, an
excess of zeal; at any rate the Hindu priests found it necessary to report to
Nallur the danger which threatened the country from the spread of these new
ideas. Chaga Raja adopted prompt measures to nip the movement in the bud, and
five thousand troops sent by him landed at Manar and put all the converts and
their teacher to the sword. Xavier threw himself with his fiery energy into the
preparations for avenging their death, but all his efforts were nullified by
the wreck of a treasure ship off the coast of the Jaffna Peninsula. The King,
in the exercise of the right claimed by several of the Indian Rajas, seized its
rich cargo of gold and silk
stuffs, and to
persuade him to yield this up became the chief preoccupation of the
authorities; so busily engaged were they in coaxing the Raja into a complacent
mood, that all idea of a punitive expedition had to be abandoned.
Dom Joao de Castro
succeeded de Sousa in September 1545, and was called upon to deal with the
application of Bhuwaneka Bahu in respect of his two sons, who had arrived at
Goa with ample treasure from their father to purchase help. The Council was
quite prepared to assist them, for if the Princes were successful they were
ready to declare themselves vassals ot Portugal. But at this juncture a severe
epidemic of smallpox broke out and among the victims were the two Princes, who
died within a month of each other. They were interred with royal honours in the
Convent of St. Francisco.
On the 18th of March
1546 the King of Portugal despatched a remarkable letter to his Viceroy. After
bewailing the idol-worship which prevailed in certain parts of India subject to
Portuguese authority, he continued: “We charge you to discover all the idols by
means of diligent officers, to reduce them to fragments and utterly to consume
them, in whatsoever place they may be found, proclaiming rigorous penalties
against such persons as shall dare to engrave, cast, sculpture, limn, paint or
bring to light any figure in metal, bronze, wood, clay or any other substance,
or shall introduce them from foreign parts; and against those who shall
celebrate in public or in private any festivities which have any Gentile taint,
or shall abet them, or shall conceal the Brahmins, the pestilential enemies of
the name of of Christ.” While emphasizing the necessity of severe punishment he
added: “And because the Gentiles submit themselves to the yoke of the Gospel
not alone through their conviction of the purity of the Faith and for that they
are sustained by the hope
Conversion
59
of Eternal Life, they
should also be encouraged with some temporal favours, such as greatly mollify
the hearts of those who receive them; and therefore you should earnestly set
yourself to see that the new Christians from this time forward do obtain and enjoy
all exemptions and freedom from tribute, and moreover that they hold the
privileges and offices of honour which up till now the Gentiles have been wont
to possess.”
He also directed that
if the King of Jaffna had not been suitably punished for his persecution of the
Christians, action should be taken against him without delay, so that the
displeasure of the King of Portugal against those who ventured to interfere
with the conversion of the heathen might be made plain to all.
NOTES TO CHAPTER III
1. This was a social degradation which was
probably more feared than the punishment of death. The practice was not
unfrequently resorted to by Raja Sinha II in the seventeenth century.
2. These were the White Shield, the Pearl
Umbrella, the Golden Sword, the Chamara or Tail of the great Thibetan Yak, and
the Golden Shoes. The Crown merely ranked among the sixty-four Royal Ornaments.
3. Shells of the genus Turbinella, which are
collected in large quantities off the north-west coast of Ceylon, and exported
to India, where they are sawn and used as ornaments. The larger shells are
perforated and used as trumpets at Hindu temples. The spiral goes normally to
the right; left-handed shells are extremely rare. Vishnu is always represented
with a chank in his hand.
4 The system of caste
obtaining in Ceylon recognised three high castes—the Royal, the Priestly or
Brahmin, and the Grahapati or Goigama. The first two were represented only by
the frequent arrivals from India; these by intermarriage soon disappeared
within the Goigama caste, and had to be replaced for religious and ceremonial
purposes by fresh importations.
5. Including Liberality, Piety, Lenity,
Moderation, the sense of Honour, the spirit of Mercy, &c.
6. A cruzado of gold, worth 420
reis, was issued by Albo- querque in 1510. A re in 1513 was worth. 268d, and by
1600 it had depreciated to 16d. Ten reis = a Sinhalese gold fanom. Dr. Garcia
de Orta accompanied de Sousa on this expedition as his physician. He settled in
India, where in 1563 he published his Colloqitios on the Simples and Drugs of
India. *
7. Under the command of Solyman Bashaw, the
Governor of Cairo. This expedition had been despatched by the Grand Turk at the
request of the King of Cambay.
8. The Portuguez was a large Portuguese gold
coin, displaying on the reverse the Cross of the Order of Christ, and worth 15
xerafims, at 300 reis the xerafim. A Portuguez was thus the equivalent of 450
Sinhalese fanams of gold.
9. These are said to be the descendants of
the Pandiyan prisoners of war, and were attached to the Royal villages where
they cultivated the King’s fields. In peace
time they acted as
palanquin bearers, and with the introduction of gunpowder they were entrusted
with the conveyance of the small cannon. The Portuguese historian de Couto has
left an unamiable description of them . . . “a caste of Chingalas cruel in the
extreme, so that when they capture an enemy they immediately cut off his ears
and lips.”
10. Cubaya, a word originally Asiatic, received
by the Portuguese from the Arabs, and brought back with them to India. It was
applied to the long tunic which was worn by the better classes of India, and
which was frequently presented by the Portuguese to Indian Rajas. The Cabaya is
still a portion of the uniform of a Sinhalese Mudaliyar.
11. A small island twenty miles south-west of
Jaffna. The Portuguese subsequently named it das Vacas, and the Dutch who
followed them renamed it Delft.
12. This name, representing the Arabic Ash rah
was applied by the Portuguese to a silver coin of the value of 300360 rcis.
The negotiations
which were carried on in connection with the claims of the two Kotte Princes
reveal this work of conversion in a pitiful light. Everyone realised that the
Portuguese King was fervently anxious for the spread of Christianity, and the
conversion of his future subjects was the chief thing that each aspirant to
Kingly power held out to the Portuguese as the price of their military
assistance. A friar acted as intermediary between the authorities at Goa and
the Uda Rata monarch, while no less an agent than Xavier himself undertook a
similar mission at Lisbon on behalf of the Jaffna King’s brother and rival. For
war was in the air and Kotte, Sitawaka, Senkadagala and Nallur were all eagerly
bidding for Portuguese assistance; the authorities at Goa, however, were too
intent on securing what profit they could from all the four competitors to give
a definite undertaking to any one of them. Nevertheless towards the end of 1547
they despatched a small force of a hundred men under the command of Antonio
Moniz Barretto, apparently leaving it to him to decide after inquiry on the
spot, in which scale the weight of the Portuguese sword was to be thrown.
Barretto’s position was an embarrassing one, and in the maze of intrigue he
did not know in whom it was safe to place confidence. He at length decided in
favour of Bhuwaneka Bahu, and a large body of men set out on the road to
Sitawaka.
Mayadunna on being
informed of the approaching danger, abandoned his capital and retired to the
stronghold of Deraniyagala, leaving his palace prepared for the reception of
the King, with lighted
Antonio Monis Banetto
63
lamps as for a
welcome guest. Sitawaka was occupied by the royal army, and in a few days the
Portuguese advanced into the Uda Rata; but the opposition they encountered was
so severe, that Barretto was compelled to set fire to his baggage and turn in
flight. The Sinhalese were soon in full chase, and pursued the Portuguese with
such terrible vigour through the dense forests, that by the time the
unfortunate expedition was able to reach Maya- dunna’s territory, nearly half
the Portuguese had been killed, while of the rest there was not one that had
not received some hurt.
Mayadunna was quick
to take advantage of the turn affairs had taken ; by his orders the men were
carefully attended to, and boats were provided for the conveyance of those
whose wounds prevented their continuing their march to Colombo. He also
utilised the opportunity to poison the mind of Barretto against Bhuwaneka Bahu,
hinting that the King was privy to what had taken place.
On reaching Colombo
Barretto sent a message to Bhuwaneka Bahu reminding him of the conversation
which he had had with Xavier, and subsequently waited on the King to discuss
with him the question of his conversion. Unfortunately he was more of a soldier
than a priest; his whole theme consisted of the awful terrors of hell, and
these he painted in such terrifying colours that the King, appalled, inquired
whether he had been through them in person. This so offended Barretto that,
forgetting in whose presence he was, he dashed his hat on the floor and turning
on his heel, walked away, leaving the King sorrowfully to reflect how dreadful
must be the nature of the Christian hell since the souls which went there had
to undergo the tortures which Barretto had described. The latter refused to
accept some presents which the King sent after him, and sailed away without
even bidding him farewell.
Meanwhile the shrewd
Mayadunna had realised that it suited his purpose very much better to win the
confidence of the Portuguese and to estrange them from his brother, than to
enter on a war the end of which none could foresee. He had already created a
good impression on Barretto, and he followed this up by a secret communication
to the Factor to warn him that the King was plotting the destruction of the
Factory; the substantial presents with which the message was accompanied, as
well as the scoffs of Widiye Bandara at the boasted valour of the Portuguese,
went far to convince them that Mayadunna, and not Bhuwaneka Bahu, was their
true friend.
At the end of August
1550 the new Viceroy, Dom Affonco de Noronha, was driven by storms whilst on
his way to Goa into the harbour of Colombo. He had already heard of the evil reports
against the King, who was again at war with Mayadunna. The Franciscan de Conde
had returned to Europe the previous year, disappointed in his efforts to
convert Bhuwaneka Bahu, and Xavier himself had written representing Bhuwaneka
Bahu as the bitter enemy of Christianity and unworthy of the protection of the
Portuguese. Anxious to clear himself of these suspicions, the King sent two
Mudaliyars to call on the Viceroy with a valuable present of gems; the present
was accepted, but the arrogant nobleman let it be clearly seen that he regarded
the failure of the King to appear in person as a slight to his own dignity. To
add to the King’s distress Mayadunna himself appeared on the scene,
accompanied it was whispered not so much by men as by moneybags, and he went
away leaving the Viceroy very favourably impressed. The King now sent a further
present of 15,000 pardaos 1 in cash for the Viceroy, with some
valuable jewels for the Queen of Portugal, and an interview was arranged at the
Franciscan
Convent of St.
Antonio : but the vanity of the Portuguese was not easily soothed, and the
Viceroy was so overbearing in his behaviour that the King, seeing the suspicion
with which he was treated, turned his back and returned to Kotte, swearing that
only his respect- for the King of Portugal prevented his ordering
the immediate destruction of the Factory. He sent an imperious message to the
Viceroy commanding him to leave his dominions forthwith, and this the latter,
though he longed to avenge the humiliation, was compelled to do, for his
forces were not sufficient to make success certain.
Five months later
Bhuwaneka Bahu, who was suffering from the effects of recurring attacks of
fever, withdrew to Kelaniya on the pleasant banks of the Kelani Ganga, to
recruit. One day at noon as he appeared at the window of the palace which
overlooked the spot where, according to tradition, the Buddha himself had
bathed in the stream, he was shot through the head by Antonio de Barcelos, the
mulatto slave of the Viceroy, who had stayed behind when his master sailed
away. The King fell mortally wounded, and in spite of all the remedies which
were applied he died within three hours. The Portuguese themselves appear to
have had little doubt as to who was responsible for this dastardly act; but, to
quote the Rajawaliya, 2 “Some say that this hurt was done of set
purpose, others that it was done unwittingly : God alone knoweth which is
true.”
The administration of
their eastern settlements by the Portuguese had, as revealed in the letters of St.
Francis Xavier, degenerated into an outrage on the good name of Christian
Europe. His consuming desire for the rapid acquisition of wealth swept away
from the mind of the official all consideration of the duty which he owed to
his God and to his King. No scruple of honour was allowed
9
to interfere with the
contemptuous breaking of the word plighted to the Indian Raja who had welcomed
the foreigner to his territory. The limitless avarice which could convert
Portuguese gentlemen into procurers who entrapped village girls into the
brothels from which they derived a considerable income, was only equalled by
their horrible lust and peculiar callousness with regard to the infliction of
physical pain on others. The real obstruction to the progress of St. Francis’
work arose from the acts of his countrymen. “I feel strongly inclined,” he
wrote on the 24th of March 1544 "to be off and have done with it. For why
should we waste more time here among men who are utterly regardless of any
consideration of justice, and who never care a straw at the cost of what damage
to religion or to the State they indulge their own passions ? ” 3
All this, however,
was only the reflection of the change which had come about in Portugal itself.
For fifty years the East had been pouring her wealth by the shipload into that
small country, till her Ruler was the richest King in Europe. The countryside
was abandoned to African slaves, while the peasantry flocked into the seaports
to share in the profits of the Eastern trade. That trade was a Royal monopoly,
for it had to be maintained by means of armies and fleets. The noblemen of the
great houses whose scions had fought so gallantly for their King, still rallied
round him, but now in the character of sycophants whose sole desire was the acquisition
of wealth, whatever might be the nature of the means employed to secure it.
Each year the crowded Indian fleet bore away the more enterprising, and very
few of them lived to return to their native land. Moreover, the large number of
emigrants who were continually sailing for Brazil, still further reduced a
population which hardly numbered a million souls when Portugal began her career
of conquest. In
the struggle for
gold, however, no statesman could spare the time to reflect on the result which
this incessant drain of her men was bound to produce in Portugal before many
years had passed.
Ceylon was soon to
supply a shameful illustration of the truth of Xavier’s words. The youthful
Dharmapala had been proclaimed King immediately upon the death of his
grandfather, and his father Widiye Bandara had been nominated Regent during his
minority. Early in October the Viceroy, de Noronha, arrived at Colombo with the
largest Portuguese army which had yet visited the Island. His declared object
was to settle the affairs of the country, and three thousand soldiers had been
got ready to assist him in this self-imposed task. The greatest excitement
prevailed when his fleet of over seventy vessels was seen approaching the
harbour; but the excitement was changed to amazement when five hundred soldiers
under the command of the Viceroy’s own son occupied the Capital and arrested
all the higher officials of the Household. An inquisition was held as to the
whereabouts of the Royal Treasure, the unfortunate officials being freely
tortured to compel them to disclose the hiding-places. Not satisfied with the
results of his search, the Viceroy proceeded to ransack the Palace itself,
seizing everything of value, iucluding even the King’s golden spittoons.
A. meeting was now summoned
to discuss the steps to be taken to meet the danger which threatened from
Mayadunna. The Viceroy demanded 200,000 pardaos as the price of the Portuguese
assistance. Half of this sum was to be paid at once, while the plunder of
Sitawaka was to be equally divided between the Kings of Ceylon and Portugal.
Eighty thousand pardaos were forthcoming, and then the 3000 Portuguese
together with the same number of Sinhalese took the field. Driving back the
outposts guarding the road which ran by the side of the Kelaniya
river, they
approached the Capital, which they found abandoned. Mayadunna had withdrawn to
Deraniya- gala, leaving behind him at Sitawaka a Portuguese with a letter
addressed to the Viceroy. He had heard, he wrote, that the Viceroy was coming
with a very large body of men, and as there was not room for all of them, he
had arranged to vacate the place in good time so that the Portuguese should not
be incommoded. Mayadunna added that he had also heard that the Viceroy was
anxious for precious stones; he and his people had therefore decided to leave
him the stones of their city; if he aimed higher he could follow them to the
mountains where Mayadunna was awaiting him with his treasure.
The city, built on
either side of the Sitawaka Ganga, was of considerable size. On the southern
bank, between the river and the rapid Getahetta Ela, a stream still so famous
for its precious stones, on an eminence which was approached by twenty wide
steps, with three gates > on each side, rose the royal palace. On the
northern bank facing the palace, where the broad river hurried past in a wide
curve, was the beautiful Bhairawa Kovil, an exquisite temple of carved granite.
The city was entered and sacked and the whole of the palace dug up in a
fruitless search for treasure. The temple was robbed of all its valuable
contents, its images and fittings of gold and silver being seized upon by the
Viceroy. When, however, the young King begged him to fulfil his share of the
contract and to send a few hundred Portuguese in pursuit of Mayadunna, he was
met by a demand for the immediate payment of the 20,000 pardaos still due. This
sum the King was unable to raise, whereupon the Viceroy, refusing to share the
plunder with the King as had been promised, retired with it to the Coast. “Had
the Indian broken his word with the Christian, he had been a barbarian. I know
not what a Christian is, that
breaks his with the
barbarian. Perhaps wiser men know,” is the comment of Fariay Sousa4
on this transaction.
Returning to Kotte
the Portuguese hastened to make the most profitable use they could of their now
limited time. The wretched inhabitants were treated as if they belonged to some
conquered town, being exposed to the violence of the lustful and needy
soldiery. Men were killed to rob them of their bracelets and earrings; and
women were ravished till none dared to show herself in public. Widiye Bandara,
burning as he was with indignation, was helpless to resist and escaped from the
Capital, while Sembahap Perumal was nominated in his place. A pressing message
was sent to the King urging on him the desirability of his turning Christian;
but the King had had enough of the affection of Christians and of the honour
of Portuguese noblemen; he returned an evasive reply declaring that it would be
• impolitic for him to take so unpopular a step while the attitude of Mayadunna
remained what it was. He was, however, willing to consult the wishes of the
Viceroy to this extent: he gave into his care an infant child, a son of the
late King, to be taken to Goa and brought up as a Christian,s and
with this the Viceroy’s religious zeal had to be satisfied.
He still, however,
pressed for the payment of the 20,000 pardaos which in spite of his gross violation
of his contract he claimed as due to him. When the King declared his inability
to meet this demand, the Viceroy, as the final act in his career of shame,
seized the person of Sembahap Perumal and sent him on board one of the
Portuguese vessels, as a hostage for the payment of the money. The Regent having
failed to obtain the required sum from his friends, sold his own golden girdle
and paid the Viceroy 5000 pardaos ; for the balance he gave his promissory note
made payable within a year. This
transaction
concluded, the Viceroy, having convinced himself that there was nothing to be
squeezed from anyone, sailed away. Well might Xavier express his amazement at
the inflexions which the word “to rob” was capable of receiving in the mouths
of Portuguese officials.
With the departure of
the Viceroy Widiye Bandara came back into power. The Factor was put to death,
the conversion of the Sinhalese was forbidden, and several of the priests were
driven to seek shelter in the forests.
It is indeed the
boast of the Sinhalese that force has never been employed by them in those
fields where reason alone should prevail. No Hypatia has stained their country
with her blood ; no Smith- field has darkened their serene sky with its murky
clouds. Buddhism, alone of the great religions which Asia has produced, has
displayed a real spirit of tolerance. Temples were erected to the Hindu deities
by monarchs who were staunch upholders of the Dharma. Buddhist temples still
provide for the religious exercises of the Mohammedan tenants living in the
villages belonging to them. It was in this spirit that Bhuwaneka Bahu had
applied for Christian missionaries to be sent to his country, and it was in the
same spirit that his subjects had received them into their midst. But at this
juncture the arrogance of the Portuguese, culminating in the treachery of the
Viceroy, produced a reaction directed against the religion which the conduct of
the latter had so grossly maligned. De Noronha, however, on his return to Goa
found himself too busily employed with the Turks, who again laid siege to
Ormuz, to attend to matters in Ceylon; he had therefore to content himself
with sending conciliatory messages to Widiye Bandara, who was glad to be left
undisturbed.
De Noronha had in
fact lost an opportunity of establishing the supremacy of Portugal over the entire
Island such as never
presented itself again in the course of the next hundred years of warfare. The
forces of Kotte were at his disposal, and neither Sitawaka nor Senkadagala was
in a position to offer more than a feeble resistance. The Sinhalese had not yet
acquired that familiarity with the use of firearms which was soon to make them
so formidable among their wilds, while the Portuguese still employed protective
armour, against which the missiles of the Sinhalese were of little avail. That
opportunity had been lost through lust of gold, but the helpless condition of
Dharmapala, threatened as he was by the ambitions of Mayadunna, made it
desirable that the Portuguese should have their own head-quarters in the
Island, rather than continue as the dependents of the Sinhalese King.
Accordingly Dom Pedro Mas- carenhas, who succeeded de Noronha in 1554, turned
his attention to the abandoned fort of Colombo, and in November of the same
year he despatched Dom Duarte de Eca to Ceylon, with five hundred soldiers and
all the necessaries for building it anew. This time it was designed on a larger
scale than had been proposed by de Albergaria, and included the area
subsequently occupied by the walls of Colombo. The lagoon which almost
encircled the new settlement appears to have been now dammed, and formed the
main defence of the position which rapidly grew in importance. Outside the
fortifications there sprang up the palm groves and delightful gardens where the
Portuguese had their villas and occupied the period of peace in a round of
pleasure. In later years the settlement aspired to the dignity and privileges
of a Cidade, and employed as its arms the gridiron of the Saint after whom de
Almeida had named the headland.
De Eca had also
received secret orders to arrest Widiye Bandara, whose hostility towards the
Portuguese had grown more and more pronounced.
This was
treacherously done and the Prince thrown into a dungeon where he was kept in
heavy chains, while Samudra Devi fled to Rayigama. By the powerful influence of
gold she soon caused a tunnel to be opened into the Prince’s dungeon, by means
of which he effected his escape, and joining the Princess retired with her to
Pelenda, amidst the lofty mountains in the extreme limits of the Pasdun
Korale. From there he began his career of vengeance. Crowds flocked to his
standard, the coast towns were ravaged, the Churches which had been built in
them by the Franciscans were razed to the ground, and the Portuguese, one and
all, put to the sword. Unfortunately the Princess died about this time,
whereupon Mayadunna gave his own widowed daughter to Widiye Bandara for wife.
But the hopes of an alliance thus created were destroyed by the harsh manner in
which he treated her, and the irritated father turned to the Portuguese, with
whom in August 1555 he entered into a treaty.
In accordance with
this the Sitawaka army, commanded by the youngest son of Mayadunna, Tikiri
Rajjuru Bandara, a boy of thirteen, with whom was associated Wikramasinha
Mudiyanse, the bravest of his father’s Generals, advanced to the Kalu Ganga,
and was joined at Kalutara by the Portuguese contingent of three hundred men.
After crossing the limpid waters of the Pelen Ganga the allied forces were met
and attacked by Widiye Bandara, who after a hard-fought battle was forced to
flee, abandoning his wife and treasures to the conquerors. The Princess was
sent on elephant-back to Sitawaka, while two miserable days were spent in
destroying the entrenchments which guarded Widiye Bandara’s stronghold. The
soldiers were encamped in the midst of rank grass and marshy pools infested
with myriads of leeches, that horrible curse of the wet zone. Clothes afforded
no protection against their fine
Widiye Bandara
73
needle-like bodies;
satiated they dropped in streams of blood from the eyelids and ears of the men,
and had to be plucked out of their very gums as they ate their food. Rest was
out of the question, for the voracious animals swarmed on all sides in
ever-increasing numbers. The task was hurriedly completed, and then Tikiri
Rajjuru Bandara started in pursuit of his brother-in-law, who at length found
refuge within the Uda Rata, where he was welcomed by Karalliyadda Bandara, who
had revolted against his father Wikrama Bahu, and had succeeded in wresting
the power from him.
Widiye Bandara
without delay raised another army and descended into the Four Korales, whereupon
Tikiri Rajjuru Bandara advanced into the district and forced him to withdraw by
night to within the mountain barrier, whither he was conveyed on the back of a
man in the curious fashion which the Russian traveller Athanasius Nikitin had
described in the previous century, and of which Sindbad has left us an account
in his story of the Old Man of the Sea. The Uda Rata army, demoralised by the
desertion of its leader, fled after a short resistance and was pursued with
great slaughter, the victors with one accord saluting their boy-General on the
field of battle by the name of Raja Sinha, the Lion King, a name destined for
many years to come to cause the blood of the Portuguese in Ceylon to run cold.
Mayadunna now called
upon Karalliyadda to drive out Widiye Bandara, who took shelter with Edirimanna
Surya Raja at Devamedda. Six miles from where the precious Danta Dhatu had lain
enshrined in the massive base of Etu Gala, to the left of the road from
Kurunegala to Puttalam, begin the forest-clad heights of the Natagane Range.
Parallel with them runs a second range, which
10
beginning with the
sinuous outline of the Anda Gala, reaches its highest point in the pallid austerity
of the Yakdessa crag, where the hapless Kuweni had invoked the curse of heaven
on her faithless lover Wijayo. A sudden depression of the Natagane range,
running north and south, reveals a deeper hollow of a few acres in extent, in
which lay Mudukonda Pola, the stronghold of the Raja. To the north lies the
great plain stretching in the direction of Puttalam, its monotony interrupted
at intervals by the isolated hills which rise abruptly from the level of the
surrounding country. A massive ring of stone encloses the great hollow, and
here and there large caves afford a dry and secure retreat, while artificial
piles of stone helped to strengthen the natural depressions in this majestic
rampart. The approach from the village of Kirimune lies over rugged ground
closed in by enormous boulders, the entrance to the stronghold being effected
through a tunnel formed by a rock rising to a height of nearly 100 feet and
resting against the great mass by its side.
Such was Mudukonda
Pola, the retreat to which the refugee was welcomed by his kinsman; but the
restless Widiye Bandara was not satisfied. He basely plotted the murder of his
host, and seized on the Government of the Seven Korales. The horror-stricken
inhabitants appealed to the rulers of Kotte and Sitawaka, and their joint
armies supported by a few Portuguese took the field. Widiye Bandara’s forces
were hurled back, and he himself, realising that fortune had turned against
him, collected what he could of his treasures and escaped to Kalpitiya, whence
he took ship to Jaffna. The Sinhalese Kings were accustomed to carry about
their persons a model of the Tooth Relic set in gems and gold, and such a model
had accompanied the Prince through all the tribulations to which he had been
exposed at the hands of the Portuguese. His last desperate
Death of Widiye Bandara
75
throw had failed, but
as he fled he still clung to the precious object as the most cherished of all
his possessions.
On his arrival at
Jaffna Widiye Bandara was kindly received by its ruler, who promised him
assistance against his enemies, and caused a great festival to be celebrated at
his temple at Nallun There a sad tragedy occurred. The accidental explosion of
some powder alarmed Widiye Bandara, and he immediately drew his sword. A fight
ensued between the Sinhalese and the Tamils within the sacred precincts; a
young noble threw himself in front of his Prince, and sixty Tamils it is said
fell victims to his sword before he himself was stretched in death at his
master’s feet. Widiye Bandara and his son Wijayapala were among the slain, and
all his treasures including the model of the Tooth, fell into the hands of the
Tamil King.
So ended the wars and
troubles of this strange character, of whom de Couto6 truly remarks
: “whom the Captain of Colombo persecuted. If he came to bite, it was because
they worried him.”
With the
disappearance of Widiye Bandara, the adherents of the Kotte dynasty found
themselves discredited and without a capable leader. Sembahap Perumal had the
previous year, as a consequence of an intrigue between Mayadunna and the
Portuguese, been banished to Goa, where fortunately for him his friend
Francisco Barretto was Governor. Barretto gave him a warm welcome, and before
long succeeded in persuading him that it was to his advantage, both spiritual
and temporal, to go through the rite of baptism. This he accordingly did,
adopting at the same time the name of his sponsor, the Governor. He shortly
afterwards returned to Ceylon, accompanied by de Conde, and took up his
position as the chief of the King’s subjects; but, though gentle and cultured
and with much quiet worldly wisdom, his was
not that type of
character of which the country stood in such urgent need, if the nationality of
the Sinhalese was to be saved from destruction. The action of Bhuwaneka Bahu in
placing his infant heir in the hands of the Franciscans, however much it may
speak for his liberality of mind, has not added to his reputation for political
sagacity. The results of such a course of training in the case of a youth threatened
by powerful enemies, could not be long in showing themselves. There was a
feeling of nervous uneasiness in the air, and it began to be whispered about
from mouth to mouth, though no one ventured to say it aloud, that the gold
finial of the Dalada Maligawa would never again reflect the mysterious
five-hued aura' of the Buddha, for the Danta Dhatu no longer rested beneath its
shadow.
It was not till some
years afterwards that the details of the story became known. Hiripitiye Diya-
wadana Nilame was the great nobleman who was entrusted with the custody of the
relic, and to him warning was conveyed in a vision of the night. He dreamt that
a venerable figure appeared before him and addressed him in a strange jingling
verse of Sinhalese and Tamil. He was greatly distressed in mind, and after much
consideration interpreted the jingle for himself as follows: “My love for Kotte
is 110 more. Begone with the Tooth into the Middle Kingdom,” Taking advantage
of a dark night he secreted the Relic in its smallest and loveliest ruby,
encrusted case, within the folds of his waist-cloth, and plunging into the
Diyawanna Oya swam across the stream. On reaching the further bank he made liis
way with all secrecy and expedition to Sitawaka and presented himself before
the delighted Mayadunna, who almost at once set about erecting a magnificent
Maligawa at Delgomuwa for the reception of the Relic: for he who holds the
Danta Dhatu holds the sovereignty of Sri Lanka.
Conversion of Dharmapola
77
The year 1556
witnessed in Ceylon one of those strange outbursts which the enthusiasm of
Xavier had kindled so frequently among the fishing populations of South India.
In this year the whole of the allied caste occupying the sea coast to the south
of Colombo, a community of 70,000 souls in all, took refuge within the fold of
the Catholic Church. “For this I give much praise unto Our Lord,” wrote King
Dom Joao III on the 20th of March 1557 to the Custodio of the Franciscans, “and
I much commend to you that so far as in you lies you labour that there may not
be lacking the means necessary for obtaining the fulfilment to be expected from
such a beginning.”
His gratification
would have been even more intense had he lived long enough to receive the
letter containing the news of his own conversion which his protege despatched
to him in the same year. Dharmapala was baptised with the name of Dom Joao
Periya Bandara, while his Queen, who was baptised at the same time, took the
name of Dona Catherina, after the Queen of Portugal. Dharma- pala’s letter to
the King contained further an appeal for protection against Mayadunna. The
Queen Mother and the Cardinal Dom Henrique, who were acting as Regents during
the minority of the infant Dom Sebastiao, while thanking the Lord Who had
illuminated Dharmapala in his darkness, assured him that instructions would be
issued to the Viceroy to protect his interests. The Pope also, who had been
busy forming an alliance with the Grand Turk, the heretics of Germany, and the
Most Christian King of France, to wage war on the Most Catholic King of Spain,
found time to send the Royal Convert his Apostolic Benediction, and to
recommend him to the special protection of the King of Portugal.
From the political
standpoint few actions could have surpassed in folly the conversion of Dharma-
pala. As the Raja Ratnakare says: “This Kingdom can never be governed by a King
who is not of the religion of Buddha.” None the less, however distasteful the
action of the King might have been to the overwhelming majority of his
subjects, it is possible that the liberality of Buddhism would have condoned
the error, if the King had kept his convictions to himself. Unfortunately the
Church was in a peculiarly aggressive mood; Dom Joao III was a pronounced
fanatic, whose policy was controlled by ecclesiastical advisers, and his zeal
animated the Franciscans, who saw in Dharmapala a divinely appointed instrument
for the conversion of the whole of Ceylon. The enthusiasm of the convert
equalled that of the teachers who for fifteen years had striven to lead him
within the fold; and his thank- offering consisted of a Sannas by which he
transferred to them the Dalada Maligawa,8 the two great shrines at
Kelaniya, and all the temple revenues in the Island, for the maintenance of the
Colleges which they proposed to found.
Had it been possible
for the Franciscans to take advantage of the grant of Dharmapla to its full
extent, it would have meant the destruction of the only organisation which
existed for the spiritual and intellectual education of the people. It is
difficult for a religious association to enjoy a position of influence for any
considerable length of time without deteriorating from its original simplicity
and virtue; but the Buddhist priesthood had probably suffered less in this
respect than the bulk of the similar associations which the world has seen. It
is true that Buddhism looked on the distinctions of caste with some degree of
disfavour ; but in the sixteenth century the priesthood was closed except to
those of the highest caste. Vowed to poverty and chastity,
Education in Ceylon
79
its members received
semi-royal honours from the people, as with their yellow robe so draped as to
expose the right arm and chest, and veiling their faces with a fan, they went
from door to door silently begging for their one simple daily meal.
In every group of
villages there rose the Vihara, small and retired, or as sometimes with a
towering snowy-white dagoba and imposing gateway.* The Sinhalese had a keen eye
for the beauties of Nature, and all their poets give expression in their songs
to that appreciation. Every commanding spot was utilised for the purposes of
worship. Beneath it would be the great tank, the very source of life for the
village—a hundred acres of lotus—pink and white, with here and there blue—scenting
the air with its rich and wholesome fragrance for a mile around. The water-fowl
would splash lazily in the cool of the evening, confident in the security which
no one would disturb. And as the great full moon rose in the heavens,
etherealising everything with its radiance, the villagers would come forth
joyously with their offerings of sweet-smelling flowers—men and women and
children all dressed in spotless white—to renew their vows as before the Bo
tree at Anuradha Pura. That was the one innocent break from his round of toil
in the life of the villager; for he did not touch intoxicants, and had no
tavern where he could meet his fellows of an evening.
Every morning the
children would troop to the Pansala, where the priest resided, to be taught
their letters; for love of learning has always been inherent in the Oriental.
There they would be taught, without fee or payment, to trace the characters of
the alphabet on sand till they knew enough to be entrusted with an iron style
wherewith to inscribe sentences, like strings of rounded pearls, on strips of
palm-leaf. As they advanced in years they learned to compose verse, with the
same sedulous care with
which Hexameters are
fashioned at Oxford or Cambridge. The great institutions at Totagamuwa and
Keragala long maintained the traditions brought over from the Universities of
India; and in the next century, though these institutions had ceased to exist,
the learning to be found in Ceylon was still recognized by the Portuguese in
India.10
Dharmapala was but a
helpless puppet in the hands of his spiritual advisers, who now applied
themselves with reckless ardour to the task of pulling down the structure which
it had taken twenty centuries to erect. It is impossible to entertain any doubt
as to the genuineness of the feeling which animated the now triumphant
missionaries, or the absolute conviction under which they acted; unfortunately
their impulses were the result not of reasoned belief but of impassioned
ignorance. Vasco da Gama had worshipped at Hindu shrines under the idea that he
had discovered a new branch of the Catholic Church; but the missionary could
see in Buddhism nothing but the abhorrent creation of the devil. He did not
stop to inquire what were the principles which were taught by its Sages, nor what
the ideals after which its lofty philosophy struggled; Buddhism was not
Christianity, and since by Christianity alone could souls escape damnation and
hell fire, it was his duty to God to destory Buddhism by every means in his
power. He did not ask whether the people were prepared to receive his new wine,
or whether the destruction of their ancient beliefs might not mean the
destruction of all spiritual life; his every idea was centred on the one
thought that Buddhism must be wiped out of existence. In these circumstances it
is not surprising that the rash action of Dharmapala was viewed with the
greatest alarm by his subjects. A few of his great nobles followed his example,
and biblical names were soon
the fashion in the
Sinhalese Court, the highest dignitaries of which at the same time assumed the
title of Dom ; whilst the language and manners of the Portuguese were rapidly
adopted among those who desired to continue in favour with the power which
controlled patronage. As a result of all this a cleavage and estrangement, more
deadly than any that had ever risen out of the institution of caste, began to
creep in among the Sinhalese.
The pardao was
originally a golden coin from the native mints of West India ; and the name,
which is a corruption of the Sanskrit pratapa, was subsequently applied to a
Portuguese silver coin of degenerating value, and nominally of 370 reis.
This work, which
appears to have been compiled towards the end of the XVIIth century, is the
best Sinhalese authority for the Portuguese period in Ceylon.
The Jesuit, Emanuel
de Morales, writing from Colombo on the 28th of November 1552, has left the
following account of his countrymen in Ceylon: “The most wicked vices reigned
supreme in the Island, and men were given to lewdness and to lust ... There
were more women of bad life than honest matrons. In fact women were worse than
men in this regard, and these vices had become so habitual that they did not
even seem to look upon them as sins. ”—The Ceylon Antiquary, I., 223.
His work, Asia
Portuguesa, is in Spanish, and was published in three volumes at Lisbon, in
1666-1675.
He was baptised as
Dom Joao and was sent to Lisbon, where under the nanle of the Prince of Ceylao
he was a popular figure at Court, and received the precedence of a Conde. He
later returned to Goa and married a Portuguese lady.
Diogo de Couto, born
at Lisbon in 1543, appointed Guardian of the Torre do Tombo in 1595; died in
India on 10th December 1616.
The five-hued
effulgence which was believed to emanate from the body of the Buddha. Regarding
this Dr. John Davy, M. D., F. R. S., brother of Sir Humphrey Davy, who was in
Ceylon from 1816 till 1820, has written the following:
“There is a pecular
phenomenon occasionally seen in the heaven in the Interior that is deserving of
notice. In January 1820 it was witnessed in Kandy, and byEuiopean gentlemen as
well as by natives. One of the former, a most respectable individual in whose
account I could put the firmest reliance, described it to me as an appearance
of rays or beams of light in motion, intersecting one
another, faintly
resembling the northern lights. It occurred when the atmosphere was clear, in
the middle of the day .. . The natives call it Boodhoo rais”
The Church of the
Holy Sepulchre took the place of the Maligawa, and the bell of the Church, with
its Latin invocation to the Virgin, is to-day a prominent feature in the Pettah
of Colombo.
Father Morales has
the following regarding the Temples. “Some of these are more splendid than the
most splendid Churches of Lisbon, though the buildings are not so high nor so
beautiful, yet everything seems covered with pure gold. I once entered a pagoda
which impressed me more than anything I had seen in Portugal or Castille, in
both of which I have seen many a magnificent building.” Cey. Ant. I. 224.
It is difficult to
say what was the condition of female education in Ceylon at this time, but the
Kusa Jataka (see Index) makes it clear that fifty years later highborn ladies
were able to read with ease Sanskrit and Pali, in addition to their own
language.
Mayadunna was quick
to take advantage of the mistake which his grand-nephew had committed ; he now
presented himself as the champion of the national faith, and laid claim to the
Lion Throne on the ground of the apostasy of the present occupant. Serious
rioting occurred within the Capital itself, and the King was stoned by an
excited mob, which only dispersed when the Portuguese opened fire upon it.
Thirty Buddhist priests, whose persons were regarded as sacrO-sanct, were
arrested and punished, and this unprecedented act of sacrilege filled the
people with such horror that several of the most prominent inhabitants of Kotte
fled to Sitawaka ; while Mayadunna threw his armies into ,the great Province or
Disawani of Matara, which extended from the neighbourhood of Kotte to the
Walawe Ganga. So serious was the outlook that the veteran Affonco Pereira was
hurriedly despatched from Goa to the assistance of Dharmapala, and only his
vigorous exertions saved the Capital from the armies of Mayadunna.
In May 1559 Dom Jorge
de Meneses Baroche succeeded him in the command, and was able to drive back a
small army which was advancing under Wikramasinha Mudaliyar. Raja Sinha,
however, hastened up in person and a powerful body of expert target-men,
supported by elephants and cavalry and the bravest soldiers of Aturugiri Korale
and Koratota, were hurled at the Portuguese. The great tract of low land lying
between Mulleriyawa and Kaduwela, twelve miles from Colombo, which is yearly
enriched by the alluvial
Battle of Mulleriyawa
85
deposits left by the
Kelani Ganga when swollen with the monsoon rains, was this day the scene of a
terrible fight. Raja Sinha himself attacked the Portuguese in front, while the
Koratota and Hewa- gama Arachchis took them in the rear. The carnage was
terrible, but though the Sinhalese were mown down by the firearms of their
opponents, they still pressed on reckless of life, clinging to the tails of the
elephants in their efforts to get within striking distance of the enemy. In the
thickest of the fight was to be seen Raja Sinha on his horse, commanding,
exhorting, encouraging his men by word and deed. “The battle was like a show of
fireworks and the smoke from the discharge of the muskets resembled mists in
early Duruta.1 Blood flowed like water on the field of Mulleriyawa.
The Portuguese were attacked in such wise that not one foot could they retire.”
At last the
Portuguese turned in flight. De Meneses seized the Banner of Christ which they
were abandoning and tried to rally his men round it, but his voice was lost in
the din of the battle. Raja Sinha, perceiving that victory was in his grasp,
pursued them vigorously as they fled across the field towards a narrow passage
in the line of their retreat. This they found already occupied by
the Sinhalese who had blocked the way by cutting down trees, and here as they
laboured desperately to clear the road they were brought to a stand. The war
elephants were now thundering down upon them, and one of the beasts rushed at
de Meneses with uplifted trunk as he again tried to rally his men, but a
fortunate shot turned it back and he had time to escape. The elephant
Viradareya—the Mighty of Strength— hurled the Ensign Luis de Lacerda through
the air and captured the Banner of Christ, but still the Portuguese fought on
with teeth and nails, for their powder was now exhausted. Their
complete destruction
seemed assured, when a soldier fired a berco 2 which they were
abandoning right into the midst of the men who crowded round the passage, with
fearful effect. The Sinhalese opened out their ranks and gave the Portuguese an
opportunity of reaching the river and getting on board the vessels which were
waiting there. Only a demoralised and weary handful succeeded in reaching the
camp, where de Meneses threw himself on the ground, cursing himself in the
depth of his despair.
Raja Sinha now
erected strong forts at Kaduwela and Rakgaha Watta, to control the roads from
Colombo, and the Portuguese, who had obtained reinforcements from India,
determined to re-establish their lost prestige by an attack on the latter. The
result was disastrous, and once again their demoralised men turned and fled,
hotly pursued right up to the suburbs of Colombo by Wikramasinha, who returned
in triumph on the back of a Portuguese prisoner. A fresh army was ready in
India, but the Portuguese, instead of concentrating their energies on the
urgent task of reducing Mayadunna, wasted their forces in a futile endeavour to
punish the Raja of Jaffna. The Viceroy himself, the princely Dom Constantino de
Braganza, led a great expedition against him in October 1560, and returned
after securing little beyond the Tooth which had been found with Widiye
Bandara. The price paid for this, in men and treasure, was very heavy, and the
King of Pegu was willing to ransom it for a large amount. The Viceroy’s
Councillors urged that the King’s offer should be accepted, but de Braganza, in
deference to the wishes of his clerical advisers, directed that the alleged
relic should be reduced to powder and burnt, and the ashes cast into the sea.
In the meanwhile Raja
Sinha was unfalteringly pressing on his course. Guerilla bands following each
other in quick succession, ravaged the rich and
populous district
which fed the Capital. Their rapidity of movement bewildered the Portuguese,
whose energies were wasted in warding off the threats aimed alternately at
Kotte and Colombo. More than once they were driven back in headlong flight, and
it was soon clear that they were helpless to afford any effective protection to
Dharmapala’s subjects. Indeed so closely was Kotte blockaded, that after
devouring the King’s elephants, the Portuguese were forced to have recourse to
cannibalism ; while their anxieties were greatly increased by the disaffection
which prevailed within the walls, where there was an influential section which
favoured surrender. But the leaders held grimly on till at last Raja Sinha’s
men returned to Sitawaka. The relief however was not for long, and in October
1564 he appeared once again with his army before the walls of Kotte, and
proceeded to lay it under close siege, till on the 12th of February 1565 a
determined attempt was made to carry the place by storm. Raja Sinha in person
commanded the attack at Periya Kotte, and after a fierce conflict some of his
men succeeded in crossing the water on bamboo rafts and effecting an entrance.
But at last by efforts which were superhuman —for the Portuguese declared that
the Virgin and St, Joseph were seen fighting in their ranks— the defenders
within the walls succeeded in forcing them to withdraw. The Portuguese had in
the meantime been negotiating with Karalliyadda, who now made a timely
demonstration on the borders of Sitawaka, and thus compelled Raja Sinha,
disappointed though he was, to hurry to meet this danger.
The Indian Government
now decided that the continued maintenance of Kotte as the Metropolis was
detrimental to the interests of the Portuguese, as it only served to divert
their forces. The position of Colombo on the coast where it could always be
reached from India, pointed to it as more suitably
for the seat of the
central authority. Diogo de Melo Coutinho was therefore sent as Captain of
Colombo with orders to dismantle Jayawardhana Kotte and to transfer the Court,
population, and artillery to Colombo. This was done in July 1565, to the great
grief of the Sinhalese. Their ancient Capital was abandoned to the wild beasts,
and a hundred years later elephants were being hunted on the site of its ruined
palaces. Its granite columns have been removed to beautify the country houses
of Dutch officials, or to buttress tottering bridges on the public roads; and
today the villager stealthily digs up the cabook stones over which his
forefathers so freely shed their blood, to make a foundation for his fragile
hut3.
The kingdom of Kotte
now ceased to exist, and Mayadunna was the undisputed lord of all the Sinhalese
country except the Kanda Uda Rata and the area dominated by the guns of the
Colombo Fort. A strong garrison at Wattala prevented the Portuguese from moving
northward across the Kelani Ganga. Another at Nagalagama, almost within sight
of the Fort, made impossible any movement in the direction of Sitawaka. A third
force on the great plain of Mapane to the South of Colombo cut them off from
Matara. The Portuguese were helpless, and it was only by the exertions of the
Muda- liyars who still followed the fortunes of Dharmapala that they were kept
supplied with provisions. From time to time a raiding expedition swept the food
from the neighbouring villages into the Fort, but Raja Sinha was too busy
reorganising for a great undertaking his father’s military forces to allow
himself to be disturbed by them.
In 1568 Dom
Sebastiao, though only in his fifteenth year, was declared to be of age and
took over the administration from the Cardinal. The growing power of the
Mohammedans, who three years
Munnessaram
89
previously, in 1565,
had destroyed the Hindu Empire of Vijayanagara, was distracting the attention
of the authorities at Goa, and they were unable to spare any assistance for
Colombo. In 1570 a Mohammedan army laid siege to Goa itself, and it was only
after ten months of the fiercest struggle that the invaders were compelled to
retire. A series of Captains succeeded one another at Colombo, but not one of
them was able to take any effective action. Colombo offered little opportunity
for building up a reputation or amassing a fortune, and the Captains tried to
make up for their disappointment by begging for loans from the unfortunate Dharmapala.
At length in 1574
Diogo de Melo arrived with a sufficient force to enable him to take the field,
and swiftly-moving bodies were soon ravaging every village which had a temple
with a reputation for wealth, and which could be reached without fear of being
intercepted by Mayadunna’s commanders. The famous shrine at Kelaniya was
destroyed; the port of Negumbo was plundered; the garrison at Nagalagama was
driven out; and the coast towns of Kalutara and Beruwala devastated. In the
course of the following year one plundering expedition pushed its way as far
south as Weligama. Another force sent out with a similar object ravaged the
district of Chilaw, after which it made its way to the ancient and revered
shrine of Munnessaram, one of the five Isparam or Residences of Siva in Ceylon.
This temple is said to have been founded by Rama Chandra, the Avatar of Vishnu,
himself, after the defeat of Ravana. Its Lingam, the emblem of the God, was a
great cylinder of stone of the height of a man, and like the Diana of the
Ephesians, was believed to have fallen from heaven. Numerous inscriptions there
bore testimony to the wealth which the devotion of successive Kings had
dedicated to its service, and
its separate domain
comprised 62 villages to which it gave its name. Much plunder was anticipated
and the Portuguese pressed on eagerly. The Sinhalese force which blocked the
way was driven back with the loss of its commander, and the temple sacked.
Laden with spoil the
Portuguese turned back towards Colombo. Mapane was devastated with relentless
fury, and the beautiful Vihare at Horana destroyed. An attempt was also made to
surprise the Dewale4 at Nawagomuwa, where a festival was being
celebrated; but one of Raja Sinha’s Arachchis seized the road and frustrated
it, though the gallant Arachchi himself and three hundred of his men sacrificed
their lives in the struggle.
In the meantime a
horrible incident had occurred at Colombo. An attempt had been made to poison
Dharmapala, while he sat at dinner with the Captain, by drugging his wine. On
tasting it the King had fallen to the ground, and though restoratives were
hastily applied and his life was saved, he remained toothless and a stammerer.
There can be little doubt that the Captain had been bribed to destroy the King.
Familiar though the Portuguese were both with bribery and with poisoning, the
popular clamour which this shameful attempt against the unfortunate monarch
evoked was so pronounced, that in October 1577 the Viceroy was compelled to
remove De Melo from office and to order an inquiry. The Captain was despatched
to Goa under arrest ; but on the way, harassed by anxiety and illness, goaded
to despair by the pangs of a conscience which tormented him, and haunted by the
fear of a shameful death, the unhappy man breathed his last, ending pitifully
what had been a brilliant career.
Mayadunna was now
feeling the weight of his years. He realised that the military operations
against the Portuguese necessitated more activity of
Mayadunna abdicates
91
body than he was
capable of, and in Raja Sinha he found a general who could be relied on
efficiently to fill his place. Adopting the self-sacrificing custom which had
long been in usage amongst the Sinhalese Kings, he in May 1578 with the
consent of his subjects renounced the throne in favour of his son.
On the 4th of August
of this same year was fought the great battle of Alcacer Quibir in Morocco, in
which the dreamy and youthful Dom Sebastiao fell, together with 9000 of his
men, while 8000 more remained prisoners in the hands of the victorious Moors.
This defeat proved a death-blow to the imperial aspirations of Portugal, and
indeed the end of her own independence was not far off. Dom Sebastiao was
succeeded by his uncle the Cardinal Dom Henrique, a feeble old man and a fanatical
religionist of sixty-five, who had to be supported up the steps of the throne
which he was destined to occupy but for a few brief months.
Raja Sinha lost no
time in putting his newly acquired authority to the test. In the following year
he laid siege to Colombo with a large army, but in spite of all his efforts,
the garrison successfully maintained their resistance till in February 1581
Matthias de Alboquerque, subsequently Viceroy of India, arrived with a large
force and compelled him to withdraw. On his way back to Sitawaka Raja Sinha
received the news of the death of Mayadunna at the age of eighty years, and
thus at length found himself unhampered in the execution of his plans for the
entire subjugation of the Kingdom of Kotte.
Meanwhile an event of
the most serious import had taken place in Colombo. On the 12th of August 1580
Dharmapala had, on the advice of the Franciscans, executed a deed of gift by
which, after setting forth his own title to the Throne, and recounting how the
hostility of Mayadunna and Raja Sinha had
robbed him of
everything save Colombo, he made over all his claims to Dom! Henrique. This was
perhaps the one shrewd act of this unhappy King during the long years of his
nominal reign. Dom Henrique himself had, however, died seven months before, and
with him had ended the great House of Aviz. Very little remained out of the
Kingdom which that House had built up. The Treasury was empty; the public
service was seething with peculation and corruption; and the drain towards
India and Brazil of the country's manhood, culminating in the loss of the
flower of what still remained in the fatal battle of Alcacer Quibir, had so
affected the population, that few were left except slaves, priests and
beggars. The Crown of Portugal fell to Philip II of Spain, who on the 15th of
April 1581 swore to the conditions which were meant to preserve the
individuality and maintain the interests of Portugal, and was proclaimed King
as Philip I. Under these conditions Portugal was to have a Viceroy who was to
be a native of the country. All offices within the Kingdom and the Indian trade
were reserved to the Portuguese, while the revenue was to be kept distinct from
that of Spain and spent for the benefit of Portugal only. Thus began the Sixty
Years’ Captivity, as the period of the Spanish domination of Portugal was
called. Meanwhile Raja Sinha had turned his attention to the Uda Rata, and in
1582 thirty thousand veterans of the Portuguese wars appeared before Balane,
the mountain stronghold which commands the gate of the central plateau.
Karalliyadda’s army, which was supported by a few Portuguese, was driven back
after a sanguinary struggle, and the capital was occupied, Wirasundara
Mudiyanse being placed in charge of it. Karalliyadda himself fled to Trin- comalee
where together with most of his family he fell a victim to an outbreak of
smallpox, his infant daughter, who was at the time but one year
old, being left in
the care of his nephew Jama Sinha Bandar, who made his way to Jaffna and sought
protection from the Tamil King. '
Wirasundara, however,
was not satisfied with his position and seized an early opportunity to revolt;
but his treachery was met with treachery and he was trapped to his death, while
the punishment inflicted on the rebellious districts was both swift and
severe. The Sitawaka army rapidly overran the country, disarming all the
disaffected, and reducing a large number of the inhabitants to slavery. The
remainder were compelled to render service without payment, and were put to the
most arduous labours in erecting the earthworks of Raja Sinha’s fortifications,
so that for several years to come there was no fear of any hostile movement
from that quarter. Wirasundara’s son Konappu fled to Colombo where he was
hospitably received by Dharma- pala, who gave him the daughter of Sembahap
Perumal in marriage.
A few years of uneasy
peace followed, while Raja Sinha was busily engaged in strengthening his position,
by removing with unhesitating resolution all disaffected persons from his path.
In 1583 Joao Correa de Brito succeeded Manoel de Sousa as Captain in Colombo,
and on the 4th of November of the same year Dharmapala executed another
instrument, ratifying in favour of King Philip the donation of 1580, and
disinheriting all his kinsmen who should after his death lay claim to the
Throne. Upon the completion of the instrument the populace was summoned to the
palace, where the document was explained to them and they were invited to
appoint proctors authorised to approve of the King’s nomination. Three such
were elected, and they on behalf of the King’s subjects accepted Philip II as
the heir of Dharmapala, waiving all the right vested
in the people to
nominate and elect a King on the death of the occupant of the Throne.
Raja Sinha’s aims
were, however, well known and his armies were even then hovering about and
cutting off supplies. The condition of the garrison was wretched in the
extreme, and so scarce had food become that the soldiers could with difficulty
be restrained from abandoning their posts. Their wages were allowed to fall
into arrears, and they had hardly the necessary clothes with which to cover
their nakedness. The remittances received from Goa were irregular in arrival,
and were conveyed at great risk in consequence of the pirates who infested the
Indian waters. Meanwhile Raja Sinha’s position was daily becoming stronger; he
had achieved some measure of sea power, and more than once his vessels made
descents on Manar. To meet the growing menace from Raja Sinha, the Portuguese
hit upon the expedient of attempting to create disaffection at Court. Some of
the Royal Princes were inveigled into a treasonable correspondence with the
object of raising a revolt against the King; strange to say the priests, who
had till now found staunch supporters in Mayadunna and Raja Sinha, were also
attracted into the conspiracy. Fortunately, however, the plot was discovered in
time. The guilty parties were punished with terrible severity. The Princes were
put to death, one of them committing suicide by taking poison; while the Chief
Priest was stoned and cut in pieces. Tradition indeed says that this last and
his followers were buried up to their necks in the earth, and had their heads
ploughed off.
It was this treachery
which embittered Raja Sinha against Buddhism and made him virulently hostile to
the priesthood. They found him “like unto a serpent full of poison when it is
beaten with a stick... He embraced heresy and became like unto a thorn in the
path of Continued Existence.”5
Many of the priests
disrobed themselves and others fled to the Uda Rata, while the King deprived
the more important temples of the villages from which they derived their
revenues. An even more severe blow was dealt when he proceeded to remove the
Buddhists from the control of one of the most venerated spots in the East, the
Sacred Foot Print.
As the voyager
approaches the Island from Europe, the most prominent feature which catches his
eye at early dawn is the graceful Peak of Samanala Kanda, rising 7352 feet
above the level of the sea over the billowy masses of snow-white clouds. On its
summit may be seen a depression fashioned roughly like a human foot, and long
before the Sinhalese race arrived in the Island, this, the Sri Pada, was an
object of worship among innumerable human beings. The Hindus saw in it the
impress of Siva; the Buddhists declared that Gautama himself left this for his
perpetual memorial; while the Arabs worshipped it as the foot print of Adam,
who found consolation in Ceylon for the loss of Paradise. Thousands of pilgrims
climbed the steep ascent every March and April, being assisted on their way by
the iron chains which Marco Polo says had been presented to the shrine by
Alexander the Great. Many nationalities and many religions met at the summit,
towards which the neighbouring peaks appeared to bow in reverence, and there
celebrated their rites in peace and friendship. This august shrine the
indignant Raja Sinha now placed in the charge of the ash- daubed Indian fakirs;
even today the priests have not forgiven him this insult.
Raja Sinha was now at
the height of his power, and the Sinhalese everywhere, except the handful round
the walls of Colombo who still remained faithful to Dharmapala, acknowledged
him as their King. All eyes were turned on Sitawaka, and for the first time
since the death of Sri Rahula patriotism and
pride in the doings
of their race brought forward a poet, in the person of Alagiyawanna Mukewetti.
A prose literature,
consisting mainly of Commentaries on the Buddhist Scriptures, existed among
the Sinhalese before the beginning of the Christian Era, and to this were later
added some historical works which were made use of by Mahanamo in the
compilation of his Mahawansa. This last was written in Pali, a language which
holds among the Buddhist priesthood the same position as that which latin
occupies in the Church of Rome. King Buddhadasa in fourth century composed a
medical treatise in • lskrit, and King Kumaradas two centuries Later was the
author of a poetical work in the same language. It is known that several poets,
whose productions were held in esteem, lived about the period of this latter
King; but none of their works survive to-day, though there are good examples of
the prose of the time.
The three hundred and
fifty years which followed the accession to the Throne of Parakrama Bahu the
Great, were adorned by the works of a series of writers several of whom hav^
always been considered, ? I can justly claim to be, of the first rank. The
im.,- prominent among them were priests, as was natural in a state of
civilisation where every temple a ns also a school; but even they
did not confine tl pelves to religion and philosophy, as M haT ir expected from their
dissoc;°*ion ana ***»' folk*weiscts; the nistrrv, medicin .i the
earth, and h*try : ry.e bee iched b .1XJ*
T „ reward of
li,
, ^as t"ils
reading public, Du. ?r**tered p~:;nd jmha
against Burncouragement was r t;r'■ r.Jita
• is i e to the pra
was more than a Sinhalese Maecenas ; :^i;a serP^nt
mseif a scholar whose religious n He < stjjj
as a rank as his poetic „ morn v
Literature reached
its high water mark in the productions of Sri Rahula. He was the chief exponent
of the use of rhyme, which in his day began to displace the blank verse which
had hitherto been the fashion. The greatness of his literary influence is
proved by the numbers of his countrymen who still adopt his poems as their
model, and to every Sinhalese his Kaviya Sekara is what it calls itself, the
Crown of Song.
It is not unusual for
Europeans to sneer at the poetry of the Sinhalese; and yet it is not possible
to point to one European who can be accepted as a competent critic. Certain
blemishes are indeed obvious, but they are not such as • to destroy i
excellences ; and for perfect melody of sound, bea^y of imagery, richness of
language, and intense appreciation of Nature, the Kaviya Sekara is difficult
to surpass. Sinhalese poetry has not yet been placed before the Western world ;
is it too much to hope that one of the Universities of the West will some day
train the Sinhalese youth who will adequately interpret his countrymen in the
English tongue ?
Sri Rahula
and his group of brilliant contemporaries—for he w?° >only the most
brilliant of a brilliant group—were all dead at the ti p of the arrival of the
Portuguese, and the first (.venty-five years of the sixteenth
century proved singularly barren in literary results. It is not surprising that
during this unhappy period of interne- \e warfare, /rf4en the power
of the Sinhalese -eing st- "7 ly dar 'royed and. <iore'ign
influx °J . • ; he not x, ^denc.v. c r * Court r,ther<ay
Pnests have ie tZ- c:nu /man 'of lette. f
.
>wever, struck a r<£ht of his power, { th oVt - V*]
-^Alagiyawanna, the the handful * learned Dharmadwaja Pandita. Th'niained
faithful ,e son, indeed, has secured for him a.* their KH his native country
such as the fath<d for ^.
his name was
well-known in India when in the middle of the XVIIth century Jean Baptiste
Taver- nier, Baron of Aubonne, went to sell his diamonds and pearls at the
Court of the great Mogul.
The Sevul Sandesaya
was probably the earliest of Alagiyawanna’s works; and though it shows no
originality of conception, and is a polished specimen of composition rather
than a poem, yet it is of great value for the glimpse it affords of the Court
of Raja Sinha as it presented itself to one who had access to it. The poet is
at Sitawaka, and sends his message or Sandesaya to the God who was worshipped
at Saparagamuwa, invoking his protection for the religion of Buddha, and for
the King, his Council and his army. The message is entrusted to the Sevula or
cock, and the opportunity is taken to describe the sights which meet the
messenger's eye as it proceeds on its way. Raja Sinha himself is shown on his
throne, giving audience to ambassadors from foreign Courts. “Glory, Liberality
and Truth he cherished ; second to them he held his life.” The ambassadors
display presents of silk and camphor and musk, sandalwood and pearl, while the
Court bards sing the King’s praises. Beautiful maidens stand behind the throne
and fan the King with the Royal fan, the tail of the great Himalayan Yak; the
Princes, victors in many a fight, and the gallant warriors of India who have
lent their swords to the King, make obeisance at his feet, and are followed by
the Ministers, “who watch over the people as over their own eyes, skilled in
law to decide all tangled suits.” In the courtyard are assembled the choicest
of the royal troops, and the Wanniyan chiefs, who rule the wild country between
the Uda Rata and the Jaffna Kingdom, are present with their tribute of
elephants. The Bhairawa Kovil has been repaired after the devastation of 1551,
and in its great hall, the walls of which are frescoed in rich colours with
scenes
from the Ramayana,
the dancing women move their graceful limbs to the rhythm of the Tamil music.
In the main street or Vitiya is the Court House, where justice is administered
“without affection or ill-will, ignorance or fear.” There is also a quarter of
the city devoted to music and dancing halls, and other recreations for the
people, and in its neighbourhood are the royal elephant stalls, and a great
caravanserai erected for the use of the public by Wikramasinha Mudiyanse.
Ceylon was a small
field in which to train a General to meet the finest troops of Europe, for
Portugal had sent her very best to the East. Yet the native talent of the
Sinhalese Chief and the whole resources of Sinhalese civilisation were to be
matched against the science of the West, in a struggle which was to decide
whether Oriental or Occidental was to be supreme in Ceylon. An armed camp was
established at Biyagama, ten miles from Colombo. The forts at Nagalagama,
Kaduwela and Rakgaha- watta protected it against any surprise attack from
Colombo, and the broad Kelani River which flowed past it not only provided a
safe and easy means of getting in touch with the enemy, but also served to
bring to it materials of war in unlimited quantity. The services of every
feudal tenant throughout the country were requisitioned. Ingots of the finest steel
poured in from the villages of the Yamanoo whose service it was to smelt the
ore. Relays of smiths toiled to convert these into crowbars and axes, armed
with which the woodcutters proceeded to the forest-clad mountain slopes
adjoining the stream, down to the bed of which the great logs which they felled
were dragged by two thousand of the King’s elephants. There the logs were
lashed together into immense rafts on a foundation of thousands of the buoyant
golden-coloured bamboos which grew by the water’s edge, and secured by great
lengths of stout cane.
These rafts travelled
rapidly down stream till they reached Biyagama, where they were moored unbroken
to the bank.
The 1900 royal
villages also sent their whole store of rice on the backs of the transport oxen
which it was part of their service to maintain. Stacks of the dried branches of
the Palmyra palm were prepared to serve as tents. Four hundred blacksmiths were
employed in the manufacture of billhooks, mattocks, and, not least important, a
vast quantity of arrowheads. The carpenters too were busy fashioning the
timbers for the stockades and the ponderous siege engines. A hundred and fifty
pieces of bronze artillery were cast, the majority ot them gingals supported on
a light wooden frame consisting of two legs in front, and a long curved handle
behind; and such as a pair of men could carry. Matchlocks also were prepared in
large numbers; for the Sinhalese, as the Portuguese writers admit, soon
excelled their teachers in the manufacture of these weapons. All hand-guns were
fired with match-cord, for flint is not found in the Island. The animal
accumulations of ages, fetched from the caves of Uwa, were utilised to obtain a
supply of saltpetre, while sulphur was imported from Persia. Leaden bullets
were cast in abundance, and an application was sent to Achim, the King of which
country was at this time waging war on the Portuguese in Malacca, for further
supplies of ammunition. The services of every Malay, Kaffir, and renegade
Portuguese who could be secured to serve the artillery were purchased, while a
select body of expert Indian warriors was collected as the personal guard of
the King. The enthusiasm of Raja Sinha was infectious, and few Sinhalese to
whom the summons came were found wanting. Not all in the great crowd which
assembled at Biyagama were fighters; but every member of it knew how to handle
an axe or a spade with skill, and there was plenty of trench work to be done.
1. The Sinhalese month
corresponding to December-January.
2. In 1525 among the guns used
by the Portuguese wero Nags, Falcons, Camels, Lions, Serpents, Basilisks,
Savages, Culverins, Bombards, Pedreiros, Spheres, Roqueiros, Passa- muros,
Mortars and Bercos.
3. It is distressing to think
that while the Ceylon Government was spending lakhs of rupees in maintaining a
Museum and an Archaeological Department, the very foundations of Dharmapala’s
Palace were being dug up and sold for building material within six miles of
Colombo.
4. Deti'ala is a temple of the
Hindu deities who are recognised by the Buddhists.
5.
Mahawansa.
It was not unnatural
that the Portuguese should view these preparations with the deepest apprehension.
De Brito accordingly sent an embassy with rich presents to the King, who was
persuaded to agree to a short truce, which was prolonged by an attempt to
poison him which just failed of success. Urgent appeals for assistance were
meanwhile sent to Goa, and everything possible with the means at the disposal
of the Portuguese was done to strengthen the fortifications of Colombo. All the
plantations outside the walls which were likely to afford cover to the enemy
were felled, use being made of the timber in the fortifications.
On the North the town
was protected by a rampart. The bastion of S. Thome, which stood at the
north-western corner, was in a dilapidated condition; and another bastion,
named after S. Joao, was built at a spot closer to the Bay. This bastion was
thirty feet high, and was connected with the Bay by a stout wall. The central
bastion of S. Estevao, which was the most important on that side of the town,
was mounted with the best artillery the defenders possessed, so as to command
the neck of land between the Lake and the sea. Across this neck of land there
ran a moat, and between the moat and the ramparts a strong palisade was now
constructed, to which was secured, to prevent the elephants from pulling out
the beams, a row of unwieldy pada boats used for transporting heavy cargo on
the river. Towers and sentry boxes were erected at intervals on the top of the
wall which ended at the bastion of S. Sebastiao. Beyond that point the main
defence consisted of the water of the lake, along the bank of which there was
COLOMBO
to illustrate
the Siege of 1587
GEORGF PHILIP A SON.
LTD.
also a low wall
strengthened by the bastions of S. Goncalo, S- Miguel, Nossa Senhora de
Conceicao and others.
At last Raja Sinha
was ready, and a great army estimated at 50,000 men took the field. It was
whispered, and probably not without reason, that human sacrifices had been
offered to the awful divinities who control the destinies of war.1
It is at least certain that images of gold were lavishly bestowed on their
temples throughout the country, to secure their blessing on this undertaking.
Crossing the Kelani river the Sitawaka army reached Demata Goda on the 4th of
July 1587 and proceeded to entrench itself. The camp was soon strengthened by a
broad moat and palisades, after which Raja Sinha resumed work upon the canal
for draining the lake, which had been left unfinished at the conclusion of the
last siege. This was presse4 on till a layer of stone was reached
which defied all the efforts of the Sinhalese engineers. Raja Sinha was however
equal to the occasion; vinegar and sour milk were poured upon the rock, after
which it was heated by means of large fires which were steadily maintained till
the whole was pulverised. 2 In twenty days the canal had reached the
lake, notwithstanding the desperate resistance of the garrison, who watched
with terror as the level of the water gradually sank, till at last the armed
boats maintained by the Portuguese on the Lake had to be beached.
Raja Sinha now laid
his plans for his first great assault on Colombo.
Before dawn on the
4th of August the Sinhalese advanced to the walls. Three Mudaliyars commanded
the three companies of elephants which went in the van to attack the bastions
of S. Miguel, S. Goncalo, and S. Francisco. Behind the elephants came spearmen,
the targe-bearers, the archers, and
last of all the
matchlock men. On the Lake, in which there still remained a little water,
several rafts were placed, and so secured together as to form a floating
platform which was loaded with men. The various detachments crept up to their
posts in deep silence, betrayed only by their matches, which showed like a
swarm of fireflies in the gloom.
The alarm was raised;
and as Raja Sinha’s drums roared back their hoarse answer to the cries of the
Portuguese, the Sinhalese dashed towards the walls with a shout, and planting
their ladders began to clamber up them with amazing agility, while a body of
sappers two thousand strong set to work to open a breach. But it was only for a
moment. Volley after volley crashed out from above against the surging mass of
the attackers, creating terrible havoc; and the cries and lamentations of the
women and children in the crowded streets within increased the confusion. Soon
too the elephants came up and began to tear down the walls with their trunks.
Hand grenades were hurled at the elephants’ heads, reinforcements were hurried
to the rescue, and missiles of every kind were brought to bear on the soldiery
thronging beneath the wall. Nevertheless the Sinhalese did not flinch, and de
Brito, seeing how critical was the situation, dashed into the midst shouting
out his name to encourage his men.
At S. Goncalo the
pressure was even greater. The arrows and the fire which the Sinhalese poured
in through the embrasures could at length be faced no longer, and the
Portuguese retired, scorched by the flame and blinded by the smoke. But even as
the Sinhalese crowded up the ladders the Portuguese returned, and as each man
reached the coping of the rampart, presented their spears at his breast. Where
the Sinhalese succeeded in thrusting aside the spears, they were met by the
swords of the
defenders, which
inflicted terrible wounds on their bare bodies. But as one fell another took
his place, and the fight went on till the bastion became one blaze of fire.
Once again the Portuguese drew back; once again the flame was extinguished, and
they returned to continue the struggle, guided by the light of the cressets
which the forethought of their leaders had caused to be prepared.
Time after time the
elephants were hurled against the walls; time after time they had to retire
before the grenades and bullets, their shrill screams rousing terror in every
heart even in the midst of that fearful din of battle. So for a full hour the
assault lasted, till at last the Sitawaka men, exhausted with their efforts,
fell back a distance of twenty paces.
Furious at this
failure, Raja Sinha who was directing the operations gave the signal, five
beats of the drum, for the whole army to engage. The men of his own guard,
armed with breast-plates, head-pieces and morrions, and wielding their twohanded
swords, charged recklessly towards the walls and the bastion of S. Goncalo,
crying aloud their names and cutting down the spears of the Portuguese. At the
same time the elephants once more advanced, and seized the artillery which was
being discharged against them. So encumbered with corpses was the ground that the
movements of the living were impeded It was a titanic struggle. Sinhalese and
foreigner alike, clasping each other in a close embrace, went whirling down to
death, till at last on the bastions of S. Goncalo and S. Miguel the Standard of
Raja Sinha was triumphantly unfurled over that appalling scene of blood and
carnage,
A feeling little
short of despair now came over the garrison; but de Brito himself remained
undaunted. Every available man was hurried to the
14
spot, and once more
the struggle was renewed, and the Sinhalese army forced to retire before the
splendid defence of the Portuguese. Again it rallied, and for the third time by
the imperious command of Raja Sinha threw itself against the walls; again the
brave Sinhalese, reckless of their lives, charged up to the very mouths of the
Portuguese cannon; but the task was now recognised as an impossible one, and
Raja Sinha in profound disappointment gave the signal for withdrawal. Colombo
had been all but won, but the bravest troops of Europe stood behind the walls
and guns which the bare-bodied Sinhalese had with such desperate valour tried
to carry.
Then the day
dawned—“which was for our people a joy as great as comes, when the day breaks
clear and serene, to those that in some storm thought themselves lost in the
darkness of the night.3”
Raja Sinha now betook
himself once more to the tedious labour of a siege. The stockades were pushed
up close under the walls, and at their corners wooden bastions were erected of
a height sufficient to command those of the Fort. To meet this menace a lofty
wooden platform on which guns were mounted was erected on S. Miguel, and deep
trenches were opened to prevent the elephants from approaching the walls. At
the same time urgent messages were sent to India entreating help, and stating
that the garrison was at the last extremity. On the 20th of August another
assault was attempted, under cover of which the Sinhalese vessels sailed out
and tried to set fire to the magazine situated on the high ground to the West
of the Fort; but once again the Portuguese by desperate efforts succeeded in
driving the enemy back. Three days later five vessels conveying men and
munitions arrived from Cochin, and these were followed shortly afterwards by
other vessels from the settlement of S. Thome
and from Goa,
reinforcements which raised the number of the Portuguese available for actual
fighting to nearly a thousand.
It was known that
Raja Sinha was preparing a series of mines, but no information could be
obtained of their whereabouts. A fortunate accident, however, led Thome de
Sousa, who was in command at S. Joao, to discover a slit in the timbering of
the mud wall which ran from S. Sebastiao along the shore of the lake, and
peeping through this he descried opposite to him the mouth of a mine. The
Captain was summoned in haste and a warm reception prepared for the Sinhalese.
The wall was rapidly hollowed out to receive a camello, a thin curtain which
could be pushed down at the critical moment being left on the outside. The gun
itself was heavily charged with ball and stones. When everything was ready a
few Lascarins were sent outside to serve as a bait, and before long the
Sinhalese were thronging from every side, while the mine was filled with a
closely packed crowd of men who poured out into the ditch. Seated astride the
gun de Sousa watched through the slit for his opportunity. When at length the
ditch was full of men, the camello was run out, breaking down the curtain by
its own weight, and fired right into the mouth of the mine. The plan had been
cleverly laid, and the effect of the cannonade was terrible. From end to end of
the mine the stones and bullets swept, and not one out of the dense crowd
within escaped alive. So great indeed was the havoc caused, that the King had
the mine filled in over the bodies as they lay.
On the 4th of October
eighteen Sinhalese ships appeared off Colombo and engaged the Portuguese
vessels in the harbour, which were under the command of Thome de Sousa, now
Captain Major of the Sea. Though the Sinhalese were unaccustomed to
this kind of warfare,
they maintained a gallant struggle, grappling with the enemy with great bold
ness, and it was only after four of their ships had been lost to them that they
were forced to retreat. The Viceroy meanwhile spared no pains to collect what
assistance he could in India for the relief of the beleaguered garrison. On the
4th of December a further body of a hundred and fifty soldiers with stores
reached Colombo, bringing with them the welcome news>that a great expedition
was in preparation, and that Manoel de Sousa Coutinho, whose defence of Colombo
during the last siege had greatly enhanced his reputation, had been nominated
for the command. This expedition was to be joined at Colombo by the fleet from
Malacca, and the whole armament, comprising the greater part of the forces at
the disposal of the Portuguese Government in India, was to make the attempt
finally to drive Raja Sinha from before Colombo. He on his side made more than
one desperate assault on the Fort, but his efforts were in vain, for the
increased numbers of the Portugese had added greatly to their morale. Albeit
plague had broken out within the crowded city, where the natural consequences
of the prolonged confinement of a large population within a liihited area had
been aggravated by an excessive drought, lasting over a year, followed by the
heavy rains of the north-east Monsoon. Sd numerous were the deaths that it was
suspected that the wells from which the drinking water was obtained had been
poisoned.
News of the
preparations which were being made to relieve Colombo now reached Raja Sinha,
and he realised that further delay would be fatal to the success of t s
projects. Accordingly, on the 10th of January 1588 an attempt, so carefully
planned that the Sinhalese were not discovered till they had actually begun to
ascend their scaling-ladders opposite S. Eetevao, was made to carry the walls
by surprise. Like the former attempts, however, it ended in
failure. There
followed a three days’ bombardment of the bastions of S. Goncalo and S.
Miguel, against which Raja Sinha had massed all his heavy artillery, including
guns which threw iron balls weighing forty-four pounds. The way having been
prepared, a fierce assault was delivered on the 27th. The great war elephants were
brought up to S. Goncalo, and a desperate attempt was made to batter down the
walls. So fierce was the struggle that a wild rumour spread that the Sinhalese
had entered the fort; but the rumour proved to be false, and after two hours’
fighting they were compelled to draw' back.
The Portuguese now
found themselves strong enough to assume the offensive, and Thome de Sousa
sallied out of the harbour with ten vessels, bent on the congenial task of
ravaging the southern coast. Kosgoda was burnt to the ground, and Madampe,
verdant amidst the pleasant waters of its lake, was soon converted into a
blackened waste. Near Madampe was the monastery where Sri Rahula had composed
those melodious strains which are the delightful heritage of every Sinhalese,
and the dewale of the mysterious Weragoda Deviyo, merchant-prince and divinity,
whose golden treasures, lost in the seas, are still in stormy weather tossed up
by the waves on the shores of Sinigama. Having reduced these to shapeless
ruins, the expedition hurried on, past the rich temple village of Hikkaduwa and
the haunted shores of Ratgama, to devote three days to sacking the ports of
Galle and Weligama. Matara and M.rissa shared the same fate, after which the
Portuguese re-embarked to proceed to the neighbouring Dewale of Dewundara.
This famous shrine,
founded according to tradition in the year 790 A. D. in honour of a Red
Sandalwood Image of Vishnu, was inferior in sanctity to the temple at
Trincomalee alone. Its great roof of copper gilt flashing far out to sea served
as a
landmark for the
mariners of every nation who sailed the Indian waters, and many a pious
offering betokened their acknowledgment of the protecting influence of the
Divinity. The glory of this City of God4 had penetrated even to
distant China, and numerous stone inscriptions at the spot testified to the
devout zeal of the Emperors of that great country. Nearly 250 years before, Ibn
Batuta the Moorish traveller had visited the shrine and had found there a thousand
Brahmins serving as the Ministers of the God. Kings too had vied with one
another in beautifying the place and ' adding to its wealth, and its annual
Fair ranked amongst the most important in the East. The vast precincts of the
temple, where dwelt the attendants of the God, resembled a small town; the
skill of its silversmiths, a special colony imported from the neighbouring
continent, shed lustre on the art of the entire Disawani of Matara; and every
night 500 women danced and sang before the Image.
Greedy for the
plunder of this rich temple, the Portuguese sailed thither, in spite of the
tempestuous seas which the god appeared to have sent for the protection of his
shrine. There was little or no opposition to their landing, and the city and
temple were found deserted. The images, of which there were over a thousand,
were soon broken to pieces; the processional car of the god, a great lacquered
and gilt structure of seven stages, was reduced to ashes ; the store houses,
which were found to be full of all manner of wealth, were sacked ; cows were
slaughtered at the holiest shrines; and then the great building itself was
razed to the ground.
This done, the
marauders, well satisfied with the result of their expedition, sailed back to
Colombo. A Church with columns of stone subsequently occupied the site of the
descried temple.
On the 18th of
February the long iooked-for flotilla of Manoel de Sousa Coutinho appeared
befor
Colombo, and was
greeted with a joyful salute from all the guns of the Fort. The vessels from
Malacca were also beginning to arrive, and Raja Sinha realised that he could no
longer maintain his present position. Three Sinhalese officers presented
themselves before the gates, and were received in audience by the Council. They
had come from their King with a request for a short truce to enable him to
attend a festival at his Capital; but before the audience was concluded the
alarm was raised that the King was striking his camp. Consternation prevailed
on every hand and the city was thrown into a state of uproar, while the
Council, having first sent out spies to ascertain what was actually taking
place, began hurriedly to discuss the situation.
It was now nine
o’clock on the night of Saturday the 21st of February. Immense flames were
seen to burst from the Sinhalese lines, were Raja Sinha had set fire to his
wooden stockades. But the Captains were afraid to move till the report of the
spies should be received. Diogo de Silva, however, having been sent out with
his Lascarins by the gate Sao Joao, the few Sinhalese who were in sight retired
before him, whereupon the whole army poured out of the gates, the van being led
by Manoel de Sousa in person. Wijayakon Mudaliyar, who commanded the rearguard
of the Sinhalese army, fell back as the Portuguese advanced till he reached the
Dematagoda bridge, which he ordered to be pulled down. The Portuguese pressed
forward to thwart his intention, but were met by so furious a fire that they
were driven back. De Sousa now hurried up with all his men and Wijayakon
retreated to the Kelani Ganga, the difficulty of the intervening ground
hampering the movements of the Portuguese.
The city was saved,
and the gratitude of all found expression in an outpouring of thanks to the
Almighty. Raja Sinha had done gallantly and well,5
but neither his iron
will nor the devoted courage of his men could avail against the walls and artillery
of Colombo, so long as the sea remained open to the Portuguese. As it was, the
siege had strained every resource of Portuguese India, and swift vessels were
soon speeding over the ocean to carry the joyful news throughout the East.
Raja Sinha’s last
marvellous efforts had reduced him to exhaustion, and the Portuguese were
thankful for the ensuing interval of rest. The country too was getting restless
under the strain of these never- ending campaigns, and the severity of the
King’s rule. Konappu, who had risen into prominence during the siege, had in
some way fallen foul of the authorities in Colombo and been banished to Goa,
whither Jama Sinha Bandara, who had embraced Christianity under the name of Dom
Philip, had preceded him. A deed of gift by which the latter conveyed to the
Portuguese the Kingdom of the Uda Rata which he hoped to reconquer, in case he
or his son Dom Joao should die without male heirs, overcame the hesitation of
the Government, and a small army was placed at his disposal. Konappu, whose
reputation had been greatly increased by his success in a duel with a
swash-buckling Captain at Goa, joined him. Dom Philip landed on the Northern
coast and advanced unopposed to Senkadagala. There he was proclaimed King, but
died within a few weeks after a short illness. This was a contingency which had
not been anticipated. The Sinhalese hesitated to accept at so critical a time a
child as their King, and the Portuguese decided to withdraw with the young
Prince before the country should be roused to oppose them. They were allowed to
return unmolested to Manar, whence Dom Joao was sent to the College of the Magi
at Goa6.
Konappu meanwhile had
remained behind to organise the movement against Raja Sinha, and so
successful was he
that the Sitawaka garrisons were soon driven out of the mountains. The
Portuguese at Colombo were however once again in a condition bordering upon
anarchy, and could do nothing in his support. In 1591 indeed Andre Furtado de
Mendoca, who subsequently rose to be the most prominent Portuguese General in
the East, invaded Jaffna and set up a new King at Nallur; but this did not
influence the trend of events in the South. The Generals whom Raja Sinha sent
to the Uda Rata were unable to cope with the popular movement, and in 1593 the
King himself took the field on what proved to be his last campaign.
His efforts met with
no greater success than those of his Generals, while at the same time sickness
broke out in his camp. “The power of my Merits,” declared the weary King, “has
declined”.7 Placing the Perumal* Aritta Kivendu in charge, he
retired to his pleasaunce at Petangoda. Whilst he was there a bamboo splinter
ran into his foot and caused blood-poisoning. Grave symptoms soon began to show
themselves, and the royal barge was summoned to convey the King to Sitawaka.
Down the broad Kelaniya the barge glided and turned into its swift tributary
stream, the Sitawaka Ganga, the oarsmen toiling against the current to bring
their King once again to his royal city. Not a word escaped Raja Sinha’s lips;
he lay there buried in thought, reviewing the life which he had so gallantly
spent for the country that he loved. When at length the barge took a sharp turn
and ran its prow up on to the white sand of Kikili Bittera Wella, Ra Sin Deviyo
was dead.
“Verily,” says the
clerical writer of the Maha« wansa, to whom the memory of Raja Sinha was
distasteful because of the antagonism which he had displayed towards Buddhism
in the latter years of his reign, “this sinner did rule with a strong arm,”
15
Thus “in the one
thousand five hundred and fourteenth year of the Saka King, on Wednesday the
Full Moon day of the month Medindina, under the asterism Site, Raja Sinha Maha
Raja who had brought the Island of Sri Lanka under one Canopy of Dominion,
departed this life and went to Kailasa.”9
A few rough stones
still mark the spot where the last great King of the Sinhalese race was
cremated; and even to-day, deified as the Ganegoda Deviyo, he compels by the
terror of his name the worship of his countrymen. 10
Raja Surya, a
grandson of the late King, succeeded to the throne, but before long a palace
intrigue resulted in his assassination, and the youthful Nikapitiya Bandara was
proclaimed King in his stead, though the chief power remained in the hands of
the Perumal. This remarkable man had originally come from India as a Fakir or
religious mendicant, but his talents had quickly been recognised by Raja Sinha,
at whose hands he received rapid promotion. He now enhanced his reputation by
meeting and overthrowing the Mudaliyar Diogo de Silva, who had advanced with an
army from Colombo. The Mudaliyar himself was killed, but the Perumal’s
brilliant victory nearly proved his undoing, for it emboldened him to solicit
the hand of the sister of Nikapitiya Bandara in marriage, a development which
the Sinhalese nobles viewed with disfavour.
Lampoons reminiscent
of the pilgrim’s wallet which he had once worn were soon in the mouths of all,
and the Perumal in alarm, and believing his life to be in danger, moved with
the army to Menikkadawara, whence he secretly opened a treasonable
correspondence with Pedro Homem Pereira, the Captain at Colombo, undertaking to
reconquer the Kingdom of Kotte for Dharamapala, and that of
Sitawaka for himself,
within twelve months. The Portuguese agreed to assist him, and he assumed the
royal designation of Jayawira Bandara: but upon the advance of an army
commanded by Illangakon Mudaliyar from Sitawaka his chief officers deserted
him, and he himself was glad to escape with a small guard of 200 men and
twenty-six of his elephants to Colombo, where, prostrating himself before
Dharmapala, he reasserted his determination to carry out his share of the
undertaking.
By way of making good
his word he captured the important outpost of Kaduwela, whereupon reinforcements
were hurried across from Goa, and the whole of the Portuguese force took the
field. The garrisons of Rakgaha Watta and Malwana were driven back and the main
body of the Sitawaka army defeated at Gurubewila, after which the victorious
Jayawira occupied Sitawaka with little or no resistance, the bulk of the great
treasure of Raja Sinha falling into his hands. Nikapitiya Bandara, 11
who had escaped to the mountains, was pursued and captured. This done, Jayawira
swooped down upon the Matara Disawani, and soon had nearly the whole of the
Kingdom of Kotte in his power. He was now de facto King of Sitawaka, and such
was the power of his gold that the Portuguese almost to a man were soon in his
train—it was indeed asserted that only twelve of them were left to guard
Colombo.
The ease and rapidity
with which Jayawira had fulfilled his promise made the Portuguese open their
eyes. Dharmapala, now once more master of the Kingdom which his grandfather had
left to him, and legal overlord of the country, was well on in years, and there
was little probability of his having children to succeed him on the throne. In
accordance with the donation which he had executed, his rights would, in the
event of his leaving no heirs, vest in the King of Portugal. The beautiful land
they
had coveted so long
was in fine in the grasp of the Portuguese. The climate of Ceylon fitted it
admirably for colonisation, whilst its wealth in elephants, cinnamon, pearls
and gems, made it a desirable possession for any nation. It was, moreover, the
natural centre of the rich traffic with the Southern Seas; and so long as the
Portuguese were supreme at sea, its insular position would render its defence
against all possible enemies no difficult matter. Could it be that Ceylon was
destined to be the scene of the fulfilment of Alboquerque’s dream—that in
Ceylon would be established a second Portuguese nation which should hold sway
over the whole of India?
Such were the
thoughts which presented themselves to the Viceroy and his Council when they
met to discuss the situation, and under their influence they decided to conquer
Ceylon, and to place on the throne of the Uda Rata Dona Catherina, the young
daughter of Karalliyadda, with a Portuguese for her husband, expelling Konappu
who at present ruled under the name of Wimala Dharma Surya. The Council further
unanimously resolved to entrust the execution of its plans to Pedro de Sousa,
who had recently distinguished himself by a successful campaign in Malacca.
The decision was a
momentous one, and fraught with consequences more disastrous to the continued
existence of the Portuguese Empire in the East than its authors could have
contemplated, marking as it did the beginning of a new policy of aggression and
territorial occupation in Ceylon. Hitherto the arms of the Portuguese had been
used only in defence of the Kingdom of Kotte. That Kingdom they realised would
soon belong to them, and the temptation to seize what appeared an easy
opportunity to reduce the entire country, proved too much for their judg
ment. In their ardour
and the pride engendered by their military achievements, it did not occur to
them that there might be serious obstacles in the way of success. They did not
stop to consider that the powerful army which Dom Constantino de Braganza had
taken to Jaffna had failed to impose a foreign yoke on the unwarlike Tamil, and
that too in a country the nature of which presented no special difficulties
from the military point of view. Further, a Portuguese army could not carry on
an effective campaign in the Island without the assistance of native levies,
especially when the theatre of operations consisted of so wild and rugged a
country as the Uda Rata. It was one thing to rely on such levies to aid in
asserting the suzerainty of Dharmapala; it was quite another to expect them to
assist in depriving their fellow-countrymen of their freedom. An appeal framed
on these grounds would at most obtain a half-hearted response from the men of
Kotte, while it would nerve the men of the Uda Rata to a desperate resistance.
Moreover, they did
not take into account the condition of affairs in Portugal. Her subjection to
Spain had brought her into undesired collision with the enemies of /the latter,
and the loss of the formidable squadron which she had been obliged to
contribute to the Invincible Armada in 1588 had destroyed her naval power. In
this very year Philip II had closed the port of Lisbon to his rebellious subjects
in Holland, and the shrewd merchants of that country were preparing to wrest
from Portugal her Eastern trade. Effectually to maintain their position and
protect their commerce, the Portuguese required an uninterrupted stream of
reinforcements from the mother country. From thje Cape to Japan they tried to
monopolise the entire trade, laying their hands not only on what was of real
importance, but even
on such petty matters
as rice and coconuts. A series of factories would have sufficed to secure to
them everything that was of value, but their reckless greed —as was
inevitable-roused violent opposition, and the factories were soon converted
into forts. Scattered as these were at wide intervals along the sea- coast,
they could with difficulty render one another assistance in case of need. In
consequence they were always in danger from neighbours whose hostility they had
earned, and absorbed a number of men out of all proportion to the profits which
they yielded. Nor could the scattered garrisons be efficiently supervised from
the seat of Government. Each of the petty commanders was allowed to do much as
he wished, with the result that their evil practices ruined the good name of
Portugal, and intensified the feeling of hostility which prevailed on every
side.
The first care of a
Captain when he arrived at his station was not to correct abuses and to attend
to the military duties of his post, but to ascertain what sources of income his
predecessor enjoyed, and to devise fresh means of acquiring wealth rapidly.
Their attitude towards the neighbouring potentates was marked by an
overbearing arrogance which was far from conducive to the existence of friendly
feelings, and forcible repression left a bitter feeling of resentment which
necessitated increased military expenditure. The folly of each Captain had to
be paid for at the expense of the State, and every day the difficulty of
procuring sufficient men for the garrisons was more acutely felt.
There is reason to think that such sacrifices did take place on a hill
overlooking the beautiful town of Kandy a little more than a hundred years ago.
Compare what Hannibal did when he crossed the Alps.
De Couto, x. 10. 2.
This is the meaning of Devi Nuwara, of which the modern Dewundara is a
corruption, A fine lighthouse now serves to guide mariners round this, the most
southerly point of the Island.
Antonio Teixeira, who left Ceylon for Goa this same year, 1588, has this
of the Sinhalese : “To conclude with the Chingalas, they are naturally inclin’d
to the Exercise of Arms, in which they have, and still do perform incredible
Feats, some of which I have seen.”
After fifteen years spent at the College in the study of Latin and
Divinity, Dom Joao was sent to Lisbon, where a pension was allowed to him out
of the Indian Treasury. He was subsequently created a Grandee of Spain, with a
seat on the Bench of Bishops and the privilege of remaining covered in the
Royal Presence—"A prerogative so illustrious in itself, and so admirable
in its effects, that it alone suffices to stamp its peculiar character on the
dignity of the grandee,” says Dr. Salazary Mendoza.
The Prince died in 1642 and his tomb may be seen at the Oratory which he
established at Telheira, in the suburbs of Lisbon. He left two illegitimate
daughters by a Portuguese lady.
This refers to a well-known Buddhist doctrine. In the Russo-Japanese war
the successes of the Japanese army were similarly ascribed to the Merits of the
Emperor.
The word Perumal is a Dravidian title and was frequently bestowed by the
Sinhalese Kings upon the higher Indian officers of the Court. The honorific, as
was usually the case with Sinhalese titles, was placed after and not before the
personal name.
This quotation is from the Rajavaliya. The exact date of the death is 8th
March 1593, the Saka Era commenc* ing with the Christian year 79*80.
Deification in the East is analogous to canonisation in the West, though
probably it is Fear more often than Love which amongst Orientals leads to
Worship. A highborn Sinhalese who was executed by the British Government for
rebellion in 1818 is now a god.
Nikapitiya was baptised with the name of Dom Philip and accompanied his
kinsman Dom Joao to Lisbon. He died in 1608 at the University of Coimbra, where
he was being trained to fill a Bishopric.
Such was the state of
affairs when the Viceroy’s Council resolved upon the new policy. “The Island
of Ceilao,” wrote de Couto, “amongst our discoveries, proved to the State what
Carthage was to Rome. Little by little she consumed men and artillery to so
great an amount, that she alone has used up in her wars more than all our other
conquests in the East.1” Such a contingency, however, did not
present itself to the Council. Raja Sinha had swept through the Kanda Uda Rata
; his great Kingdom had crumbled before the sword of Jayawira ; surely the Uda
Rata alone could not resist the might of the Portuguese arms? Such was their
reasoning, and by the end of April 1594 six hundred of the finest troops that
could be found in India had started for Ceylon under de Sousa, now appointed
General Conquistador. Orders were sent to the Captain at Manar to despatch the
Princess under escort to join the army of the Conquistador, while De Sousa
himself with Jayawira and his nine thousand Lascarins advanced from Colombo to
Menikkadawara. He had, however, failed to give sufficient consideration to the
difficulties of the task which he had undertaken, the possibilities of delay,
and the importance of making careful arrangements for provisioning his army.
Headstrong and self-willed, he neither sought the advice of others nor gave
them an opportunity of tendering it. At Menikkadawara, where the heavy rains of
the southwest Monsoon necessitated a fortnight’s delay, he was joined by the
Princess. The narrow pass of Balane
was found abandoned,
and the Portuguese marched unopposed to the Mahaweli Ganga, while Wimala Dharma
disappeared into the great forests on the Eastern side of the Island.
These forests have
always been the shelter of a race of people known as the Veddahs or Hunters,
who were as much of a puzzle in the days of the Portuguese as they are at the
present hour. They represent probably the pre-Aryan aborigines, and were
regarded by the Sinhalese as being of high caste. Though under-sized, they were
expert in the use of the bow. Some of them had reached a certain degree of
civilisation, but the majority had no fixed abode, and lived entirely on the
produce of the forest and the results of the chase. They stored their meat in
hollows of trees, where it was preserved by being covered with wild honey.
Their language was not understood by the Sinhalese, with whom nevertheless they
maintained a crude form of barter. Arrowheads and axes being their chief needs,
they' would obtain them by hanging up in the course of the night at the house
of the village smith a model, cut out of a leaf, of what they required. In due
time the finished article would be hung up at the same spot, where the Veddah
would in return leave such remuneration as he thought the labour demanded.
Backward as were these people, they were among the most trusted servants of the
King, and in times of dire peril it was to the Vedi Rata or country of the
Veddahs, that the Royal Family and treasure were sent for safety.
The Portuguese occupied
the abandoned palace, placing a close guard over the Princess ; a Portuguese
lady, four Franciscans, and a Jesuit were her only attendants, and no Sinhalese
was allowed to have access to her. No greater mistake could have been
committed. Such extraordinary conduct aroused the
suspicions of the
Sinhalese and inflamed their resentment. They feared that their country was
being conquered not for the benefit of their native Princess, but for some
outsider, and their innate hatred of foreign control asserted itself. Before
long every man in the neighbourhood had disappeared to swell the ranks of
Wimala Dharma.
Negotiations were now
openly begun for the marriage of the Princess with Francisco de Silva Arcelaos,
who, in addition to his other qualifications, had the reputation of being the
tallest and handsomest Portuguese in India; but to the great disappointment
of the General nothing came of this and de Silva returned to Manar.
Matters were not
going smoothly with the Portuguese. Bands of Sinhalese were seen prowling
about in the surrounding woods and mountains, and at night their signals could
be clearly heard from the camp. Foraging parties were continually harassed and
stragglers shot at. Every day the difficulty of obtaining provisions increased,
and there were whispered suspicions as to the good faith of Jayawira. A palm
leaf scroll purporting to have come from him and detailing a plot to set fire
to the camp and to fall upon the Portuguese in the ensuing confusion, was
produced before the General, who on the strength of it determined to put him to
death. The details are obscure, but all the accounts are agreed as to the folly
and injustice of the plan, and the bloodthirsty violence with which it was
executed. Jayawira was invited to meet the General, and on making his
appearance was confronted with the incriminating scroll; but before he could
utter a word of comment the General snatched from him the golden dagger which
he carried at his waist, and stabbed him three times to the heart, so that he fell
down dead on the spot; whereupon the soldiery outside, learning of what had
occcurred, fell to killing every one of his
Indian followers whom
they could find in the camp. Then followed the agreeable task of plundering the
murdered man’s treasurers. The delight of the Portuguese, however, did not
last long; for when morning dawned it was found that the experienced Lascarins
of Jayawira had disappeared. Joy gave way to dismay, and everyone cursed the
wanton rashness of the self-willed General. The great peril in which they stood
was clear to all. The whole country was in arms against them ; no one would
sell them provisions ; and at the most they could only hold out for a couple
of days.
A body of 150
Portuguese and some Lascarins, who were sent out to forage, having been cut in
pieces with one man alone surviving to tell the tale, the General decided to
retire at dawn to Balane. By seven o’clock the vanguard of the Sinhalese army,
prominent among whom were the Lascarins of Jayawira who were burning to avenge
their Chief, had come in sight, and before long mountain, hill and valley were
swarming" with them. As they came within range they opened fire, and soon
a terrible battle was raging. Each time that the Portuguese van rushed forward,
the enemy recoiled, only to close in again the next moment in ever-increasing
numbers. Fighting its way step by step through the narrow defiles, and with its
leader killed, the van struggled on, without guides, till it was surrounded in
the marsh of Danture and cut to pieces. The centre which guarded the Princess
was dispersed after three hours of hard fighting ; but;the rear—its flank
protected by a mounain —still maintained the contest. When at last the darkness
of night brought some pause in the struggle, the ammunition had run short and
the General himself had received no less than eight wounds. At daybreak but two
hundred and twenty survivors remained, every one of whom had been wounded.
Further resistance was hopeless, and they surrendered at discretion.
Wimala Dharma’s
victory was now complete. Dona Catherina, the admitted heiress of the Kanda Uda
Rata, was a prisoner in his hands, and on the following day he led her in
triumph together with the long train of his Portuguese captives, to take her
place as his principal Queen in the ruined Palace at Senkadagala. By the King’s
orders de Sousa’s wounds were carefully tended, but he soon succumbed to them,
having first personally entrusted to his conqueror his youthful son, who three
years later was set at liberty.
In one stern but just
act of reprisal did Wimala Dharma indulge. A ghastly train of fifty Portuguese
staggered into Colombo holding each other by the hand. Their ears were clipped
to resemble those of the village cur; there was but one eye left to every five
of them ; and they had been so mutilated as to prevent their propagating their
kind. Thus did he proclaim the resentment of the Sinhalese towards those who
had outraged and violated their women. The remainder of the prisoners were
treated with kindness ; they were healed of their wounds and then employed in
rebuilding the palace and fortifications of Wimala Dharma’s capital.
This victory, won on
the 6th of October 1594, was a magnificent achievement. The tactical skill
which the experienced eye of Raja Sinha had detected in Konappu Bandara, had
now reached its fruition. Many another brilliant stroke was Wimala Dharma fated
to deal at the power of the Portuguese, but on this his first success he ever
looked back with pride. Throughout his life the head of the Portuguese
General, the first of the Conquistadors, wrought in silver, adorned his feet2.
The intense jealousy
which so frequently marred the relations of Portuguese officials towards one
another, had restrained Pereira from giving de Sousa that
loyal support which
the latter had a right to expect. The former was still at Sitawaka, brooding
over his disappointment at not being appointed to command the expedition, when
the first vague rumours of the peril in which the General and his army
stood—those rumours which were so soon to be confirmed by the arrival of a
refugee noseless and wounded, with the terrible story of the disaster—reached
him. The grief which ensued was universal and overwhelming, but the danger was
too close at hand to permit of time being spent in unavailing regrets. Within a
few hours the Portuguese were in full retreat towards Colombo, taking with them
five elephants laden with the treasure of Raja Sinha, under the charge-
of Samarakon Rala, a Sinhalese noble who had embraced Christianity.
On Christmas Eve of
this year Domjeronymo de Azavedo arrived at Colombo as successor to de Sousa,
and eight days later the army, accompanied by Dharmapala in person, set out for
Sitawaka. The ferocity of the reprisals with which the new General struck terror
into the country as he cautiously advanced, was ominous of the principles which
guided him during his eighteen years in Ceylon. Upon the army reaching the
desolate capital of Raja Sinha, the ruined palace was hastily repaired for the
reception of the King, and Samarakon was recalled from Galle, where he had
been engaged in erecting a fort, and selected to take charge of the operations
against Wimala Dharma ; but his progress was slow, and he suffered more than
one reverse in the execution of his difficult task.
It had by this time
become clear to the Portuguese that the new policy of aggression had brought
them into a position of the gravest peril. The scanty supplies both of men and
money which were sent over from India, only served to enable them to cling
precariously to the little that remained in their
hands, at a cost
which was wholly disproportionate to the results achieved. They realised,
moreover, that Wimala Dharma might prove a more formidable opponent than Raja
Sinha had ever been. His long residence amongst the Portuguese had made him
fully aware of their circumstances, and they believed with reason that he was
but patiently waiting till they had exhausted themselves in futile endeavours,
to make himself master of the entire Island. Further, the already small
Portuguese garrison was being reduced by disease and the lack of proper food.
The hardships of the campaign against Wimala Dharma were well-nigh
insupportable, and the troops were on the verge of mutiny. The success of
Domingos Correa against the Prince of Uwa, who supported Wimala Dharma, secured
a brief respite ; but it proved to be only the lull before the storm, and every
Portuguese heart was chilled when one morning in November the whisper ran
round, that Correa had on the 17th of the month raised the standard of revolt
against his master Dharmapala, and crowned himself King.
The meteoric career
of this young man—for he was still under thirty years of age — was but typical
of many in the tumultuous times which were soon to follow. The son of Edirille
Arachchi, Dharmapala’s Interpreter, he was, like his father, a Christian by
religion. Alboquerque, the mother of whose only son was a negress, had
recognised that Portugal by herself would prove unequal to the task of supplying
the men whom the East demanded from her, and he deliberately set about creating
a new Portuguese nation in Asia. Like Alexander the Great at Susa, he
encouraged inter-marriage, and had obtained the sanction of Dom Manuel to the
custom of permitting this as a special reward in the case of men of good
character and exceptional services, for whom dowries were provided out of the
conquered territory.
The same policy had
for some time been followed in Ceylon, and the Sinhalese; who freely intermarried
with the Indian races, were prepared at this period to view the innovation, if
not with equanimity, at least without repugnance. Edirille Arachchi’s own'
daughter and his two nieces were married to Portuguese husbands, and this fact
increased the friendliness with which his son was regarded among the
Portuguese, and caused honours to be conferred on him with a liberal hand.
There was nothing
among the Sinhalese corresponding to the European Orders of Chivalry. It was
not customary to group eminent men together under the emblem of a garden weed,
or a household utensil. Distinguished service was rewarded by the gift of gold
chains, jewels, or swords of honour, gifts which, as in the case of the
Insignia of the European Orders, had to be returned to the King on the death
of the recipient. A village would also be assigned to the favoured individual,
either for a limited period or for ever, so that he, and in the latter case his
descendants, might have a sufficient revenue, and be able to command the
services of the tenants of that village for the better maintenance of their
dignity. These villages were assigned with due consideration of the
restrictions imposed by the rules of caste, and the grant itself was either
engraved on a sheet of copper, or written on a strip of palm leaf, and
authenticated by the letter Sri,—'which stood for the Royal signature. Forgery
of such a signature was punishable with death. The grantee of a village was
known as the Rala, or Lord, of that village, and like other high-born men was
never addressed by his own personal name but always by an honorific ; as Robert
Knox3 who spent twenty years of his life as a prisoner among them,
has said : “It is an affront and shame to them to be called by those (personal)
names, which they say is to be like unto dogs.”
More than the gift of
jewels and lands, the token of royal favour which was most highly prized among
the Sinhalese was the grant of an honorific name. This also would be selected
in accordance with the merits of the recipient, whether his distinction lay in
some feat of arms, in great scholarship, or in some rare product of his
handicraft. When such a name was conferred, the King with his own hand bound a
thin frontlet of gold by means of a silken band to the forehead of the
individual whom he sought to distinguish. In the case of humbler persons less
costly materials would be employed, and an officer would be delegated to
perform the task.
Domingos Correa was
the personal name which, according to European custom, had been conferred on
Edirille Arachchi’s son at his baptism. As a youth he was known by his father’s
name and rank ; but his meritorious services had earned him promotion to the
higher rank of Mudaliyar, and for his recent distinguished success against the
forces of Wimala Dharma, the honorific of Wikramasinha< had been conferred
on him, and he took his place as the first subject of Dharmapala. These accumulated
favours, however, had failed to stifle in him the craving for a royal name, and
on this fateful morning, in the presence of an army of seven thousand men, he
assumed the title of Edirille Bandara.
Fully alive to the
danger which threatened the King, the General hastened in person to Guru-
bewila and ordered the garrisons at Menikkadawara and Ruwanella to concentrate
on Sitawaka—an order which was carried out only after excessive toil, for the
whole district as far as Colombo was already in a seriously disturbed state,
and the roads everywhere were blocked with trees and other hastily improvised
barricades. At length after fifteen days the want of provisions began to be
felt, for none were to be procured in the surrounding country,
. 17
which was now
seething with revolt. The King's position was one of such grave peril that
orders were sent to evacuate Sitawaka and to escort him to Gurubewila.
Everything in the city which could be of use to the enemy was burnt, and jars
and earthen vessels full of poisoned comfits were left behind, together with
casks of powder skilfully concealed under cloth, and so disposed as to take
fire on the approach of the enemy to plunder them. The garrison, consisting of
about three hundred Portuguese, then set out for Gurubewila and pushed on
steadily for a whole day, clearing the road as it advanced and subject to
constant harassment from the Sinhalese. As evening drew on a determined rush
was made by the latter, headed by their elephants. Repeated volleys barely
checked the attack; nearly every one of the officers was wounded, and no fewer
than twenty-three of the little force were left on the field.
At last in the dead
of night they reached Gurubewila. Here once again they encountered famine. For
two weeks the soldiers did not have more than a plate of rice gruel each a day.
So close was the blockade that not a drop of water could be obtained from the
river without serious risk. The beleaguered garrison therefore decided that it
was better to face the swords of the enemy than the certainty of death by
starvation. Having confessed and partaken of the Sacrament, the Portuguese
started from Gurubewila, the munitions being carried by elephants. The General,
although ailing, went on foot; while the King and Queen were borne along in
palanquins. Avoiding the usual road, which was infested by the enemy, they
struck off southward into the Rayigam Korale, which had so far manifested no
symptoms of disaffection. Correa immediately crossed the Kelaniya and proceeded
to block the roads. The Portuguese were compelled to move step by step,
cutting a path for
themselves with their axes held in one hand, while the other grasped musket and
pike in readiness for an attack. From every side the Sinhalese poured in upon
them. The Captain in command of the rear was so badly wounded that he died
within a short time ; one company of thirty men was all but annihilated, while
a stalwart Sinhalese rushed at the Ensign and dragged away the standard from
his grasp.
For three days and
three nights the Portuguese were allowed no respite for sleep or food, and then
a fierce attack was launched against the rear, while Correa himself supported
by twelve elephants fell on the van and hurled it back on the centre, where the
General had taken up his position. In the eagerness of pursuit friend and foe,
living and dead, were rolled one over the other. One hundred and thirty- four
Portuguese had been stretched in death, one hundred and eighteen were wounded,
and only one hundred and twelve remained to resist the enemy, when fortunately
for them, Correa himself sustained a serious hurt, whereupon his men retired.
The General had now
his opportunity. Giving the signal on the two trumpets and the one drum which
still remained to him—for everything else was gone—he rallied the survivors;
then, as night came on, abandoning the dead and such of the living as were
helpless from their wounds, he crossed the river and continued the retreat.
Iddagoda Rala, however, took Correa’s place and with untiring tenacity kept up
the pursuit, till he succeeded in hemming them in not far from the desecrated
temple of Horana.
The last hopeless
struggle for life had come, and the weary soldiers fought with a reckless
valour which aroused wonder among the Sinhalese, who opened out their ranks and
harassed them with their muskets. Many had already fallen, and of the survi
vors the greater
number were wounded, when at the far end of a vast rice field there appeared
the glint of steel. At the sight of what they supposed to be an addition to the
forces of Correa, the hands of the Portuguese, whose ammunition was nearly
exhausted, dropped momentarily to their sides. The Sinhalese also, seeing in
the advancing body of men the army of Samarakon Rala, the powerful nobleman
whose assistance Edirille Rala had attempted to secure, stayed their attack
till he could join them. Nor had they long to wait, for Dom Diogo, the brother
of Samarakon, at the head of the five hundred Christian Tupasses5
of ; Colombo who formed the advanced guard of his army, charged into their
midst with such impetuosity, that Iddagoda Rala himself was killed in the first
onset, his head being cut off and carried away on the point of a lance, to be
laid at the feet of the King whom he had betrayed. The main body under
Samarakon now came in sight and the rebels drew back. Whether joy or grief
prevailed at this miraculous deliverance, it were difficult to say. The exhausted
remnant of the Portuguese, who for three days had been sustained mainly by
hope, were now able to rest and eat. On the following day they returned to
Colombo taking the King with them, not fifty out of the whole number being
unwounded.
Edirille Rala now
sought refuge with Wimala Dharma, who formally made over to him the Kingdoms
of Kotte and Sitawaka. Their two armies soon took the field, but the arrival of
fresh forces from India enabled de Azavedo to reoccupy Malwana, while Samarakon
began the construction of a fort at Uduwara in the Rayigam Korale. In the hope
of surprising the latter Edirille Rala made a forced march with an army of five
thousand men, but was repulsed with heavy loss by Samarakon, who had been
forewarned and was ready for him.
Had Samarakon been
able to follow in pursuit, the matter could have been brought to a conclusion
then and there, for Wimala Dharma was too far away to assist. So swollen was
the river with the recent floods that it was impossible to cross it, though not
a few were drowned in the attempt. Edirille Rala concealed himself among the
extensive marshes in the neighbourhood, till at length after three days hunger
compelled him to enter the hut of an old woman to beg for a little food. To her
he revealed his identity, and the woman, aware of the heavy price which had
been set upon his head, and urged by her poverty, sent a secret message to
Samarakon to tell him of the whereabouts of his foe. He was soon arrested and
brought before the Mudaliyar, who received him with all courtesy and ordered
that his wounds should be attended to, at the same time communicating the
welcome news to the General, who was now at Kalutara.
Strange thoughts must
have welled in the breast of de Azavedo. He, the haughty Portuguese, in whose
military prowess his King had placed so much hope, had been compelled to save
his life by ignominious flight before an ill-armed Sinhalese rabble inspired by
the courage and directed by the skill of his own favourite. How eagerly
therefore must he have scanned the water from the foot of Kalutara Hill—once
the site of a lovely temple, now prostituted by the foreigner to the uses of a
fort—as three days later the boat of Samarakon appeared in the far distance,—as
it seemed, immediately beneath the graceful pinnacle of the sacred Peak.
Thousands crowded the bank as the barge, in which was to be seen the slenderly
built Sinhalese Mudaliyar by the side of his distinguished prisoner, drew near.
One last heave of the great oars by which the boat was steered brought it to
the landing-place. It had scarcely touched the shore when a strange thing
happened. The
terrible General Conquistador was seen to rush to the water’s edge, followed by
the Captain of Colombo and two other officers ; seizing the Muda- liyar, they
raised him on their shoulders and carried him in triumph to the General’s tent,
amidst a thousand vivas from the Portuguese, and a demonstration of delight
from the Sinhalese crowded around.
The prisoner was now
brought before the General and sharply questioned, but gave his answers with
great coolness. His fate was soon decided upon, and the General returned to
Colombo, taking the prisoner with him in massive chains. The execution was
delayed forty days till the 14th of July, in the hope that Edirille Rala might be
induced to reveal the place where his treasure was concealed. At last the day
arrived. A theatre, fitted with such marks of mourning as his rank demanded,
had been erected in the most public spot in the city. Thither he was led, and
after expressing in a few words his sorrow for the evil he had wrought, paid
the penalty of his treason.
The death of Edirille
Rala was the signal for fresh excesses on the part of the Portuguese officials.
Dharmapala was helpless in their hands, and de Azavedo and Thome de Sousa, who
was now the Captain of Colombo, exchanged the cringing sycophancy which they
had hitherto employed to obtain money from him, for open brutality and
violence. The King estimated the revenue which his domains should yield him at
nine hundred thousand cruzados in addition to which he looked for a further
thirty thousand cruzados from the Customs duties. All this should have been
available for military expenditure, but was as a matter of fact embezzled in
every direction. By appointing his own creatures as Factors and Secretaries, de
Azavedo soon brought this revenue under his own control, and no receipts were
given save where it suited his plans. The trade in areca
Dharmapala*$ Grievances
135
nut, which was
expected to yield as much as the Customs, de Azavedo and de Sousa kept
exclusively to themselves. The King protested against this interference with
his Treasury, and urged that the revenue should be deposited in a chest to be
lodged at the Franciscan Convent: this chest was to be locked with three keys,
to be held severally by the representatives of himself and of the King of
Portugal, and by the Guardian of the Franciscans, and disbursements were to be
made only on the orders of his Council and in his own presence. He insisted
that the large revenue which he was entitled to receive in kind from the royal
tenants should, accord* ing to custom, be handed over to him personally and
stored as ordered by his Council. He, moreover, emphasized the fact that the
privileges granted to private parties in respect of his ports did not imply a
waiver of his royal dues on exports. Further to protect himself (for he found
that the Captains of Colombo were acting as if they were themselves sovereign)
he proposed the appointment of a select “Cabinet” which could assist him in the
work of Government, and which he suggested should consist of a Sinhalese
nominated by himself, a Portuguese nominated by the King of Portugal, and a
Franciscan: orders issued by this “Cabinet” were not to be questioned by
anyone.
In addition to these
proposals Dharmapala appealed to King Philip to safeguard the dignity of his
Royal Person; and indeed it was whispered about that personal violence had been
resorted to in order to wring concessions from him. He further begged for a
Portuguese Secretary and a Captain of the Guard in whom he could have
confidence and who should not be in any way connected with the Captain of
Colombo, adding that they should be of such social standing as not to bring
discredit on his Court. The insolence and the lawlessness of the Christians
who had grown up with
the Portuguese had in fact attained such dimensions, that special action was
required to keep them under control. Moreover, the General was for ever
interfering with the sentences passed by the King, and the Viceroy was
unwilling to exert his authority and check his subordinate; Dharmapala
therefore asked for experienced judges who would be able to give him assistance
in the administration of justice. The reckless manner also in which valuable
fruit trees were felled for the purposes of shipbuilding had for many years
been a cause of complaint, and Dharmapala once again urged that the Portuguese
officials should be forbidden to build vessels in the country at all.
Moreover, King Philip
received credible information that his own ships were employed by de Azavedo
more in his private trading concerns than in conveying military stores. For
eight years it had not been possible to obtain any profit from the gem-yielding
lands, but it was now reported that the General was making preparations to
exploit them on his own behalf, and this in spite of the fact that the royal
prerogative over the gems was so jealously guarded, that no pit could be opened
without the special order of the King himself. Vague rumours were current
about a ruby of the size Kof a small hen’s egg, which was said to
have been dishonestly put out of the way with the connivance of de Azavedo and
de Sousa ; and King Philip, who was very anxious that every attempt should be
made to secure this rare gem for himself, sent instructions in this sense to
the Viceroy. The Franciscans openly complained that torture was being employed
to extract money from the wretched inhabitants of the Island ; one woman who
was pregnant with child died under the brutal treatment to which she was
subjected by de Sousa, who extorted from her three hundred gold Portuguezes. It
is not surprising that
the Sinhalese
Buddhists viewed with suspicion a religion the professed champions of which
could be guilty of such conduct, and that the work of conversion was seriously
hampered.
It was, however, in
vain that King Philip expressed his strong dissatisfaction at the reports which
reached him, and insisted that Dharmapala should be treated with every
consideration. The Viceroy was negligent, and the local authorities ignored the
censures passed on their conduct. In the meantime, on the 27th of May 1597,
Dharmapala himself died. Though harassed, robbed and even poisoned by the
Portuguese sojourners within his gates ; at one time maltreated and insulted by
their Generals and Captains, at another slavishly fawned upon and caressed, as
either course in turn was considered the more likely to secure the gold they
lusted for; with his subjects estranged from him by his apostasy from the ancient
religion of his forefathers, and the reality of power snatched from him by his
own kinsmen at the point of the sword; he yet bore himself to the end with the
contemptuous patience and dignity which befitted the last of the Kings of
Lanka.
“The Most High Prince
Dom Joam, by the Grace of God King of Ceilam, Perea Pandar”, was interred in
the Convent of Sao Francisco with all the state and solemnity which the
condition of the country could afford and his lofty position demanded. For the
first and last time a Sinhalese King was committed to the earth with Christian
rites, and solemn Masses were sung for the repose of his weary soul.6
Ceilao, que des que descubrimos aquella Ilha foi
sempre ao Estado da India outra Cartago a Roma. Porque pouco e pouco foi
consumindo em despezas, gente, e artilheria tanto, que ella so tem gastado com
suas guerras mais, que tod as as outras conquistas deste Oriente.—De Couio.
In the form of a Virakkala or anklet such as was worn by warriors.
1659-1679. His Historical Relation, printed in London in 1681, is the
most accurate description of village life in Ceylon, in the English language.
This means The Victorious Lion.
The offspring of mixed Portuguese and Sinhalese origin, who formed the
trading class.
The fact has reluctantly to be recorded that it was left to the British
Government to permit the destruction of the tomb.
No sooner had the
grave closed on Dharma- pala’s mortal remains, than the Portuguese authorities
took action to carry into effect the donation of his Kingdom which he had made.
A Convention was summoned to meet on the 29th of September at Malwana, a
pleasant village on the banks of the Kelani Ganga, whither the people were
invited to send two delegates from each Korale to take the oath of allegiance
to the King of Portugal. The delegates duly assembled, and after two days spent
in negotiations agreed to recognise Dom Philip II as their King, provided that
the Portuguese officials would guarantee on his behalf that the laws and customs
of the Sinhalese should be maintained inviolate for ever. The required
guarantee was given, whereupon the delegates selected eight representatives to
take the necessary oath. All of them, judging from their names, were
Christians; and five of them were noblemen of the late King’s Court, and bore
the jealously guarded title of Dom. These eight knelt round a table, and
placing their hands on a Missal took the oath promising faithfulness, loyalty
and vassalage to the King of Portugal and his successors on the Throne. The
Captain General thereupon delivered the Royal Standard of Portugal into the
hands of Dom Antao, the chief man amongst the Sinhalese nobles, and headed by
this the whole assembly went in procession through the principal streets
proclaiming the accession of the new King.
Situated as the
Sinhalese were, the change of dynasty was not a matter of great moment. There
was one thing which
they recognised as being greater than the King, Custom; and this the Portuguese
had guaranteed that they would preserve and respect. Philip II was to them but
a name, and in their eyes the real successor of Dharmapala was Dom Jeronymo de
Azavedo, who was known as the King of Malwana, from the village which he now
selected as his headquarters. To him the honours due to Royalty were paid; he
was saluted with prostrations, and the White Shield and Parasol of Sovereignty
accompained him in his progresses through the country.
Thanks to the
brilliant achievements of Jayawira, almost the whole of the territory originally
administered directly from Kotte was now under the control of the Portuguese.
This territory was divided into four great Provinces or Disawani. The most
important of these was that of Matara, lying, as has already been pointed out,
along the sea coast from Kotte to the Walawe Ganga, and including the most
fertile portions of the' ancient Ruhuna. Immediately to the North of this lay
Saparagamuwa, which skirted the mountains of the Kanda Uda Rata and terminated
in the same river, the Walawe Ganga. Beyond the Kelani Ganga was the Province
of the Four Korales, through which ran the road to Senka* dagala, and which was
to be the scene of fierce struggles during the next forty years; and North
again of the Four Korales, and bordering the sea on the West, lay the Seven
Korales, which stretched into the great forests of the Anuradhapura district.
These three last-named Provinces represented roughly the Maya Rata, exclusive
of the mountain plateau. Over each Disawani was placed a great noble with the
title of Disawa, who was responsible for its revenue, and for the
administration both judicial and military. Under him were numerous grades of
officials, terminating in the village headmen or
Mayorals, as the Portuguese called them. The Disawa of Matara took rank
immediately after the General, and was entitled to have a white shield with a
crimson centre borne before him. Samarakon, while he was in charge of this
Province, maintained a force of 12,000 men from among its warlike inhabitants.
The policy of
aggression so disastrously inaugurated by the expedition of de Sousa was to be
carried on till 1638 relentlessly, and with a vigour which was tempered only by
the incapacity of the Government at Lisbon to furnish the necessary men and
material. The lines which separated the two parties in the long-drawn-out
struggle were no longer blurred as they had been while Dharmapala lived. His
standard of the Lion and the Sun had now betaken itself to Senkadagala, and
never again floated over Colombo ; for the Sinhalese Buddhists needed a
Sinhalese King, and it was the banner of Christ which led the Portuguese to
battle.
The attitude of
hostility towards the Buddhist priesthood which Raja Sinha had adopted during
the last few years of his reign, had resulted in there being hardly a priest
left in the country whose Ordination could not be called in question. This
circumstance caused much distress, and Wimala Dharma’s attempt to remedy it
greatly increased his popularity and strengthened his hold on the people. In
1475 an embassy, sent by King Ramadhipathi of Pegu, had taken back with it to
that country a body of priests ordained in the sacerdotal succession which was
derived immediately from the disciples of Gautama, and.which had been preserved
unbroken in Ceylon. Wimala Dharma now sent an embassy to fetch a Chapter to
re-establish that succession in Ceylon. This mission was successful, and in
1597 an Ordination was held in the neighbourhood of the Capital, to the great
satisfaction of the people. About
the same time also
the Danta Dhatu, "which had been removed from Delgamuwa to safeguard it
from the advancing Portuguese army, was solemnly installed at Senkadagala, a
three-storied edifice with a finial of gold and gems being erected within the
Palace grounds for its reception. As a crowning act of piety Wimala Dharma
personally went on a pilgrimage to worship the Footprint on the Peak of
Samanala Kanda. On his return he had a replica of the Footprint engraved on
stone and set up near the Palace. The pilgrimage was now a journey of much hazard
and danger, and his grateful subjects came together from all parts to worship
at this model, each one bringing with him what he could out of his scanty
resources, for the repair and maintenance of the desecrated temples.
Simao Correa, brother
of Edirille Rala, had been anxiously awaiting an opportunity of proving to
Wimala Dharma that the favour with which the latter had received him was not
unmerited; he now came with an army down the Idelgashinna Pass, which rising to
a height of 4700 feet is the only means of approaching Uwa from the South; and
crossing the extreme eastern limit of Saparagamuwa entrenched himself strongly
on some rising ground near Katuwana, so as to threaten Matara. Samarakon
hurried up to check the movement, and was soon joined by a further contingent
of 2000 men from Colombo, under the command of Simao Pinhao, a Portuguese who
for an act of piracy had been banished to Ceylon, where he had won for himself
a great reputation in the hostilities which had been carried on in 1591 against
the King of Jaffna. He was now thirty-five years of age, wiry of body and of
immense strength, with a large round head made all the more striking by the
blindness of one eye. Such was the prestige he enjoyed, that he was considered
worthy to be rewarded with the hand of
Dona Maria Perera,
the grand-daughter of Raja Sinha, and he had succeeded Edirille Rala in the
chief command over the Lascarins,
A brilliant victory
on the 25th of September drove Correa back within the mountains, and obtained
for Samarakon the coveted insignia of the military Order of Christ, with the
grant of a village yielding 500 pardaos a year. Correa’s movement southwards
was, however, only part of a larger plan, and simultaneously a second force had
descended westward down the Balane Pass into the Four Korales, and established
itself at Iddamalpane, in the midst of the rugged country through which the
road runs to Senkadagala. An attempt to surprise this camp proved so disastrous
a failure, that the whole of the Four Korales up to within a league of Malwana
rose in arms. Pinhao hurried to the rescue, and in his absence, to add to the
confusion, Affonco Moro, who was entrusted with the task of provisioning the
forces engaged in the Saparagamuwa frontier and who had become infatuated with
a Sinhalese woman, deserted to Wimala Dharma. Pinhao found himself unable to
advance beyond Attanagala, and in spite of the urgent requests of de Azavedo,
the Indian authorities were too busy with their own wars to send assistance.
The latter had already by his stern severity rendered himself odious among his
soldiers. His rapacity had cast off all restraint since the death of
Dharmapala, while his ferocious cruelty and utter indifference to suffering
showed itself more and more as the resistance of the Sinhalese increased in
obstinacy. By his orders little babes were spitted on his soldiers’ pikes, or
mashed to a pulp between mill-stones, while their mothers were compelled to
witness the pitiful sight before they themselves were put to death. Men were thrown
into the water to feed the crocodiles, which at length grew so tame that they
came at a signal for the welcome feast.
It is strange that
the imaginative Sinhalese have not selected to deify this thick-set swarthy
Iberian, with his vicious hanging under-lip, as the incarnation of all the
cruelty which man born from his mother’s womb can devise; for generations at
least they remembered his name with a shuddering horror.
In spite of all de
Azavedo’s skill and determination, the task seemed too difficult a one to be
accomplished with the means he had at his disposal, and in disgust he applied
to the Viceroy to be relieved of his duties. His request, however, could not be
granted, and the exertions of Pinhao barely served to keep the foe in check,
when, fortunately for the Portuguese, Correa reappeared with an army not far
from Ruwanella, and, imitating in his turn the treachery of Jayawira, deserted
to the General at Malwana.
To that harassed
commander no visitor could have been more welcome, but the Inquisition, which
had been established at Goa in 1560, had first to be satisfied as to the
soundness of Correa’s views on religion. So deep, however, were the signs of
contrition and repentance which he displayed, that there was no difficulty in
effecting a reconciliation with that Tribunal, and he returned with a Portuguese
wife to Ceylon, there to prove himself a skilled pupil in the school of de
Azavedo. Hostilities were now renewed with increasing energy, and all along
the border raid and counter-raid followed each other in quick succession.
Affonco Moro was surprised and put to death; Etgala Tota, which commanded the
passage of the Maha Oya, was occupied ; and by January 1599 a strong fort was
erected at Menikkadawara, which was intended to be the head quarters for the
proposed operations against the Uda Rata. The surrounding country was devastated
till not a tree was left standing. Pusella Muda- liyar, a disappointed
place-seeker, deserted to the
Portuguese and was so
well received by them, that, to prove his gratitude, he erected a wooden enclosure
which he was engaged in filling with heads of the Sinhalese whom he
slaughtered, when he was seized and killed by the King’s men. A more terrible
punishment awaited his family.
The Sinhalese being
Buddhists believe that death is but one incident in a chain of existence, and
that it is followed by re-birth on a higher or lower plane, in accordance with
the Merit of the previous life. For a nation holding such a belief death has
few terrors, though the King alone was vested with the power of inflicting this
penalty. There was, however, one punishment which the King could inflict which
was in the eyes of his subjects more awful even than death. Whatever the
services of an individual might be, the King could not confer on him a caste
superior to that in which he was born ; but the King had the terrible power to
make him an outcaste-
Here and there in
Ceylon were, and are still, to be found small hamlets of a people named the
Rodi— the people of the Dirt. Their hamlet was the Kuppayama, the Dirt Heap.
They might not till the soil, nor cross running water, nor enter a place of
worship. The roofs of their squalid huts could slope only in one direction, and
almost their only occupation was begging, the proceeds of which would be eked
out by what the women obtained by prostitution, or the men by thieving. Their
touch was pollution, and they were obliged to leave the public path at sight of
any other human being, lest there should be risk of contact with them. Their
shadow falling on human food rendered it unfit for consumption. The only labour
at which they were employed was to skin and bury the carcases of cattle which
died in the fields, and from the hides so obtained they made the ropes used for
securing elephants. The better to
19
brand with
infamy the t* ’ussella Mudali-
yar, orders were
issued that ms wife should be seized and cast to these Rodi; but in mercy she
was first taken to the riverside, and given the opportunity of drowning
Iwself.
Success
was r 'i all with the Portuguese, and many serious reverses h 1ayed
their advance towards the Uda Rata. The ban -f the Maha Oya have always had an
evil reputation . sickness, and at one season of the uT" the fish caught
in its waters are considered to be poived oi Whether as the result of eating
them, not be grantore probable, in onsequence of an out- served to kee aria,.
sickness aiu ~ked the garrison at for the Portu&d rjon the
hospital a'/- Colombo was not far from lowing- At the saAiie nme the
men of the treachery rales le' by Iw iucI Gomes, an officer Malwana. d un^' Portuguese, devastated
To that b Chile* w
'>Jegombo,-destroyir-v, the have been more the p^estb to death, and;,
wppro- had been establisied vessels. The Portugue^st l.rried satisfied as to
t.iough they killed the vil jn ' with- on religion. So r; ground of
their allege.. ^licity, contrition and ^ come up with Gomes. Simultaneously
there was nr-"attacked their *_u:posts and put their with that the sword.
The whole district became guese wif^ pitiless warfare, till at length Gome?
skilled • rushed and killed and some semblance o- ties f, restored, after the r;
struggle had lasted till May ap i. Etgalatcta was, however,
abandoned.
The opportune arrival
of some Portugues* troops strengthened the hands of de Azavedo, an by a series
of rapid movements he advanced Ganetenna, the fort which protected the entrap
to the great Pass leading within the mouni'm After twenty days the
Sinhalese suddenly withe to their main fort at Balane which commanded ti**.
Pass from above, and the Portuguese hastened to occupy the stronghold they had
vacated. The toil of
eight
years / ,jre brought them to the foot of the mou, vvall.
Pinhao
being now placed in charge of the operations, while de Azavedo busied himself
in preparing a large force for thecal reduction of the Sinhalese kingdom,
Wimala Dy ’.rma entered into a secret correspondence with ' - >e former,
offering to make him King of tthec ^ow Country if he would desert to him. ,
Acti on de Azavedo’s instructions, Pinhao appeared to acquiesce. It w~eed that
tjhe two parties to the discussions shc.^ a j. mge
Con&nissioners' before' vhom the King:g aione was
respectively w6re tr take an oath to this penalty, promise. De i zavMo’s plan
was wj1ich
the
stabbed to death
'<\t this inter..'°.w.v eyes 0f
The King,
ho\„ rver, u i lived th. Whatever the '^uese not to,1'*
he n' be, the King with wAum he was ,r "One uperior to that
Dias, Who as a pa^e
hail been Ag had the terrible deffat ~*,de Sousa, and who hac' fare T"
ii the King, appeared i, and are still, to be CfilTlp aC h were his professiv
med the Rodi—the General’ was persuaded that in hmi ‘ Kuppayama, the yet
another providential tool for the c^pross running the plot against the King’s
life. The sec- roofs of cbsed to him, and he was promised high direction, if he
and his men would assist in the en>g, the This"he agreed to do,
swearing with the u’ the fervour all the oaths which were demanded of Lbv He
was then, to allay any suspicions, provided with two Portuguese banners and two
heads, and allowed c) return.
The fort of Balane
crowned the loftiest peak ^ a high range of mountains. Nature had made . j position one of almost impregnable
strength, and art could do but little to add to its security. The entrance to
the fort was at the base of the crag and lay beneath a bastion which commanded
the
approach up the
mountain side. This approach was by a rugged and exposed path, and was narrow,
steep and long. The adjoining mountains also were strongly held, and the whole
position formed the key to the Sinhalese kingdom. The train being thus laid,
the General made his dispositions with the utmost caution. Detachments were
posted all along the road from Colombo, and sealed orders were given that on
the momentous day all were to move on Ganetenna, so that if every thing went
well, the whole Portuguese army might take part in the expected triumphal entry
into Senkadagala. (Jc^.the night of Easter the General himself set out to watch
the explosion of this tremendous mine. Evil omens accompanied him on the road,
where his men were set upon by a wild elephant with a fury which to their
overstrung imaginations appeared to be diabolical. Two were killed and several
were injured,the General himself escaped with difficulty, for m^arms appeared
to take no effect on the raging monster.
In the meantiipe the
unsuspecting Pcf!t\i- guese Commissioners were allowed to enter the fort of
Balane, where they were quietly arrested, while the Sinhalese hurried down to
lie in ambush outside the gate of the fort. The preconcerted signal > was
then given, and the Portuguese, confident of , victory, prepared to sally out.
Pinhao, however, was as keen-witted as the King, and insisted on waiting till
the dawn. His advice prevailed, and before day broke three of the Lascarins who
had accompanied the Commissioners came running in with the news of their
arrest. The great coup had failed, and nothing now remained to be done but to
send back the garrisons to their stations, while Wimala Dharma showed his
gratitude to Dias by appointing him Maha or Chief Mudaliyar over the heads of
all his Sinhalese officers.
Outside the Island
events had in the meantime been moving rapidly. In 1598 Philip III of Spain
/
Joris van
Spilbergen
149
had succeeded his
father on the Throne of Portugal and with his reign began that decay, political
and commercial, which continued into that of his successor and destroyed the
greatness of the country with a rapidity which exceeded even that which had
characterised its growth.
Three years earlier,
in 1595, the Hollanders had despatched four of their vessels to the East. These
ships penetrated as far as Bantam and returned home after an absence of two and
a half years, a Factory having in 1597 been established in Java. Various
Companies were soon on foot to secure the Eastern trade, and in 1602 their
United East India Company was incorporated. On the 31st of May of that year
Joris van Spilbergen, commanding two vessels of the Hollanders, appeared off
the Eastern coast of Ceylon, and after some preliminary negotiations with the
King set out on the 6th of July for the Court. A ceremonious reception was
everywhere accorded to him, and as he approached the Capital messengers arrived
hourly with inquiries after his health and presents from the King. On reaching
the Mahaweli Ganga Spilbergen was met by Manuel Dias, who escorted him in
procession to Senkadagala, at this time a small town of about 2500 inhabitants,
the majority of whom were traders from South India. The same afternoon three
saddled horses arrived from the palace with a summons for him to appear before
the King. He was received with all the rigid formality of an Oriental Court,
and after making his obeisance laid on the carpet for the royal inspection the
presents which he had brought. These were then removed to within the Palace to
be shown to the Household, while the King, who was dressed in white, rose and
walked about conversing with Spilbergen and his companions, after which
permission was at length given them to withdraw.
On the following day
a second audience was accorded, at which the Hollander combined the shrewdness
of the tradesman and the suavity of the courtier with such success, that the
gratified King presented to him all the pepper and cinnamon in the Royal
Stores, apologising for the smallness of the quantity and explaining that not
only did he never trade in these articles, but that he had even caused the
cinnamon trees to be destroyed, that they might not attract the Portuguese to
his dominions. Daily interviews followed, for the King could not hear too much
of this new people, their customs and their religion, and the entertainment of
the visitors was concluded by a banquet at the Palace, at which everything was
arranged in European fashion.
Eating does not
occupy the same position with the Oriental that it does with the Western
nations. As a necessity of the body, something to be ashamed of rather than
otherwise, it is regulated soberly and discreetly. The Tropics have not those
short days of winter confining men within doors, wherein the chief if not the
only source of pleasure in ruder times was to gather round smoking joints of
meat in the cheering warmth of a great log fire. The sun itself conveys to the
body so much heat, that little has to be provided by man in the way of food.
The Oriental, moreover, realised that meat was not essential for strength, for
the strongest beast on earth, the elephant, eats no meat. The teachings of the
Buddha against the taking of life had made the Sinhalese almost a race of
vegetarians,1 and such little meat as they did use was so prepared
as entirely to remove all suggestion of blood. They had inherited the Hindu
reverence for the cow, and none would eat beef save the outcaste. Fishing was
carried on along the coast, and salted fish was used by all; but the occupation
itself was regarded
with disfavour. Rice
was the main article of food, although accompanied invariably by vegetables, of
which an abundance could be found even in the forest, and which were cooked in
a variety of ways. Numerous savouries stimulated the jaded appetite, and
spices, which served both as a disinfectant and a digestive, were largely
employed; as also was curd, for the value of whey was known to the East many
centuries before Elie Metchnikoff had thought about it. The King took his meals
alone, seated on a stool before a low table covered with a white cloth. On the
table was laid a golden platter, over which was spread a tender plantain leaf
taken unopened from the heart of a freshly- cut tree. Twenty or thirty dishes
were usually prepared and brought to the King in the pans in which they were
cooked, and whatever he selected was served to him with a ladle by a nobleman
who had a muffler tied round his mouth. Ripe fruit of the choicest kinds,
brought from localities which had a special reputation for them, completed the
simple repast.
It was not, however,
to a meal of this kind that Spilbergen was summoned, for the King had lived
long enough among the Portuguese to under stand the point of view of the
European. Rich tapestries hung from the walls, and handsome Spanish chairs were
ranged about the tables. At the conclusion of the banquet the Admiral presented
Wimala Dharma with a portrait of Prince Maurice on his charger, which the King
ordered to be hung up in his own room, that he might see it the more
frequently. As a final and unique honour the Hollanders were permitted an
interview with the Queen, who appeared in European dress. The main portion of
the costume of a Sinhalese lady leaves the loom in the shape and size required
for use, and depends for its charm not on the skill of the tailor, who
occupies a very
insignificant position in the scheme of society, but on the beauty of the
material employed and the skill with which it is draped about the person. In
honour, however, of the visitors, the Queen discarded for the occasion her long
white cloth picked out with gold, and instead wore a dress cut according to the
Portuguese fashion with which her residence at Manar had no doubt rendered her
familiar.
However bitter may
have been the hostilities which existed between Wimala Dharma and the
Portuguese, both King and Queen had strong European sympathies. The same
feeling prevailed among the courtiers, amongst whom were included not only
refugees from the Low Country, but also Portuguese and Mesticos. The King
welcomed anyone who could wield a good sword, and his Atta- pattu or bodyguard
included Portuguese, Moors, and Kaffirs. Portuguese names were common among the
nobility, and the language was as familiar to the King as his mother tongue.
The Portuguese jacket and Portuguese cap or barrete, which, though distorted
almost beyond recognition, still obtain in the Uda Rata, are a legacy
bequeathed by Wimala Dharma. For a whole century Portuguese ideas moulded the fashions
of the Court at Senkadagala, till they in turn gave way to the Dravidian
influences which asserted themselves during the last century of its existence.
The visit of the
Hollanders had been so acceptable to the King, that he declared with Oriental
hyperbole that if the Prince Maurice desired to erect a fort in his dominions,
he himself together with his Queen would assist in person in carrying the
stones for the work ; adding that the name of his own kingdom was from that day
forth Flanders.
When at length
Spilbergen set out for the coast, he left behind him as one of his return
presents for the
gifts with which he
had been loaded, two of the musicians who had accompanied him to the Court— a
present greatly appreciated by Wimala Dharma, who had acquired a taste for
Western music. Music indeed, as it is understood in the West, is not to be
found in the East, and Ceylon was even more backward in that respect than
India. The Vina, a primitive form of violin, was thought highly of, and there
was also a small drum with a soft note which was used to accompany singing; but
apart from these the majority of the instruments known to the Sinhalese were
instruments of percussion, used to create sound rather than melody. For
military purposes the drum is an unrivalled instrument, and in matters of
ceremonial courtesy took the place which the cannon holds to-day among European
nations. It was an essential element in the processions of the Hindu gods
worshipped in Ceylon, and attached to each Dewale there were tenants whose duty
it was to accompany their images with this mark of honour. Not least, in the
medico-religious ceremonies of the Sinhalese (devil-dances, as they are called
today), the aim of which was often to work the individual into a condition of
ecstasy, the drum proved itself as effective an instrument as is, for a similar
purpose, the band of the Salvation Army.
In the more temperate
climates of the West dancing is indulged in not less for the pleasure of the
performer than that of the spectator. Amongst Orientals, however, it has only
the latter object. It was unheard-of for women to dance at all, except in the
case of the outcaste Rodi who travelled from place to place dancing and tossing
brazen trays in the air for the purpose of earning a scanty . livelihood, or
of those women who held their lands on the condition of performing a religious
dance in the Dewales at the great festivals. There were, however,
20
dancing men among the
palace musicians who were trained to dance while accompanying themselves on the
drum, and who would at the same time extemporise songs for hours on end on
given themes, in the manner which prevailed among the Greeks of the time of
Theocritus. Singing was indeed a source of great delight among the Sinhalese.
As Ribeiro says, ‘‘Their singing is very soft and gives pleasure. Though we did
not understand what they said, yet we used to leave off any occupation in which
we were engaged to listen to them, for their verses were sonor. ous and the
syllables well rounded.”
A few months later,
on the 28th of November, the Vice-Admiral Seebald de Weert arrived in command
of another flotilla. He was hospitably received at the Court, and invited to
assist in an assault on Colombo which the King was then contemplating. This he
promised to do on condition of being properly recompensed for his trouble. On
the 14th of January he sailed away for Achin taking with him a great quantity
of cinnamon and pepper, a present from the 'King, who however assured him that
“he himself was no merchant but a soldier, who thought neither of the building
of houses nor of planting nor of anything else by which he should be able to
make profit, but only of how he should protect his country.”
NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII
“According to the
exaggerated notions of their religion, they do dot kill anything that has life,
not even venomous snakes. They eat no meat of any kind, neither flesh meat nor
fish, even if they happen to be ravenously hungry.” Father Morales in 1552.
In the meantime de
Azavedo was laying his plans for yet another attempt to capture the fortress of
Balane; for he was confident that the superior numbers at his disposal and the
demoralisation which he believed to have been created among the Sinhalese by
the last few years of desperate struggle, would prevent a repetition of the
misfortunes which had overwhelmed his predecessor. In January
1603 his army took the field and advanced to
Ganetenna, whence roads were opened to the base of the mountain on which the
Balane fort was built. Batteries were stationed on the adjoining heights, and a
regular siege was organised; but such was the strength of the position that
little progress was made. At length on the first of February a villager
appeared in the Portuguese camp and offered to point out a secret path leading
up to the stronghold. His offer was accepted, and a number of men were sent
with him to surprise the place. Led by their guide they toiled through the
night up a steep and precipitous track, and at daybreak reached the walls only
to find that the Sinhalese had disappeared.
The exultant
Portuguese occupied the fort and celebrated the event by a solemn service of
thanksgiving. The lofty eminence whence so keen and vigilant a watch had been
kept on the approach to the last refuge of the Sinhalese was now, after nine
years of fiercely waged warfare, in their hands, and the richest portion of the
Low Country of Ceylon lay stretched out at their feet, as if depicted on a map.
Far away to the west could be seen the
glitter of the
sunlight reflected on the waves of the Indian Ocean; the perpendicular side of
Nav Gala, crowned by the great slab which overhangs its base, together with the
graceful and castellated mass of Utuwan Kanda, occupied the middle distance;
while right below them were their forts of Gane- tenna and Buddassagoda, with
Attapitiya nestling beneath Dewanagala, itself overshadowed by the sombre
grandeur of Ura Kanda and Batala Gala. They saw themselves in imagination
masters of the whole of the beautiful island, and grumbled at the apathy of
their General in not pressing home his victory.
De Azavedo, however,
was suspicious; the mysterious disappearance of the Sinhalese made him uneasy,
and he determined to wait for the arrival of the experienced Pinhao before
taking any further action. Nor were his fears groundless, for on the fifth
morning his Lascarins, without whom the Portuguese were helpless in the
mountains, deserted in a body to the King. It seemed as though de Azavedo’s
army was after all to share the fate of de Sousa’s. Messengers were secured by
heavy bribes to warn the garrisons on the road to Colombo* and eighty picked
men were told off to hold the passage by which the enemy was expected, whilst
with anxious haste the Portuguese made their arrangements for the withdrawal. Dawn
revealed the fact that the surrounding mountains and valleys were filled with
hostile Sinhalese, whose drums and trumpets rent the air. The desperate efforts
of the gallant eighty kept them at bay till midday, and at three o’clock in the
afternoon the Portuguese began, with the deepest despondency, to evacuate the
fortress, abandoning everything save the munitions of war. The Sinhalese
swooped down like vultures to plunder the baggage, and were soon in hot
pursuit, regardless of the terrible fire which was
directed against
them. The Portuguese were already two-thirds of the way down the mountain, when
to their intense relief the banners of Pinhao, who was hurrying to their
assistance, were seen in the distance, and by sunset they had succeeded in
reaching the foot, though with the loss of nearly a hundred in killed and
wounded. There a message was received from Samarakon urging an immediate
retreat and warning the General that if he did not adopt this course, within
three days there would not be a Portuguese alive in the Island, inasmuch as the
whole country was in arms.
Samarakon himself had
started with the utmost speed to the General’s assistance. On the road a
deputation waited on him and invited him to assume the Sinhalese Crown,
assuring him that all were prepared to lay down their lives for him, and
pointing out that never before had there been so favourable an opportunity of
driving the Portuguese out of the country. Should he elect, however, to cast in
his lot with the foreigner, they were unable to follow him, for they had
already pledged themselves to strike a blow for the common liberty. It was a
great temptation, but the noble Sinhalese scorned the idea of disloyalty to the
heir of his late master, Dharmapala. He sent private information of what had
occured to Pinhao, whilst informing the conspirators that Pinhao too was on
their side, but that it had been decided not to take action before arriving at
Sitawaka. He therefore begged them for the present to observe secresy in regard
to their plans.
The Portuguese had by
now reached Ganetenna, whence stage by stage they retreated to Sitawaka, the
Sinhalese harassing them all the way just as Edirille Rala had done on their
flight from Gurube* wila. Three hundred Portuguese corpses marked the road when
on the fifteenth day they crossed the broad
Kelani Ganga and
reached Malwana. Here another horrible surprise awaited them, for the Sinhalese
had already attacked and sacked the place, and nineteen grinning heads swinging
from a tree greeted Dom Jeronimo de Azavedo as he returned to the palace to
which his cruelties had given so evil a name. The Nestorian Christians from
India, who were fighting side by side with the Portuguese, and who were
rendered useless by the lack of the opium to which they were accustomed, had
been cut down almost to a man.
For the second time
de Azavedo, one of the most eminent of Portuguese warriors in the East, had
been driven in headlong flight before the Sinhalese. The loss in men was
serious, but the loss of prestige was more serious still, and its effects were
to be seen for many years to come. Many of the officers and men who had taken
part in the retreat, worn out with their exertions and finding themselves
without a pardao, took the opportunity to desert to Colombo. To these last the
General, who was anxiously laying his plans at Malwana, addressed on the 15th
of March a letter, exhorting and commanding them to rally round him there, and
adding “I await you here with a mat for my table, with bread and beef for
dainties; that is all that the Sinhalese have left to me”.
The appeal was not
made in vain, and another army was already in the field when Anthony Baretto,
one of Samarakon’s servants who had risen to prominence during the retreat,
deserted to the Sinhalese with a large body of troops, and moving skilfully
in front of them blocked their advance. Before long every one of the outposts
which had been occupied at such cost, and which were intended to protect the
communications of a triumphant army
operating in the
Kanda Uda Rata, had fallen into the hands of the King, their garrisons being
either put to the sword or distributed as prisoners among the royal villages.
Of the conquests of Jayawira everything except Galle, which the personal
influence of Samarakon kept for the Portuguese, was lost.
The walls of Colombo
were in a ruinous state and everyone now set himself with desperate energy to
the task of repairing them. Experience had, however, shown that it was almost
impossible for the Sinhalese, who had no siege artillery, to wrest Colombo from
the hands of the Portuguese so long as the sea remained open. If the Sinhalese
had had but a few vessels with which to blockade the harbour, the Portuguese
could scarce have avoided destruction.
It was a critical
moment in the history of the Island, for on the 25th of April de Weert arrived
at Batticaloa with the much-needed ships. On the first of June news was brought
to the Hollanders that the King, who had a few days before captured
Menikkadawara, was close at hand; whereupon de Weert went forward to meet him
accompanied by all his officers and by two hundred of his men. Cordial
greetings were exchanged with Wimala Dharma, after which they proceeded
together to Sampanturai. There the majority of the Hollanders were dismissed
with orders to return to their ships, but instead of doing so they went about
the town and got drunk.
This, the ruling vice
of the Hollanders, was to exercise so profound an influence upon the subsequent
destiny of the Sinhalese race, that it is necessary at this point to indulge in
a short digression with regard to it. The Portuguese, whatever the Kaffir
troops they brought with them may have been, were very temperate, and two
thousand years of Buddhism, with its prohibition of the use of
intoxicants,
had well-nigh made the Sinhalese a nation of total abstainers.1 “
Drunkenness they do greatly abhor,” wrote Robert Knox, “neither are there many
that do give themselves to it.” A certain amount of spirits was distilled from
coconut “toddy,” the sap extracted from the inflorescence of the coconut palm
before it has burst its sheath ; but this was mainly for export. The high-caste
man who touched the degrading stuff was socially disgraced, and the possibility
of its use by women appears to have scarcely presented itself to the minds of
the Sinhalese. Water was the universal drink except among one or two of the
lower castes, who utilised for the purpose the toddy of some kinds of palms;
and that craving for a stimulant or sedative which appears to be inherent in
man was among the Sinhalese satisfied by the use of the betel leaf, which was
obtained from a cultivated vine belonging to the pepper family. This was
masticated, together with a slice of the astringent arecanut and a pinch of
lime, by all classes and at all times, and occupied in the social life of the
Sinhalese a position analogous to that of the pot of tea among the Japanese. °
The betel leaf was
what the maiden handed to her lover; it was the refreshment offered to every
guest; it accompanied every invitation to take part in a harvesting or to
attend a marriage; and it often concealed the bribe with which the ’ petitioner
sought an interview with the official. The nobleman on a journey would be
accompanied by a long-haired page carrying a large embroidered betel- bag slung
over his slioulder, while he himself held in his hand the richly chased box of
gold or silver which contained the lime. This mild stimulant largely removed
the desire for intoxicants, which madden the Oriental, and was thus a factor of
no small
21
importance in
regulating the civic life of the country. The use of the betel leaf in place of
alcohol rendered it possible to control the impulsive Sinhalese by a system of
penal law which in its mildness was several centuries in advance of that which
at the time prevailed in Europe ; and because drink was one of the contributory
causes of the subsequent decline of the Sinhalese, the arrival of de Weert and
his drunken myrmidons marks an epoch in the history of the country.
The exact details of
the tragedy which followed are not known. The King, despite the annoyance he
felt on learning that contrary to his express wishes the Portuguese prisoners
captured in the neighbourhood of Batticaloa had been set at liberty, granted a
formal audience to de Weert, whereat the latter pressed him to visit him on
board ship. This, however, the King was not willing to do. The question of an
attack on Galle was then discussed, and the King urgently requested the
Hollanders to sail thither; he himself, he said, must return to the Capital,
where he had left the Queen alone. De Weert, who was under the influence of
liquor, roundly declared that if the King could not visit his ships, he for his
part would not sail to Galle, and concluded with a coarse remark regarding the Queen.
The exasperated monarch haughtily turned his back upon the drunken sailor,
bidding the attendant nobles to “Bind that dog.” Four of them laid hands on
him, whereupon, catching up his gun and shouting for assistance, he attempted
to escape from the room. One of the nobles, however, seized him by the hair,
while another drawing his sword struck off his head.
The King had not been
a witness to the occurrence and was greatly distressed at the news; but the
mischief could not be remedied, and it was decided that the best course, now
that the leader was dead, was to kill all. Orders were given to this
effect; the drunken
Hollanders were hunted out of the houses, and over fifty of them were put to
the sword though some escaped by swimming to the ships. One young man who was
spared was taken into the King’s service.
The news of these
happenings, no less tragic than unexpected, produced consternation on board the
ships; but the Hollanders were convinced that there had been some
misunderstanding, and the following morning a Sinhalese was sent ashore with a
letter. Shortly afterwards a curt epistle was received from the King. “He who
drinks wine/’ wrote the latter, “is vile. God has wrought justice. If you
desire peace, it is peace. If war, war.”
A submissive reply
was promptly despatched to the King who was already on his way back to his
capital, and a fortnight later a messenger arrived from him with a letter in
which he asserted that his attitude towards the Hollanders was still unchanged
and invited them to assist him to capture Colombo and Galle. The negotiations,
however, proved fruitless and on the 28th of July the fleet sailed away
without having effected anything. The folly of a drunken Hollander had
prevented the expulsion of the Portuguese from Ceylon.
Hostilities still
dragged on. Samarakon, who had been sent to assist the Portuguese, was unable
to effect anything, and de Azavedo, dissatisfied with the conduct of the great
Sinhalese, had him arrested and sent in chains to Goa whence he never returned
to his native land. No events of importance marked the remainder of the year,
for the nations were too much exhausted for action; but early in
1604 the complexion of affairs was entirely altered
by the death of Wimala Dharma, Continual exposure had wrought its effects on
that frame of steel, and frequent attacks of fever warned him that he had not
long to live- The weary King began to set his
house in order.
Summoning his Ministers to his chamber he presented to them the Regent during
the minority of his son Astana Bandara, his cousin Senerat, who had doffed the
robes of the priesthood, and called on them to promise him their support and
allegiance. The aged chiefs stood silent, the tears flowing down their stern
war-worn faces, while the Chief Minister made the required promise in the name
of all. They then withdrew, and the still youthful Queen with her infant
children were called in and solemnly entrusted to the care and protection of
the Regent.
A mile to the North
of the modern town of Kandy lies the hill of Asgiriya. The curious visitor who
has the courage to approach it through its squalid surroundings will see little
beside a small patch of bare grass, beyond which a few aged trees, with
heavily-scented flowers of the colour of ivory, overshadow a small temple of
massive stone. Beneath is the railway tunnel from which now and again rise
puffs of sooty smoke; and close by stands a Christian school—symbolic, perhaps,
of the possibility of revivifying a moribund race. It was on this spot that for
centuries the rulers of Senkadagala were cremated.
Here a great pyre was
raised, heaped with the richest spices of the East. Accompanied by the shrill
wailing of fifes and the dreary roll of the funeral drums, the body was borne
in slow procession followed by thousands who had known well that bearded face
and tall figure. In a few hours nothing remained but a heap of ashes; though
when they came to be removed, the heart—that brave heart which had ever
throbbed responsive to the call of country—was found untouched by the fire.
A sigh of
thankfulness rose up from Portuguese Asia as the Sword of State was transferred
to the
hesitating grasp of
the ex-priest. A veil of obscurity now descended on events in the Uda Rata,
which during the next seven years was but rarely lifted to permit of a glimpse
of what was being carried on behind it. King Philip was thoroughly weary of the
war. He suggested that a diversion might be effected among the Sinhalese by
setting up as a rival claimant to the throne the Prince Dom Joao, who was still
being educated at the College of the Kings at Goa, but his suggestion was not
adopted. Instead, the Prince was shortly afterwards sent to Europe. The Viceroy
for his part was busy preparing a great expedition intended to crush the rising
power of the Hollanders in the Southern Seas, and he instructed de Azavedo to
confine himself, till his return, to Colombo and Galle.
In the meantime
bitter and by no means groundless complaints had begun to be heard on every
side against the oppression and tyranny exercised by the Portuguese officials
over the natives, who had been led to expect from them purer justice than that
which they had received at the hands of their own Chiefs. The revenue derived
from the pearl fishery was not properly accounted for, and munitions of war
were being systematically smuggled into the enemy’s country even from the
Portuguese settlements in South India. Above all there was the haunting fear
of the machinations of the Hollanders, whose ships had been already seen off
the Western Coast, and who were known to be supplied with information by spies
in Colombo.
With the death of
Wimala Dharma, however, there came a change. The General reported to King
Philip that the policy of concentration recommended by the Viceroy would have
disastrous effects on the minds of the Sinhalese who still remained loyal to
the Portuguese power, and that it would at the same time enable the Hollanders
to obtain a footing in
the Island. He was
confident, he wrote, that the immediate addition of three hundred soldiers to
his army would enable him to conquer Ceylon once for all. King Philip agreed.
The work of conquest had already consumed so much blood and treasure that it
was no longer possible to draw back. A strict inquiry was ordered into the
conduct of the peccant officials, while instructions were issued that the despatch
of vessels from the suspected ports should be closely supervised, and the coast
from Manar to Galle blocked to prevent all external intercourse with the
Sinhalese, who would thus be deprived of certain of the necessaries of life
which the Island itself did not produce.
Of these not the
least important was cloth, the bulk of what was used in Ceylon being imported
from India. Secondly, there was opium which was consumed in great quantities by
the Sinhalese, who found in it a powerful preventive against several of the
diseases incidental to a hot and excessively damp country, though it does not
appear that the abuse of the drug was common. The most pressing need of all,
however, among the people of the highlands was salt, which was not found in
their country and which was obtained mainly from the saltpans beyond the
Walawe Ganga, another source of supply being the Chilaw district, while a fair
quantity came from Trincomalee and Jaffna. This local salt, which was conveyed
to the Uda Rata on the backs of bullocks during the dry season, was usually
obtained by the process of solar evaporation of the brine—a process which had
been made use of in China for untold ages, and which was probably imported from
that country. The demand, however, was greater than the supply, and had to be
met by large shipments from South India. The Portuguese were of opinion that if
the supply of these three commodities could be cut off for a period of three
years
the Sinhalese would
be forced into submission, and King Philip ordered that every effort should be
made to carry this plan into effect.
Orders were also
given that the fortifications both of Galle and of Colombo should be
strengthened without delay, for the former by its position as the most
southerly port in this part of Asia was of the greatest value for the
maintenance of the trade with the Southern Seas; and it was feared that the
Hollanders would attempt to capture the place. The King was indeed anxious that
a dockyard and arsenal should be constructed there, but was thwarted by the
local authorities, who could not be induced to take the necessary action. The
Customs duties, the revenues from Manar, and the tribute of several of the
South Indian Princes were, however, placed at the disposal of the General for
the purposes of the war; and the Bishop of Cochin,* under whose spiritual
jurisdiction Ceylon had been placed, was invited to visit the Island no less to
encourage the soldiers than to see that the natives were treated with justice
and clemency by the officials, who were strictly prohibited from engaging
directly or indirectly in mercantile pursuits.
Nor was Senerat the
only foe; Satan had to be combated as well; for not only was the possession of
a country of vast resources and of great importance to the Indian Dominion at
stake, but also the souls of thirty thousand professing Christians, whose
salvation would be in jeopardy should they fall into the hands of their infidel
brethren, or into those of the heretical Hollanders. Amongst other things it
was ordered that no Sinhalese should be baptised till he had been decently
catechised and instructed, for the King had been informed that evil results had
arisen from laxity on this point. Six years before his predecessor had given
instructions that a larger number of priests should be sent to the Island, and
that those who were
engaged there, whether in education or in preaching the gospel, should render
themselves thoroughly familiar with the native languages ; for preaching
through the medium of an interpreter had not been found to be a success.
Accordingly in April 1602 the Jesuits, who had been established for some time
in India, sent a few of their members to begin work in Ceylon. They were, in
spite of the opposition of the Franciscans, welcomed by de Azavedo,3
whose own brother had been a very distinguished member of the Society. De
Azavedo built for them at his own expense their Casa in Colombo, and assigned
to them the sixty- two villages which had formed the domain of the Munnesseram
Temple, together with some valuable royal villages. The Dominicans and the
Augustinians soon afterwards followed, and an attempt was made to apportion the
various spheres within which each of the Orders was to operate, though it was
found in practice that this division was not adhered to.
Something more than
missionary enthusiasm, however, was required if the power of the Portuguese
was to be maintained in Ceylon, and this the political authorities at Goa were
unable to supply; for all available resources were diverted towards the
expedition which in 1606 the Viceroy Dom Affonco de Castro led in person to the
Southern Seas. With the Viceroy went Samarakon Rala, to whom the King had tried
to make amends for the gross injustice which he had received at the hands of de
Azavedo. Orders had been issued that the Sinhalese noble should be treated with
every consideration, that all the property which had been taken from him should
be restored, and that the requirements of himself and of his family should be
amply provided for. He was even appointed Captain of Goa, a position which gave
him a seat in the Viceroy’s Council of State
and of War<—a
distinction such as probably has never during the next three hundred years,
been conferred by a European Government on an Oriental.
The fleet which
accompanied the Viceroy was the largest that ever set sail from Goa. A series
of obstinately contested fights ended in the total failure of the Portuguese to
achieve their object, and the Viceroy himself died of a broken heart at Malacca
in June 1607. It was therefore out of the question to expect help from Goa,
while, as the Councillors of Colombo wrote to inform the King, Ceylon was
“eating up the State by the sackful.” In the three years preceding 1609 only
fifty men were received from India, and all that de Azavedo was able to do was
to send two expeditions a year into the enemy’s country to kill whomsoever they
could and to bring back what food they could lay their hands on. Pinhao and Correa,1
together with Dom Constantino Navaratna, a scion of the royal family who had
succeeded Samarakon at Matara, usually headed these expeditions, but for which
the Portuguese would have had little enough to eat.
The disappointment of
de Azavedo found vent in an increase of ferocity, while the actions of the
minor officials went unchecked, each assuming to himself such authority as he
found convenient. The natives of the country were ground down under exactions
of terrible severity; their venerated temples were ruthlessly destroyed on
every side; and .while the services of loyal men like Samarakon were so ill
requited, renegades of the stamp of Correa were received with open arms, and
promoted to positions of great power and responsibility. The fortifications of
Colombo were so neglected that cattle could easily make their way over the
walls; there was no hospital worthy of the name, and the soldiers were dying of
hunger and privation, with their wages
unpaid, and in
clothes that were little better than raw hides. The Frenchman Pyrard de Laval,
who visited the Island in 1608, has left it on record that the Portuguese
soldiers were mostly criminals and exiles, and that only women of ill-fame were
sent thither. What he adds is therefore the less surprising : that “the
Sinhalese will not kill their Portuguese prisoners, but merely cut off their
noses and send them back; for they say that they will not have their soil
polluted by the bodies and blood of foreigners.”
It was, on the other
hand, a common occurrence for soldiers who had committed criminal offences to
desert to the Sinhalese to avoid the consequences of their acts. To meet this
difficulty Colombo had been created a sanctuary, in which capacity it was
succeeded by Galle in 1610. The offender who took sanctuary could not be
arrested except it were for lese majeste, false coining, or the murder of a
sheriff <?r judge.
The twenty years
prior to 1610 had cost twelve thousand Portuguese lives and half a million
cruzados of treasure, but the end seemed to be further off than ever, a
condition of things which the writer of a secret memorial on the subject
addressed to King Philip finds no difficulty in explaining. “I assert that the
ultimate reason is,” he says, “that we Portuguese are evil Christians, with
little fear of God”
Under such
circumstances it is not surprising that the King should express his bitter
disappointment at the failure of an undertaking which he had so much at heart.
And yet a more favourable opportunity for finishing the work could hardly have
been demanded, for in 1609—in which year also Senerat, who had married the
widowed Queen and crushed all resistance, consolidated his position by assuming
the Crown—a twelve years ’ truce had been
Marcellus
de Boschouwer
171
concluded with the United
Provinces, a truce which constituted a formal admission of the independence of
the latter.
It was not, however,
till 1611 that the Indian authorities were able to place seven hundred soldiers
at the disposal of de Azavedo. In August of that year he took the field in
person, and in spite of some resistance at the passage of the Mahaweli Ganga,
occupied and burnt the capital, which was found deserted. After laying waste
the countryside he returned to Colombo, leaving a garrison at Balane.
Ever since the death
of Wimala Dharma, King Senerat had maintained a good understanding with the
Hollanders; and on the 8th of March 1612 Marcellus de Boschouwer, their Under
Factor, presented himself at the Sinhalese Court, armed with letters from the
Estates General and Prince Maurice of Orange addressed to “The Most Illustrious
and Most Noble Emperor of Ceylon, Our Beloved Brother in the Wars.” So
successful was his mission that on the 11th of May a treaty was entered into
between the Sinhalese and the Hollanders by which the two contracting parties
agreed to assist each other against the Portuguese, while the Hollanders were
given permission to erect at Kottiyar on the east of the Island a fortress
which would give them the control of the finest anchorage in the Indian Ocean.
Commerce between the two races was to be unrestricted, each side, however,
being subject to the exclusive criminal jurisdiction of its own officers. The
King further ageed to confer on the Hollanders the monopoly of the trade in
cinnamon, precious stones and pearls, though he reserved to himself the right
to coin money. It was also provided that two Hollanders should have seats in
his Council of war.
Such favour indeed
did Boschouwer find with the King, that the latter could not be induced to
permit him to return. The golden headband of a
Sinhalese dignitary
was conferred upon him, and he took his place among the nobles of Senerat’s
Court with the name of Migamuwe Rala, from the seaport of Negumbo which was
granted to him for his support.
1. Three hundred years of European influence
have brought about a change, and the revenue derived by Government out of the
arrack and toddy trade for the year 1918-19 amounted to Rs. 9,265,315. To this
must be added the revenue obtained from foreign spirits and cordials.
2. This bishopric was created by a Bull of
Paul IV. dated 4 February 1557.
3. Writing to the Viceroy 'on 26th of
November 1602 to thank him for sending the Jesuits, de Azavedo says : “Your
lordship will have great merit before God our Lord for this work.” Owing
largely to de Azavedo’s exertions the Jesuits were enabled in 1605 to open a
College in Colombo, where the scions of the Sinhalese nobility were taught
reading, writing, singing, divinity, bons cuslumes and Latin. See Ceylon
Aniiquaty, Vol. II.
4. Under a Royal Order of 1604 this consisted
of the Viceroy as President, the Chief Ecclesiastical Functionary, the
Chancellor of the State, the Vedor da Fazenda, the Captain of Goa, and the
Secretary of the State.
5. Hieronymus Gomez, writing on the 29th of
December 1609, gives us the following account of an incident which took place
on one of these expeditions. “Two hundred men, women and children were taken.
Gathering them all into a field, Simon Correa, a Sinhalese Captain, gave orders
to beat them to death. The poor people all kept together like sheep, and bore
the blows without running away or stirring, without a sigh or a groan. A
Portuguese Captain noticed that there were among them some innocent children
in the arms of their mothers, and since he could do nothing to save their
temporal lives, he wished to give them spiritual life, and hence he baptised
them all. They were afterwards beheaded to give them a more lenient death.”
Ceylon Antiquary II, 22. Correa was as ardent an admirer of the Jesuits as his
instructor de Azavedo, and presented to them a coconut garden.
In December 1612 de
Azavedo sailed away to assume duties as Viceroy at Goa. Although from a
military standpoint his eighteen years in Ceylon had been a record of failure,
during that period there had been carried out certain administrative changes
which it is desirable to notice at this stage.
In 1608 the King had
despatched to Ceylon Antao Vaz Ferreira, a Fidalgo of the Household, with the
title of Vedor, and a Commission to re-organise the Fiscal affairs of the
island. Five native officials of high rank were attached to him, one at least
of whom had served at the Court of Raja Sinha. The best known of them was
Alagiyawanna, who had now become a convert to Christianity, under the name of'
Dom Jeronimo, no doubt in compliment to the General himself. A delightful story
has been preserved by Tavernier as current in India in his time with reference
to this conversion. At Alagiyawanna’s request the Jesuits had given him a copy
of the New Testament. In six months’ time he came back to them and expressed
his desire to be converted, adding however that there was one matter which
troubled him: he could not find, he said, by his reading, that Jesus Christ
ever took money of anyone, while the missionaries took all that they could get,
and never buried or baptised unless they were well paid. The question was a not
unnatural one from a Buddhist, whose priests could receive no payment for any
services they might render; but the Jesuits do not appear to have had much
difficulty in overcoming his scruples. It is interesting to note that his new
duties did not prevent Alagiyawanna
from following the
Muse he loved; his greatest poem, the Kusa Jataka, which is based on one of the
Birth Stories of the Buddha, was issued in 1610 and deservedly holds a
prominent place in Sinhalese literature.
The most urgent duty
which fell to the Vedor was the preparation of a Tombo, or Register, of all the
districts which acknowledged European rule. The carefully organised and
elaborate system of land tenure—under which each parcel of cultivated ground
was rendered liable, in accordance with the caste of its possessor, to
contribute its quota of service towards the maintenance of the common wealth—
had for centuries reduced to a minimum the actual pecuniary expenditure on
administration and defence of the central government. The system depended for
its success on the accuracy of the Tombo being beyond dispute, and the
elaborate inquiries which it necessitated engaged Ferreira for several years.
Each Korale was visited in turn by the Vedor, who summoned a few of the
notables of the District to assist him in scrutinising the lists which the
Mohottalas or Secretaries of the Disawas produced. The descriptions of the
various holdings, together with the titles of those who held them, the income
yielded by each, and the dues to which they were liable, were entered in the
new register, each page of which was signed by the Vedor and numbered.
The initial difficulty
to be encountered was that the Mohottalas’ Rolls for several of the districts
were missing. In such cases the officers responsible were called upon to take
an oath to the effect that the Rolls were not in their possession. These lists,
which had been inscribed on palm leaves, had in fact perished in the course of
the recent desolating wars, and de Azavedo was in a position to assure the
Vedor that it was useless to make further search for them. Their loss, however,
was the less
serious, in that there
was amongst the natives little disposition to evade the summons to produce
title deeds, although it called forth considerable obstruction on the part of
the various Portuguese corporations, not least on that of the Camara or
Municipal Chamber of Colombo—“the Cidade of Sao Lourenco” as it was called. It
was intended that when complete the Tombo should be laid before a Junta or
Board which would be ordered to assemble at Colombo for the purpose of revising
it and of deciding on the quit-rent for each village, as a preliminary to its
allotment. From the villages which the piety of Sinhalese Kings had set apart
for the service of the Temples, a sufficient number was to be allotted for the
maintenance of the various religious establishments throughout the Island, the
grants being made during the King’s pleasure with a view to such changes as the
developments of the future might necessitate, Any of these villages which
should remain after such allotment were to be dealt with in the ordinary
course. The preliminary investigation revealed that several of them had
recently been granted away without authority, and the cancellation of all such
grants was ordered. This resolution was the source of much trouble with all
the Orders concerned. The Jesuits who held the sixty- two villages of the
Munnesseram Temple were, like the Dominicans and Augustinians, granted money
allowances in compensation, but it was found to be more difficult to meet the
claims of the Franciscans.
A Franciscan had
accompanied de Almeida to Ceylon in 1505, and the Franciscans were the first
missionaries to be sent out at the request of Bhuwaneka Bahu; but if they were
missionaries of the Church of Christ, they never forgot that they were also
subjects of the King of Portugal. Wherever there was danger to body or soul,
there the Franciscan was to be found, not only nursing the
wounded and providing
the consolations of religion to the dying, but leading with crucifix and sword
in many a bloody battle. It was claimed by the Franciscans that as early as
1554 an Alvara had been signed by the Portuguese King confining the work in
Ceylon to their Order. However that may be, it is certain that a proclamation
to this effect was issued on the 10th of March, 1593, and four years later an
attempt was made to obtain the consent of the Pope to the arrangement. The
trouble arose over the grant which Dharmapala had made to them in the first
fervour of his conversion. This grant had been subsequently confirmed three
times ; but in 1598, shortly after Dharmapala’s death, King Philip, on the
advice of the Bishop of Cochin, had declined to ratify it, holding out to the
Order the dubious consolation that this would be entirely in accordance with
their Statutes. The Franciscans, however, were not prepared to submit to so
great a deprivation without a struggle, and succeeded in obtaining from the
Mesa de Consciencia1 a ruling to the effect that the King of
Portugal as the heir of Dharmapala was bound to uphold his grant. An attempt on
the part of Ferreira, acting under the directions of the Viceroy, to take
forcible possession of the villages under dispute led to an appeal to law on
that of the Franciscans, who brought a suit against the King’s Proctor. The
question was therefore re-opened with a result which will be shown later.
The villages which
had formerly belonged to the Temples being thus dealt with, the ancient
Gabadagan or Royal Villages were next separated for the benefit of the King’s
Treasury. These had been wont to supply the Court with most of the provisions which
were required for the maintenance of the various great establishments which
went to compose it, but it was obvious that it was no longer
to the interest of
the Crown to utilise them on the ancient lines. A large revenue was expected
from them, and they were disposed of like the rest of the villages, some being
allotted to private parties, when they were known as Nindagan, some rented out,
and a few reserved to provide for the military needs of the country. These last
were selected in such a way that the troops on the march could thus be
conveniently supplied with provisions from them, while the Captains in charge
of the various stations occupied by the Portuguese were allowed certain
villages to assist them in feeding their men.
Of the remainder of the
villages which were now available for distribution, the best were reserved for
such of the Portuguese as had specially distinguished themselves in the work
of conquest in India and Ceylon, and for native Christians who had served with
loyalty in high office, the smaller ones being allotted to the Mudaliyars,
Arachchis and Lascarins, either as gifts or by way of remuneration for services
rendered. Those Portuguese to whom lands were granted were obliged as an
essential condition of the grant, to take up their residence within the Island;
grantees who were of Sinhalese nationality were expected to live with their
families in the various fortresses along with the Portuguese who had their
villages in the neighbourhood. Great hopes were entertained that the social
intercourse which was expected to follow from the proximity of the two races
would lead to greater security, while educating the natives and rendering them
more acquiescent in the rule of the foreigner.
In the case of the
Portuguese the grants were for two or three lives, with succession open to the
female line also and a restriction against alienation; the natives of the
country, however, at first held their grants only during pleasure, as appears
to have
been the custom under
the Sinhalese Kings; though a more liberal policy was subsequently adopted, the
grants being made for life.
The intention of the
Sinhalese Kings in assigning these villages had been to make such provision for
the favoured individual as would maintain him in comfort in accordance with the
simple standard of living which prevailed at the time. So long as he held his
Nindagama he was entitled to all the benefits which the King was wont to
receive therefrom. The provision extended to every detail of the grantee’s
domestic economy, as well as to the safeguarding of his Walauwa or residence,
and person, and the due maintenance of his position; and all this without any
expenditure of money on his part. The tenants of his village cultivated his
rice fields and conveyed the produce to his store, which they themselves built
and kept in repair. Every night they guarded him against the inroads of robbers
or the attacks of wild beasts ; and in the morning, whilst some swept the
immediate precincts of his mansion, others attended him to the bath and
prepared food for his use, or handed to him the betel which was his only
stimulant. In like manner the damsels of his village were the attendants of his
wife and the companions of his daughter. If he had to appear at Court, his
tenants escorted him thither and carried the various necessaries for the
journey, holding over him the while the palm- leaf umbrella which was as much
an emblem of his dignity as a protection against the sun. In war they defended
his person, sacrificing their lives to save his; in sickness they waited at his
bedside; and at his death they conveyed his corpse to the funeral pyre.
The entire sccial
scheme of the Sinhalese centred round the idea of caste, “which,” to quote
Knox, “is not according to the Riches or Places of
Honour the King
promotes them to, but according to their Descent and Blood/’ “Riches,” he adds,
“cannot prevail with them in the least to marry with those by whom they must
eclipse and stain the Honour of their family.... It is the Birth and Family
which ennobleth them.” Persons of the highest caste were known among them by
the proud title of Handuru—Swami daniwo, the Lord's Children2—a term
which strictly speaking pertained to Royalty alone. The wearing of a covering
above the waist, the length of the cloth below the knees, the colour of the
cap, and other petty distinctions separated the high-born from the less
fortunate.
In the hands of the
Sinhalese the system had worked satisfactorily and had produced a people who
were in the main happy and contented with their lot. There was little
oppression, and no man needed to lack the few things essential to existence in
the favoured climate of Ceylon. The lord of the Nindagama was the father of the
village, and under him all the interdependent castes worked in perfect harmony.
When, however, the stranger took the place of the Sinhalese nobleman, he found
ready to his hand a rod of tyranny which he was not slow to use. Taking no
interest in the villagers themselves, his one anxiety was to make the utmost
profit he could out of his unhappy dependents during the brief period of his
authority over them. His natural callousness to suffering led him tto
acts of appalling cruelty; and his insatiable craving for gold brought into
being a state of affairs which, perhaps, has found its counterpart only in the
Crown Domain of the Congo and in the rubber forests of Peru. Bright and
cheerful as is the Portuguese side of the picture as presented to us by Joao
Ribeiro, it had a terribly dark background which will be set forth in a later
chapter.
It has already been
said that the Disawas of the four great Provinces were responsible for their
administration. This
they carried on through minor, officials styled Korale Vidanes, who performed
certain judicial functions and had also the control of large numbers of tenants
liable to render various services to the Crown without remuneration. It was,
however, found in practice that these tenants did only what the Vidanes ordered
them to do, and that the latter utilised their services for their own private
benefit, to the great loss of the Treasury. The Vidanes exercised, moreover, an
undesirable influence over the fighting men, a circumstance which had been an
important factor in the various rebellions which had recently occured. Correa
for instance was the Vidane over nine Korales, and the only service which he
had to render was to maintain six hundred fighting men. With a view to
eliminating this source of danger the King recommended that the Sinhalese
Vidanes should be replaced by Portuguese, and that Correa himself, who had
always been a suspect, should be deported to Goa. It was, however, pointed out
to him that such a policy would create a degree of dissatisfaction among the
more influential natives, which might prove a serious menace to the peace of
the country; and that it would be better to introduce the practice by slow
degrees, starting with the more settled districts.
One of the tasks
imposed on the Vedor was to see to the proper enforcement of the claims of the
Crown to the services of the various tenants. Above all they were to be
prevented from selling the guns which they made to anyone save the King, who
was anxious, if possible, to concentrate all the gun-smiths—whom in spite of
their holdings it was found necessary to feed and clothe while on the King's
service, since these holdings sufficed only for the support of the family
during the absence of its head—in Colombo and Galle, to prevent their trading
with the enemy. Strong objection was, however,
raised to this
proposal, and it was finally decided to be in every way undesirable to alter a
practice which had existed from ancient times.
The skill of the
artisans of Ceylon, inherited and perfected through generations of the caste
system, was the subject of admiration throughout India, where their gold and
silver work, their carvings of ivory and their weapons of steel were preferred
to all others. “They make the fairest barrels for pieces that may be found in
any place,which shine as bright as if they were silver.” John Huyghen van Linschoten
has recorded that an ivory crucifix presented in 1585 to the Archbishop of Goa
by a native of Ceylon was considered such a masterpiece, that that prelate
“caused it to be put in a case and sent unto the King of Spaine, as a thing to
be wondered at, and worthy of so great a lord, to be kept among his costliest
jewels.”
Another of the
Vedor’s duties was the supervision of the collection of the royal dues, whether
money dues or dues paid in kind. The proceeds of these latter were stored in
the Factory at Colombo, whence nothing was issued save by his order. Such
issues were made only for despatch to Portugal by way of Goa, or for the
service of the navy. Whatever remained unused at the end of the year was sold
under his direction and the proceeds deposited in a chest secured with three
keys, with the management of which the Captains of Colombo were strictly
forbidden to interfere- All receipts were entered in a book which was itself
locked up in the chest, and separate acknowledgments were given in respect of
each transaction. In similar manner every payment had to pass ; 'both the Vedor
and the Factor, who in turn were restricted by the annual statement of
authorised expenses.
So long indeed as the
war of Conquest was in progress the General was permitted to make extraordinary
requisitions on this chest, but such requisitions also had to bear the Vedor’s
vise, and the General was responsible for them to the Viceroy. Moreover they
could in no case be made on any of the sub-accountants. Needless to say the Generals
regarded the Vedor as a natural enemy, and the friction arising from the
attempts of the former to interfere with the public funds was so great as
seriously to embarrass the conduct of affairs, and to be a source of vexation
to the King himself. Particularly did this friction arise with regard to the
trade in cinnamon, which has been described as ,“the bride round whom they all
da.ice in Ceylon.3” The jealousy with which this: trade
was guarded may be judged from the fact that in 1584 Dharmapala himself in his
poverty had to apply for the special authority of the King of Portugal to
export fifty quintals4 of the article to Portugal, and was refused
the necessary permission, being instead presented with a thousand cruzados.
Indeed from a very early period of the Portuguese occupation the Sinhalese King
had to content himself with exporting for his own benefit the quantity allowed
him by the authorities at Goa. In 1558, in consideration of the fact of
Dharmapala’s having become a Christian, this quantity was increased to one
hundred bahars.
The actual handling
of the cinnamon was rented out to the Captains of Colombo, and was a serious
trial to the honesty of these officers. The King did not approve of his
Treasury paying all the expenses while the Captains took all the profits, and
in 1589 he ordered an inquiry to be made into the matter. De Azavedo had
secured the right for himself for a period of three years, and had to be
sharply reminded that such a proceeding was improper in a General entrusted with
the work of Conquest.
Later, in 1614, the
trade was declared a strict royal monopoly, and private parties attempting to
collect or deal in cinnamon were made subject to banishment for five years to
the armada of the South, while the amount to be collected annually was fixed
for the time being at a thousand bahars.
Once a year one of
the King's ships set out from Colombo, to which port the trade was confined in
1594, with the annual cargo of this spice. The Captain in charge of the voyage
was originally allowed a specified quantity of the cinnamon as remuneration,
but this was subsequently commuted for a money payment. This shipment to Goa
was made about the time of the expected arrival of the annual fleet from
Portugal. A specially trustworthy person was elected to conduct the
negotiations, and the General was expected to be in Colombo in person at the
time in order to prevent any smuggling, while the Vedor issued a certificate
setting out the number of the bales shipped, which had to be checked at Goa. On
being landed the cargo was sold as early as possible, to enable the officer in
charge to return to Ceylon with the proceeds by the next monsoon. This money
was kept in a separate chest apart from the other revenues, and the statement
of the amount realised submitted to the Vedor, was by him forwarded for his
information to the General, who in turn sent it on to the Viceroy.
Over-production of
cinnamon had led to a great depreciation in value, but it was hoped that by
restricting the supply for some years the price could be forced up to its
former figure, when it was anticipated that the profits of this trade alone
would meet all the expenses of the conquest. With a view to securing its more
efficient working, a Portuguese was placed in charge of the entire department
as Vidane.
Of the minor sources
of revenue of which the Vedor had the oversight, the Elephant department was
managed by Sinhalese Vidanes under his general supervision, the villages which
had originally been assigned to it by the Sinhalese Kings being re-distributed
among the men who were engaged in the capture, taming and maintenance of the
animals. The Pearl Fishery, which had formerly been rented out by the Captains
of Manar, who had sent armed vessels to guard the place, had latterly suffered
in consequence of a policy of showing favour to the divers who had begun to
turn Christian, and as a result the revenue obtained therefrom had steadily
diminished. The Jesuits who were in charge of the work of conversion accused
the Captains of oppression, while the latter retorted that the true explanation
of the unsatisfactory state of affairs lay in the laziness of the divers, who
were pampered by the Jesuits. It had been the custom to assign the whole of one
day’s fishery to shoe the wife of the Captain, and the interfering action of
the Jesuits in stopping this convenient perquisite did not tend to increase the
good feeling between the parties. Moreover the Fishery sustained yet further
damage from the quarrels which arose between the Jesuits and the Bishop of
Cochin. The loss to the Treasury was serious. No fishery at all was held from
1604 to 1612, and it was even proposed by the King to settle a colony of the
Parawa divers on the West of Ceylon, that the work might be carried on without
friction. The suggestion however was not acted upon.
In view of the
disturbed condition of the country little profit was to be obtained from the
gems, though the experiment was tried of sending what few could be got together
to the markets of Goa and Cochin. The lands which bore the gems were concealed
from the Portuguese by the natives
24
of the country, and
though a Portuguese was appointed Vidane over the work of collecting them, it
only proved to be one more field for peculation.
An attempt was made
to stimulate the cultivation of pepper by compelling the payment of a portion
of the village quit-rents in this spice, but without adequate results. The
arecanut, on the other hand, which had always been a source of revenue to the
Sinhalese Kings, was at this period in great demand in India, as has already
been stated. De Azavedo was not slow to take advantage of this. He secured for
himself the seignory of every village where the nut was produced in any
quantity, paying for it at a moderate fixed rate. The increase in the profits
arising from the trade was so great that it led to what in the financial jargon
of today is called a “boom,” the terrible consequences of which to the
unfortunate villager will be set forth later. At the same time the competition
of the subject led not unnaturally to a great diminution in the profits of the
King.
Under the native
Kings where a man had died without male issue all his property had escheated to
the Crown, and in other cases his estate had been liable to a third of its
extent. This oppressive exaction, which was known by the name of Marala, which
in meaning corresponds almost exactly to the term Death Duty, obtained also
under the Great Mogul, and was calculated to prevent all accumulation of
wealth in the hands of private individuals, as well as to stifle all desire to
improve property. This too was probably one of the reasons why it was customary
for villagers to bury such money as came into their possession; for the
villager knew no Bank so secure as the ground under his fireplace. The levy
was continued by the Portuguese, though in order to encourage conversion, its
severity was relaxed in the case of Christians.
The 50,000 odd
headmen also were each expected to pay a pardao a year, and the amount so
contributed appears to have been at the disposal of the General. Various other
sources of income helped to swell the King’s revenues. Breaches of the peace
were punished by the imposition of fines varying with the position of the
offender and the gravity of the offence. Where again any person committed
suicide through inability to avenge an affront, the offending party and often
his entire village were mulcted in a sum of money. Certain kinds of permanent
plantations also were liable to taxation, for instance coconut lands, which usually
paid a tenth of their produce. Fishermen were taxed at a fixed rate on their
nets, in addition to paying a percentage of all fish caught by them. In various
districts where oil was manufactured a similar payment in kind was exacted.
Tolls were levied at the fortified outposts which guarded the frontiers, on
passengers entering and leaving Portuguese territory, and a tax was put upon
the privilege of cremation. In addition to all this the villagers were
responsible for the upkeep of the village paths, bridges and resting-places,
while every adult male among the Moors had to work for three months in the year
on the roads and fortifications.
Under the Sinhalese
rule of the Island the power of life and death had been jealously reserved to
the King alone, and no man could even be sentenced to lashes except by his
order. Legal process and citations were unknown, for the mere summons of the
one party to the other to appear before the tribunal, if made in the King’s
name, had such binding force that none dared disobey. In case of conviction a
common form of punishment was for the accused to be placed in V/elekma, by
tracing a circle round him on the ground and forbidding him in the King’s name
to step outside it; nor would
he dare to do so. To
supervise the collection of the Maralas mentioned above, there were appointed a
number of officials termed Maraleiros, who also acted as circuit judges. In
addition to their itinerant Courts, a tribunal consisting of eight Mudaliyars,
established by de Azavedo, sat at Malwana and dealt with matters affecting the
Sinhalese, though all important cases were reserved to be heard by the General
himself, from whose decision there was no appeal. Matters concerning the
village alone came before a Counci) of the village elders or headmen. All these
tribunals recognised decisory oaths, which together with the ordeal were a
popular means of settling disputes. Often the form of oath consisted in placing
a number of pebbles on the head of a son of the party swearing, who then
imprecated his death within the number of days represented by the pebbles if he
himself was speaking aught but the truth. The form of ordeal most in favour
consisted of touching boiling oil or a red-hot iron with the tip of the
finger, and this method was largely employed where the chastity of women was in
question.5
Sinhalese customary
law had always recognised the practice of borrowing money on the security of
the borrower’s person. Such slaves were treated with great kindness and were
allowed lands for their maintenance, so that they frequently acquired much
wealth. With the Portuguese, however, the systematic kidnapping of children to
be sold into slavery was developed into a lucrative profession, and there was a
large importation of Africans whose descendants even today, in spite of three
hundred years of intermarriage with the Asiatic races, as well as the admixture
of European blood, revert in not a few instances to the original African type.
In Goa the torture and murder of slaves grew to be so gross a scandal as to
call for a special Alvara from the King. The Portuguese also maintained a large
num
ber of female slaves,
from whose industry and from the commerce of whose bodies their masters derived
a considerable revenue.
From the Sinhalese
point of view, to appear before a great person with empty hands betokened a
lack of respect. Accordingly on the three occasions during the year upon which
all the Chiefs presented themselves at Court, they brought with them various
offerings regulated strictly in accordance with the office and holdings of
each individual and consisting of jewels, weapons, and what not, together with
any rarity which was considered likely to be acceptable to the King. This
custom the Generals as representing the King consistently maintained.
Similarly in their progresses through the country they were received with royal
honours, the roads being decorated with fruits and flowers and white cloth, and
the people prostrating themselves in that reverent obeisance which Oriental
etiquette demands.
e-i co •'r in
1. A Tribunal created
by Dom Joao III to decide matters of conscience. A similar Mesa was established
at Goa in 1570, but did not exist long.
Cf. Rajput, Raja
putra, Sons of the King.
Ryclof van Goens,
1675-1679.
A quintal=1.97 cwt.
Queen Emma, mother of
Edward the Confessor, when accused of guilty intercourse with Alwyn, Bishop of
Winchester, cleared herself and the Bishop by walking unharmed over nine
red-hot ploughshares,
De Azavedo was
succeeded in Ceylon by Dom Francisco de Meneses Roxo. The main preoccupation of
the new General was the acquirement of wealth, rather than of glory, and the
military situation was allowed to go from bad to worse, while depots were
established on the frontiers, by means of which de Meneses and his partners,
the Disawas, maintained a brisk and extremely profitable trade with the enemy
in cloth and opium, which they exchanged for areca-nut and pepper. The Moorish
commerce had long ago been driven out of the sea-ports of Ceylon, and this very
year orders were received from Goa to forbid the further settlement of Moors in
the Island, orders which however did not prevent the General from employing a
low-born Moor as his accomplice in his nefarious practices in the Disawani of
Matara. Harsh fines, which went to swell the General’s income, were inflicted
on the people on the slightest pretext; the gems and elephants which belonged
to the Crown were dealt with by him as if they were his private property; the
revenue was misappropriated, and the scandalised natives were on the verge of
rebellion; for while the General was busy with his trade, his soldiers were
engaged in raiding villages for food, robbing the inhabitants and ravishing the
women, till whole districts were abandoned and the people had to arm themselves
in self-defence.
That discipline had
ceased to exist in the army is scarcely a matter for surprise. The depopulation
of Portugal had gone so far that it was no longer possible to fill the yearly
navy with volunteers, and the very scum of Portugal was being shipped to the
East. Boys of nine years of age and upwards were
being kidnapped from
all parts of the country in the hope that some of them would survive to be
soldiers; and of the recruits obtained for the army no small proportion were
malefactors, since a pardon was offered to any criminals who should enlist. So
perilous was the war in Ceylon admitted to be, that banishment to the army
there was a punishment frequently promulgated in the Royal Alvaras. The voyage
to India itself was a terrible undertaking. The unwieldy caravels, crowded with
their living freight and kept in a condition of ' appalling filth, were by the
time they reached their destination pestiferous sinks. The crew and passengers
were often reduced, by the devastating effects of scurvy and dysentery, to one
half their original number in the course of the voyage; and the arrival of the
yearly fleet at Goa crowded the spacious hospital there with helpless invalids.
Fortunately for the
Portuguese, internal dissensions prevented Senerat from taking full advantage
of the prevailing anarchy. He had indeed made an effort, which just tailed of
success, to surprise Balane, while a small fleet of Sinhalese vessels had
appeared off the Western coast and captured some merchantmen: but the death of
the Queen on the 20th of July 1613 following that of Astana Bandara, the heir
to the Crown, served to distract the attention of the Sinhalese till the
arrival in November 1614 of the new General, Manuel Mascarenhas Homem, who brought
with him detailed instructions, such as the great experience of the Viceroy had
enabled him to give. Rigorous discipline was to be maintained in the army, and
the war carried out without intermission. Believing that the only effective
policy was to wear out the enemy by captivity and death, de Azavedo recommended
that the system which he had employed of making two incursions in their
territory every year should be continued. No male above fourteen years was to
be left alive, and the
native troops were to
be reorganised under reliable leaders. Effective supervision was to be
exercised over those who had services to render in the way of the preparation
of arms, and every effort made to cut off the foreign trade which the Sinhalese
still maintained by means of their eastern ports.
The new General was
instructed that the revenue from the cinnamon monopoly should be ear-marked for
the expenses of the war, and advised to make Malwana his headquarters. As,
however, there were no hotels to be found there, and the ambalan or
caravanserais which the Sinhalese Kings had maintained on the chief roads for
the convenience of travellers had been destroyed or had fallen into decay, he
would have to keep open house for all who came to see him. He must, moreover,
attend carefully to the administration of justice, and continue the Tribunal
which de Azavedo had established at Malwana. Above all the work of converting
the heathen1 was not to be neglected.
In the same year King
Philip issued an order which sheds a pitiful light on the financial condition
of Portugal at this time. A Captain on receiving the King’s Commission had
been expected to spend all the money he could get together, if funds were not
forthcoming, in the King’s service. On the termination of his commission the
Chief Commander issued to each Captain a certificate setting forth the service
he had rendered and the expenditure he had incurred on the King's account.
After seven years, when a certain number of these certificates had been
collected, the Captain was at liberty to leave for Portugal and present them at
the Office of Remenv brances. There, especially if he had influence or was
prepared to bribe the proper authorities sufficiently, he would be rewarded by
receiving an appointment as Captain in charge of a port, Judge, or Fac-
tor as the case might
be, for a certain number of years. On arriving at the station assigned to him,
his sole object would be to make all the profit possible within the limited
time at his disposal; and this was both the explanation of and the excuse for
the amazing dishonesty which disgraced the Portuguese administrative
officials.2 Not infrequently these grants were made to females as a
reward for the services of their male relatives, and in such cases the
appointments were given to their husbands. Succession to such posts had been
disposed of for several years to come by patents which were to take effect
after the expiry of previous grants. Now, however, instructions were issued to
put up to auction the Captaincies of the fortresses, the profits of the trade
voyages, and the various offices of the State of India, for a period of three
years, as a means of replenishing the Indian coffers, the purchasers being
given precedence over all other grantees. No more significant indication could
be found of the condition of helplessness into which the Home Government had
fallen.
De Azavedo’s
instructions with regard to the conduct of the war were carried out to the
ietter. Twice in every year a ferocious band of freebooters penetrated to
within the mountain zone, carrying with them death and destruction. No
able-bodied man whom they found was left alive; and such of the women and
children as could [not conveniently be removed as prisoners shared as a rule
the same fate. The cattle were all driven down from the mountains to feed the
hungry Portuguese in Colombo: no house was passed by unburnt, and no fruit tree
was left undestroyed.
The Sinhalese could
regard the loss of their flimsy houses with something approaching indifference
; but the felling of their trees was to them a terrible blow. A jak tree would
last for several centuries and would keep the
family of a villager
supplied with food for several months in each year. The coconut palm again was
almost a friend. It would not, so the villager believed, flourish except within
sound of the human voice. From its branches he got the cadjans with which he
thatched the roof which sheltered him from the rain; its trunk supplied the
rafters and the pillars which held up that roof; its fruit was essential to
every meal, and the oil which it yielded was the offering that he took with him
to the temple. The treacle which he obtained from it was an ingredient of the
only dainties his children knew, and the ivory-coloured tender leaves decked his
house when his daughter was given in marriage, while a few of the trees
themselves were the best dower that she could take her husband. It flowered
twelve times in the year and yielded fruit for a hundred years. It is not
therefore astonishing that the wanton felling of the tree was a criminal
offence punishable at law.1
The Sinhalese,
however, were rapidly learning their lesson. At the news of the approach of the
Portuguese every soul would vanish into the thick forests, and as the
Portuguese straggled in single file along the roads which as the consequence of
neglect had degenerated into mere forest tracks, a silent arrow or the ball
from a matchlock fired by an unseen hand would lay one and another lifeless.
Defensive armour had long ago been discarded, for it had been found to be more
of an encumbrance than a help in the case of foot*soldiers fighting in the
tropics; and their collars of ibuffalo*hide and round bucklers afforded little
protection against the bolts of the Sinhalese. Moreover the clothes which they
wore were little better than rags, and very few of them were provided with
shoes.
To make matters
worse, a wrong system had come into vogue with regard to the appointment of
officers. Not only were Portuguese officials taking
the place of Sinhalese
even in the high office of Disawa, but inexperienced men who had no knowledge
of the country or of the ways of the enemy and their methods of warfare were
being placed in command of armies in preference to experienced veterans such as
were still to be found in Ceylon. Such a system not unnaturally bred
dissatisfaction among the men, whilst it frequently involved the raiding
expeditions in disaster.
The army would toil
through the lorest and over the mountains till disease, the result of continued
exposure, broke out among the men who were already exhausted by the long
marches and by lack of food. All this while a close watch would be kept upon
them by the Sinhalese from the mountain tops. Each narrow passage through which
they had been allowed to penetrate unmolested would be jealously guarded, and
on all sides light-armed troops would lie hidden among the dense vegetation.
The majestic trees which towered overhead, as if defying time and the strength
of man, would all be skilfully cut round, being sustained in their position
merely by the giant creepers which hung like cables from their tops; and
cunningly devised stone shutes would lie snugly concealed on every crag. When
at length the critical moment came and the weary Portuguese turned homeward,
with a few strokes of the hatchet the great trees would crash down and block
the road, the fearful shutes would come thundering from above, while unseen in
the tangled jungle the Sinhalese would pour into the midst of the retreating
army cheir arrows and leaden bullets, carefully picking out the officers among
the Portuguese. As a rule the invading; army came back with greatly reduced
numbers, and this death-roll was extended to pitiable dimensions by the
ravages of diseases contracted in the course of the campaign.
In the midst of these
alarms of war there occurred portents of Nature which gave rise in the minds of
the Portuguese to gloomy forebodings. A fiery comet with three tails, first
seen on the 7th of March 1615, filled the whole country with terror and dismay;
and this was followed by an outbreak of disease which affected both man and
beast. Fish, it is related, died in such numbers as to pollute the atmosphere
and add to the prevailing infection. To crown all, at seven o’clock on the
evening of the 14th of April a severe earthquake shook the land, heralded by
what are described as peals of thunder. The terrified inhabitants nished into
the streets to escape from the swaying houses which were tumbling down on all
sides. Great fissures emitting sulphurous fumes opened on the surface of the
ground. A portion of the city wall with one of the bastions collapsed, and a
stone bridge was entirely destroyed, while, to add to the horrors of that terrible
night, fire broke out. Two hundred houses fell to the ground, and the dead
alone were estimated at over two thousand.
In May of the same
year Senerat despatched Boschouwer to obtain for him the long-promised
assistance against the Portuguese. The following March Dom Nuno Alvares Pereira
succeeded to the office of General, his succession thereto being marked by no
departure from de Azavedo’s plan of campaign Shortly afterwards Antao Vaz
Ferreira—probably one of the very few honest Portuguese in the East —whose
health had given way under his arduous labours, left the Island. He had
completed his Tombo, which is still preserved in Portugal, but he had not
succeeded in dealing with all the opposition which his administrative acts had
called into being. The Camara or Municipal Chamber of Colombo was still
insisting on its claim, based on a Sannas of Dharmapala, to a quantity of
cinnamon
every year. It
obstinately refused to produce its title deeds to the lands and coconut
plantations which it claimed as its property; and it maintained a tenacious
fight for its rights over the great ferries by which Colombo was approached
from the North, and also to an unrestricted trade in areca-nuts. On the other
hand, it had the independence to resent all attempts on the part of the General
and the Captain of Colombo to interfere with its legitimate functions, and
still more with its money chest. Needless to say these latter officials did not
like the Camara, nor appreciate the persistency with which it urged the
importance of keeping the fortifications of Colombo in repair.
At this point another
strange figure appears in the bloodstained arena. Nikapitiya Bandara had died
at Coimbra in 1608, but in spite of this a mysterious rumour travelling along
the pilgrim routes, which were still kept open by the footsteps of white-clad
devotees, had spread from mouth to mouth among the Sinhalese to the effect that
he was still in the Island, and would soon bring salvation to his people. To
heighten the effect of this dramatic interlude, its mise-en-scene was the
ancient city of Anuradha Pura, which to the Portuguese was but a shadowy name.4
They had indeed heard that buried withm the depths of the interminable forest
there lay the remains of a City of Kings, but very few of them had ventured
near the mysterious spot. Herds of witd elephants alone trod the broad processional
paths of the Abhayagiri and Ruwan-weli-seya, which for so many centuries had
been thronged with all the peaceful pomp of Sinhalese civilisation. The
graceful monoliths which guarded the Tuparama in eternal silence could hardly
be distinguished amidst the trunks of the forest trees which ciowded in upon
them, The roofless colonnades of the Lows M*h$t Paya still pointed to where
Gamani’s ivory
throne had been
placed, but the scent of flowers seldom rose from the great stone altars to the
great stone Buddhas who looked so wistfully over them into eternity. Yet,
though the dams of the mighty tanks had given way, the handful of
fever-stricken villagers who still maintained the struggle for existence below
them did not cease regularly to sweep the circuit of the aged Bo tree, which
incessantly quivered and sighed as if in sorrow for the misery which had
overtaken that country, into the heart of which it had struck its roots. Still,
too, year by year at the great festivals, worshippers gathered round the Tree
from the remotest parts of the Island, there to hold communion with the past
and to draw fresh inspiration for the future.
In this romantic
setting a wild figure clad in skins and with the matted hair of the ascetic
appeared and claimed the allegiance of the Sinhalese as their rightful King,
Nikapitiya Bandara. The moment was well chosen. Horror-struck by the inhuman
barbarities of the Portuguese, the country was passionately demanding a leader;
the atmosphere was tense with excitement; and as it happened Colombo itself was
denuded of its usual garrison. On the 5th of December 1616 the self-styled
Nikapitiya Bandara entered Metiyagane, the ancient royal city of Dambadeniya,
as King. In eight days the whole of the district was in arms, and two thousand
Sinhalese troops had arrived from the Uda Rata to assist the pretender. A
Portuguese force hurried up to crush the revolt ere it should gain head, and on
the 18th the armies met at Gandolaha, close to the Maha Oya.
The Sinhalese,
exasperated by the long tale of cruelty, bore themselves with reckless courage,
and for a long time the issue hung in the balance. At last the Lascarins began
to waver and even to desert to the Sinhalese. The day seemed lost when Dom
Constantino Navaratna, who was now
married to a
Portuguese lady in Colombo, and who had risen into great prominence during the
war, hastened to the rescue. Throwing himself in front of the waverers he
shouted to them that if they desired their own King he was there, for he was
royal by seven branches, as they all knew. The day was saved for the
Portuguese. The Lascarins hesitated a moment; then, raising Dom Constantino in
their anns, they saluted him as their King.
The fight still raged
furiously, but at last the Sinhalese retired to behind the Maha Oya, leaving
the Portuguese too exhausted to move. Meanwhile Philip de Oliveira, an officer
who was destined to achieve in Jaffna what the Viceroy de Braganza had failed to
effect, hurried up with a small army on receipt of the news of the battle,
which was only too horribly confirmed by the sight of over a thousand corpses
lying unburied on the field of the recent struggle. To add to their sense of
insecurity the Portuguese discovered a palm*leaf scroll which was made fast to
a tree, and contained a Sinhalese proclamation to the effect that all the
Portuguese in Ceylon had been put to death and that Colombo itself had fallen.
They accordingly drew back to Attanagalla for safety. In the meantime
Nikapitiya with a great following was making a royal progress through the
country; extravagant grants of land served to cement the bonds which hatred of
the cruel foreigner had already fashioned, and at Nakalagama, almost within sight
of the Portuguese capital, the pretender caused himself to be proclaimed
Emperor.
For the Portuguese
the moment was critical, and they awaited with bated breath the issue of
events. Elated with his success, however, Nikapitiya cook the impolitic step of
sending an impertinent message to the King, demanding one of the latter’s two
Queens for his own wife. He received the
contemptuous reply
that the request could be attended to as soon as he had finished with the
Portuguese, while at the same time the two thousand Sinhalese who had been sent
to his support were recalled, to the great delight of the Portuguese, whose
army was again advancing to meet him. They found the country prepared as for a
triumphal procession. The roads were swept and decorated with greenery and
flowers in the manner which is still common on every occasion of rejoicing, and
tender coconuts, flashing like red gold in the blazing sun, hung from the
branches of the trees on the road-side to refresh the weary traveller; for all
were expecting their deliverer to pass that way. The armies met at Kal Eliya,
and after a short hand-to-hand fight Nikapitiya disappeared into the forest,
and crossing the Maha Oya was soon once more in safety at Dambadeniya.
In the meantime
Baretto, who had risen to be Disawa of Uwa, made a dash into the Rayigam
Korale, and drove the Disawa of Matara into Galle for shelter. Nevertheless
Senerat, who was still incensed with Nikapitiya, determined now to make peace;
but the garrison at Balane, not content with treacherously putting his
messenger to death, retorted to his dignified protest against this amazing
breach of honour, with a defiant gibe. The punishment however was swift and
severe. A large army appeared before the fort, and the Sinhalese, sheltering
themselves behind wooden mantles, advanced steadily up to the walls- The
blocks of stone which formed the ramparts, and which were not secured with
mortar, were rapidly dislodged by means of deer horns fastened to long poles,
and the garrison, despairing of resistance, surrendered on condition of their
lives being spared—a condition which, in spite of their previous shameful
action, was scrupulously observed,
So" desperate
had the condition of affairs in Ceylon become, that the Council at Goa decided
that the Viceroy should proceed thither in person to restore order. India,
however, had neither men nor money to spare, and other matters of equal weight
made calls upon the Viceroy’s attention, so that the resolution of the Council
was never put into execution. But the desolating struggle continued till the
occurrence of the festival of the New Year, for which the Lascarins were
allowed to return to their homes, afforded a short breathing-space.
The 365 days occupied
by the Sun’s apparent circuit in the heavens were divided by the Sinhalese
into twelve months, named after the signs of the Zodiac. The year began with
the entry of the Sun into Aries, which takes place usually about the 13th of
April, and the occasion was observed as the great social festival of the race.
For several months beforehand preparations would be made in every household;
the poorest would lay aside any small coin he could spare, to purchase new
clothes for the members of his family; the idlest would go out and work, to
secure the means with which to entertain his relatives and friends. For the
celebration of this occasion the whole family would be assembled at the Mul
gedera, the family homestead. The criminal hiding from justice would creep in
stealthily by night, and the soldier on service would be present on leave for
during this festival there was no Rajakariya.
The exact moment when
the New Year began was calculated by the King’s astronomers, whose apparatus
for measuring time consisted of a light copper bowl with an almost
imperceptible perforation at the bottom. This bowl was set floating in a tub of
water, till it filled and settled down at the bottom. The time occupied from
the moment it was placed in the water till it reached the bottom amounted to a
peya. sixty of which made a day and a night.
At the auspicious
moment the King would mount his throne in the presence of the assembled
courtiers, while a salute of artillery announced the event to the public. This
done, there followed the ceremony of the Anointing. The King’s Physicians would
have prepared the necessary unguent from the juices of various medicinal herbs,
and at the hour appointed for the purpose he would take his seat facing
south-east. Above his head would be suspended leaves plucked from trees which
varied according to the position of the planets, and here he would be solemnly
anointed, while a company of maidens holding lighted tapers in their hands
invoked blessings on his head. At the same time in every household a similar
rite was performed, the head of the family anointing and blessing every member
thereof.
A third hour was
fixed for the first eating of the food cooked in the New Year, and yet another
for beginning the Year’s work, when every labouring man would handle the tool
by which he earned his living. This last ceremony was the occasion for the
greatest rejoicing. All through the country there would be entertaining of
friends and exchanging of presents, followed by ceremonial bathing. The
festival which lasted several days, was brought to an end by the great Chiefs appearing
before the King, carrying on their heads covered with white cloth the presents
which were to be offered to him, while the King in his turn made offerings to
the Danta Datu.
Immediately on its
conclusion Nikapitiya marched into the Disawani of Sabaragamuwa, but finding
the Portuguese there in strength he hastily retired northwards, and after a
severe fight in the neighbourhood of Anuradha Pura, escaped into the wilds.
Baretto in the meantime had revolted against Senerat and obtained control of the
entire eastern part of the Island, while his armies over-ran Matara and Sabaragamuwa.
The rapidity of his movements bewildered the Portuguese, who did not know which
of their
outposts would next
be selected for attack. Their army moreover was completely demoralised, being
in fact little more than a company of brigands, whose lawless excesses made
them as much an object of terror and hatred to their own countrymen as to the
Sinhalese. The coffers were empty, for, in consequence of the misconduct of
the Generals, the revenue which the cinnamon monopoly was expected to pro. vide
for the maintenance of the war was not forthcoming. As King Philip bitterly
complained, the Generals had issued so many licenses for the benefit of
themselves and their satellites, that about three times as much was collected
on their account as was collected for the King. The royal rights under the
monopoly were in fact enforced only as against the poor; by the more powerful
they were flouted with impunity.
It is therefore no
matter for surprise that the Portuguese were well satisfied to conclude on the
24th of August 1617 a treaty with Senerat. Under the terms of this treaty the
Portuguese acknowledged the sovereignty of Senerat, who for his part agreed to
pay an annual tribute of two elephants, to suppress any rising within his
dominions, to restore the Portuguese captured at Balane and all other Christian
prisoners, and to send persons of position as hostages. Baretto, however,
continued in occupation of the Disawanis of Sabaragamuwa and Matara. The former
was entirely abandoned by the Portuguese, and the garrisons which were there
withdrawn, while in the latter they met with a severe reverse at the hands of
the energetic rebel. At about this same time Nikapitiya again made his appearance
in the Seven Korales, accompanied by the Prince Mayadunna, a member of the
Sitawaka royal family ; but finding that the inhabitants were weary of war and
would not support him, he once more disappeared into the wilds.
Constantino dt Sa
205
On the 17th of
November 1617 the Conde de Redondo landed at Goa as Viceroy in succession to de
Azavedo, whom a dungeon below the castle of Lisbon, where he dragged out the
remaining eight years of his miserable life, awaited.
In the following
September Constantino de Sa y Noronha arrived at Colombo as General. Of his
coming the courtier-like Alagiyawanna sang :
"As when the fat fields are parched with drought and th#
loud-roaring rain-cloud bursts,
Or as when to the dying man some gifted healer come* with rare drugs from
the gods themselves,
Thus he arrived among the people who were scattered through fear of the
foe, bringing joy to the hearts of men".
Indeed he had not
come a day too soon, for the condition of disorder which prevailed was
appalling. The peace had relieved the Portuguese of all fear from the side of
Senerat, and the soldiers had taken the opportunity to abandon the field for
the city, and had brought with them the unrestrained licence of the camp. The
honour of no woman was safe, and the Casados were compelled to take up arms
against their own countrymen in defence of their families. Predatory bands met
in the streets in open fight, while the more timid exchanged their swords for
the yard-measure and harassed the inhabitants with their threatening importunities.
The severe discipline of de Sa rapidly reduced to order the six hundred
unprincipled vagabonds who formed the army, and bands of reliable veterans were
enrolled for the purpose of giving the less experienced that confidence and
example of which they were so badly in need. De Oliveira was placed in chief
command, while instructions were issued to the Disawas to organise the native
levies on a war footing
The energy of the new
General electrified the foul and lethargic atmosphere. All the outlying posts
were visited in turn and strengthened as best
they might be under
the circumstances; and an army of spies was distributed throughout the country
to discover and report the plans of the Sinhalese. A special mission with rich
presents secured the neutrality of Senerat, whilst an expedition commanded by
the General himself defeated Baretto, who had retired with Mayadunna to the
mountains of the Adam’s Peak range, with such heavy loss that his power was
broken, and de Sa was enabled to return to Malwana to attend to other pressing
administrative problems. De Oliveira was sent with an army to reduce Jaffna,
where the Prince Chankili had seized the Government; the latter fled from the
country in a panic, while the struggle for independence was continued by a
certain Migapulle Arachchi, who was supported by troops from Tanjor, but his
efforts were of little avail.
Learning of the
resistance which was being offered, de Sa sent Luiz Teixeira to assist de
Oliveira. Diabolical atrocities marked his route. By his orders men were hacked
in two with axes, the breasts of women were torn off, and the wombs of mothers
were slit open and the infants they carried in their arms forced within. A
short but sharp struggle restored to the North a semblance of tranquillity, while
at about the same time a further attempt on the part of Mayadunna in the South
resulted in his being defeated and forced to retreat eastward.
In the meantime the
mission of the impetuous Boschouwer to Holland had proved a failure, and he had
turned for help to Denmark. Five vessels commanded by Ove Giedde were placed by
King Christian at his disposal, and in May 1620 these appeared off the Eastern
coast. The envoy himself had died on the voyage leaving a young widow.
Mayadunna’s agents at once approached Giedde with
an offer to purchase
his assistance, and to this proposal Senerat after some hesitation gave hi*
consent. It was however too late. The Portuguese were now close at hand, and on
the 2nd of July Mayadunna was forced to take refuge on board the fleet, whilst
Baretto was overtaken and slain after a gallant struggle. The Danes thereupon
sailed away, abandoning Boschouwer’s destitute widow, whilst Mayadunna succeded
in making his way across to India.
The success of de Sa
moved the Camara of Colombo to such enthusiasm that the figure of an angel
which adorned its Assembly Hall was ordered to be removed to make room for one
of the General. Upon imforma- tion of this resolution reaching King Philip,
however, he expressed his disapproval of the course adopted, and by his command
the discarded Angel was once again restored to its niche.
NOTES TO CHAPTER XI
In this matter de Azavedo acted up to the instructions contained in the
King of Portugal's letter. For instance, when five Patangatins, or headmen from
Chilavr, were baptised at Malwana on the Feast of Our Lady of Victories, 1606,
de Aaavedo "was pleased to grant them many favours and privileges, in
order to cause the envy of the other gentiles, who might thus be led to follow
their example/- Ctylott Antiquary, II, 21.
Cf. in this respect the Roman provincial Governor under the later
Republic, e. g. Verres.
There was a similar feeling in Attica about the felling of olive trees,
which were left untouched during the fiercest tribal wars.
It is a pleasure to note that the Jesuits had, as early as 1606,
commissioned' one of their number to make a study of the history and
antiquities of the Island. C4ylon Antiquary, II.
In 1620 the Viceroy
removed de Sa from office to make room for his own son Jorge de Alboquer- que.
The new General’s administration was chiefly notable for a mutiny in the army,
the soldiers deposing their officers and setting up a Board of Twelve to manage
their affairs till the General should appoint a new Captain-Major. De Alboquerque
himself was, however, so unpopular that a plot was set on foot to put him to
death, though, owing to the interference of the Jesuits no evil results ensued.
About the same time also a conspiracy was detected among the supporters of
Mayadunna who was now in India, and for their complicity in this some of the
most prominent Sinhalese had to pay the penalty with their lives. Everyone
therefore was pleased when in 1623 de Sa once again resumed office. He brought
with him instructions to reduce the Sinhalese Kingdom once for all, and to
erect a fort at Trin- comalee to control the fine anchorage which Senerat had
promised to the Hollanders. The resources at his disposal were indeed of the
scantiest, but in spite of the dissuasions of his Councillors he set out the
following year to carry the second project into effect.
The site selected was
the spot where de Azavedo had, in the course of his last expedition in 1612,
made an unsuccessful attempt to erect a fort. This was the lofty headland of
Konesar Malai, which, rising with its three great stone temples to a height of
four hundred feet above the sea, was one of the most holy places of Hindu
worship. The temples were ruthlessly destroyed to make way for a triangular
fort of stone and mortar, which wa» equipped with guns obtained from a Danish
vessel
27
that had gone aground
in the neighbourhood. The fort being completed a small garrison was left in
charge, and de Sa returned to Colombo.
The act was an
audacious infringement of the peace which Senerat had so long and so honourably
maintained, and he prepared to offer resistance, but was soothed by the
specious explanation that the fort was intended only as a protection against
the European enemies who were beginning to appear in the Indian waters. De Sa
now set about preparing for his further task. All manner of blandishments were
employed to win the natives over to his side, and they were freely promoted to
positions of trust and responsibility. At the same time the finances were
organised on a sounder footing, the fortifications of Colombo and Galle were
strengthened, and at the first-named place a powder-mill was erected to supply
the local demand. De Sa saw to it that the soldiers were regularly paid,
suppressed with vigour the illicit trade maintained by the officers, and, in
spite of the opposition of the ^Vedor, Ambrosio de Freitas, succeeded in
establishing a small local mint. He also warmly encouraged intermarriage
between the races, but the system had already proved a failure; for
Christianity would tolerate no other religion by its side, and the Sinhalese
who married a Portuguese wife found himself cut adrift from his own people,
while the position of the wife was far from being a happy one.
In the midst of these
preoccupations de Sa found time to turn his attention to the question of the
Moors, who, in spite of all the orders of King Philip to the contrary, still
continued to make their way into the country in increasing numbers. Not only
were they to be found along the Coast, but there were whole villages of them
settled in the inland districts, where, as the only channel of trade, they
performed a very important function. The
Semitic blood which
ran through their veins was no doubt very limited in quantity, but it retained
in a high degree its distinctive characteristics. The instinct for trade which
had made the Arab a great sailor was also the dominating passion with the Moor
of Ceylon. Tenacity of purpose marked all hi5 actions in life ; and though the
Sinhalese were glad to see him appear, the cringing obsequious hawker with a
pack on his back, in their remoter villages, they soon learnt to resent his
attempts to settle in their midst. Once established in the village the hawker
soon grew to be the money-lender, and he in time became the land-owner who,
adding field to field, gradually absorbed the holdings of the villagers. The
just of gold which overwhelmed the Portuguese officers gave the Moorman his
opportunity, for they found in him just the instrument that they needecL The
Moor was an excellent man of business and was never at a loss to discover where
his interests lay ; when a Moorman collected six hundred amunam1 of areca in one
season for the benefit of the General, how was it to be expected that the
latter should bring himself to enforce the orders for the expulsion of so
useful a class ? No doubt the Holy Office at Goa was scandalised by their
employment under the State, but even that powerful Tribunal was unable to
overcome the passive resistance of the Ceylon Government.
The honesty of de Sa
was bitterly attacked by the Vedor, with whom he was never able to work in
harmony; his connection with a monopoly of salt appears to demand explanation;
and it is beyond dispute that he sent an ivory bed worth 4000 pardaos home to
Lisbon. The documents bearing on the period of his administration are however
not yet available to the student, and it is therefore right to suspend
judgment. Meanwhile one fact stands to his credit, that he was able to shake
himself free of the attractive trammels of the Moors. By his orders they were
in
1625 driven away in
large numbers. The bulk of them found an asylum within Sinhalese territory, and
a large colony of them was settled in the district about Batticaloa.
De Sa now set about
strengthening Menikkada- wara, for it was his intention to use this place as a
point d’appui for the operations which he had in view against the Sinhalese;
and followed this up by making a dash to the Eastern coast, where he erected a
small fort on the Island of Puliyan Tivu not far from Batticaloa. The site
indeed was badly chosen and the Portuguese never received from it any benefit
which adequately compensated for the expense and anxiety of maintaining it; but
they were in a state of great trepidation, for the Sinhalese were whispering to
each other a saying in their ancient writings that a nation with eyes like
those of a cat in colour would soon make its way to the Island. Senerat himself
was naturally indignant at this new breach of faith on the part of the
Portuguese, but hesitated to draw the sword and attempted instead to buy them
off. His attempts were however in vain. In 1627 war was declared and a small
Portuguese army penetrated into Uwa and burnt the town of Badulla; but though
the King and his three sons looked on, they refused to be drawn into an engagement.
At this point there
first appears on the stage of events the great Commander who was destined for
the last time to fan the smouldering energy of the Sinhalese into a blaze. The
Court was in hiding at Mahiyangana when the Maha Biso Bandara, as the Queen was
called, gave birth to Maha Asthana, the future Raja Sinha ; but auspicious
omens had attended his birth. And indeed to the Sinhalese mind no place of
better augury could have been selected for this important event than that
historic spot so closely interwoven with the remotest legends of their religion
and race—a spot
rendered sacred by the visit of the Buddha himself, and which had witnessed the
gathering together of the avenging armies of Wijaya Bahu. On that very night,
it was said, the Portuguese Commander had dreamed that he saw a tiny spark, no
bigger than a firefly, floating from the west and growing in size as it
travelled through the sky, till it waxed exceeding great over the port of
Colombo and set everything there on fire; and the appearance of the infant
Prince had been signalised by the success of the King's arms at Balane. It is
customary for the horoscope of every Sinhalese child to be cast;
Diyakelinawala, the great astrologer, was entrusted with the preparation of the
Prince’s, and sedulous care was lavished on his education to fit him for the
high destiny which, it was prophesied, awaited him in life.
In 1628, when the
Prince was sixteen years of age, Senerat summoned his three sons, and divided
his kingdom among them by lot. He had seen clearly that of the three the
youngest was also the strongest, and to his great delight it wa& to the
youngest that the Uda Rata proper fell; Maha Asthana thus became Aga Raja or
Chief King with the title of Raja Sinha; his brothers Kumara Sinha and Wijaya
Pal a received respectively the districts of Uwa and Matale.
In March 1629 de Sa
again took the field. The result was unsatisfactory, for heavy rains had
drenched the country, and the cold on the mountain ranges was severely felt by
the ill-clad Portuguese, several of whom died of exposure. The leeches also
proved a terrible plague to men marching through the sodden forests and across
the swollen streamlets. Ambushes lay in wait for de Sa and his army in the most
unexpected places, and it was necessary to advance with the utmost
circumspection. Each village that they passed through was ravaged and
every living thing
therein slaughtered, but still the Sinhalese army refused to shew itself.
Senkadagala, which was found deserted, was burnt, and then the weary Portuguese
turned homewards; but the Sinhalese now began to press on them and continued
to harass them all along their line of march, defeating them in a severe
engagement at Ambatenna, whence the Portuguese, who had sustained heavy loss,
were glad to make a precipitate retreat.
The exposure of the
men to the inclemency of the weather was followed by its natural results. The
General himself was soon prostrate with fever, and so critical was his
condition considered that the Viaticum was administered to him. To the great
relief, however, of the Portuguese his sickness took a turn for the better and
he gradually regamed his health.
In the meantime four
of the chief Mudaliyars* in Colombo, men who had been treated with the greatest
favour by de Sa who had promoted them to high office and to positions of
emolument and trust, had entered into a conspiracy with Senerat. Before long a
raiding expedition commanded by Kumara Sinha had crossed the frontiers of Uwa,
and for a whole month the Portuguese looked helplessly on while their
territory was ravaged; for with the limited resources at their command they
dared not take the field. The position was disheartening and shameful, and to
make matters worse there came two despatches from the new Viceroy, the Conde de
Linhares, severely censuring de Sa for his supposed inaction. The Viceroy
expressed strong disapproval of the policy of temporising which de Sa had been
compelled to adopt, and the latter, the second Portuguese officer in the East,
was sharply reminded that he had been sent to Ceylon to supervise the war and
not to superintend the trade. D* Sa took the matter deeply to heart, and in
spite
of the remonstrances
of his most experienced officers, determined to invade forthwith the Sinhalese
Kingdom.
Seven hundred
Portuguese and 13,000 Lascarins were soon in the field. Toiling up the steep
mountain ranges they moved slowly but unopposed till they reached Badulla,
where two days were spent in sacking and burning the- town. On the third
morning the Sinhalese banners were seen flashing among the neighbouring hills.
Skirmishing began at once, but the Sinhalese would not come to close quarters,
and the Portuguese, seeing that they were gradually being encircled, prepared
for the conflict which could no longer be avoided. Having set fire to their
surplus stores and made confession, they began early in the morning to retire.
The Lascarins of the disaffected Mudaliyars led the van, the remainder of the
native troops forming a ring around the Portuguese. The army had not advanced
far on the road before it found itself confronted by the Atapattu Guard, the
pick of the King’s forces. The Portuguese were already straggling, and Dom
Cosme, a member of the conspiracy, seized the opportunity to run his sword
through one of them, whereupon placing the head on a pike covered with white
cloth, he immediately deserted accompained by his banner to the Sinhalese, and
was followed by the bulk of the Lascarins.
And now the real
struggle began. The Atapattu Guard charged from the front, while the rest of
the Sinhalese, protected by the forest, poured into the ranks of the Portuguese
their clouds of arrows and hail of musket-balls. For three days, losing heavily
and without rest, the latter broke their way through the roughly constructed
works of the Sinhalese. By the third day the pressure on the rear had become so
severe that it was no more than a disorganised rabble, terror-stricken and cut
off from the main
body. Luiz Teixeira, the Disawa of the Seven Korales, and the Sergeant Major,
with all of their officers and men who had not been shot down, were captured as
they attempted to conceal themselves in the forest, for the King's orders were
that the Portuguese were to be taken alive. At length on reaching the level
tract of Randeni Wela the Portuguese found themselves completely surrounded.
Some, however, of the Lascarins succeeded in breaking away and fleeing to
Colombo, and de Sa was able to despatch a messenger to inform the city of his
desperate plight.
There on the plain of
Wellawaya the Portuguese spent that awful night. The Lascarins rapidly melted
away, till not more than five hundred were left to share the fate of their
white companions in arms, and it was impossible to erect any protection against
the arrows and bullets that came whizzing past throughout the hours of
darkness. The General himself exchanged his usual, dress for a doublet and
trousers, arming himself with a sword and a small shield, as there was heavy
work to be done the next day. For none was there any sleep that night. The very
elements indeed seem to have conspired to punish the Portuguese for the
horrors to which they had subjected that unhappy country. A terrific downpour
of rain lasting several hours drenched the army and rendered the firearms of
the Portuguese useless. Their swords too were of little avail against opponents
so agile as the Sinhalese; though the attempt to capture them alive resulted in
a terrible waste of life. Gradually however the circle narrowed round the
doomed men. By two o’clock in the afternoon two hundred of the Portuguese were
stretched in death, The fight was thickest round the General, whom two servants
kept supplied wifh loaded arquebusses. It wafe said indeed that he killed sixty
men of those
that hemmed him in
with his own hand. At last orders were received to shoot him down. His servants
were soon dead by his side, and as he drew his sword and rushed on the
Sinhalese two arrows pierced him and he sank on his knees to the ground.
Another arrow ended his life, and though round his corpse the struggle
redoubled itself in fury, it was not for long, and with wild shouts of triumph
the head of the brave de Sa was at last severed from his body.
A pyramid of
Portuguese heads was raised on the field of battle, that of the General being
laid at the feet of the aged and triumphant but compassionate King, who
apostrophised it with these bitter words: “How often have I prayed you not to
make war on me and destroy my realm, but to let me live in peacs, while you
kept the best part of Lanka: but if your successors follow in your footsteps,
you will not be the last.”3
It is hardly possible
to exaggerate the gravity of the disaster which had overtaken the Portuguese,
and once again if the Sinhalese had but had the means of blockading Colombo by
sea, the complete destruction of their power in Ceylon would have been assured.
Twenty-six days after its great victory the Sinhalese army, which had captured
en route the fort of Saparagamuwa with the whole of its garrison, appeared
before Colombo and laid it under close siege. Two fierce assaults were
delivered and were repulsed with desperate courage ; but such was the scarcity
of provisions within the town, that cannibalism was freely practised, and
hundreds of starving wretches had to be driven outside the walls. These
refugees were kindly treated by Maha Asthana, though a number of them with base
ingratitude attempted to set fire to his camp.
The chance arrival of
some soldiers from Malacca, however, strengthened the garrison and enabled it
to
28
hold cut till, after
the er.d of three mcnths, sickness compelled Maha Asthana to retire with a
portion of his forces. On his way back to Senkadagala he captured Menik-
kadawara, and tock with him thence two hundred Portuguese prisoners. Shortly
afterwards the remainder of the Sinhalese arm7 withdrew to Kaduwela. Assistance
now came to the Portuguese from various parts of India, and they were enabled
to show themselves cutside the walls, but could do little else. A conspiracy was
also discovered at Colombo itself, and the ringleader, a distinguished
Sinhalese soldier, was punished by being blown frcm the mouth of a cannon. The
situation was so helpless that the authorities at Goa found it difficult to
persuade any prominent official to accept the vacant post of General, and it
was not till the 21st of October 1631 that the aged Dom Jorge de Almeida landed
as the successor of de Sa.
On his arrival
negotiations were opened with Senerat to secure the release of the Portuguese
prisoners, but the King was not prepared to sell cheaply the advantage^ which
he had gained. He assured the Portuguese envoy that times had changed since he
entered into the peace of 1617. “Then,” said he, “my chief anxiety was to bring
up my sons. Today they are men who can lean upon their spears and sleep.” Large
reinforcements were however soon received from Goa, and the General attempted
to replace diplomacy by military force. In January 1000 Portuguese, 1000
Lascarins, and 1200 Kaffirs and Canarese took the field and advanced upon
Malwana. The inhabitants of the district came together to render their
submission, and, with the object of striking terror into them, the horrible
expedient was adopted of delivering one of their number over to the Kaffirs,
who cut him up and ate him in the sight of his wife and children, while others
were given as slaves to the Portuguese Captains. Kaduwela was next occupied and
step by step the Sinhalese were forced to withdraw before the advancing army.
Envoys were however
sent to Goa from both sides to discuss the terms of peace, though hostilities
did not relax, and on the 15th of April 1633 a treaty was signed between the
Viceroy and the Sinhalese ambas. sadors under the terms of which the Portuguese
agreed to recognise the three sons of the Queen as heirs to the whole of the
Sinhalese Kingdom, while in return the King was to pay a nominal tribute of an
elephant a year and to allow a Franciscan to reside at his Capital, besides
setting at liberty all his Portuguese prisoners and handing over the fort of
Batticaloa. The King at first refused to ratify the agreement, for he was
unwilling to acquiesce in any such token of vassalage as the tribute of an
elephant would imply; in the following year, however, Diogo de Melo de Castro having
in the interval arrived as General in succession to de Almeida, the terms were
after much wrangling agreed to.
King Philip IV. of
Spain who had succeeded to the throne of Portugal in 1621, had been instant in
urging on his Viceroy the importance of not slackening hostilities, but his
country was unable to supply the men required to meet the unceasing drain. “It
is of the utmost importance,” wrote the Conde de Lin- hares on the 29th of
November 1634, “that armadas should be despatched to the parts Your Majesty has
indicated. Senhor, with what am I to create armadas if Your Majesty does not
send me the men ? ”
The period of King
Philip’s reign was indeed one of great misfortune to Portugal. Her association
with Spain had forced her into hostilities with the Hollanders and the English,
and she now found herself treated, not as an independent kingdom, but as a
Province. Spaniards were appointed to the highest offices of State, and
Portuguese territory was freely given away to foreigners. Her revenue even was
not spent for her own benefit, and her Cortes had ceased to exist.
Her naval power at
home was broken, and her foreign commerce was being rapidly destroyed. The
China trade was well-nigh closed to her; that of the Spice Islands was
controlled by the Hollanders, who had established themselves at Batavia ; Shah
Jehan captured the headquarters of the Portuguese in Bengal; Ormuz, of which
they were as proud as of Goa, was taken by the Persians; the English blocked
their intercourse with West India ; the Danes had acquired a centre at
Tranquebar; and even the French were beginning to appear in the Indian waters.
At the same time the wealth of the great Portuguese settlements in America was
being conveyed by the shipload to enrich the shareholders of the trade
companies in Holland; Goa itself was blockaded from time to time, and all
Portuguese vessels which were met with on the high -seas were plundered.
National bankruptcy
was the natural result of this interference with the commerce of the country.
No money could be found to pay for such soldiers as were secured, though at
this very time the monks and friars4 who were supported by the State
were in a condition of affluence. The num bers of these latter had now assumed
astonishing proportions, and in 1623 the Viceroy had reported that in Goa there
were twice as many friars as all the other Portuguese put together. The bulk of
the men who were sent to serve in the Indian army hastened to enter a religious
Order, and the amazing dishonesty practised over the recruiting of the Portuguese
forces, whereby shiploads of infants were despatched under the name of
soldiers, contributed in no less degree to fill the Convents. The arrogance of
some of the Orders was beyond belief. The Jesuits had made themselves masters of
Travancore and of the pearl fisheries off that coast; they maintained armed men
at their own expense, and even fought on the high seas with the King’s
officers. They had also succeeded in securing a general supervision over
the works of the
fortresses in the North, of which they refused to render any accounts. The
private possessions of the Orders were so large as to be a scandal, and
legislation had to be passed to prevent further acquisition.
This condition of
decadence was reflected in events in Ceylon. The army had again got out of
hand, and in 1635 rose once more in mutiny. It elected twelve Senators to
administer its affairs and occupied the approaches to Colombo till it was
allowed to elect its own officers. In 1636 King Senerat died and Maha Asthana,
who had been administering the Government for some years, was proclaimed King
under the title of Raja Sinha. He was prepared to maintain the peace his
father had entered into, but the action of the officer in charge at Batticaloa
in assisting some rebels against him compelled him to reconsider his position.
Not unnaturally he turned to the Hollanders, who were now firmly established
at Fulicat, and on the 9th of September 1637 he sent a letter offering them one
of his ports if they would assist him against the Portuguese. As a result of
this message two envoys appeared at Senkadagala on the 19th November of the
same year with a promise of the required assistance,' on condition of the
Hollanders being granted a monopoly of the cinnamon trade.
Diogo de Melo was
greatly alarmed at this development, for Raja Sinha’s relations with him were
so strained that the King had refused further communications. De Melo had been
attempting to sow discord between Wijaya Pala and Raja Sinha, and had hinted
that he was willing to support the former if he pressed his claims to the
Throne. He now again wrote to Wijaya Pala, complaining of his brother’s
dealings with the Hollanders. He described the latter as “subjects and rebels
of the King of Portugal, well-known to the whole of India as
pirates, hated by all
Indian Kings and potentates,” and concluded with a threat to appeal to the
sword.
Meanwhile the
Hollanders had come to an agreement with Raja Sinha, and had returned to
Pulicat accompained by three Sinhalese Commissioners who had been ordered to
report on the Hollanders’ navy. These Commissioners arrived back in the Island
on the 2nd of April 1638 accompained by three vessels under the command of
Wilhelm Jacobsz Coster, to find that a great change had taken place in the circumstances
of the Portuguese.
Avarice had hastened
that appeal to the sword which de Melo had threatened. The covetous General
robbed a Portuguese trader of an elephant which Raja Sinha had presented to
him, and in revenge the King seized on two handsome horses which the General
had sent for sale within his Kingdom. A contemptuous message from Raja Sinha
that the horses would be restored as soon as the elephant was surrendered
inflamed the General’s rage, and the arrival of a- large contingent from Malacca
added weight to the vehement protestations with which he wrung an unwilling
consent from his Council. Nine hundred Portuguese, 5000 Lascarins, and a number
of Topasses, Canarese, and Kaffirs, formed the army of invasion.
Realising the danger
which threatened him the King sent the friar who was at Court, armed with a
crucifix, to adjure the General in the name of that God Who, he believed, had
come into the world to die for men, to desist from his unjust enterprise. De
Melo replied with a brutal scoff, echoing the words of his Captain Major,
Damiao Botado: “The little black is frightened. We will drag him out by the
ears.”
Once again the
Portuguese were allowed to enter the Capital unopposed, and having set on fire
the city, the palace and the temples, they retired
on Balane, for in
their haste they had left their communications unprotected. Night however
overtook them at Gannoruwa before they could cross the river and they were
compelled to halt, as the soldiers were exhausted and hungry. Raja Sinha's opportunity
had come. A host of the finest woodsmen in the world were soon making their
axes ring against the roots of the great forest trees, and the Portuguese
realised with horror that they were trapped. The troops from Matale blocked the
road back to Sen- kadagala ; from the surrounding forests a harassing and
intermittent fire picked off every straggler; while in front a strong force
rendered it impossible to obtain water from the river except at the most
serious risk.
The battle which now
impended, that of Gannoruwa, was the last great battle of the Sinhalese race,
and it produced a poet who is none the less notable that his very name is
unknown. The Parangi Hatane, the Story of the Feringhees, is almost an Epic. It
is the most spirited piece of literary composition in the language. It is no
mere medley of tinkling bells and scented flowers, of lovely women and precious
gems. It rings with the passion of Pindar; it is Miltonic in its resounding
roll of names; it laughs with the glee of Chevy Chase. Amidst the roar of the
cannon, and the glint of the sword blades, and the shouting of honoured
names—the contempt for the eater of beef and the scorn for the drunken
Kaffir—one central idea runs through it all: “twas all but the Merit of the
King.”
The morning of Palm
Sunday, the 28th of March 1638, was dawning as the Portuguese once more resumed
their retreat in the effort to reach the ford across the river; but no sooner
had they started than the Sinhalese fell on the Lascarins who were in charge of
the baggage and succeeded in separating them from the main body, whereupon
the coolies threw
down their loads of rice and bread and biscuit, their jars of arrack and
biskets of fowls, together with the munition!, and escaped as best they could,
while the Lascarins by a desperate rush succeeded in rejoining the main army.
The slopes of Kiriwat Talawa lay at no great distance, and the object of the
Portuguese was to entrench themselves there; but they had hardly reached the
high ground when they found themselves surrounded on all sides. The jingals ani
other larger guns of the Sinhalese were hurried forward and opened fire, and de
Melo was soon constrained to beg for an armistice. Raja Sinha vouchsafed no
reply, but on his orders his drummers made proclamation that if those
Sinhalese who were with the Portuguese did not immediately leave them, they
would all be put to the sword the next day.
The General watched
with dismay as the ranks of the Lascarins grew rapidly thinner, and then the
attack began. With a terrific shout the Sinhalese rushed up the hill in an
irresistible wave. Throwing their bows over the heads of the Portuguese they
dragged them down to the ground, and slashed at their necks with their swords.
The burly Kaffirs were mercilessly beaten as they sprawled over the slippery
surface of the hill side. To attempt resistance to the overwhelming numbers of
the Sinhalese was certain death, and many threw themselves on their knees and
implored for mercy. The Sinhalese in their triumph were like a crowd of riotous
and cruel schoolboys. The Portuguese were stripped and flogged remorselessly
betore they were put to death, many a one of them cursing the General with his
last breath as the cause of this disaster. The Canarese were dragged away like
bulls with their hands tied behind their backs, but they and the Kaffirs and
thirty-three of the Portuguese were spared alive. A great pile of heads was
laid at the feet of the triumphant King,
who had conducted the
fight from beneath the shade of a tres; tha body of th3 Gan^ral could not be
found though careful search was mads, but his sword was discovered and
presented to the victor.
The destruction of
the invading army was complete; and at Dodanwala Dewale the grateful King
offered his headdress of gold and his sword of steel as a hum'ole thank-off
jring to the Power that ruled the fate of the battle.
An Amun&ai varies from 24,000 to 26.000 nut*.
Their defection gave the death-blow to the policy of intermarriage, for
they were closely connected by marriego with the chief Portuguese families in
Colombo.
The exploits of de Sa made a great impression on the Sinhalese, by whom
he was deified, along with the blood* thirsty Simao Correa, who seems to have
come to a violent end some time previously. De Sa’s body was ceremoniously
cremated on the King’s orders.
If reliance is to be placed on the stories heard by Niccolao Manucci, who
was in India from 1656 to 1717, the morality of the Friars in Ceylon was not
different from that of the rest of their countrymen in the East. (See Storia do
Mogor, Irvine’s Trans, iv. 152-153.)
To crown Raja Sinha’s
joy, on the 10th ot May following Admiral Adam Van Westerwold joined Coster at
Batticaloa with the rest of the promised fleet. Raja Sinha himself arrived four
days later accompanied by 15,000 men, leaving Wijaya Pala with the rest of the
army to menace Colombo. On the 18th the combined forces attacked the Portuguese
position, and after a bombardment lasting four hours, Westerwold’s guns
compelled the garrison to surrender.
Five days later a
treaty was entered into between Raja Sinha, “Emperor and King of Ceylon and
Candia," and Westerwold, acting on behalf of “Their Illustrious High
Mightinesses the States General of the United Netherlands and His Princely Excellency
Frederick Hendrick, Prince of Orange,” by which the King accepted the
Hollanders as his ‘Triends, allies and protectors” against the “great and
intolerable deceit and impertinence of, and annoyance created by, the
Portuguese.” It was agreed that the booty found in all forts captured by the
allied powers should be equally divided between the two High Contracting
Parties, and that, should the King so desire, the positions should be occupied
by garrisons with sufficient artillery for their protection against the
Portuguese. The King for his part undertook to strengthen the fortifications
where required, to pay the salaries of the garrisons employed in holding them,
and to allot the Hollanders suitable places for the storage of their
merchandise. He agreed not to begin hostilities without previously consulting
them, to render them assistance by counsel and deed, and to repay in kind all
expenses incurred -by them on his behalf. The Hollanders were to be allowed
unrestricted freedom
of trade, with a monopoly of the commerce in cinnamon, pepper, wax and ivory.
The trade in elephants was, however, reserved to the King, though a
most-favoured-nation clause was inserted by which he undertook to supply the
Hollanders each year with as many of these animals as he sold to others.
The Treaty further
guaranteed the extra-territoriality of the Hollanders, and while it secured
for their merchants untrammelled access to the country, made it incumbent on
the Sinhalese to provide the necessary transport for all goods purchased by
them. Provision was made for the extradition of criminals; communication for
the purposes of trade or otherwise between the Portuguese and the Sinhalese was
forbidden, and the Portuguese declared the eternal enemies of both parties.
Catholic priests in particular, “who alone are the cause of commotion, dissension
and disturbance, and are the destruction of kingdoms and countries wherever
they happen to be,” were not to be allowed to enter the country. Finally all
prize ships captured on the high seas were to be the property of the
Hollanders.
Such were the terms
of this important Treaty. On its conclusion de Melo’s swcrd was presented to
Westerwold, who sailed away to Batavia on the 4th of June 1638, accompanied by
two Sinhalese ambassadors, and taking with him a supply of cinnamon, wax, and
pepper, which had been sent to him by the King, while Coster remained in charge
at Batti- caloa. On the 29th October tne ambassadors returned with a despatch
from the Governor-General Antonio van Diemen and the Council of India,
directed— with the fulsome obsequiousness which the practice of the Spanish
Court had lendered iamiliar among the diplomatists of Europe--to “ll.e Great
and Mighty Radio Singha, Emperor of the ldand of Ceylon; King of Kandy, Cote, Seytabaca,
Dambadoney*
Anarrajapore,
Jaffnapatam; Prince of Uva, Mature, Dinavaco, Quatre Cories; Grand Duke of the
Seven Cories; Count of Cotenwe, Trinquemale, Batacalo, Vilacam, Vintana,
Dumbra, Pandjapato, Hewerta, Putalon, Balane, Gaele, Beligaon, Calature,
Columbo, Negumbo, Chilao, Madampe, Calpety, Aripature, Manaer; Lord of the
Pearl Fishery, Gems, and the Golden Sun.”
This letter contained
a confirmation of the Treaty which the Council, adopting the Sinhalese
metaphor, hoped would last “as long as the Sun and the Moon shall lighten the
earth with their rays.” The King, who was unaccustomed to the craft and
diplomacy of the Hollanders, was completely deceived by their show of
deference, and regarded with delight the powerful assistance which he had succeeded
in purchasing ; but the views of the Hollanders were different. They had
already made up their minds that the expulsion of the Portuguese did not
necessarily imply the cessation of European interference in the country, and
Raja Sinha was in their eyes nothing more than a convenient tool and source of
supply for the funds necessary for the war with the Portuguese. They stood to
lose nothing in case of the failure of the attempt, while it was incumbent on
the King, if he was to achieve the object on which he had set his heart, to
assist the Hollanders in rendering their fortifications impregnable. Once the
Portuguese were gene and the Hollanders were safe within those fortifications,
who was there to drive them out of
the country ?
In pursuance of this
policy they did not shrink from tactics of a d ibious nature. The third section
of the treaty, for instance, dealt with the occupation of the captured forts;
but whereas in the Portuguese copy which the King could read there was a
proviso to the effect that they were to be garrisoned only if the King so desired, this
clause was deliberately omitted in
the Dutch version.
Bearing this in mind, it becomes possible to get a clear understanding of the
subsequent dealings of the Hollanders with the Sinhalese Court.
Dom Antonio
Mascarenhas was hurried across from India as General, and all available
Portuguese forces were diverted to the defence of Ceylon. The war dragged on,
and the reinforcements they had received enabled the Portuguese to push back
the Sinhalese and re-occupy Menikkadawara ; but in the meantime there was
trouble at the Sinhalese Court. Kumara Sinha had early followed Senerat to the
grave, and Raja Sinha had taken possession of his principality without sharing
it with Wijaya Pala, as the latter demanded. This embittered the Prince, and he
appears on account of it to have lent a readier ear to the suggestions of the
Portuguese. 'Gallant warrior though he had shown himself to be, a curious vein
of sentiment ran through his somewhat feeble character. The influence of his
early Portuguese training manifested ' itself in strong pro-European
tendencies, and his attempt to smuggle out of the country the prisoners who had
been captured at Gannoruwa finally led to an open rupture with the King. In
September 1638 the sword was drawn between the two brothers, but Wijaya Pala
and his 8000 men were defeated, and the Prince himself was taken prisoner. Raja
Sinha however was not prepared to deal harshly with the brother who had helped
him so well in his hour of need, and merely kept him in surveillance at
Senkadagala. .
Early in the
following year Antonio Caen reached the Island with another fleet of the
Hollanders, to the great consternation of the Portuguese. Instead, however, of
attacking Colombo as the King desired, he proceeded to capture the petty fort
of Trincomalee, which surrendered in May after resisting a few days. In
December of the same year a second fleet appeared
bringing 1500
soldiers under the command of the Director General Philip Lucaszoon. The men
were landed in the neighbourhood of Negombo, and the Portuguese army which was
engaged in watching the movements of the Sinhalese hurried thither, and in
spite of a disparity of numbers attacked the Hollanders with the utmost
boldness. A fierce struggle followed but though the Hollanders were driven from
their first line of defence, the weight of numbers told in the event in their
favour, and the Portuguese were thrown back till they finally broke in
confusion and fled. Raja Sinha’s army had hurried down after the Portuguese,
and on the 6th of February 1640 the allied forces laid siege to Negombo which
was carried by assault three days later. The battered walls were taken charge
of by the Hollanders, who proceeded at once to repair and strengthen them. Raja
Sinha, greatly annoyed at the overbearing attitude of Lucaszoon, insisted that
they should be razed to the ground in accordance with the option reserved to
him under the third clause of the Treaty; but Lucaszoon was obdurate, and on
the 13th of February Raja Sinha quietly withdrew to a distance, and refused to
see the Director General again, though when, even after this, Lucaszoon fell
seriously ill, the King in spite of their quarrel hastened to do what he could
to assist him in his distress.
Alexander the Great
had Hindus attached to his army to attend to such wounds as his own physicians
could not heal, and the medical works of Charaka and Susruta, who lived at
least 2500 years ago, are still valued. The Sinhalese have always paid
considerable attention to the subject of medicine, and as early as the second
century B. C. Gamani had not only established hospitals throughout the country,
but had appointed a doctor for every group of sixteen villages. Six centuries
later King Buddadassa who appears to have been familiar with the opera
tion for
appendicitis, set apart a fixed proportion of the revenue from the royal lands
for the upkeep of a medical department. “I cannot but admire,” wrote Antonio
Teixeira, who was in the Island in 1588, “at those who call all physicians
Barbarians, that are not Greeks or Latins ... There have been, and still are,
in Persia, Arabia and India many Physicians so excellent in their art that they
are fit to be Professors in any country.”
The Sinhalese have
long known the value of the open air treatment, and so great is the efficacy of
their antiseptic oils that they still treat successfully serious cases of
fracture without having resort to amputation. Not only is their skill great in
dealing with diseases such as dysentery which are incidental to a hot climate,
but they also claim to be able to treat cases of hydrophobia and snake bite.
They understand thoroughly the art of dieting a patient, and their system has
been adopted by some of the most experienced of the physicians who have come to
the country after a training on Western lines. As low dieting approaching to
starvation is the foundation on which their treatment for all disorders of the
digestive organs is based, the system—as Garcia de Orta pointed out in 1563—was
not appreciated by Europeans. “The cure was for the Gentiles,” he wrote, “who
eat nothing with blood.” Hypnotism has been always employed, though it is
branded to-day by well-meaning persons under the name of “devil-ceremonies.”
The effects of the exhalations of different trees, of the contact of different
metals with the human body, of the rays of the sun at varying hours, have
like-wise all been made the subject of careful study; and the experience and
observation of ages have left to the Sinhalese a great store of knowledge, of
which the Portuguese, be it said to tlieir credit, took advantage to no small
extent.1
Such were the
physicians whom the King now sent to attend on Lucaszoon, but the latter was so
ill that he was obliged to sail away, leaving Coster in charge. With much tact
Coster succeeded in pacifying the King, and it was arranged to make a dash on
Galle, the Hollanders proceeding by sea, the Sinhalese by land.
The Portuguese fort
of Santa Cruz de Galle occupied the rising ground which forms a promontory on
the western side of the extensive Bay, the natural beauties of the surroundings
of which do not, however, compensate for the dangers of its hidden rocks. A
sandy depression connects the promontory with the mainland, which rises
sufficiently to command the fort. On the side facing the sea the position was
well defended by the natural ruggedness of the coast, while a line of ramparts
with three bastions served to protect the landward side.
As the fleet
sailed-southward along the coast a body of Lascarins from Colombo kept pace
with it, but was unable to prevent the Hollanders from landing on the eastern
side of the Bay, and entrenching themselves close to the town outside the
fort. The next day an attempt was made to drive them away from their position.
The fight was desperately maintained, and the Portuguese claimed to have killed
eight hundred of the enemy, but were none the less compelled to withdraw to
within the fort with the loss of their Commander as well as that of seventy
men—a not inconsiderable proportion of the entire force at their disposal. A
heavy bombardment of the walls was now begun and this was maintained till they
were sufficiently broken down to allow of an assault, which was carried out on
the 13th of March. In spite of the unequal numbers the Portuguese resisted with
the utmost gallantry, and over a hundred of them lay dead before the
Hollanders forced
their way in. Everyone who was found with arms within the walls was put to the
sword, while the rest were hurriedly taken on board the Hollanders’ vessels and
despatched to Batavia.
A half share of the
plunder was allotted to the King, who was delighted at the success, though he
was suspicious of the conduct of the Hollanders in beginning the assault before
the time that had been agreed upon with his Mudaliyars, and though he was
persuaded that he had been defrauded in the division of the spoil. The Kaffirs
and Canarese who had served with the Portuguese were taken charge of by the
Hollanders, 1500 Sinhalese prisoners were delivered over to the King, and “to
prevent all future unpleasantness” permission was granted to the soldiers to
marry the numerous Mestico widows and the few unmarried women who were in the
town. Captain Walraven de St. Amant with 196 msn occupied the fort on the King’s
account, and Coster also took up his residence there as President of the
Company’s people at Galle.
The loss of this
port, the great value of which had been frequently insisted on by the King,
created such perturbation among the Portuguese that there were those who urged
the desirability of abandoning Colombo itself. This desperate counsel was
however rejected, and all the available troops were mustered to defend the
town, while reinforcements were hurried across from India. Meanwhile internal
troubles which were sternly repressed kept Raja Sinha occupied at heme. He
called upon the Hollanders to present their bill, for he was anxious to pay
them what was due Lcfore asking them for more soldiers; but this prompt
settling of accounts did not suit the Hollanders, whose policy it was to
involve the King in pecuniary obligaticns to them. The relations between the
parties consequently grew so strained that Coster decided to wait upon the
King in person, and
he presented himself at Court at Senkadagala on the 17th of July 1640. Unfortunately
there was friction from the beginning. Coster's interpreter was arrested while
having a secret interview with Wijaya Pala; the portrait of the Prince of
Orange which had been presented to the King was returned without a word of
explanation; and the Sinhalese courtiers bore themselves towards Coster and his
suite with cold reserve.
Coster, however,
submitted a Memorandum setting out the points to which he invited the King’s
attention. He begged that a supply of cinnamon, wax, and pepper might be
prepared against the next sailing season in part payment of the Company’s
claim; that the freedom of trade which had been promised might be made a
reality; and that parties desirous of trading with the Hollanders should not be
interfered with. He further asked for some villages in the neighbourhood of
Galle for the maintenance of the soldiers, at the same time requesting that
directions should be given to the King’s Disawa to see that provisions were
regularly delivered to the garrison. He complained, moreover, of the condition
of the local currei:y, and requested that steps should be towards the
establishment of a Mint as provided for in the treaty of Batticaloa. In
conclusion he urged the King to supply vessels for the purpose of guarding the
rivers, and to erect a fireproof store at Kottiyar for the Company’s use.
The King sent his
reply in writing, expressing regret at the delay in meeting the claims of the
Hollanders, and attributing the delay to the impoverished condition of the
country. He undertook to supply a large quanticy of cinnamon as soon as B
ittbiloi should be handed over to him, but asked for a detailed statement of
the entire claim arainst him before further reinforcements were sent. He
moreover declared that everyore was at liberty to trade with the Company, so
lcng as it did not
infringe the royal
monopoly. The irregularity in the supply of provisions he stated to be due to
the devastation of the countryside in the neighbourhood of Galle, but he
promised to allow the Hollanders some villages as requested, and agreed to
build the vessels and construct the store as soon as the country should be more
settled. With regard to the question of the currency, he pointed out that the
matter was seriously complicated by the depreciated Portuguese coin which was
held in stock in the Portuguese districts.
In the meantime
Coster had learnt that some Indians had come to the Court with an offer of
assistance to the King, and that these men were traducing the Hollanders; and
he was still further incensed at a message from the Chiefs occasioned by his
having gone armed into the King’s presence. He expressed himself very warmly on
this latter subject to the King, who at the same interview directed that the
reinforcements which were said to be on the way should be sent to attack
Colombo, though he declared that he himself would be unable to render much
assistance for at least three years, owing to the condition of the country.
Coster was then given permission to depart.
Scarcely had he started
on his way when he was overtaken by a Sinhalese courtier, named Colombo Nainde,
who had been ordered to search a slave who had joined himself to Coster’s
train. The owner of the slave, a Portuguese priest, had missed some valuables ;
but though the slave was stripped and searched, nothing was found on him.
Coster in a passion took from his own neck the gold collar with which the King
had presented him and threw it at Colombo Nainde’s feet, declaring that after
the insult to which he had been exposed, that chain might be used to make good
the priest’s loss. Colombo Nainde, however, endeavoured to pacify him and
replaced the chain with much ceremony round his neck.
The wild village of
Nilgala was at length reached, and there the arrogance and hasty temper of
Coster brought about his death. He called for some milk, and as there was delay
in procuring it, struck the Mudaliyar who commanded his escort on the chest
with his cane. The Sinhalese who witnessed this outrage raised a great tumult
and attacked the Hollanders with their pikes. Coster tried to escape into a
house, but, as he stooped to enter through the low door, he was run through by
the spears of the Sinhalese and decapitated.
On the 8th of
September Thyssen, who was in charge of the Hollanders at Batticaloa, received
a letter from the Kmg expressing his regret at what had occurred, and conveying
a hope that this would not interfere with the friendly relations subsisting
between him and the Hollanders. Thyssen hurried at once to Galle, only to find that
the amorous St. Amant, who had fallen in love with a young Portuguese woman,
had deserted to the enemy with a few of his companions, and had made his way to
Colombo. St. Amant’s report of the condition of things at Galle, where the
garrison was suffering great want, did much to raise the spirits of the
Portuguese, for Negumbo was known to be in even worse plight. At the same time
the fortunate capture of an enemy vessel conveying specie to Masulipatam
enabled Mascarenhas to give the soldiers a double allowance of pay.
Nevertheless the
condition of affairs in the East was, from the Portuguese point of view,
extremely gloomy. The Hollanders had obtained an almost complete control over
the trade of the Far East, and were adopting an increasingly aggressive attitude
on the coasts of India. Their fleets were continually and in every quarter
harassing the ships of the Portuguese, and hovered round even in the immediate
vicinity of Goa. Naval engagements were frequent,
but had no decisive
results. Such was the lack of funds that once again public offices had to be
put up for sale. Malacca was in danger, and King Philip, while urging the
importance of straining every nerve to preserve that important settlement, was
obliged to confess that in view of the trouble created by the Hollanders in
Brazil, it was not possible to send any assistance. The Viceroy replied that
under the circumstances it appeared that the time had come to wind up affairs
in the East and return home. A terrible blow was dealt to the Portuguese when
in 1639 the Hollanders sailed to Murmagoa, one of the two ports of Goa, and set
fire to the three great galleons which lay at anchor there. In August of the
following year they began the siege of Malacca, which they succeeded in
capturing a few months later.
In September 1640 the
Conde de Aveiras arrived in India as Viceroy. He realised that the position of
affairs was nearly desperate, and that unless help was sent to Ceylon as
quickly as possible, everything there would be lost. Don Philip Mascarenhas
wi> S3h;t2l f:>r th^ difficult task. Not only was he recognised as
possessing great talents, but he had also much wealth which, it was thought, he
would not hesitate to expend on behalf of his King; while at the same time his
appointment was likely to be less irritating to his brother Dom Antonio who was
then General, than that of a stranger. With Mascarenhas went Joao Ribeiro,
then a boy of fourteen, who has left us in his Fatalidade Historica, the fruits ot his eighteen years
in Ceylon, a lively and valuable account of the last years of the
Portuguese in that country.
The arrival in Ceylon
of Dom Philip was soon followed by the re-capture of Negcir.bo, which surrendered
on the 9th of November 1640, and the defeat of a Sinhalese army which was in
the neigh-
bourhocd. Raja Sinha,
who had come down to the low country, retired on Senkadagala, and the entire
coast from Colombo to the neighbourhood of Galle declared for the Portuguese.
The Hollanders viewed the turn of affairs with anxiety. They feared, not
without reason, that the loss of the Matara Disawani would result in that of
the whole cinnamon trade ; Galle itself was being threatened, and they were not
sure as to the temper of the King. He had demurred to paying certain items in
the bill which had been presented to him. Trincomalee and Negombo, he had
pointed out, had been garrisoned by the Hollanders not only without any request
from him to that effect, but in opposition to his expressed wish. Under the circumstances
he denied that he was in any way responsible for the expenditure incurred in
their maintenance. He was however very angry with Mascarenhas about a threat
which the latter had held out to him to place Wijaya Pala on the throne, and he
accordingly sent an embassy to Batavia to discuss matters. Before long Galle
was blockaded by the Portuguese, and their armies also penetrated into the Four
and Seven Korales, but could effect little beyond laying the country waste.
In the meantime
Wijaya Pala himself had raised the standard of revolt in Uwa ; his rebellion
however ended in failure, and he was obliged to escape down the Idelgashinna
Pass into Saparagamuwa, where he was received by the Captain Major with
effusive protestations of the gratitude of the Portuguese for the attitude
which he had maintained towards them at such terrible risk to himself. Wijaya
Pala was much pleased and asked for the services of three companies of
Portuguese, promising on his part to assist them to drive the Hollanders out of
the Island. The Captain Major was, however, unable to comply with this request
without the authority of the General, and the Prince showed in his face how
grievously he felt
the disappointment. To make matters worse an aged noble, who had brought up the
Prince as a child and had accompained him in his flight, bluntly expressed his
dissatisfaction at the manner in which the Portuguese proved their gratitude,
whereupon the Captain Major in a burst of uncontrollable rage, ordered him to
be arrested and executed on the spot.
The unhappy Prince
realised too late the mistake he had made in placing himself in the hands of
the Portuguese. For two days he refused to see the Captain Major, but at length
was prevailed on to go to Malwana to meet the General. He was received by
Mascarenhas with a similar ceremonious courtesy and like protestations of
gratitude. Two chairs covered with crimson velvet and gold were placed on a
dais, and there Wijaya Pala and the General sat down side by side. The Prince,
who was now about thirty-four years of age, impressed everyone by his dignity
and regal bearing. He was slim of body and carried himself very erect; his long
hair was curled at the ends and his beard was worn full in the Portuguese
fashion. For a whcle hour the two sat there exchanging compliments, Wijaya Pala
toying with the great catseye, as large as a musket ball, which was bound to
his arm. Then with a passionate exclamation he poured out his grief at the
manner in which his trusted adviser had been done to death. Mascarenhas did his
best to console the agitated Prince, and it was finally decided that he should
go on to Colombo, where again he was received with full military honours.
A Council was
summoned to deliberate as to what action should be taken to assist him in regaining
his principality; but after much discussion a pedantic adherence to their
standing instructions regarding the conversion of heathen Princes who fell into
their
p->wer, prevented
the Portuguese from complying with his request, and the disappointed Prince
left for Goa, where he subsequently embraced Christianity and died in 165 k His
departure relieved Raja Sinha of an embarrassing kinsman, and enabled him to
seize on the Matale district for himself.
In October 1641 the
King’s Ambassadors returned from Batavia. The communications which passed
between Raja Sinha and the Council there have been preserved end form
interesting reading. The Council, pursuirg its policy of deferential
obsequiousness, had reported to the King with what state and ceremony his previous
letter had been received. “It is a proper disposition,” replied the King, “in
the person who occupies such a place as you do.” His irdigraticn at the
attitude assumed by Lucaszoon finds expression in the following passage: “He
put on one side the Articles of the Treaty which was made at Batticaloa,
desiring to alter it in some matters so as to act contrary thereto. And as the
Dutch nation is considered and a'knowledged in all regions to be trustworthy in
its professions, and as it is not befitting in Kings of my standing to abandon
what has been once ordered and agreed upon, I, seeing that the aforesaid
Philippe Lucas enlarged the scope of the Treaty in many matters contrary to its
articles, once agreed upon and sworn to, desired not to abide by what he at
that time determined upon.” Nevertheless, Lucaszoon’s conduct has not shaken
his confidence in the Hollanders: “So lorg as I live I shall love the Dutch
nation, regarding it as the light of mine eyes, and my successors shall do the
same, yea, so long as the Sun and Moon shall shine.” In proof of his unswerving
good faith he had sentenced the man who hsd caused the death cf Ccster to be
hanged, though he was satisfied himself that it was
Coster himself who
was to be blamed for that tragic affair.
Yet in spite of all
he was not prepared to pay the expense of the garrison which had been
maintained at Trincomalee against his wishes. If, as he said, the Hollanders’
garrisons had suffered from want, it was because they had been kept in the
forts despite his opposition. If he had chosen to call the Hollanders
faithless, he would have had good reason for doing so, for they had throughout
acted in defiance of the terms of the Treaty. He was, however, prepared to
overlook all their offences in this respect. “When Colombo is captured the
booty found therein shall be equally distributed and the city itself destroyed,
leaving not one stone upon another. I have for many a year had a longing to
destroy the city of Colombo, and to raze it to the ground, for it is the origin
and the mother of all the evil that has come upon this Island and the lawful
Kings thereof.”
The Hollanders had
suggested that when the Portuguese were driven out, it would be well for the
safety of the country to maintain four forts manned by Hollanders; but the King
retorted that there was no such stipulation in the Treaty, and that he was
quite as competent to protect his country, once the Portuguese were gone, as
his great namesake of Sitawaka had been. Yet through all he had implicit
confidence in his Allies, and he frankly told them: “If you went away I should
not enjoy the honour which I have long striven after, that of driving the
Portuguese away from this Island.” In answer to their protestations of loyalty
he replied: “I shall remird you that Kings of my position do not break their
Royal wcid, ar.d thus promise you, on my honour as a King, that I shall keep
the word which I have given, to observe the Treaty and to give no occasion to
break it.”
Actempts on the part
of the Portuguese to seduce the garrison of Galle were attended with very
slight success; but though the blockade had now been maintained for a long
period, they still feared to venture on a siege. An assault was out of the
question, for though the garrison was weak the walls were strong. A siege was
equally impracticable, since vessels were lacking to bring the necessary guns
from Colombo. Some laid all the blame on Mascarenhas, asserting that he was too
busy trading to attend to the war, and the Viceroy found it necessary to address
some severe despatches to him; but the truth was that ths Portuguese were
afraid to face the risk of a possible defeat. As Mascarenhas pointed out to the
Viceroy: “All the Sinhalese already (considered; themselves as relieved from
any Christian yoke.”
If the attitude of
the Portuguese was characterised by a certain lack of self-confidence, that of
the Hollanders can only be described as pusillanimous. During January and
February 1642 their fleet kept cruising about in the neighbourhood of Colombo,
but after much solemn deliberation it was decided that the position was too
strong to be attempted and that it was better to recapture Negombo. On their
sailing thither, however, the hearts of the Hollanders again failed them, and
they hastened once more back to Galle. In the meantime great changes had taken
place in Europe. France had been moulded into a mighty kingdom by the hand of
Richelieu, and in December 1640 an insurrection in Portugal had ended the Sixty
Years’ Captivity, and placed the eighth Duke of Braganza on the throne as King
Dom Joao IV. This revolution was welcomed with joy by the United Piovinces,
who hastened to conclude a treaty with the once more sovereign State. Under
this Treaty, which was dated the 12th of June 1641 and which was to come into
force in the East Indies a year after its con*
elusion, there was to
be peace between the two nations for a period of ten years, each nation remain*
ing in possession of what it actually held at the date of its promulgation. All
Allies of the two High Contracting Parties were equally included in its terms.
The declaration of
the peace in Ceylon was however delayed by negotiations regarding the terri'
torial limits of the fort of Galle, which were claimed by the Hollanders, and
hostilities continued till the matter was settled. On the 11th of May 1643 a
body of two hundred Portuguese was attacked by a strong force of Hollanders at
Akuressa, but so gallant was the defence that after a fight lasting five hours
the Hollanders fled in confusion, leaving behind them over a hundred dead and
fifty prisoners. In conse. quence of this defeat Van der Laen and Doncq, the
two officers in command, were ordered to proceed to Batavia to be placed on
their trial.
The failure of the
psace negotiations, which had been referred by the General to the Council at
Goa, put the Batavian authorities on their mettle, and Francois Carron,
Councillor of India, shortly arrived before Galle and landed with a force of
1400 Europeans. Elaborate plans were laid for attacking the five hundred
Portuguese who were encamped in the neighbourhood, but after a week’s toil the
attempt was abandoned as too dangerous, and Carron sailed away to Negombo,
which he reached on the 7th of January 1644. Learning of this Dom Antonio
Masca- renhas hurried up with 550 Portuguese, and, with the reckless courage
which had throughout marked his career, attacked the Hollanders; but in spite
of their gallantry the Portuguese were gradually hercu med in by the superior
numbers of the enemy, Dom Antonio himself fell with no fewer than nine gun=
shot wounds, and very few of his men left the field
The feeble garrison
that was within the walls
closed the gates and
attempted a last desperate
resistance. A shower
of blazing powder barrels greeted the Hollanders as they forced their way
within ; the Captain in charge, fighting sword in hand, was hacked to pieces,
while the rest of his companions were either killed or taken prisoner. The
Hollanders, accompanied by 2000 of Raja Sinha’s men, new stsrted by land for
Colombo, but finding the Southern bank of the Kelani Ganga occupied by the
Portuguese, their hearts failed them and they returned to Negcmto, whence
Carron sailed away on the 18th of March 1644, leaving a garrison of 500 men in
occupation.
Reinforcements from India
now raised the available Portuguese army to 13C0 Europeans. In June 1644 they
once more appeared before the town and after a month’s siege attempted to carry
it by assault. So mismanaged, however, was the affair that 600 Portuguese were
left dead before the walls, while a remanant of 400 dispirited men dragged
themselves back to Colombo. Fortunately on the 10th of January 1645 the long
discussed peace, which left each side in the possession of such terrritory as
was de facto in its power, was agreed to, and the Portu* gusse once more
obtained a breathing space.
An organised effort is at last being made rmong the nati res themselves
to foster as much of their medical science as has survived a century of neglect
and ignorant opposition.
The conclusion of
peace was followed by a disagreement between the Hollanders and Raja Sinha, who
had found strong ground for complaint in the manner in which the negotiations
had been conducted so far as they affected his interests. All the arts of
cajolery were brought to bear in the effort to pacify him, while at the same
time the Hollanders proceeded steadily with the work of establishing themselves
in the Seven Korales. The King insisted on ti: removal of the garrison which
had been left at Pannara from his territory, but under pretext of doing so the
Hollanders smuggled in ammunition in casks of rice. Thereupon he sent an
indignant letter pointing out that while the Council of Batavia was inviting
him to take possession of the district, the local authorities were
strengthening their forces in order to rob him of it, and adding that he was
coming in person to find out what they were about.
On the 13th of May
1645 Adrian van der Stel, late Commander of Mauritius, left Negombo for the
camp at Pannara with one hundred and fifty men and two guns. Nothing further
was heard till three days later, when a naked Hollander appeared at Negombo
with a pitiful tale. Gorgecusly clad in scarlet and carried in a palanquin, van
der Stel was proceeding on his wry uhen he was met by a Sinhalese officer who
politely inquired from him what he was coinj there with £o many armed men, as
the
King himself had
given a promise to see that the garrison at Pannara was escorted safely to
Negombc. Van der Stel, with that arrogance which had previously brought
disaster upon Coster, replied sharply that this was no concern of the King’s.
The officer earnestly begged him to consider his position; the Sinhalese were
there in strong force, and if he insisted on pursuing his course not a limb of
the Hollanders would leave the place.
The Hollander,
however, was obdurate, and the Sinhalese opened fire. Van der Stel ran out his
cwo field guns and fired on them with grape, but the Sinhalese skilfully
withdrew to cover, whence they poured such a deadly hail of bullets into the
ranks of the Hollanders that before long few of the latter were left alive. The
Sinhalese then rushed on the demoralised remnants sword in hand. Van der Stel,
begging for quarter, had his head cut off by the stroke of a sabre, and when
one hundred and three lay dead on the ground, the remainder broke, and fled
into the jungle. The King hearing the firing hurried up and issued a
proclamation by beat of drum, promising to spare the lives of those Hollanders
who had escaped. The head of van der Stel, placed on a silver dish and covered
with a white cloth, was courteously sent to the commander of the garrison at
Pannara, to be buried according to the rites of his people.
The Sinhalese army
now appeared before the camp. A long line of ghastly heads fixed on pikes was
carried round the stockade in procession, that the soldiers might see for
themselves what had taken place; and then Raja Sinha called upon the garrison
to surrender. In the course of the night he ran up earthworks of sufficient
height to make it possible to fire down into the camp, and the next morning the
entire force, numbering five hundred ntan, sur* rendered with all its baggage
and ammunition.
The immediate result
of this coup was that the Hollanders set about preparing for war, but upon
calmer reflection they were fain to admit that they had put themselves in the
wrong, and accordingly attempted to enter into negotiations. For six months the
King met their overtures with a contemptuous silence, till in their perplexity
they were obliged to beg for permission to send an ambassador to the Court, at
the same time entreating that His Majesty might be pleased to hear him. It was
not, however, till July 1647 that the indignant monarch vouchsafed a reply. The
Portuguese too were making overtures to him, and the King for many months
amused him* self by keeping the ambassadors of the two nations dancing attendee
at his Court, and by confronting them each with the other.
The year 1648 dragged
on into 1649 and no progress had been made; but in July of the latter year, to
the great relief of the Hollanders, ambassadors appeared from the King with a
conciliatory message and fresh proposals of his own. The ambassadors were
received with a salute of eleven guns and three salvoes of artillery, and the
signing of the new agreement was celebrated by the ringing of joy-bells and the
discharge of rockets. Nevertheless at this very moment Maatsuycker, who had
succeeded Thyssen at Galle, was writing to his Principals in Batavia that the
only means of dealing with the King was to employ force. The policy of double
dealing ac opted by the Hollanders, indeed, made a final settlement impossible,
and the King bluntly accused them of “tergiversations, subterfuges, and
courtesies.” He was enraged at the chicanery of the casta Hollandeza, as he
contemptuously called them, and he coldly asked for a detailed statement of the
erodes tn/ hai incjrrei in his service, pointing out that this hid never be^.i
submitted to him in spite of his repeated demands. At length, however, after
much angry correspondence, the quarrel was patched up.
The ensuing period of
peace was a great relief to the Sinhalese, who were utterly weary of devastation
and slaughter. The people settled down once more to cultivate their fields and
to rebuild the villages which had been destroyed, while the King spent most ot
his time in Badulla and Bintenna, away from the harassing cares of Government.
He did not realise that the Hollanders had already decU ded that none of the
territory which yielded cinnamon* and which was now in their power, was to be
res, tored to him, and with a light heart he turned to those diversions which
had always attracted him. His fjili353 fj: arm'.; wn well-known, and strange
beasts were among the most welcome presents which could te sent for his
acceptance. A rhinoceros or &n ibex was received with as much pleasure as
an Arab steed. He had the reputation of being a good rider, and his skill in
the hunting field is still celebrated in song. He was very particular about his
kennel, and once wrote to inform the Hollanders that the mastiffs which they
had sent him were fit neither to guard the palace gates nor to frighten people
away, while their bearing and appearance were not pleasing: He liked
hawking, and wrote with regret to inform the Hollanders of a hawk which he “had
brought up with great love and tenderness, and taking him with me one day to
the chase, I gave him wing, and he disappeared for ever.” He appreciated the
Bird of Paradise plumes which were sent to him, and showed his appreciation by
wearing them. Like his father, he preferred European to the native Sinhalese
music, and a fifer who had been captured at Pannara was received into high
favour because he played “scftly and with sweetness.” When this man died the
Hollanders sent him another, but he found “his manner of playing the
instrument a little harsh.”
He had a strong
objection to the custom of intermarriage, and learning that a Sinhalese woman
at Galle had married
a Hollander, he wrote to express his great annoyance. He admitted that such
marri. ages had once prevailed while the Sinhalese had no native King to look
after them, when the Portuguese baptised, fed and clothed them, and that ‘ some
women, casting honour and shame on one side, inter* married with them,” but he
was determined not to tolerate the evil usage now that they had a King of their
own.
On one occasion the
Hollanders wrote to expostulate with him because he allowed himself to be
addressed as “God,” a custom which has obtained among peoples so diverse as the
Romans and the Japanese. In reply he argued that the very God who created
Kingdoms and Kings had shown his approval of the custom by punishing his two
brothers, who had acted under the influence of jealousy because similar honours
were not paid to them.
The years of peace
gave the Portuguese an opportunity to place the administration of the country
in some state of order, tut gool administration was the last thought that
entered their minds. They had found in Ceylon a conter.ted rece and a fairly
prosperous country, with a system of governmer t regulated by clearly deSned
and universal y accepted custom. It is melancholy to reflect that the
intervention of the most enterprising race in Europe had succeeded in producing
nothing but chaos. Out of the long list of high-born Fidaigos whom Portugal
sent to Ceylon, it is difficult to point to one name as that of an enlightened
statesman or high-principled administrator. Except fcr the seeds of
Christianity which were sown amcng the population of the Coast, and their
language—which has, curiously enough, survived among the descendant? of those
who took their place—the Era of the Portuguese has passed away like a
nightmare. No stately fabric remains as compensating gain for that religious
fanaticism, to which ur.pie witness is borne
by the desecrated
ruins of those lovely structures which the piety of generations had strewn
broadcast over the face of the country. No great monument exists to perpetuate
their name, which is chiefly familiar to the peasant as that of the foulest
disease which desolates the fever-haunted villages of the dry regions.1
No principle of legislation which is in operation to-day derives its origin
from the epoch of their rule. A failure so complete and so pitiful, where the
possibilities of success had been so great and the original prospects so
bright, can hardly be matched in the History of the Nations.
Except in the case of
the priests, ro Portuguese who came to Ceylon, whether as official or soldier
or in the pursuit of trade, gave any ccrsiceraticn to the fact that he had a
duty to perform towarc’s the country. Whether he intended to settle dcvn in the
Island or not, he regarded it only as a rr.ecr.s for the rapid acquisition of
wealth. The pcv.er of the Generals was well nigh absolute and was subjected to
the gravest abuse. Capital punishment was inflicted on the slightest pretext,
often with little or no justification, and was usually accompained with
circumstances of revolting cruelty. In spite of the positive injunction of the
King to the contrary, Christians were frequently sold into slavery by way of
punishment. The hundreds of villages which under the Sinhalese Kings had been
utilised fcr the remuneration of public servants and as the reward of good
service were, under the Portuguese regime, distributed not with an eye to the
benefit of the State, but to satisfy those who had by any means established a
claim on the General. Even preferment which had received the Royal sanction was
ignored where it did not suit the King’s representative in the Island.
The Public Service
was a mass of corrup* lion. The trickery which was practised in the
sale of elephants was
notorious; and cinnamon and precious stones proved no less fatal to the
integrity of the Generals, whose trade speculations extended from arecanut to
butter. The services of the Royal tenants and the supplies from the Royal
villages which would have been invaluable for arming the forts, where the
gun-carriages lay rotting, were diverted for the purpose of building the
General’s trading \essels; and not infrequently fictitious lists of soldiers
were prepared with a view to the embezzlement of the pay drawn upon them.
Needless to say the
lesser officials followed the example set by the General. With the Portuguese
Disawas who had displaced the great Sinhalese of the type of Samarakcn and
Navaratna, war was only a pretext for filling their own pockets at the expense
of the King, and they carried on a brisk trade with the enen y even during the
continuance of hostilities, levying contributions of areca-nuts from all and
sundry. Ihe Vedors, indeed, were sometimes honest men, but that was not often.
The great villages which they controlled kept their households in luxury, even
while the patients in the Hospital, for which they were responsible, were
starving. The Factors again entered all manner of fantastic items of
expenditure in the Accounts, and helped themselves to what they wished at the
King’s Stores at their own price. The Ouvidors or Judges were rarely men of
competent education, and justice was freely bought and sold. The circuits of
the Maralleiros2 were triumphant progresses during which their many
hangers-on lived on the villager and extorted what mcney they could, while the
Maralleiros themselves, by means of inquiries of an oppressively inquisitorial
nature, took every opportunity that offered of penalising a poverty-stricken
people, whose property consisted of little more than their instruments of
tillage. Even in the General’s Court, the work
of which was
controlled by his Secretaries, nothing could be transacted without the
assistance of a bribe=
In the military
sphere things were no better. The Captains, who were expected to supply the
soldiers with food, robbed them of their rice, as well as of a proportion of
their pay v hich they received at long and irregular intervals. The soldiers
naturally developed into brigands, and plundered the country-side till entire
villages were abandoned by their inhabitants. More than once, as has been seen,
the army in desperation was forced into mutiny. The forts had no prorer
garrisons r.cr adequate suDDlies of munitions, their stores were depleted, and
their ramparts were in ruins; and all the while the ports were being carefully
watched to prevent complaints ficm rrachirg Goa.
The villages held by
the religious Orders were a source of much heartburning. Those which had been
granted by DharTmih’s Smnas to the Franciscans were resumed by the Crown, till
it was found that the cost of supporting the Order from the Treasury was
excessive, and the villages were restored to it. to he taken hack and again
restored, according to the exigencies of the Revenue. In the same manner the
Jesuits were deprived of the Kalp’tiya Peninsula, which they had successfully exDloited.
The Government could not even snare a village for the maintenance of perpetual
Masses for the repose of the soul of Dharmapala, and for the up-keep of the
Chapel in which he was buried. There is unhannily no reason to ^cubt that the
Orders had sufhred from the same degeneration as had manifested itself at Goa.
They were chsrged with oppressing the villagers, with imprisoning, fining and
flogging them, and with refusing to bury their dead without previous payment.
Their defence was that what they did was, as a rule, done in the interests of
relighus discipline, and that such charges
as they levied had
been duly authorised. At any rate, they argued triumphantly, none could accuse
them of the dishonesty, robbery and oppression which characterised the actions
of the officials as a class. That the quarrels between the Civil and Religious
authorities had a very bad effect on the work of conversion the Portuguese in
Ceylon, who had grown indifferent lo CLi.ich rrxlteis, cid not greatly care.
“Treat the natives
with justice and kindness” the King had written to his Viceroy on ths 12th of
January 1607, “for the work of conquest will progress more by such means than
by force of arms.” The spirit in which his Officers in the East carried out
their master’s orders has been seen.
“At the death of the
King, the Lord Dom Joao Dharmona Pala Asthana, Emperor of Cota, when the Lord
Dom Jeronimo de Azavedo succeeded to the Government of the Empire in the name
of His Majesty, at the Cortes which was held at Malwana to settle on the laws
under which we natives were to live, promise was made to us to maintain our own
laws, under which we had elected to live, because they were humane and kindly.
It was with the aid of these laws that our Kings had ruled us and fostered our
well-being for the 2200 years and more during which our native Princes bore
rule over this our Island.” Such are the opening words of the first paragraph
of a petition presented in 1636 to Diogo de Melo by the Sinhalese. The promise
therein referred to was the condition upon which the Sinhalese had accepted the
King of Spain and Portugal as the King of Ceylon, but the terms of that promise
had not been better observed in Ceylon by the Portuguese officials, than those
cn which Portugal recognised the King of Spain as being her King by Philip III
and Philip IV.
Ths laws of the
S’nhilese were customary laws baseJ upcn certain broad principles of Equity.
They were the growth
of many centuries and obtained their sanction from the acquiescence of the
people* A Code of law, as the term has been understood at Byzantium, was
unknown amongst them, and everything was handed down by word of mouth among
those whose duty it was to administer Justice. The decisions of these last were
subject to a final appeal to the King, though the Law was always recognised as
being above the King, and cases had been known where the King himself had been
fined by his own Courts. It was probably owing to their utter indifference to
everything connected with the welfare of the people, that the Portuguese, when
they became responsible for the administration of this law, failed to take any
steps to have it committed to writing. So long indeed as the Mohottiars who had
belonged to the Courts at Jayawardhana Pura and Sitawaka were alive to assist
them with their knowledge, and so long as great Sinhalese noblemen presided
over the Tribunals, the rights of the people were not endangered ; but when a
foreigner possessing few qualifications apart from an entire ignorance and an
unlimited avarice stepped into the place of the native Judge, and was allowed
to exercise as much authority as he chose to arrogate to himself, the
consequences which followed can well be imagined.
The key-stone of the
fabric of Sinhalese social life was caste, a word which has acquired for the
European mind a somewhat evil connotation. It is probably not to exaggerate to
assert that at this period, the middle of the seventeenth century, there could
not have been found one Sinhalese who did not consider the system of caste an essential
factor in a well-organised State. It must be firmly realised that the Sinhalese
were not a commercial race, that they were without a foreign policy, and that
they were utterly indifferent to everything outside their own country. It must
also be borne in mind that the Monarchy which prevailed in Ceylon was the only
form of government of
which the Sinhalese could conceive, and that sufficient land was available to
support everyone, according to the prevailing standard of living, in comfort.
The object on which each set his heart was contentment, and that the system as
it obtained in Ceylon succeeded to a great extent in bringing about.
The disabilities
created by caste were mainly social; and social distinctions under various
names have existed among all peoples and at all times, and are of minor
importance in the life of a nation. The real question is whether the system prevented
the utilisation of the best intellects of the country to the fullest advantage
; and though caste did not interfere with the recognition of the merits of the
soldier, and the skilled doctor and the artist would be sure of their reward,
that question can only be answered in one way. Thanks to the spread of European
education this is being realised more and more every day, and in another two
hundred years will probably be admitted by all Sinhalese.
The Portuguese
ignored the distinctions which were cherished among the people of the country,
not because they were opposed to caste as such, but because these distinctions
stood in the way of the satisfaction of their own greed. The allotment of
villages among them had placed them in a position of control over large numbers
of dependants, whose services were strictly regulated by custom according to
their social position ; and they proceeded to enforce their authority with a
reckless disregard of all existing prejudices, and in a manner which was
characterised by gross oppression and tyranny.
The high-born man
could take his share in any agricultural work, but he might not carry a burden.
That task was confined to the lowest castes, and therefore, though the use of
the palanquin had always
been a 'privilege
which had been guarded with the utmost jealousy,3 the labour of
bearing it has at the same time been regarded as one of the most degrading
occupations to which a human being could be subjected. Now, however, every
Portuguese claimed the right to keep his palanquin, and followed this up by
compelling men of all ranks to act as bearers. The humiliation which this
inflicted on the high* bom man was intense; and the humiliation was aggravated
when the low-born agents of the Portuguese began to claim the same privilege.
Cases were not unknown where unfortunate persons submitted to death rather than
incur such disgrace.
In like manner all
castes without distinction were forced to labour at erecting the houses which
formed a prominent feature of Portuguese social ambition—houses which, not
unnaturally, were frequently marked out for destruction in the course of
rebellions. This work again was the duty of special castes, who were at the
same time entitled to their food, though the Portuguese never thought of
fulfilling this their share of the contract. As landlords they were entitled
to cooked provisions from their tenants when they visited their villages, and
they took advantage of this to reside in them for long periods at a time,
together with their families and their numerous dependants. At their departure
the tenants would find their stores depleted and them* selves reduced to the brink
of starvation. The position was even worse when some low-born Vidane or
Superintendent was permanently stationed in the village to look after the
lord’s interests.
When the rice crops
on the lord’s fields were reaped and were ready for partition between him, the
tenant who had cultivated them, and the various parties who according to custom
were entitled to a share, the landlord’s agent would come and quarter himself
on the cultivator for several days, during
which time the
unfortunate man was obliged to keep him sumptuously supplied with food. The
landlord’s share was then separated, a specially large measure being used for
the purpose, though where rice was sold on the landlord’s account a measure of
smaller capacity was employed. The tenant’s fruit trees, which supplied him
with so large a portion of his sustenance, were recklessly cut down whenever
his Portuguese land-lord required timber; and the produce of his garden and of
his fold was taken by the landlord at the latter's own valuation for the purposes
of his trade.
During the arecanut
boom in particular every tenant was compelled to obtain the nut for the
landlord’s benefit, and where sufficient was not available from his own holding
he had to secure it as best he could, being often compelled to travel several
days’ journey for the purpose. Even when he had collected a sufficient
quantity, he was still obliged to convey it himself wherever it was required to
be conveyed, to receive in the end for all his trouble about one-fourth of the
market value. It was indeed a common occurrence for men to pawn their own
persons or sell their children to enable them to obtain the necessary amount,
and a case has been recorded where a Portuguese had one of his tenants
crucified on the ground for failing to supply the quantity which had been
demanded of him. In addition to the landlord’s exactions, the agent also
frequently insisted on a further twenty per cent as his own private perquisite.
The Chaliya caste,
that of the cinnamon peelers, was exposed to special oppression, so much so
that entire villages fled to within the Sinhalese territory. So strictly were
they kept to their work that they found little time to attend to the
cultivation of their own lands, and were in consequence soon reduced to a
condition bordering upon beggary.
The hold of the
Portuguese over their posses^ sions, such as it was, could never have been maintained
except by the aid of the native troops, for it was on the exertions of the
latter that their armies when in the field depended for their supplies. The
lightness of foot and suppleness of limb of the Lascarins rendered them
invaluable in guerilla warfare, and the King repeatedly urged that everything
possible should be done to keep them contented with Portuguese rule.
Nevertheless they were treated in the same reckless fashion as the other
natives: their villages were taken from them on the slightest pretext; little
provision was made for the maintenance of the families of those who died in
war or from disease; they were kept engaged in all manner of work to which they
were not legitimately liable; and while they were absent in the field, their
women were exposed to the brutal lust of the soldiery.
Under the Sinhalese
customary law corporal punishment by flogging could not be inflicted except by
the special order of the King; but every Portuguese had fancied himself a King
within his own village. The high-handed treatment of the natives of the country
was the more mischievous in effect in that the Sinhalese was intensely
sensitive of his dignity. The manners of a gentleman were natural to him, and
the lowliest spoke with no less correctness of diction than those of gentle
birth. Those peculiarities which differentiate in other lands the spoken
language of the uneducated from that of the educated have never prevailed in
Ceylon. “The ordinary Plowmen and Husbandmen do speak elegantly. In their
speech the people are bold without sheepish shamefacedness, and yet no more
confident than is becoming,” wrote the experienced Robert Knox. Their language
itself teemed with niceties which marked the various social distinctions, and
the manner in which the
Hostilities renewed
261
Portuguese behaved
towards a people accustomed to sedateness of bearing and formal decorum gave
rise to a feeling of humiliation which could ill be borne,
In a word, all that
the Portuguese had achieved was completely to estrange from themselves all
classes of the populace.
Mascarenhas had
shortly after the declaration of peace been appointed Viceroy, and had
accordingly returned to India, leaving behind him in Ceylon a great reputation
not only for wealth, but also for skill in poisoning. He was succeeded as
General by Manuel Mascarenhas Homem, who proved singularly incompetent to
grapple with the critical situation which confronted him. He ignored the
certainty of the speedy recrudescence of hostilities, and omitted to take
advantage of the opportunity afforded by the peace of making adequate
preparations therefor. Thus everything was in a condition of neglect when in
October 1652 two Hollanders arrived to announce that war had again been
declared.
On all sides it was
realised how utterly unprepared the Portuguese were. There were suspicions as
to the loyalty of the General himself, and ugly stories were in circulation to
the effect that he had sold to the enemy provisions which were meant for the
army. The popular discontent came to a head when an attempt was made to
assassinate a leading fidalgo who dared to voice it openly, and the soldiers
rose in mutiny. The General was deposed, three Commissioners were placed in
charge of the administration, and Gaspar de Figueira—the one brilliant apology
for the system of intermarriage, for he was the son of a Sinhalese mother by a
Portuguese husband—was entrusted with the command of the army. His feats alone
relieve the sombre stoiy of the downfall of the Portuguese power in Ceylon.
Under Figueira’s leadership the Hollanders who were guarding the road to
Negombo were forced back and their garrison
of five hundred men
at Anguruwatota, which controlled the passage down the Kalu Ganga, was
captured. The Sinhalese who had advanced to the support of the Hollanders were
repulsed, and their main army was driven out of its fortified camp at Udapola
Kanda.
Stress of weather had
scattered the Hollanders’ vessels which were continually cruising about the
neighbourhood of Colombo, when on the 10th of May 1653 there arrived in the
Island the aged Francisco, de Melo de Castro, once Governor of Jndia, who had
been persuaded to undertake the thankless task of restoring order in Ceylon. In
the course of the following month Adrian van der Meyden took over the control
of the interests in, the Island of the Company. In the meantime the Hollanders’
Lascarins from Galle were ravaging the Coast right up to the neighbourhood of
Colombo, destroying the palm groves, driving away the fishing population, and
preventing the collection of cinnamon. A sharp fight at Tebuwana on the banks
of the Kalu Ganga, however, enabled the Portuguese to reoccupy Kalutara, and to
place an army on the Northern bank of the Bentota river. A strong force of the
Hollanders appeared on the opposite bank, and thus the two armies continued to
confront each other for five months, till the 16th of December 1654, when the
Hollanders by a skilful manoeuvre succeeded in getting across. The Portuguese
promptly withdrew, and forcing their way through two other bodies which had
been sent to cut off their retreat, fell back on Kalutara. Simultaneously Raja
Sinha’s army invaded the Four and Seven Korales, and drove in the Portuguese
outposts, but retired on the appearance of Figueira, who was living in
retirement and was hastily summoned to save the situation.
The following March
the Hollanders once more appeared before Kalutara, At the same time the
King came down the
Galagedera Pass with a strong force, but was repulsed by Figueira after a hotly
contested fight at Kotikapola, whereupon the Hollanders in turn retired. It was
clear that the critical moment in the long-drawn-out struggle for the
possession of Ceylon was near at hand, but not even the gravity of the military
situation availed to prevent Raja Sinha from returning to his Capital to take
part in the celebration of the Esala Perahera, the most important of the
religious festivals observed by the Sinhalese. As the name implies, the main
feature of the festival consisted of the Perahera or processions which were
held during the Sinhalese month of Esala.4
The legend in which
the story of the origin of the festival is enshrined takes us back to the very
dawn of civilisation in the East, to the days when the gods walked among the
children of men. An evil spirit—no doubt some ferocious pirate—is said to have
haunted the waters of the sea and to have levied toll of human lives, seizing
men and women and taking them on board a vessel where it put them to death.
Thereupon the gods met in conclave to discuss what should be done to relieve
the sufferings of the world, and with their approval the God of War took upon
himself the task. Rendering himsely incarnate in human flesh, he descended to
the abodes of men and engaged the evil spirit in single combat on board its own
vessel; after which he cut off the head of his conquered foe, and filling his
golden pitcher with water rose again to heaven and laid the head before the
assembled gods. Then there was gladness within the celestial walls, and the
gods danced for joy, and Sekraya the great god made order that mortals should
thenceforth for ever commemorate yearly this great deliverance. Thus it came
about that year by year, in every Dewale in the Island, the New Moon of Esala
witnessed the beginning of the festival, which lasted for a fortnight.
Naturally enough it
was at the Capital that the celebration was carried out with the greatest
splendour, the four chief Dewales which were situated there combining in the
event. Day after day for four days the mysterious Emblems of the gods were
borne in solemn procession round their temples. On the fifth day the procession
emerged from the temple precincts and paraded through the four principal
streets of the city. On the tenth day it was joined by the Emblems of the
female divinities which were carried in palanquins.
The King himself now
supervised the arrange* ment of the procession, and all the resources of
display at his command were drawn upon to render due hononr to the gods, “who
were regarded by all the people as the fountain of prosperity.'’5.
His finest State elephants with their gleaming coverings of cloth of gold, his
artillery- and his men-at-arms, the great Officers of State with their banners
and trains of attendants, all took their part in the ceremonial, together with
the hundreds of the Dewale retainers, whose duty it was to render honour to the
gods at this high festival. The King himself, surrounded by a brilliant throngs
joined in the procession, while the palanquins of the goddesses were followed
by princesses and by the noblest ladies of the land. On the fifteenth day,
when the Moon was full, the Festival culminated in an outburst of splendour. At
midnight offerings of food were made to the gods at their temples, and then the
procession, with its myriad flambeaux and amid the ceaseless din of the
tom-toms, made its way to the Maha Weli Ganga at Gannoruwa. There the four
priests with their attendants were rowed out into the stieam to await the
rising of the Sun; and as the first rays of light
flashed from the
East, the priests raised aloft their golden swords and cleft the water, at the
same time plunging in the golden pitchers which they held in their left hands.
The water thus taken was then solemnly carried to the temples, whither the
procession, having at length fulfilled the great god’s command, finally
returned.
Despite these
distractions, guerilla warfare continued briskly all along the King’s Western frontier
till on the 15th of August 1655 the new General, Antonio de Sousa Coutinho,
reached Colombo, bringing with him funds to pay the soldiers 6 whose
wages were eighteen months overdue. On the 15th of September the reinforcements
long awaited by the Hollanders, consisting of 3000 Europeans under the command
of Geraard Hulft of Amsterdam, once Secretary of the City and now Director
General of India, were sighted off the Western Coast.
The Fates appeared to
have conspired against the Portuguese. An outbreak of murrain had so reduced
the number of cattle as seriously to impede the cultivation of the rice crops,
and the price of food-stuffs had risen to an unprecedented figure. Military
stores of every kind were lacking. The gun carriages were old and in
dis-repair, and there was no timber available for the construction of new
ones. There were, moreover, no trained artillery men to handle the 150 heavy
pieces on the ramparts. Eight hundred men formed the total European force in
the Island, and of these less than a third were at Colombo, while the Lascarins
who still remained were few in number and of doubtful loyalty.
The Hollanders in the
meantime landed in force to the North of Colombo, but the drenching showers of
the north-east monsoon so disheartened the men, whose limbs were stiff after
their two months’ voyage on crowded vessels, that they were taken back on board
and the fleet sailed southwards. Their main body disembarked at Beru-
34
wala and appeared
before Kalutara on the 29th of September. Another force landed at Panadura so
as to cut the line of communications with Colombo; while yet a third watched
the Kalu Ganga. On the 8th of October Figueira, who had been summoned in haste
from his camp on the Sinhalese frontier, reached Colombo, and the arrival of
four vessels from Goa enabled him to take the field with 600 Portuguese and his
Lascarins. He started for Kalutara on the sixteenth morning, but was met on
the road by the news that the fort had fallen two days previously. Nevertheless
he pushed on and the next day met the Hollanders on the sandy plain which
stretches from Moratuwa to Panadura. The Portuguese charged with an impetuosity
which nothing could resist. The Hollanders, opening their ranks, let them pass
through, then raked them with a terrific fire from their field-pieces. Before
long five hundred and twenty of the Portuguese lay dead on the field, and the
remainder were in headlong fight.
Parangi, a syphilitic disease, probably imported from the
Western Hemisphere.
Ch.
For instance the use
of palanquins in Goa had bee* (kt subject of special Alvaras from the King in
1602 and 1605.
July-August.
Mahawansa.
So pressed were the
authorities at Goa for money, that in 1653 they seized a portion of the Trust
funds held by the Misericordia there, nominally as a loan, in order to pay for
the expedition which was being prepared for the relief of Ceylon.
Figueira reached the
terrified city the same evening with 160 men. The consternation there was
indescribable, and the streets were filled with lamentation and weeping. There
was, however, no time for vain regrets. The gates were immediately closed, and
Figueira with desperate energy set about strengthening the fortifications,
women, children and friars all joining in the common task. Everyone contributed
from his private resources, and Figueira’s great stores were freely devoted to
the need of the hour. The bastion of Sao Joao, commanding as it did the road
from -Mutwal by which the Hollanders would approach the fort and forming the
protection to the draw-bridge across the moat, demanded the first attention. A
stockade connected it with the seashore, and a rampart with the great central
bastion of Sao Estevao where the moat began. From Sao Estevao the rampart continued
in a south westerly direction past the small bastion of Sao Sebastiao to that
of Madre de Deos which overlooked the lake. These two latter guarded the Porta
Rainha or Queen’s Gate, the principal entrance to the city, the only approach
to which from Sao Sebastiao Hill was by a bridge which was broken down. The Rua
Direita or Straight Road ran from this gateway by way of the Assembly Room of
the Camara right up to the Hospital on the bay, where another road, the Rua de
Misericordia,1 led past that institution to the General’s residence.
The chief defence to
the south of fort was the crocodile-infested expanse of the lake. The
powerful bastions of
S. Jeronymo, S. Antonio and S. Jago with their rampart and moat protected it on
the South-west. The last of these three guarded the Mapane Gate, which was
arched above and mounted with guns. A stone breastwork connected S. Jago with
the lofty rock of S. Augustinho over which the flag of Portugal fluttered in
the breeze. From this point the rough coast ot the Galbokka, running northward
and skirting the establishment of the Franciscans, was sufficiently defended
from the sea by a line of palisades and a few guns. The hill on which the
Augustinian Convent stood formed the strongest part of the city, and within the
convent enclosure was the chief powder magazine. The Galbokka ended in the
historic rock of S. Lourenco, which was occupied by a bastion facing westwards
out to the sea, and by a church dedicated to the saint after whom the rock was
named; while on the extreme point of the reef stood the strong bastion of Santa
Cruz, the sixteen guns of which commanded the entire Bay. From the bastion of
Santa Cruz the low shore ran south and east till it reached the Alphandigo or
Customs, where there was a bastion of the same name; east of this again was
situated the Curaca or breastwork of S. Paolo, opposite the important
establishment of the Jesuits, which in its turn was connected with the bastion
of S. Joao. Eighteen companies of about twenty five men each, with the Casados2,
Lascarins and Kaffirs, made up the force available for the defence.
The Hollanders began
their attack by constructing batteries on St. Thomas’ hill so as to threaten
S. Joao, the engineers engaged in the work being subjected to constant
harassment by the Portuguese from sand pits on the shore. A number of these
‘snipers’, as they would now be called, were captured, and as the Hollanders
found their maintenance expensive they were after three or four days taken
into the jungle and
shot in cold blood. Other batteries also were begun in the neighbourhood oi the
monastery of Agoa de Lupo, the site of which is now known as Wolvendahl, and of
that of S. Sebastiao, while Hulft himself took up his residence in one of the
comfortable houses in the hamlet, still called after him Hulftsdorp, where the
Portuguese had been wont to spend the hot weather among their shady coconut
palms in enjoyment of the cool breeze from the sea.
As ill luck would
have it Raja Sinha was for the moment detained in his Capital by one of those
periodical attacks of fever which were the sequel to the arduous life of exposure
which he had led. He sent, however, 1200 of his men to join the Hollanders, and
a letter in his own hand and dated the 25th of October served as further
confirmation of his anxiety that the task which lay so near his heart should at
length be carried through to a conclusion. At the same time, in spite of his
satisfaction at the success of the Hollanders, he was not prepared to abate one
jot of his Royal dignity. Sinhalese etiquette demanded that everything meant
for the King’s use should be wrapped in white linen, and Raja Sinha took
occasion to point out that the last letter which he had received had not been
so covered, and that some of his Royal titles had been omitted—formalities
which, he said, should not be overlooked even in the hurry of war.
Before October was
out the effect of the Hollanders’ bombardment began to be apparent, for the
walls were crumbling under the incessant cannonade, though all night long the
Portuguese toiled to make good the damage caused during the day. They more than
suspected that the first assault would be directed against the low wall
connecting the bastion of S. Sebastiao and that of Madre de
Deos, and they
prepared for this by opening • two portholes low down in the wall, and mounting
in them two pedreiros, which were kept ready loaded with grape. The lake was of
great service to the besieged, for across it was brought the timber required
for the works, as well as the tough bark of the hibiscus tiliaceus which,
growing in abundance by the water’s edge, was invaluable in place of rope and
match-cord.
On the 4th of
November one of Raja Sinha's courtiers, Tennekon Appuhami, appeared in the
Hollanders’ camp. He was a member of a great Low-country family which claimed
descent from one of the Royal houses of the Choromandel Coast, and which had
sought refuge among the mountains. Tennekon himself rose to be the foremost of
Raja Sinha’s Generals, though in his old age he returned once more to the sea
coast and settled down in Matara. He now brought with him a letter of congratulation
from the King, who was still very ill, but who sent to Hulft a gold pendant
studded with precious stones as a token of his esteem.
Hulft now resolved to
attempt an assault. Before doing so he sent a summons to Coutinho “in the name
of His Imperial Majesty Raja Sinha and that of the Most Noble Dutch East India
Company” to surrender. The General replied that he was accountable to his King
for the fort which had been entrusted to him, and that he could not surrender
the place till he had been shown the most cogent reasons for so doing.
Early in the morning
of the 12th of December four of the Hollanders’ vessels sailed across to Santa
Cruz, while simultaneously three detachments of infantry advanced on the
Curaca, S. Joao and the Porta Rainha, while Raja Sinha’s men made a feint of
attacking the Mapane Gate. Of the four vessels the Maid of Enckuysen alone drew
close to the bastion, against which she maintained a terrific bombardment. Her
fire was, however, replied to with an equal vigour and in a short time all her
masts were laid low, and so many holes had been made in her side that she was
abandoned by her crew and sank; whereupon her sister ships, which had been
content to open fire from a distance, sailed away out of range.
In the meantime two
hundred men had crossed the lake in boats and landed on the eastern side, to be
greeted with pans of powder from the windows of the neighbouring houses and
musket shots from every point which afforded cover. They pushed on. however,
till they reached a Lane, where they found themselves hemmed in by two bodies
of Portuguese which appeared at either end. Again and again they tried to break
through, but were cowed by the fire of the bacamartes or blunderbusses, which
picked them off mercilessly. Two more companies of Portuguese now came on the
scene, and opened fire from the neighbouring gardeiis. Further resistance was
hopeless, and the seventy-four who still survived, and who were nearly all
wounded, laid down their arms.
While this was going
on van der Laen, who had returned to Ceylon after being honourably acquitted at
Batavia, had crossed the moat with one of the detachments of infantry, and had
pushed on to the Curaca/ which was in a state of disrepair. Ladders were
hurried up and grenades thrown within the walls ; but as the Hollanders dashed
up to the fortifications, the Portuguese who had been sweeping the shore with
their three guns poured into their ranks a destructive fire from their
matchlocks, so that soon both defenders and assailants were completely hidden
in the smoke, and nothing could be heard save the clash of steel on steel and
the rattle of the musketry. The men at the adjoining station hastened to the
assistance of their countrymen, and among the newcomers was to be seen the
inspiring presence of Figueira, who had been busily employed at Sao Joao. The
little garrison took fresh heart, the Kaffirs with their assegais fighting manfully. The slaughter was
great and numbers of wounded lay on every side. At length, burnt and bleeding,
the Hollanders drew back, leaving the shore strewn with corpses.
The attack on the
Porta Rainha was commanded by Hulft in person. In spite of the fire directed
against them from three bastions his men were advancing on the gate, when, to
their great consternation, the two concealed pedreiros opened fire on them
with grape, mowing down scores. At the same time the garrison poured down
volley after volley from the ramparts on to the confused throng below. The
Hollanders were so taken aback that the sailors refused to move up with the
scaling ladders. Hulft was filled with rage and despair. Hurrying to the front
he seized a ladder and called on the rest to help him ; but none would stir,
and Hulft fell shot through the leg. He was hastily dragged out of the zone of
fire, and without more ado his men turned and fled in confusion, while the
Lascarins and Kaffirs threw themselves from the walls in pursuit and drove the
Hollanders into their camp.
Fortunately for the
Hollanders the Portuguese were too exhausted to follow up their success, or the
siege would have had to be raised. Even as it was the blow was a terrible one
to Hulft, for he had lost eight hundred in dead alone, and there were five
hundred wounded. To aggravate his sense of failure he received the same evening
from the King a letter full of the latter’s confident hope that the Hollander
would soon place Colombo in his hands. Hulft could only return an apologetic
letter informing the King of what had happened. Raja Sinha, indignant that the
Hollanders should have attempted a task of such magnitude without first
consulting the party who would have to pay the cost of it, replied by warning
them sharply not to make another similar attempt till he was near to assist.
For several days therefore, they remained in their own lines, while the
Portuguese were busily engaged in repairing the damage caused by the
bombardment. However, some despatches from Goa which fell into the hands of
the Hollanders revealed the fact that there was no fear of reinforcements
reaching the garrison from that quarter, and once more the work of the siege
was energetically taken in hand.
A great crowd of
non-combatants had, on the approach of the enemy, sought refuge within the
walls, but so scarce were provisions that on the 12th of December a large
number of them had to be turned out of the fort. The Hollanders, however, would
not allow them to pass their lines, and the miserable wretches were compelled
to return. Meanwhile the Hollanders’ batteries had been brought up closer and
were pounding away at the wall to the south of the bastion. On the 10th of
Tanuary 1656 the besiegers attempted to fill in the moat near
S. Joao
and to run a gallery across; but after a fight lasting from ten at night until
dawn, they were compelled to abandon their materials and withdraw. They now
brought to bear a novel species of projectile made of tow and other
combustibles and fitted with a score ,tor more of small tubes, each
carrying two bullets. The explosion of these projectiles a short distance above
the ground led to many deaths, and greatly harassed the Portuguese.
In spite of the
desperate resistance of the garrison, the Hollanders doggedly continued with
their plans against S. Joao. The condition of the moat favoured the attackers
to no small extent; the preceding year had been marked by a prolonged drought
which had dried up the water and enabled the Hllanders at last to fill it up in
the neighbourhood of the bastion.
Having accomplished this they began to mine underneath it and break through the
foundations of the rampart. To meet the new peril the Portuguese began a
countermine. With the increasing need of timber, however, the difficulty of
obtaining a supply had also increased, and at last the precious coconut
trees—the great resource in the prevailing lack of food—had to be sacrificed.
The beams also of the houses destroyed by the Hollander’s guns were carefully
extracted from the ruins and used to protect the magazine.
Death, wounds and
sickness had now greatly reduced the number of men available, and those who had
so far survived were worn out with the incessant toil and the lack of food. The
bastions too were in some cases so badly damaged that a horse could easily make
its way on to the battlements. Meanwhile the peril in which the city stood
caused every Church to be crowded with supplicants. The Host was kept exposed
at the Convent of the Capuchins, and before it women and girls knelt all day
long, imploring the God in whose name their husbands and brothers had for so
many years deluged the country with innocent blood to have pity on them. A
stone image of S. Thomas which had been discovered by the Hollanders was shot
by them in derision from a cannon and fell into the moat, whence the armless
trunk was recovered by the garrison and removed with great reverence to the
Jesuit Church. The image was however successfully claimed by the Franciscans,
who conveyed it in solemn procession to their own Church, while crowds followed
and besought the saint to take the city under his protection.
The ravages of disease
steadily increased, and soon the task of burying the dead grew beyond the
powers of the numerous volunteers, so that on every side decomposing bodies
polluted the atmosphere. Some of the starving inhabitants were successfully
smuggled out of the city and across the lake, but in the first fortnight of
February 620 of them were turned back. The garrison, however, would not allow
them to re-enter the fort, and they were left to die between the walls and the
Hollanders’ camp, their unburied corpses providing a ghastly spectacle by the
water-side. This, however, did not stop the exodus, and Hulft decided to adopt
more effective measures. He accordingly sent a letter to the General warning
the latter that all refugees would in future be severely dealt with. The event
showed that he had made no idle boast. Men, women and children were flogged by
the hundred and sent staggering back, to perish of starvation under the eyes of
their countrymen before the walls of Colombo.
When these measures
in their turn proved unavailing, the Hollanders took to shooting at sight,
like the stray dogs which prowl round the out skirts of a village, all who were
seen between their trenches and the town. Even this did not suffice, and we
must leave it to one of the soldiers who took part in these atrocities to
describe the culminating horror of which the fertile imagination of his
countrymen was capable: “A9 we had no means of driving them away from our camp,
we had to strike still greater terror into them. Therefore when a woman came and
brought small children, we forced her to put her child into a wooden mortar and
to pound it to death with the pounder, and then to go away again with the dead
child.”
The Portuguese,
however, still hoped for the succours from Goa which never came, and no thought
of surrender had entered their minds. Match-cord was exhausted, but the
soldiers tore up the shirts on their backs to take its place, and supplemented
them with the shrouds of the Maid of Enchuysen soaked in vinegar and wine and
daubed with gunpowder. No boat could approach with provisions from India, for
the Hollanders' vessels blocked the entrance to the harbour every night, and
the King’s Disawas had constructed a palisade from the sea to the lake to
prevent the Portuguese from breaking through on the side of the Mapane Gate. S.
Estevao was so battered that it had been almost abandoned, and Madre de Deos
was a heap of rubbish. Near S. Joao a fresh battery had been constructed at a
distance of only ten paces from the moat, while the greater part of the
Portuguese guns had been put out of action. The prevalent desire among the
Portuguese was to stake everything on one last desperate fling, but the
General still had hopes of relief from Goa, and could not be induced to
consent.
On the 21st of March
the mine at which the Hollanders had been working so doggedly came into contact
with the tunnel the Portuguese had driven to meet it. As the latter passage was
much the narrower of the two, the Portuguese were able without exposing
themselves to any extent to inflict great losses with their pistols and
bacamartes on the Hollanders, who came crowding to the defence of their own
work. By way of reply the Hollanders barricaded the passage with stout beams in
which they bored observation holes, while the Portuguese hurriedly buried a
large cask of powder in such a position that it could easily be exploded by a
pistol- shot :in case of need, and broke down their tunnei. leaving only
sufficient space for one man to crawl through. Volunteers for the task of guarding
the spot were now called for from among the retired Captains, and two by two
they took each his turn at keeping the dreary watch, in darkness so dense that
they lost all sense of direction. Throughout the siege the weary vigil
continued, for the Portuguese were determined to blow up the passage if the
enemy should attempt an entrance. So great was the strain that in the end, out
of the forty original volunteers, only three were found to have remained
faithful to the duty.
On the 10th of March
the General had addressed a pitiful letter to Raja Sinha. “The City of
Colombo,” he said, “is an ancient inheritance of the Portuguese, bestowed upon
them by the Kings and Emperors of Ceylon, your predecessors, who always were
ready to honour them with their protection .... it being always the ambition of
great Monarchs to take the less powerful under their protection.” The General
concluded by hoping that the King “will be pleased not to leave us in this
extremity.” Raja Sinha in reply advised Coutinho to surrender, promising that
the inhabitants should be allowed the possession of the lands required for
their sustenance. On the same day the King sent to Hulft, “the most trusty
servant that ever he had in his life,” his Sannas whereby he appointed him
Director General over all his dominions; for, he said, his services could not
be requited by the usual presents of raiments and jewels.
The fever and
dysentery which had prevailed were followed by an epidemic of plague which
raged with terrible fury during March and April. These months form the hot
season of the year, and the sufferings of the inhabitants were aggravated by
the drought, for no rain fell during the whole period of the siege. At first
the corpses were buried piled up in shallow graves, the earth over which soon
swelled out and gaped in the blazing sun; but in a short time their number was
so great that it was no longer possible to bury them, and the bodies lay
rotting in the public streets. A pound of dog’s flesh was a rare luxury;
fourteen out of the fifteen elephants were killed and eaten up to their very
skins; while cannibalism was of common occurrence.
One unhappy mother
who had killed the infant at her breast for focd was blown from the mouth of a
cannon; but even this severity proved of no avail in stopping the practice, and
in April two of the miserable wretches who still continued alive between the
lines were reported to have devoured their newly bom babes.
On the 5th of April
Hulft set out for an interview with the King, who received him in audience at
Rakgaha Watta. On entering the hall in which the interview was to take place
Hulft went down on his knees, but a nod from the King gave him permission to
advance. Moving halfway up the passage he again sank on his knees, whereupon
the King rose up on the dais and commanded him to approach yet nearer. Still
remaining on his knees Hulft delivered a carefully prepared oration to the
following effect.
“Most Potent Monarch,
Your most humble servant approaches Your Imperial Throne with a most warm
affection and with confidence in your generous inclinations and wonted
clemency, the which have encouraged me to address myself to Your Majesty (whose
name is renowned throughout the world,) with a most sincere wish that God
Almighty will be pleased to bless Your Most Illustrious Imperial Majesty and
the Prince.” The King thereupon ordered Hulft to rise; but the latter,
pretending not to understand him, referred to the presents which he had brought
with him ; which, he said, though of little value in themselves, were such as
were usually received with approval by Kings, being the banners of his
conquered foes. Then, pointing to the pendant he had received from the King and
which hung about his neck, he approached the throne, and kneeling on a cushion
kissed Raja Sinha’s hand, declaring that to be allowed to do so was the
greatest honour he was capable of receiving. The King took a collar of gold and
placed it round Hulft’s neck; and drawing off his own ring, the bezel of which
covered the greater portion of three of his fingers, he com: manded
Hulft to put out his hand, requesting him to wear the jewel in remembrance of
the King who had^placed it there, Hulft was overwhelmed at this act of
condescension, but with ready and courtierlike wit put out the broken middle finger
of his left hand, assuring the King that the finger which had been so ill
treated by His Majesty’s enemies was now well recompensed by the honour done to
it.
These compliments
over, Hulft proceeded to business. He recounted all that he had so far accomplished
on the King’s behalf, and after a further private interview was given
permission to depart. He reached Colombo the next day and went the same evening
to inspect some works which had been erected in his absence. While he was thus
engaged the Portuguese made a determined attempt to set fire to the gallery of
the Hollanders. Hulft hurried to the spot and was busily employed in helping to
extinguish the fire, when he was seen suddenly to throw up his arms and to fall
to the ground, exclaiming “Good God, help me.” He was hastily carried away
covered with blood and laid on a bed, where he expired without further word,
for he had been shot through the heart with a musket ball.
Immediate information
of this terrible disaster was sent to Raja Sinha. His grief was no less intense
than that of the Hollanders, and he sent his chief Minister and his Disawas to
view the body before it was removed to Galle for interment. On being led to the
spot where Hulft had fallen they made a profound obeisance, and solemnly taking
up a handful of earth gave instructions that thereafter no man should be
permitted to set foot on that hallowed soil. The whole Court went into
mourning; the silver drapery in the Royal quarters was replaced by black
cloth; and so great was the King’s distress-for he appears to have conceived a
real affection for Hulft, as the only Hollander in whom he could repose
confidence—that for three days he would see no one.
Hulft was succeeded
in his command by Van der Meyden, and the siege continued. In spite of the
misery prevailing in the city the Portuguese, with a gallantry and a courage
which must ever be a subject for marvel, met every attempt of the Hollanders by
some desperate counter-move. The wall between S. Sebastiao and Madre de Deos
had been so battered down, that the cannon balls of the Hollanders swept the
streets freely and the Rua Direita had to barricaded with palm trees. All the
sappers were dead, and to replace them recourse had to be had to the male and
female slaves who were allotted, to enable them to keep body and soul together
a few weeks longer, the pittance of a quarter of a medida of rice each day. Coutinho however, sturdily refused in any
way to alter his previous resolution, “which” he said, “is to take care of and
to defend the city to the utmost of my power in the service of the King my
Master.”
Every day it was
becoming increasingly clear that an assault could no longer be delayed, and
with this Raja Sinha’s eagerness to visit the camp increased proportionately,
to the discomfort of the Hollanders. .Van der Meyden’s hints brought on him a
sharp retort from the King: “You are of opinion that it would be more
convenient for me not to come to the camp till after the taking of the city :
but what business should I have in the camp then unless it were to see that the
conditions were performed ? ” However he finally gave a reluctant consent to an
assault being delivered if necessary in his absence, for he was still suffering
from attacks of fever. On the 6th of May a deserter informed the Hollanders
that the guns had been largely removed to the streets, which had been
barricaded, and that the next morning there would be only a handful of men on
the walls. It was accordingly decided to make an assault without further delay.
A chilling shower
heralded the dawn of the 7th of May. The weary company of soldiers and citizens
who had watched through the night had gone to Church to attend Mass before
returning home for a little rest. Three Portuguese, two of them boys under
fourteen whom the struggle for life had armed with muskets, with a number of
Lascarins, were on the crumbling bastion of S. Joao. The boys and about eight
of the Lascarins lay buried in slumber, as three companies of Hollanders
carrying scaling ladders crept quietly up to the wall. One volley killed all
those on the bastion, and then the alarm-bells rang out. The Hollanders swarmed
up the battered walls with ease, and despite a handful of Portuguese who opened
fire with two guns, pushed steadily on, while the Sinhalese who had come up to
their support poured in a cloud of arrows. The fight was too unequal and the
Portuguese fell back step by step, disputing each yard of ground, into the
barricaded street, where they were joined by a small band of soldiers.
Throwing away their arquebusses after the first volley, the Portuguese charged
sword in hand with reckless courage and forced the Hollanders back three times
to the bastion. The Hollanders, however, were there in overwhelming numbers and
the Portuguese had to desist from the attempt to reoccupy it, though their
opponents who had lost five of their banners dared not venture out again in the
open.
The latter indeed
soon found that the bastion was no safe position for them, for they were
exposed to an annihilating fire from Santa Cruz and from the Curaca. Meanwhile
the Portuguese outside had been joined by the General Coutinho, and so greatly
did his presence encourage them that once again they dashed at the bastion. The
handful of soldiers who were watching this exploit from the Curaca were so
carried away by the audacity a of the attempt, that headed by the aged
Francisco de Melo de Castro, the late General, who was now past eighty years of
age, they poured out into the street shouting “Victory” and urging everyone to
join in the attack. De Castro had to be dragged back forcibly, while once more
the Portuguese, despite their gallant endeavours, were obliged to retire.
Another body now
attacked the woodwork of the stockade behind S. Joao, which was held by
several hundred Hollanders, and succeeded in firing a mine, the explosion
hurling Hollanders and Sinhalese alike to destruction. Then, sword in hand,
they drove the Hollanders within the bastion, and pressed on behind them to the
gate. This they battered down without difficulty and a dozen of them entered.
Inside the bastion the scene was an amazing one. The Hollanders, crowded
together in the limited space, were obliged to be cautious in discharging their
firearms, while the Portuguese were able to lay about them freely with their
swords. Bottles filled with gunpowder were flung into the crowd, till an open
barrel caught fire and burnt the Portuguese so severely that they could no
longer continue the fight. Once again they had to give way, nearly every one of
them being wounded or burnt, and some of them having as many as five bullet
wounds.
It was seven o’clock
at night when the fighting at length stopped. The starved and wounded handful
had kept up the astonishing struggle for nearly twelve hours and one hundred
and twenty of them were either killed, wounded or seriously burnt. If the
darkness, however, was welcome to them, it was no less welcome to the
Hollanders, who had lost so heavily that only 1287 Europeans remained fit for
service. The night was spent by the besiegers in erecting defences of timber
and in turning the guns abandoned by the Portuguese on to the city. By morning
they commanded with their fire the Curaca, where the remnants of the garrison
were now concentrated. Two days later the Council met; they recognised that
the condition of affairs was hopeless, and resolved to make a cautious attempt
to obtain favourable terms from the enemy. The next day the white flag was
hoisted, and three envoys were sent across to the Hollanders’ camp. The
proposals of the Council were returned the next day with the counter-proposals
of the Hollanders, and these latter were in the end agreed to.
In accordance with
them the city was to be surrendered the next morning, the soldiers of the
garrison marching out of the fort with all the honours of war. Special
provision was made with regard to the Clergy, the Generals and the chief
officers; the Casados, together with the minor officers and merchants, were to
be transported to the Choromandel Coast with as much property as their slaves
could carry. Such of the Portuguese as should be willing to acknowledge the
supremacy of the Hollanders were to be well treated and to be allowed to retain
their property. The natives were to be dealt with at the discretion of the
General, though a special condition was inserted that the Mudaliyars, Arachchis
and Lascarins were to be treated with favour. The Hollanders further undertook
the care of the sick and wounded, and it was agreed that any Portuguese vessel
arriving up to the 30th of May should be allowed to sail away unmolested till
out of sight.
The Terms of
Capitulation were signed on the 12th of May, and at mid-day two Hollanders were
sent into the city to receive the keys, and to take an account of the
provisions and arms. At three o’clock the same afternoon the Hollanders
together with Raja Sinha’s troops were drawn up outside the fort to receive the
Portuguese garrison. The gates were flung open, and with colours flying and
drums beating there marched out the men to bring whom to the point of surrender
had cost seven months of arduous toil and so much blood and treasure. First
there staggered forth seventy-three living skeletons, not a few of them moving
painfully with the aid of a crutch or supporting themselves with a stick
grasped in the one hand which was left. Four cannon accompanied them as far as
the gate, but they had not the strength to drag them further. A short distance
behind came about a hundred Casados and other inhabitants of the city, all in
similar plight. It was some time indeed before the Hollanders could believe
that this was the garrison which had forced such favourable terms from them.
The pitiable handful of men passed on to Van der Meyden’s headquarters, where
they surrendered their arms, after which they were conducted to a walled garden
which had been selected for their occupation.
The Hollanders now
entered the fort in triumph. Van der Bleyden and his staff proceeded straight
to the Curaca where the two Portuguese Generals, haggard and wild-eyed with
the sufferings they had so unflinchingly borne, came out to receive them. Sentries
were posted round the city, the Lascarins were disarmed, and the entrances to
the mines placed under guard. Six musty loads of rice were all the provisions
to be found in the stores, and the quantity of gunpowder remaining was but
6500 pounds, together with a little saltpetre and brimstone. In the treasury
there were left onlv 1500 coins. A service of thanksgiving at the Church of S.
Francisco, before the tomb of the hapless Dharmapala, celebrated the transfer
of his ill-used heritage to the Hollanders, and within two days six of their
vessels had set sail with the majority of the Portuguese, whose daughters
however were kept behind as wives for their captors.
The latter
now began to put off all pretence and to show their hand openly. When Raja
Sinha’s troops attempted to enter the fort they were forcibly prevented from so
doing, and only a few officers of high rank were admitted. Raja Sinha himself
had not even been kept fully informed of what was toward. At three o’clock on
the morning of the 11th of May a letter had been despatched to him by his
Disawas at Colombo to inform him of the arrival of Plenipotentiaries, but the
rumour that the terms had been settled was so persistent that he sent an urgent
message demanding an explanation. Van der Meyden replied by sending him a copy
of the Capitulations. ,
For five and twenty
years Raja Sinha had toiled laboriously and incessantly to drive the Portuguese
out of Colombo. “When our Imperial Self summoned you to this our Empire,” he
wrote to the Hollanders, “the principal cause was that you might help us, and
more especially to capture the city of Colombo. Ever since that the most serene
and famous Raju, King of Ceitavaca, laid it several times under siege and could
not take it, for this reason we took into our Imperial heart to capture it.” He
had been passionately set on winning for himself the honour which his deified
namesake had failed to achieve, and now, at what had seemed the moment when his
long-cherished hope was to be realised, he found that he had been over-reached
by the cunning of a trading company. No Attic poet could have conceived a more
poignant tragedy.
He fiercely demanded
why he had not been consulted before the terms were agreed on, and he found a
chilling answer in the tenth Clause of the Capitulations, whereby the
Hollanders undertook to treat the Mudaliyars, whom by the terms of their
agreement with Raja Sinha they were bound to hand over to him as traitors, with
favour. ‘'When our Imperial self heard this,” he wrote in the bitterness of his
soul, “We had no desire to know more respecting the other points, inasmuch as
we did not bring the Hollanders to this our Empire, nor did we labour up till
now, that they should act thus towards us.”
A few days later the
Sinhalese forces with* drew back from Colombo, and intercourse with the
Hollanders totally ceased. The inhabitants of the villages in the neighbourhood
of the city were removed to a distance, and trade with the foreigners was
forbidden. The effect was speedily felt and the Hollanders were brought to the
verge of famine. Disease too broke out, and twenty and thirty died each day.
Many of the Portuguese who still remained in the island, as well as of the
Lascarins who were with the Hollanders, deserted to Raja Sinha. Figueira was
still in Colombo, and the King, who had a chivalrous admiration for a gallant
foeman, sent him a tempting invitation to join his standard ; but the
Hollanders, who had a bitter experience of the prowess of the erstwhile leader,
hurried him over to India.5.
Meanwhile the
Hollanders were rapidly strengthening the defences of the city, abandoning
two- thirds of it, and concentrating the fortifications round the high ground
where the Augustinian Convent wa? situated. During the progress of the work an
angry correspondence was carried on with the King, who replied with impatience
to the evasive letters of the Hollanders. “Write” he said, “these rigmaroles to
whomsoever it may seem well to you to write them, but not to our Imperial
self.” His Disawas now began to appear to the South of Colombo.
There was unrest all
along the coast, and the peeling of cinnamon was seriously hampered. Matters
reached such a stage that before long the Hollanders were glad to send a
submissive letter to Raja Sinha begging for a restoration of the former
amicable relations and offering to restore Negombo to him. Van der Meydenf
urthermore entreated him to let them know what other satisfaction he required
at their hands, declaring that they would gladly render it to him. Raja Sinha’s
only reply was the curt message “Propound me no riddles”, while his troops
attacked the Company’s outposts.
“If you will not
understand,” he wrote to Van der Meyden on the 23rd of October 1656, “God will
find a remedy. You state in your letter that the Governor- General of Batavia
will be displeased. If the Governor. General and the Company are persons who
keep their word they will have reason to be displeased; and if things go on
after this manner, there will follow more and more sorrows.” His frank avowal
that the Portuguese, who were known to be making active preparations to win
back what they had lost, were anxious for his friendship, was a source of
great anxiety to the Hollanders. At length, however, they ventured to come
outside the city and attacked the Sinhalese forces, whereupon Raja Sinha
withdrew to Ruwanella. From there he watched with gloomy rage the last phase of
the struggle between them and the Portuguese.
In January 1657 the Portuguese
fleet sailed out of the harbour of Goa, but was encountered by the Hollanders
and three severe engagements followed. Early in the following year, 1658, a
powerful Dutch armada under the command of Ryckloff Van Goens appeared before
Tuticorin and reduced the Portuguese settlements of the Fishery Coast. A few
weeks later three thousand Europeans with a force of Bandanese and Sinhalese
from Colombo landed in Manar; after a slight resistance the bulk of the
Portuguese, crossing over to the mainland, fled in panic-stricken confusion to
Jaffna, and on the 22nd of February the fort of Manar surrendered. The
Hollanders thereupon crossed to Mantota and began their advance on Jaffna,
being allowed to reach Chundikuli, two miles from the fort of Our Lady of
Miracles, unopposed.
A few stockades now
blocked the road, and served to delay for a few days the further approach of
the invaders, while the terrified inhabitants crowded within the walls of the
fort. On the 20th of March the attack began, the Hollanders breaking up the
tombstones in the cemeteries, and firing the pieces from mortars into the fort.
The Portuguese however held out grimly, though famine was hovering very near;
for the only food that remained was a small quantity of spoilt rice, while the supply
of salt too was nearly exhausted. To intensify the horror of the siege, plague
broke out and wrought havoc among the crowded refugees. Yet though the parapets
and walls, which were of soft coral stone, were visibly crumbling before, the
fire from the batteries, the Hollanders after their experience at Colombo dared
not attempt an assault. Three months passed and the store of powder was
well-nigh spent; the water in the wells, contaminated by the putrefying
corpses, had become a source of infection, and not even enough arrack to dress
a wound could be procured. It was realised that further resistance was
impossible, and on the 22nd of June the fort surrendered. The Hollanders were
not inclined to be merciful in their triumph, «and though the garrison was
allowed the honours of war, all the property of the Portuguese and their
adherents was confiscated.
On the 22nd of June
the garrison, including the brave Figueira, who had once more returned to his
country to draw his sword against the hated Protestant, began to March out of
the citadel. Three days were spent in the evacuation, women and men alike
irrespective of age and rank being stripped and subjected to a minute and
degrading scrutiny, to prevent the concealment of any valuables about their
persons. The place was then methodically sacked and thoroughly cleansed so as
to render it once more habitable; while with characteristic foresight the
Hollanders proceeded to plant the space within the walls with three hundred
coconut trees.
On the 23rd of June 1658
the army assembled within the church of Our Lady of Miracles; and where the
triumphant strains of the Te Deum had so often celebrated the victories of de
Oliveira, there rose the deep guttural voices of the Hollanders, rendering
thanks to Almighty God that at length this blood-stained country was entirely
rid ot the Portuguese.
THE END
This charitable organisation was considered a branch of the Misericordia
at Goa, regarding which see Senhor M at- tin’s exhaustive work. Historia da
Misericordia de Goa.
All Portuguese leaving for the East wire either Casados, man ied men. who
could not be compelled to go to the wars save in very exceptional
circumstances, or Soldados, though the latter term did not imply that they were
engaged as soldiers,
Johan Jacob Saar,
A Portuguese measure equal to about a quart.
Huratala—The Little Pet—the great decoy elephant whose dexterity was
estimated to have yielded the Portuguese 50,000 patacas a year, and who alone
out of a herd of fifteen had escaped uneaten during the siege ,was another
object, of the King’s desire ; but the Hollanders would not part with him and
he lived to see the Standard of Kngland. float where so many Portuguese had
shed their blood,