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| BIBLIOGRAPHICA | ||
THOMAS PLATTER
AND
THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY
BY
PAUL MONROE
AUTHOR’S PREFACE
The Autobiography of
Thomas Platter, written in 1572, but not published until the eighteenth
century, furnishes the best known account of the life of the wandering student
of the later middle ages. There is scarcely a phase of the educational life of
the sixteenth century that is not illumined by the concrete details and
enlivened by the personal touch found in this little narrative. The crude and
simple story, despite its awkward style, possesses a charm of freshness and of
frankness that has made it a tale of delight to children, and may well make it
one of instruction to adults. The translation is a faithful, rendering and aims
to preserve all the simplicity and naivete of the original, even though the
results may at times be crude. No apology is needed for presenting this story
as a type of the great changes in education, in religion, and in the thought
life of the sixteenth century. The earnest life, so naively depicted, furnishes
a splendid example in the concretevof the momentous changes of that time.
More is to be learned
from this humble toiler in the ranks concerning the educational aspirations,
the details of school life, and the work of instruction than from the weighty
treatises of the famous leaders of the times or from ihe work of modern
scholars.
The autobiography is
not wholly unknown in English, but has never been completely translated. As
early as 1839 an incomplete version by “the translator of Lavater’s Maxima ”
was published in London by Wertheim. The translator, however, could not resist
drawing the moral in greater detail than Platter himself had done, and the
frequent religious disquisitions, interpolated for the sake of the modern Sunday-school scholar, destroy some of the frankness and realism of the story of the
old school-master. Published as a story for children, so much of the more
important material from the educational point of view was omitted that the
volume was little more than an abstract. Selections were also published in
Barnard’s American Journal of Education, vol. v, p. 79; while more recently
briefer selections have appeared in Whitcomb’s Source Book of the Renaissance
(Philadelphia, 1900). The present translation is based primarily on the modernized
German edition of J. E. Rudolf Heman. The author is
indebted for assistance in the revision of the manuscript to Prof. Jeannette
Zeppenfeld, of Franklin College, and to Prof. Franklin T. Baker, of Teachers’
College, Columbia University.
The appended
bibliography, composed for the most part of various editions of Platter’s life,
was compiled by Prof. Earl Barnes from the catalogue of the British Museum,
and was intended for a work similar to the present one, contemplated by Prof.
Will S. Monroe. This conjunction of plans did not become known until the final
proofs of the present volume had appeared. In availing himself of the generous
offer of the results of this research, the author desires to express his
indebtedness and his thanks to both of these gentlemen and, at the same time,
to indicate his regret that the issue of this volume has rendered useless some
exacting scholarly work upon their part.
CONTENTS
The
Educational Renaissance:
The
Autobiography of Thomas Platter:
CHAPTER
I.
Birth—Orphanage
II. The
Goatherd
III. The Schoolboy—The Wandering Scholar .
IV. At Last a Student at Schlettstadt and a
Visit Home
V. In Zurich—Study or
Die—Father Myconius .
VI. Zwintfli and the
Reformation Period
VII. The Student,
Teacher and Rope-maker. .
VIII. The First Kpppel War
IX. Marriage—School-master
at Home
X. In Zurich—In Basel
XI. With the Doctor
in Pruntrut—Death of the Children and oi the Doctor .
XII. Zurich War,
October. 1531 .
XIII. To
Basel—Myconius also goes thither
XIV. Professor in the
Pedagogium—Reader—Call to Sitten—Journey through Switzerland .
XV. The Printer and Basel Burgher
XVI. Debt—Hickness—Purchase
of Houses
XVII. Rector of the
School at the Castle, 1541
XVIII. Purchase of an
Estate—Great Credit—Help from God and Man
XIX. Parents’ Sorrow
and Parents' Joy—Son’s Doctorate and Marriage
XX. Pestilence and Gracious Exemption—Retrospect—God Be Praised
SIGNIFICANCE OF
PLATTER’S AUTOBIOGRAPHY
It is with the
greatest difficulty that one obtains concrete information concerning
educational activities in the past, especially any connected and tolerably complete
account of the details of school life. In lieu of such knowledge the student of
the history of education accepts a very general view of educational development
drawn partially from inference or more largely by generalization from the work
or the writings of prominent men. Platter's Autobiography furnishes such
concrete information in regard to two phases of the education of the sixteenth
century: first, the life of the wandering scholar; and, second, the spread of
the humanistic ideas until they dominate the educational activities of the
times. This first phase was quite as characteristic of the fifteenth, and to
some extent of the fourteenth, as of the sixteenth century; while the second
also characterized the seventeenth, and to a large extent the eighteenth
century. Hence this little sketch, which givey the life of an educator just at
the turning- point in educational history between the medieval and the modern,
in which the life of the student is representative of the old, and the life of
the teacher is representative of the new, becomes a revelation in the concrete
of the educational characteristics of several centuries. The account of student
life gives to us not only the clearest picture that we possess of a very novel
phase of school life, that of the wandering student, but at the same time it
also indicates, though incidentally, the character of the typical schools. On
the other hand, Platter exemplifies in his own life not only the conversion to
the new educational ideals and the building up of a new type of schools
embodying this ideal, but also the close connection existing between this
educational reform and the broader religious reform, and, inadvertently, the relation
which it had to the spread of printed literature and to new industrial and
economic ideals of life. No account of theoretical educational discussions,
such as those of Erasmus, or Wimpheling; no practical treatises dealing with
school organization or method, as those of Melancthon, of Sturm, or of Ascham,
can give us such vitalized ideas of these educational activities as the
concrete, naive, and even crude account of the simple-hearted old man who mixes
up the account of his visit from the greatest scholar of the century, if not of
all modern times, with the account of his hard task-master who fed ham on sour
beer and spoiled cheese, and who interweaves the account of his founding of a
new humanistic school with his acquisition of a new stable lot, just because
such motives and such activities are found in juxtaposition in his life. Much
of its educational significance, however, is found rather by implication in
the narrative, and needs some further amplification by way of introduction.
EXISTING TYPES OF
SCHOOLS
Platter, in his
narrative, refers to cathedral schools, parish schools, burgher or city
schools, by inference to monastic schools, and to the universities. In addition
to these, which had existed as types for several centuries, and which were
quite numerous, he describes in the school which he himself establishes, or at
least reforms and conducts, the institution which resulted from the grafting of
the new renaissance spirit on the old burgher-school stem. This new school is
the classical gvrnna^iura, which remains the typical German school to this day.
As Platter refers to these existing schools merely incidentally and gives
details concerning the new gymnasia only, it may be helpful to notice these
other institutions somewhat more in detail in order to get from his narrative
the significance of the educational reform of the sixteenth century.
Monastic Schools.—It
is worthy of note that the monastic schools, which were the dominant schools of
Europe forso many centuries, and
were still a prominent type during the sixteenth, have no direct mention in
Platter’s narrative. It would seem from his account that they had ceased to
have any great importance or to offer any great attractions to the wandering
students of the times. This may he due not less to the stricter supervision
exercised hy the monastic orders over their students, anil the ease with which
a student could now have his material wants supplied outside the monasteries
through the tolerance of begging, than to any superiority in character or
quantity of instruction.
Monastic education as
well as monastic life first received a general organization under the rules of
St. Benedict, formulated in 529. Comparatively slight attention was given to
any intellectual training, hat enough was required to make the Benedictines the
guardians of education for many centuries. The rules provide for the reading
and study of the scriptures at certain hours of the day and the writing and
copying of manuscripts. The latter was introduced as a form of manual laboui-
more suitable to some than other forms of labour would be and also more
suitable for all in times of inclement weather. Some training, chiefly of a
religious character, was prescribed for the prospective members of the order,
ard this training, together w:th the provisions for reading and writing,
constituted the scope of the educational activities of the Benedictines.
Within a century
after the formulation of the rules, the rule respecting study was made more
definite by requiring the monks to continue such study until fifty years of
age; and the one respecting admission Into the order was modified so as to
require a novitiate of at least two years, and to permit no candidates to he
received into full membership under eighteen years of age. During both the
earlier and the later centuries, boys were received into training even as young
as six or eight years of age, and consequently a long schooling, some of which
was intellectual, was required. By the ninth century, partially through the
influence which Charlemagne brought to bear on monastic life and on education
in general, the monasteries began to make definite provision for the
rudimentary education of boys, not connected, actually or prospectively, with
the order, and also to make more specific provision for the work in the
monastic building by setting apart an nrmarium or writing-rooin for instruction
distinct from the scriptorium, the more general copving-room and library, and
by providing a school-room itself. Charlemagne’s capitulary of 789 in addition
to this requirement of elementary education (reading and writing) in
connection with every monastery, required that the larger and more wealthy
monasteries should give instruction in more advanced subjects. Tours in
France, Fulda in Germany, St. Gall in Switzerland—famous long before this time,
however—were the chief of these.
At St. Gall, during
the tenth century, instruction wap given in Quintilian, Cicero, Horace,
Terence, Juvenal, Persius, Ovid, and other authors, and, it is said, in the
Greek language as well. With the eleventh century came the multiplication of
monastic orders, many of them based upon the Benedictines’ rules, and all providing
for the education of their novitiates, though not all so broadly as the
Benedictines. Concerning the work of the monastic school we have some detailed
accounts. The school at St. Gall, previously referred to, was a famous one, and
in the writings of Eckehardus of the tenth century, and in the pseudo
autobiography of Walafred Strabo (ostensibly of the early ninth century, but in
reality now thought to be more than a century later) we have specific accounts
of such school-work n this monastery. Strabo gives the following account of hip
schooling, f
“The first thing that I had to do there was to learn by heart Latin
phrases in order to talk in Latin with my comrades. For most of my fellow
students were far advanced ; some in the second, some in the third, and some in
the fourth year of the grammar. Therefore, we were compelled to talk in Latin
except during rest and play hours. The beginners, however, were allowed to use
German with one another as far as it was necessary. After a time
Donatus was given to me and an older boy continually questioned me about it,
until 1 had memorized the eight parts of speech, and the inflections. For the
first two hours the teacher himself showed me how to memorize the words and
moods. In time, however, he called upon my master at the end of the recitation
and asked how I had done my work. The pupil who taught me could only be
satisfied with my work in Donatus, though I had time enough for all kinds of
pranks, and to disturb my fellow students. For I knew that he was not allowed
to strike us, and that he was too fond of me to report me to the teacher. Every
afternoon we were taught to apply the rules we had studied in the morning. The
pupil, or the teacher, repeated sentences in German, which we had to write down
immediately on the wax tablets, in Latin. The vocabulary was generally taken
from Donatus or from our conversations. We were permitted to ask the teacher
that which we did not know. As we wrote by ear, without having seen the word,
the spelling was oftentimes very odd. Each evening some one narrated to us a
chapter from the Bible which we must reproduce the next morning. . . . The
following winter found us busy with the second part of the grammar and with
orthography. 'We had now always to converse in Latin. This often caused much
amusement both to our teachers and to ourselves. Every day a psalm was read,
which vre wrote down on our tablets. Each student corrected the mistakes of his
neighbour, and finally one of the pupils who had studied for four years
corrected our work. He went over it word for word and corrected every mistake.
The next morning we had to learn the whole chapter by heart. ... To complete
our grammatical studies, we were ordered during the winter to instruct the
newly entered students in speaking and writing as we had formerly been
instructed. At the same time the teacher of grammar acquainted us with tropes
and figures of speech ; at first these were pointed out to us in the Holy
Bible; later he asked us to show him similar examples in the poets which we had
read. Those neither desirous nor capable of teaching others busied themselves,
as ordered by the teachers, either with copying the grammar of Priscianus,
Victorianus, or Cassiodorus, or exercising themselves in the construction of
Latin and German sentences. . . . Thus the time approached when those who went
from grammar to rhetoric must be tested by the final examination. Hence,
toward the end of the summer we reviewed the three divisions of grammar, that
is, etymology, orthography, and prosody, with the use of tropes and figures.
We commenced our study of rhetoric, using Cassiodorus' text-book, one well
known to most of us, since during the grammar years his writings had been given
us to read, etc.” Then follows a detailed account of the study of Cicero,
Quintilian, etc., referred to above. This, however, must be considered
exceptional. Walafred gives the number of students in this school at this time
as one hundred in the “ inner school,” destined for the order, and four hundred
in the school for externs.
With the thirteenth
century came the friars and the universities, both indicating an increasing
interest in intellectual and educational affairs, and both 'ndicating a decline
in the interest in the older types of mo- nasticism, in their influence, and in
the character of their educational efforts. The intellectual life of the times
centred largely in the school-men and in the Dominican order of friars, and
fuund its home for the most part in the universities. From this time on education
tends to become secular: at first by falling more and more into the hands of
the secular clergy. During the two following centuries the monastic schools
lost much of their prestige; and the old cathedral schools, with new life and
influence, the newer guild and city schools, the schools established in
connection with many collegiate and parish churches and the schools of independent
foundations, such as Winchester and Eton in England, now tend to take the place
once wholly occupied by the monastic schools. True, the monastic schools yet
exist in great numbers, and the teachers of the new schools, most of whom were
clerics, included many of the regular orders, but the educational work of these
institutions belonged rather to the past. This Is evidenced by the fact that in
1538, when Platter had become a teacher, a committee of cardinals recommended
to Pope Paul IV that these orders be suppressed.
The one of these
orders that was abreast of the times m educational matters was The Brethren of
the Common Life, organized by Gerard Groot, at Deventer, Holland, n 1376.
Platter speaks of visiting a famous school, dominated by the spirit, though not
officially controlled by this order, that at Schlettstadt; and here he first
bec ame inoculated with the spirit which wrought such a change in his life and
directed him into his future work.
Cathedral
Schools.—Among the other schools which Platter visited were those connected
with the cathedrals at Breslau, Zurich, Strassburg, Basel, and these for the
most part were the best of the schools with which he came in contact. This is
indicative of the character of these schools; for the best work during the
later middle ages, at least, was done in cathedral or canonical schools rather
than in the monastic or cloistral schools. The cathedral schools were older
than the monastic schools and were in closer contact with the people, though
designed primarily for the training of the clergy. From the earliest time each
bishop must provide a school for the training of his clergy; so that such
schools became a part of the episcopal organizations and were ordinarily
provided for either in the work of some definite officer of the establishment
or by some special foundation. During the later middle ages this was ordinarily
dune by chantry foundations, that is, by bequests for the support of priests
whose chief function was that of saying masses for purposes designated by the
founder; and as they were ordinarily relieved from most of the routine duties
of the secular priesthood, they could he assigned to the work of teaching.
This, though a frequent duty, was only one of the many special duties to which
the chantry priests might be assigned.
Dating from the earliest
period of the history of the Christian Church, the cathedral schools were of
great importance during the earlier centuries, but lost much of their influence
during the period of the migrations and of the dominance of the monastic
orders. A general revival dates from Gregory VII of the twelfth century, who
gave special injunctions to the bishops to strengthen these schools. On account
of their greater freedom, they offered a better soil for the growing interest
in learning, especially in its secular aspects. It is true, however, that in
many regions, even during the centuries following this time, the monastic
orders controlled the cathedral schools and furnished the teachers therein.
Ordinarily, however, the teachers were drawn from the secular clergy, and their
students were designed for the same service. While these chantry and special
foundations were designed especially for priests as teachers, many also were
for the support of students who were in almost every case prospective priests.
The instruction, however, was often open to the laity, and in the later middle
ages, when the clergy did not absorb all learning, numerous lay scholars did
attend. Platter’s account of Breslau indicates how generous a provision was
made for such students. This is especially true of the wandering students when
they come to form a distinct class, and when the secular foundations give to
them many of the privileges that were furnished so lavishly by the monastic
foundations for the regulars.
One aspect of the
work of these schools did not vary from that found in connection with most
churches, even in the smaller parishes: that was the training of the
choristers, which necessitated some knowledge of the Latin, at least to the
degree of memorizing the church services. This work, assigned to some priest,
probably on a chantry foundation as well, was called the singing-school. But
the more advanced work was that of the grammar-school, which included, until
the founding of the universities, the most advanced study of the times. During
the later mediaeval centuries these schools were far more friendly to the new
spirit and the new learning than were the monastic schools, and were more
closely in touch with the economic and political aspirations of the cities,
and hence were more tolerant and more progressive in their work. Consequently,
when among the Germanic peoples the renaissance and the reformation movement
fused, these schools were often important sources of influence.
This is well
illustrated in Platter’s account of the cathedral school of Zurich under
Myconius.
Parish Schools.—Recent
investigations have, compelled the abandonment of the view so commonly held
among protestant peoples that there were few school privileges previous to the
reformation. It now seems that the number of schools and the opportunity for
schooling were considerably greater for one century, probably two, before the,
beginning of the reformation than for the same length of time afterward. This
is altogether aside from the question concerning the character of that
education and the number of people it reached. Previous to the reformation it
is probable that almost every parish had a school either in connection with the
church or supported by the guild or burgher organizations. For the most part
these schools in connection with the parish churches were of the most
elementary character. The parish priest found it necessary to train the boys
for the choral services and responses of the church, and gave in connection
with this some elementary religious and secular instruction. Such training
included not only those boys who were destined for the priesthood, but
necessarily many others as well. Connected with this would often be the rudimentary
religious instruction to all the boys of the parish. However, the “
singing-school ” was something more than the rudimentary Sunday-school. One
such school is the first which Platter attends, at Gasen, before he begins his
peregrinations. Here the training in singing, the training connected with the
celebration of the mass, the begging and collecting of eggs from the villagers,
together with beatings so severe lhat the neighbours had to interfere to save
him from the cruelty of the priest, comprised his education; and this was
probably fairly representative of the work of such schools. Beyond this,
instruction does not penetrate into the rural and smaller town parishes.
In the larger
parishes of the cities, such as Halle, Dresden, Breslau, Tim, Munich,
Nuremberg, Naumburg, etc., Platter found quite different schools. Supported
ordinarily by chantry or special foundations, cared for often by collegiate
organizations little less powerful and wealthy than the cathedral chapter, such
schools as these differed very little from those controlled directly by the
bishop. Ordinarily they were grammar- schools, doing the same kind of work and
in the same manner as the most advanced schools, however controlled. These,
through their greater number, were probably the most important type of all.
Collegiate schools, chantry schools, parish schools, even some of the guild and
burgher schools would thus be included in this group of parish schools. For
many of them were established in connection with the parish churches by the
town authorities. The scholaeticus, or cathedral authority, who had charge of
educational matters, usually opposed the establishment of these burgher schools
in connection with parish churches, hut from the middle of the fourteenth
century on the tendency was too strong to be checked.
The account which
Platter gives indicates that the work of these parish schools was up to the
average; better in some places, Breslau for example, than that of the cathedral
school. The account which he gives of Breslau is quite remarkable. This city,
divided into seven parishes, supported a school of this higher type in each
parish. They were frequented by these wandering scholars, to the number of
1,000 in all, for whom provision in the way of instruction, rooms, and even
food seems to have been provided gratis. Evidently in this city the church
before the reformation was not neglecting its educational duty. The work of
these schools, as indicated by Platter, does not vary from the usual accounts.
There were long, dreary months on Donatus, until it was learned by heart,
though with little understanding of its contents; further study of some later
texts for purpose of drill in the paradigms; the exposition of some text, such
as Terence, with “ determining ” and “ defining ; and finally some elementary
work in dialectics, with disputations. “ What one reads must first be dictated,
then defined, then construed, and only then could be explained,” is Platter’s
account of the work at Breslau. No wonder “ that the bacchants had to carry
away great miserable books ” when all this was written down.
Guild and Burgher
Schools.—Schools owing their origin to secular initiative, controlled and
supported by secular authorities, and often giving instruction in the
vernacular instead of, or in addition to, that in the Latin, became quite
common in German countries after the middle of the fourteenth century. Of
necessity, these were usually taught by secular priests, and the method and
much of the subject-matter were the fame as that of the ecclesiastically
controlled schools. As previously mentioned, many of these secular schools
sprang up, through the increase in size of the towns, and through the demands
for more practical education; the local authorities established them in
connection with parish churches, either with the consent of the cathedral
chapter or in defiance of it. Another influence contributing to the development
of secular schools was that of the merchants, craft, or “social” guilds. Sometimes
these “ social ” guilds were composed of priests or clerks, and are hardly to
be distinguished from ordinary parish schools. The mediaeval guilds ordinarily
supported in some church a priest or a chapel or an altar; if a priest, his
duties were manifold, including all those connected with the sacraments, and
the great occasions in life, and often in addition the schooling of the
children of the members of the guild. Wot infrequently the priest’s function in
this respect extended beyond the children of the membership. Such mention as
the following taken from the Report of the Commissioner of Edward VI (Toulmin
Smith, Ordnances of English Guilds—in Old English Text Society, p. 205) are
very frequent.
Regarding the Guild
of St. Nicholas, of Worcester, it is stated: “there hath byn tyme owt of mynde,
a ffree scole kept within the said citie, in a grete halle belongvng to the
said Guylde, called Trynite Halle; the scolemaster whereof for the tyme beyng
hath hade yerely, for his stypend, ten pounds; whereof was paid, owt of the
revenues of the said landes, by the Master and Stewards of the said Guylde for
the tyme beyng, vj, li, xii j. s. iii j. d.; And the resydewe of the said
stypend was collected and gathered of the denocioun and benyvolence of the
brothers and systers of the said Guylde. . . . They prowyded and have founde an
honest and lernyed scolemaster, within the said halle, in lyke manner as they
before tyme dyd; that is to say, one John Obyner, bacheler of arts; who hath
there, at this present tyme, a. boue the number of a hundred seders.”
With the coalescing
of the guild organization and the early municipal government these schools,
along with many of the parish schools mentioned above, became the burgher
schools. Such schools were wholly controlled and supported by the secular
authorities, and in the content of the school-work better represented the
economic interests and demands of the citizens. They were often taught by priests,
though lay teachers became more numerous. Clerical inspection and supervision
was yet universal both before and after the reformation.
Yet one other factor
led to the development of these burgher schools, though it is of little direct
interest in this discussion: these were the private schools. With the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries greater freedom of initiative in school matters was
evident, and private schools became numerous. These were usually of most
elementary character, and giving a grade of work inferior to church schools,
though probably much of it was c>f more practical character. Hence the ground
of their support. They frequently escaped all ecclesiastical supervision
through the church authorities, though the scholasticus, or some other
episcopal officer or parish priest, sought to extend his jurisdiction over
them— often not without success. However irregular all this was, it yet
contributed to the development of independent town schools.
These private schools
do not figure in Platter’s account; but the school which Platter established,
and to which he gives the most of his life, the gymnasium, is one of the
earliest of the new type of schools. In time these came to be the highest type
of the German municipal school.
THE WANDERING
SCHOLARS
The wandering life,
often adopted by the students of the later middle ages, to an outgrowth of several phases of earlier mediaeval life,
sueh as the habits of the wandering priests, of the pilgrims both clerical and
lay, of the crusaders, and of the itinerant merchants and craftsmen.
The wandering priest
appears quite early in the history of the Christian Church in the West.
According to Giesebrecht,* as early as the first- quarter of the fifth century
there are found complaints against this class of the clergy. There are also
regulations dating from this period that no bishop should consecrate a priest
that did not have the care of a congregation. Svnesius, bishop of Ptolemais
(from 410 to 431), makes complaint of such priests as prefer the wandering
life to the settled living, calling them bahantiboi> a term practically the
same as that applied in later centuries to the wandering scholars. By the time
of the crusades this class of the clergy, derici vaganUs, was recognised as a
permanent body, though the popes had repeatedly issued injunctions and decrees
to the effect that bishops consecrating priests without parishes should be
personally responsible for the maintenance of such priests. These wandering
priests are familiar through mediaeval tale or modern story of mediaeval life
as chaplains and companions of knight and baron and all classes of the nobility
and gentry. The pilgrimage and, later, the crusades gave a moral approval to
the wandering life as followed temporarily by both clergy and laity, and led to
its wide-spread adoption, especially among the lower orders of the clergy. Not
only among those moved especially by religious motives, but also among all
classes of society, the feeling of unrest grew out of the crusades and became
established as a permanent feature of the life of the late mediaeval centuries.
As a characteristic of the chivalric orders, this trait is familiar to all. It
spread widely also among the commercial and industrial classes. Here again one
phase of media-val life that is sufficiently familiar may be recalled: that of
the wandering salesman as well as that of the travelling merchant. Rut not so
well known is a similar custom among craftsmen for the purpose of improving
their skill and of discovering new methods and new wares. The traditional
visits of the apprentices of South Germany to Nuremberg, tested by the
knowledge of the hidden movable ring—in the Schonne Brunnen— furnishes a
general illustration. But the mere desire for travel and for the relaxation of
rather rigid moral and religious ideals, if not of practices, prompted many to
adopt, for a time at least, a similar mode of life. To this was frequently,
perhaps usually, joined a similar motive, namely, curiosity, or even the love
of knowledge. Undoubtedly this custom as well as this motive were important
factors in building up the early universities in the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries. The migration of students, which yet remains a university tradition
among the Teutonic nations, was then a matter of necessity owing to the
specialization of the early universities. Each was strong in some one line,
even where the four faculties and the school of art? were all represented. The
reputation of individual teachers also did much to encourage this migration,
since the special student in any given department could only by such means
acquire the knowledge desired. Much later, during the renaissance period of the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, these tendencies were perpetuated, and for
the time being accentuated both by the great influence exerted by a few
scholars of reputation, and also by the fact that but few universities were
wholly hospitable towards the new learning.
The traditions of the
wandering scholars were formed during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
During that time also the wandering clergy seem to have become identified with
the wandering scholars. A common meeting-place and centre of attraction was
furnished by the new institutions of learning—the universities. To these the
younger clergy, or those in the minor orders, flocked in great numbers; this
was the same class from which had been drawn for the most part the elerici,
vagantes, who now became the scholares
vagantes. They still claimed all the privileges of the clergy, but
accepted few of their responsibilities. They boasted of their freedom, even of
their license; and entertained a scorn, born of this license, for the vows
assumed by the regular and the secular clergy. On the other hand, they assumed
all the superiority over the laity that was the privilege of the clergy, and
showed frequently a contempt for them that could be accounted for only by a
total lack of any feeling of obligation to them. They became a characteristic
feature of the life of the country as do the students now in the university
towns, and came in for some severe criticism on account of their freer life and
more liberal thought. Giesebrecht * quotes the contemporary Monk Helinaud as
follows: “ The scholars are accustomed to wander throughout the whole world and
visit all the cities; and their many studies bring them understanding; for in
Paris they seek a knowledge of the liberal arts; of the ancient writers at
Orleans; of medicine at Salernum; of the black art at Toledo; and in no place
decent maimers.” This last charaeterizalion seems to have been well deserved,
for it is this trait which finally gave them their class name. As a result of
these well-developed class traits and class feeling, they begin to appear as a
clearly defined body, a sort of corporation.
This tradition of the
wandering scholar was simply one aspect of the universal mediaeval tendency
towards the organization of special interests and special classes. The students
in permanent residence incorporated themselves into the Nations, the
constituent units of the early universities. The very much smaller number who
accepted the wandering custom as a permanent mode of life strengthened the bond
of their fraternal life by giving adherence to a titular Magister or patron
saint, one Oulias or OoUas Episcopus, from whom they were called goliardi or
goliardemes. In all probability Golias and the succeeding masters of the order
were hypothetical personages; but certainly the rule of his customs was more
than shadow, and so also was the brotherhood. The term goliardus, which in this
earlier period is synonymous with wandering student, is to be connected,
according to Wright, with gula, and indicates their gluttonous and intemperate
habits. When it comes to be used in this definite sense the group it includes
is a much narrower one than that of all wandering students, and the term
indicates more particularly that group which had accepted this type of life as
a permanent calling, much after the manner of the minstrels among the laity.
The typical goliards were the more riotous, unthrifty, unambitious students who
were hangers on of the higher clergy or who wandered from palace to palace of
the. ecclesiastical lords. Nevertheless, it is probable that their pleasures
and their vices as well as their songs and literature were those common to all
the wandering students, and that the line between the wandering student and
the locati, or those with permanent abode, was a vague one.
From the middle of
the twelfth to the middle of the thirteenth centuries the goliards produced a
body of literature, chiefly in the form of songs.*
Host of these songs
relate to the pleasures and incidents of the vagabond life. There is very
little of high moral sentiment in them; many of them are quite the reverse.
They do not possess the charm furnished by the heroic element in the poems of
chivalry. A few refer to the more serious aspects of life, and these particularly
to its brevity. Many are satires on the clergy, so that Golias seems to become
a representative through which the vices of the clergy are satirized in a true
Rabelaisian form. As a representative of unrestrained indulgence Golias may at
times serve rather as a foil to attack the clergy than to represent the
wandering student. In this connection Wright calls attention to the
significance of the vernacular translations of several of these satirical
poems of the goliards daring the sixteenth century reformation.
Most of them,
however, are frank presentations of the pleasures of drinking and of gaming.
Many also relate to “ love in many phases and for divers kinds of women.” This
euphemism conceals a frankness present in the poems that would not now be
tolerated. One of the longer poems, popular during the thirteenth century, and
reappearing in vernacular form in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, is the
Apocalypsis Guliae, or ‘‘The Revelation of Golias, the Bishop,” a parody upon
the Apocalypse of St. John. Unto Golias appeared Pythagoras among the golden
candlesticks:
“ Upon his forehead
fair Astrologie did shine—
And Gramer at ode
alonge his teethe am we,
And Retheroick did
springe within his holluwe eyen,
And in his troublinge
lippes did all of Logick Howe,
And in his fingers
eke did Arithmetik lie,
Within his hollow
pulse did Musick finelie place,
And in both his eien
stode pale (xeometrie;
Thus eehe .one of
these Arte& in his own place did staire.”
Thus equipped,
Pythagoras leads his pupil through a world peopled with strange things;
Aristotle fighting against the air, Tullius scanning words, Ptolemy gazing at
the stars and the entire galaxy of ancient lights that appeared dimly to the mediaeval
vision. The seven books with seven seals that are opened unto him contain the
deeds of the bishops and the great churchmen. The four beasts are: the lion
which represents the pope, “ accustomed to devour ”; a calf, like unto the
bishop, “ that
{maws and chews and
thus fills himself with goods of other men”; an eagle, who is the archdeacon,
“that sees afar its prey”; and the fourth, like unto a man, represents the
dean, “ who hides as best he can the guile with which he is tilled.”
The satire of the
former is a typical representative of the bitter attacks upon the sins of the
clergy of all ranks, and incidentally upon the formalism in learning and the
false value attributed to it by the clergy. The archdeacon? are represented as
sparing some time from their concubines and their harlotries in order to
“ Comruande the
deane, if any priest be known,
A datyve ease to
make, by anie gendringe state,
That then the
plaiutyve shall him call and bring full down,
To save his
brethren’s lyves, and keepe them from hell gate.”
While this poem is
indicative of the attitude of these students towards the church, or rather
towards the practices of many of the clergy of this time, the practices of the
students themselves are evidently not much better, save that there is less
pretence and less violence. More indicative of the life of the order than these
long satires are the briefer songs which bespeak the real inward life of its
members. The most important of these is the titular song of the order. This is
a sort of commission to the members of the order that they go forth with their
message of life to all communities,to lure adherents
from among all the various grade of the clergy. Among the classes that made up
the order, the one enumerated that is of special importance for its bearing
upon our general subjects, is that composed of “ masters with their bands of
boys ” who find a place among the monks, parish priest, higher clergy,
scholars, and other recruits.
After indicating that
the other classes in society are their fair prey, the poem relates the joys of
the vagabond life, that possesses all the freedom from cares of personal
possession that a member of the clergy has without the disadvantage of his
corresponding obligations. The entire song as given in modem form by Air.
Symonds is worth presenting as an index of their ideals of life.
ON THE ORDER OF
WANDERING STUDENTS
At the mandate, Go ye
forth,
Through the whole
world hurry!
IMests tramp out
toward south and north,
Monks and hermits skurry,
Levites smooth the
gospel leave,
Bent on ambulation;
Each and all to our
sect cleave,
Which is life’s
salvation.
In this sect of ours
’tis writ:
Prove all things in
season;
Weigh this life and
judge of it By your riper reason;
’Gainst all evil clerks
be you Steadfast in resistance,
Who refuse large
tithe and due Unto your subsistence.
Marquesses,
Bavarians,
Austrian? and h
axons.
Noblemen and chiefs
of clans, Glorious by your actions!
Listen, comrades all,
I pray,
To these new
decretals:
Misers they must meet
decay, Niggardly gold-ljeetles.
We the laws of
charity Found, nor let them crumble;
For into our order we
Take both high and humble;
Rich and poor men we
receive,
In our bosom cherish;
Welcome those the
shaveling? leave At their doors to perish.
We receive the
tonsured monk,
Let him take hip
pittance;
And the parson with
his punk.
If he craves
admittance;
Masters with their
bands of boys. Priests with high dominion;
But the scholar who enjoys Just one coat’s our minion!
This our sect doth
entertain Just men and unjust ones;
Halt, lame, weak of
limb or brain, Strong men and robust ones;
Those who flourish in
their pride, Those whom age makes stupid.
Frigid folk and hot
folk fried In the fires of Cupid.
Tranquil souls and bellicose,
Peacemaker and foeman;
Czech and Hun, and
mixed with those (-rerman, Slav, anil Roman;
Men of middling size
and -weight, Dwarfs and giants mighty;
Men of modest heart
and state,
Vain men, proud and
flighty.
Of the Wanderers’
order I Tell the Legislature—
They whose life is
free and high, Gentle too their nature—
They who rather
scrape a fat Dish in gravy swimming,
Than in sooth to
marvel at Barns with barley brimming.
Now this order, as I
ken,
Is called sect or
section,
Since its sectaries
are men Divers in complexion;
Therefore hie and
haec and hoe Suit it in declension,
Since so multitorm a
flock Here finds comprehension.
This our order hath
decried Matins with a warning:
For that certain
phantom* glide In the early morning,
Whereby pass into man’s
brain Visions of vain folly;
Early risers are
insane,
Racked by melancholy.
This our order doth
proscribe All the year round matins;
When they’ve left
their beds, our tribe In the tap sing latins;
There they call for
wine for all, Roasted fowl and chicken;
Hazard’s threats no
hearts appal, Though his strokes still thicken.
This our order doth
forbid Double clothes with loathing;
He whose nakedness is
hid With one vest hath clothing;
Soon one throws his
cloak aside At the dice-box’ calling;
Next bis girdle is
untied,
While the cards are
falling.
What I've said of
upper clothes To the nether reaches;
Th^y who own a shirt,
let those Think no more of breeches;
If one boasts big
boots to use,
Let him leave his
gaiters;
They who this firm
law refuse Shall be counted traitors.
No one, none shall
wander forth Fasting from the table;
If thou’rt poor, from
south and north Beg as thou are able!
Hath it not been
often seen That one coin brings many,
When a gamester on
the green Stakes his lucky penny?
No one on the road
should walk ’Gainst the wind—’tis madness;
Nor in poverty shall
stalk With a face of sadness;
Let him bear him
bravely then,
Hope sustain his
spirit;
After heavy trials
men Better luck inherit!
While throughout the
world you rove, Thus uphold your banner;
Give these reasons
why you prove
Hearts of men and
manners:
“To reprove the
reprobate,
Probity approving,
Improbate from
approbate To remove, I’m moving.”
Altogether their
songs possess many striking resemblances to the songs of modern college
students, which are not to be taken too seriously as representative of their
lives. The same regard for form and sound rather than sense, of delight in
scholastic quibbling, is found. This, however, can also be best stated in the words
of Symonds, who sums up his study of these poems as follows:
“ A large portion of
these pieces, including a majority of the satires and longer descriptive
poems, are composed in measures borrowed from hymnology, following the diction
of the church, and imitate the double-rhyming rhythms of her sequences. It is
not unnatural, this being the case, that parodies of hymns should be
comparatively common. . . . Those which do not exhibit popular hymn measures
are clearly written for melodies, some of thorn very complicated in structure,
suggesting part songs and madrigals, with curious interlacing of long and short
lines, double and single rhymes, recurrent ritournelles, aud so forth. The
ingenuity with which these poets adapted their language to exigencies of the
tune, taxing the fertility of Latin rhymes, and setting off the long sonorous
words to great advantage, deserves admiring comment. At
their worst these
Latin lyrics, moulded on a tune, degenerate into disjointed verbiage, sound
and adaptation to song prevailing over sense and satisfaction to the mind.”
During the latter
half of the thirteenth century a decided opposition to the goliards grew up
among the clergy, and then decrees were issued by bishops and synods forbidding
priests to ally themselves with the order. So while they were separated from
the laity by the immunities of the clergy, they yet became distinguished from
the clergy. Their character, at least in France, sunk even below that of the
minstrels of the secular nobility, and they fell in dignity until they were
classed with or probably included the multitude of wandering quacks, wizards,
and sharps. While they yet possessed this function of minstrelsy to the clergy,
many of them more commonly frequented the homes of the peasantry, and they led
in the incipient peasant revolts against the clergy. Frequent complaints were
made of their entering churches and singing parodies on the hymns of the
church.*
With the
disappearance of the goliards a new type of wandering scholars became prominent,
the type already partially indicated by the line from the song of the order—“
Masters with their bands of boys.” The founding of the many chantry schools,
and guild or
municipal schools
previously mentioned, was responsible for this custom. Students now of much
greater youth than the university students, or the typical goli- ards of the
preceding centuries, adopted the migratory life. Many of these were students of
the rudiments of grammar and dialectic; and, on the other hand, there were many
among them who were wandering teachers of these rudiments, at the same time
that they pursued higher studies. Drawn both by the love of book-learning and
the desire for that knowledge of the world which come from contact with the
chief cities of Europe, or at least of some one country, and by the easy
living made possible by the many religious foundations and by the toleration
of begging, there came to be a vast army of these wandering students during the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Platter mentions that there were more than a
thousand in Breslau at one time. His statement that there were some hundreds of
bed-chambers or cells in the one school of St. Elizabeth in the same city indicates
how these students were eared for.
The term bacchant* (baccantes) was now definitely applied to these wandering scholars (scholares vagan- tes). Different derivations are given for the word. It is possible that; in its present application various influences contributed to the adoption of the term. The simplest derivation is that from Bacchus, since the general use of the word designates a follower of
the god of wine.
Again, it may be found, in the transition, common in mediaeval times from v to
b, and from g to k or to cc in the form vagantes, and hence may merely indicate
those leading the wandering life. Or, in this particular application of the
sixteenth century, it may have some reference to the method * by which these
roving boys supplied the wants of their master students, since the pilfering
of farm products was generally adopted by the students and tolerated by the
people, and termed by them “ shooting.” However, since the term was used, as
previously noted, in the fifth century, to indicate the wandering priests, the
same meaning is probably the primary one also at the close of the middle ages.
These students not only frequented the town schools, but they often taught in
private families for brief periods, and frequently some took charge of young
boys—not yet in their teens—ostensibly in order to give them the rudiments of
knowledge, really in order that the boys might provide their bacchants with
food from day to day. These boys form, at least in Germany, f an additional
class of wandering scholars quite distinct and quite numerous, called ABC
shooters
* Schmid derives tlie term from Baccanfice,
to shoot: but I find no etymological authority for such a derivation.
+ From Platter’s own
account it appears that the wandering student^ were not numerous in
Switzerland, and that the custom of student-begging was not tolerated there.
Jusserand, in his Eng li.“h Waj faring Life in the Middle Ages, makes no
mention whatever of the wandering students.
(schiitzen). This
term is derived from the two-fold reference to their elementary studies and to
their method of gaining a living, sinee they indulged in the halfauthorized,
or at least tolerated, custom just mentioned. These thefts often took the form
of securing domestic fowls by throwing, and the entire custom was termed “
shooting.” The significance of Platter’s story is that he gives us in greater
detail than is to be found anywhere; else an account of the lives of these
bacchants and shooters. Hence even so trivial a thing as the throwing at the
goose and the subsequent chase become full of meaning in the light it throws
upon the typical life of a student of the fifteenth century, and upon the use
of terms that persist to the present time. For there probably exists some
connection between the sixteenth-cels* tury use of the term and our expression
“ teaching the young idea how to shoot.” The life of the bacchants and shooters
is given in detail by Platter, and is supplemented by Butzbaeh * and other
more fragmentary evidence. How little these students studied is indicated bv
Platter’s confession, after nine years of wandering, that “ had my life
depended on it, I could not have declined a noun of the first declension.” That
he was not alone in this condition is seen from the comparison he makes with
his fellow-students in the school at Schlettstadt; and upon the part of his
bacchants there is little or no
Students thus
attached permanently to given schools were termed locati in distinction to the
vug antes. This
The many changes in
the school system wrought by the reformation and the renaissance put an end to
the life of the wandering scholars, at least of the grade of bacchants and
shooters, in the Teutonic countries. Owing to the great diversity in the
attitudes of the old institutions to the new learning, many students continued
to adopt the wandering life. The term bacchant is soon restricted to the
students entering upon a university course, the beani* or “foxes,” around whom
centres so much that is objectionable in the university life of the times. The
deposition of these students,
THE REVIVAL OF THE
IDEA OF THE LIBERAL EDUCATION
Platter’s experience
furnishes one of the clearest concrete instances of the close connection
between the general movement in humanism and the more definite changes in
educational and religious practices during the sixteenth century. His
educational conversion is little less striking, certainly no less decided and
sharp, than his conversion to the protestant beliefs and practices. Platter
himself says nothing of this broader relationship of his work and little to
show that he appreciated the broader aspects of the humanistic movement. In
fact, he reveals the rather common sixteenth- century belief, the prevailing North
European conception of the humanistic movement, that it concerned two things,
namely, a broader and more intimate knowledge of the classical languages and
literature and a reformation in the Church. Consequently, it may be well to
call attention to the more fundamental aspects of this movement not
clearly indicated in Platter’s narrative.
While the most
striking objective feature of the renaissance was the desire to master the
language of the Greeks and of the Classical Latinists, a devotion to their
literature and a passion for the possession of manuscripts and books, the all
too rare palla'lium of these treasures, yet a far more significant
characteristic lay beneath all these, namely, a desire to rediscover and to re-create
the ideals and practices of life as well as the language of these masters of
the ancient days. Educationally, there was the attempt to re-establisli the
liberal education existent in the writings, if not in reality, in the times of
Plato, of Cicero, and of Quintilian. The ideal of a liberal education finds
many followers and some exemplars, especially among the Latin peoples, though
with the Teutonic peoples and the sixteenth century the broader ideal had
narrowed down to that conception which is found embodied in the latter work of
Platter, who found no more place for the physical and social element in
education, and but little more for the aesthetic, than did that scheme of education
revealed in the account of his early life. The change to him meant little more
than a devotion to the language and some portions of the literature of the
Romans and Greeks, and, when the new literary motive is combined with the
religious, to the Hebrew language and biblical literature as well.
Writing in 1392 on
Liberal Education, Vergerius, one of the early renaissance educators of Italy,
defines the meaning of education in the following terms: “ We call those
studies liberal which are worthy of a free man; those studies by which we
attain and practise virtue and wisdom: that education which calls forth,
trains, and develops those highest gifts of body and of mind which ennoble men
and which are rightly judged to rank next in dignity to virtue only.” * It is
in this spirit that many of the early renaissance educators worked, a spirit,
it must be confessed, that was unexpressed, probably wholly unrecognised by
Platter and by most of his contemporaries. Erasmus, wriiing about that time,
makes the following statement about the purpose and content of studies: “
Knowledge seems to be of two kinds: that of things and that of words. That of
words comes first, that of things is the more important. . . . So, then, having
acquired the ability to speak, if not volubly, certainly with correctness, next
the mind must be directed to a knowledge of things.” Rabelais, a contemporary
of Platter, writes, in the words of a father to his son, in the same spirit: “
There should be enkindled in thee the qualities of the soul, by which alone
shalt thou be judged as the guardian and keeper of the immortality of our name;
and my pleasure in seeing this would be small if that the least
Pope Leo X gives
expression to a similar conception of the meaning of humanism: “We have been
accustomed even from our youth, to think that nothing more excellent or more
useful to mankind has been given by the Creator to mankind, if we except only
the •knowledge and true worship of Himself, than these studies, which not only
lead to the ornament and guidance of human life, but are applicable and useful
to every particular situation; in adversity consolatory; in prosperity pleasing
and honourable; insomuch that without them we should be deprived of all the
grace of life and all the polish of social intercourse:" *
Previous to this
(1475) Pius II had written a treatise, Concerning a Liberal Education^
embodying a conception as broad as that of the Greeks, from whom it was drawn.
Physical training, diet, behaviour, social forms, religion, eloquence,
a?sthetics, besides the ordinary routine of gram mar, rhetoric, literature,
mathematics, and philosophy, are all given place.
But it was not to
this class that Platter belonged. He presents a typical case of the humanistic
educator of the Teutonic countries in that he accepts fully the formal means of
education in which the humanists all agree; that is a thorough mastery of the
forms of the Latin language, the use of a wide selection of the best classics
of that language with some familiarity with the Greek, and possibly the Hebrew
language, all culminating in a dialectic which was a combination of the mediaeval
dialectic with the Roman ideal of oratory. The dialectical and oratorical
ideals fused, as is seen even earlier in the much broader conception of
Yitterino de Feltra,* and later in the work of Sturm, Trotzen- dorf. and others
to be mentioned. But Platter is also typical, in that while he adopts these
educational means he substitutes for the broad conception of a liberal education
one “that gives to a man all the perfection of body, miDd, and soul of which he
is capable,” a much narrower one derived from the dominant humanistic and
religious motive of the north European education of the sixteenth century. This
new education of which Platter is a representative is but little broader in its
purpose than was the mediaeval scholastic education which preceded it, though
much higher in the material which it used and broader in its application to the
masses of the people, and hence more potent in its
The change in the
character of the renaissance movement had been spoken nf as a narrowing
process, since the movement in the early period, and particularly in Italy, was
broader, in the sense that its ideal was one of personal development, of
personal achievement, of broad self-realization, of attainment to the Greek
idea of freedom or of education. It was in that sense, and so as bearing particularly
upon the conception of education from the point of view of the school, that
the contrast is unfavourable to the German humanists of whom Platter was a very
minor representative. But in another and quite as important sense the German
movement was broader even in its educational bearing; that is, classical study,
learning, education, were to be encouraged as a whole and were to be directed
towards a social, that is a religious, reform. It was an aftergrowth that the
humanistic study came to be directed ohiefly to theological formulations;
primarily it was towards reform in religious and soc ial practices. Here again
the evidence which Platter furnishes being merely incidental and personal, is,
though of importance, yet of much less interest than the work of his contemporaries,
so far as it goes.
RENAISSANCE
EDUCATIONAL IDEAS IN GERMANY
The dissemination of
the humanistic ideas of education throughout the German countries—in fact,
throughout northern Europe—occurred during the latter part of the fifteenth
century and the first half of the sixteenth. Their conquest of the German
burgher schools might be said to have occurred within the first quarter of the
sixteenth century. Before that time the leading universities, such as
Heidelberg, Erfurt, and Leipzig, had accepted the new learning and, after Wittenberg
was founded in 1502 as a humanistic institution, were shortly thereafter
reorganized along the same lines. It was under the leadership of such men as
Agricola, Erasmus, and Melancthon that the transition was made, and the
sehool-masters who were the immediate instruments of this change, though men
of minor importance, were pupils of these great leaders.
The Order of Brethren
of the Common Life to which most of these leaders belonged, either as members
or as pupils, has already been mentioned. Among these were Agricola
(1443-1.485), Hegius (1433-1498), Murmil- lius (1479-1517), Reuchlein
(1455-1522). But before all of these in importance stands the work of a pupil
of the school at Deventer, Desdderius Erasmus (1466-1536). To him more than to
any of these was due the introduction of the humanistic spirit iD nortli- Digitzed by Microsoft®
crn Europe—for he was
a cosmopolitan in his life as well as in his writings, living in Holland,
England, France, Germany, and Switzerland. This educational leadership of
Erasmus was exercised in a great variety of ways, though of a most general
kind, for he did not come into immediate contact with the humanistic schools of
the burgher type, and only for brief periods with the universities, of England,
France, Germany, and Italy. His influence, while not exercised directly through
schools, was yet profound; he translated and annotated the Scriptures, some of
the patristic writings, especially Jerome; he edited many of the Latin
classics, such as Cicero, Lucian, Suetonius, Plautus, Seneca, Terence, and
published Latin translations of selected works of Aristotle, Euripides, Lucian,
Plutarch, and Libianus. He translated and wrote grammars of the Greek and
Latin tongues; he made familiar through his Adages the sayings of many of the
ancients with applications to contemporary religious and educational
conditions; he prepared Colloquies or dialogues which came into universal use
in the schools and served not orly as models of Latin style, but, from their
satire on educational, religious, and social abuses, also as tremendous
instruments of reform. Through such works as the Praise of Folly he led in the
work of reform in these abuses. But besides these things, which give Erasmus
the leadership in this educational reform of the sixteenth century, he wrote
directly upon the subject of education. In
his Order of Studies * he gives his ideas as to the authors and texts to bo
studied and the method? to be followed. But he emphasizes also his belief that
things as well as words should be studied, and that this study should go along
with the study of words. In fact, he holds that the knowledge of reality is
more important than the study of words or of literature, and in this puts
himself beyond the narrower tendency of sixteenth-century humanism. He admits
that the study of words must come first, and holds that our chief knowledge of
reality comes from the ancients, but at the same time there should be an independent
study of things if for no other reason at least because such a knowledge
assists in the interpretation of passages from the classical authors, nence
his text-books and writings have a most immediate and practical bearing on
life. True, his position in regard to the reform movement in the Church was
unsatisfactory to both parties, and consequently he has been accused of
cowardice; yet, notwithstanding this, his influence was the most important
force in the general movement in social reform in the sixteenth century, and
especially in the educational aspect of it. Others of his writings that bear
directly upon education are those connected with the controversy with the “
Cice- ronians,” and gave rise to his dialogue bearing that
title. The design of
this dialogue and of the controversial writings preceding it, is to ridicule
the extremely narrow conception of those humanists of the times who considered
the sole aim of education to be the development of the ability to use the
Ciceronian Latin. Not only was the power of written and spoken language to be
determined by the usage of Tully, but no subject was of sufficient interest to
be studied or noticed if not originally found in the Ciceronian writings. No
Latin texts were to be used except those allied in style to Cicero, or such as
would give opportunity for practical conversational use. Erasmus accepted the
Ciceronian conception of the educated man, that is, the orator, but he held the
doctrine enunciated in the work on that subject by the master, that the orator
must first of all be a man, and that education was directed primarily towards
the production of that result.
The humanistic leader whose influence was of the same general nature as that of Erasmus but worked directly upon the schools was Philip Melancthon (14971560). Melancthon exerted a general influence through much the same channels as did Erasmus, though restricted more to the German people. As a university lecturer, throughout most of his long life, he was the greatest direct inspiration of this half-century to humanistic study; as the translator or editor of classical texts, he re-enforced this influence; as the author of
grammars of the Greek
aud Latin languages and of various school-books, he made the approach to these
studies much easier for the youth. Among the textbooks are manuals of logic,
of rhetoric, of physics, and of ethics, llelancthon’s activity in respect to
organization of subjects for schools was little less comprehensive than the
scope of his university lectures, which covered almost every subject. His many
addresses—inaugural, dedicatory, etc.—giving his conception of the humanistic
education, are little more tha™ pleas for the study of philosophy and of the
Greek and Latin classics, and of the Hebrew language, as an approach to the
scriptures. In more direct ways than these, which are general methods of
influence on education exerted by the humanists, Melancthon gave shape to the
German system of education to such an extent that he was given the title, “
Preceptor of Germany.” He drew up the plans of study for a great number of the
gvm- nasia, as the new humanistic schools came to be called by this time, and
was consulted by city magistrates and educators in the shaping of many more. A
second means of direct influence was through his pupils; it was estimated that
by the middle of the sixteenth century there weTe few if any of these schools
in Germany that had not at least one of Melancthon’s pupils as a teacher. Among
them were many of the most noted rectors of these schools, such as Meander,
Trotzendorf, and Camerarius. Finally, in the plan of Digitizsd by Microsoft ®
schools which he drew
up for the Elector of Saxony and which was published :‘.n 1528 a? a part of the
general laws of the duchy, he elaborated the general foundation of the school
system of Germany, since the general ideas of this were later incorporated into
the laws of many of the other German states. The schools as outlined were
strictly humanistic schools, even German being excluded from the earlier plan,
and were organized into three distinct groups or grades. The details of this
plan are given in comparison with the curriculum outlined by Platter for his
school (p. 61).
One other of these
early German university leaders deserves to be mentioned. Jacob Wimpheling, of
whom we hear very little, especially when compared with the two educators
previously mentioned, was from the more limited educational point of view
scarcely of less importance. He shared with Melancthon the title of “
Preceptor of Germany,” on account of his influence on schools; and his writings
on the general character and purpose of education, as well as on the method of
study and the curriculum, are quite as numerous and valuable a? those of
Erasmus.
Wimpheling was born
and died at Schlettstadt, a city of little less importance than Heidelberg and
Tubingen as a renaissance centre in southern Germany, though much of his work
was in connection with the University of Heidelberg, of which he was at one
time rector. He was allied with the older group of human- Digitized by Microsoft®
ists, and held a
somewhat broader view of education than that generally prevalent. He asks: “ Of
what use art' all the hooks iD the world, the most learned writings, the
profoundest researches, if they only minister to the vainglory of their
authors, and do not, or cannot, advance the good of mankind? Such barren, useless,
injurious learning as proceeds from pride and egotism serves to darken
understanding and to foster all evil passions and inclinations. What profits
all our learning if our character he not correspondingly noble, all our
industry without piety, all our knowing without love of our neighbour, all our
wisdom without humility, all our studying if we are not kind and charitable? ”
One of Wimpheling’s pupils was John Sturm, whose ideas of education, much
narrower and more intense than these, are to be given later. Two of
'Wimpheling’s works on education are of especial importance. The first is a
Guide to German Youth,* which gives a contrast of method and content between
the old education and the new humanistic education. The second work, published
in 1500, entitled Adolescentia, or Youth, is a treatise more on the moral and
religious aspect of education, as indicated in the quotation above.
Wimpheling was a
pupil of the school at Sohlett- stadt, and did much through encouragement and
his
* Ramrrihing padagogische
Sohriften, vol. iii, edited by J. Freund gen.
f Freundgen, Sammlung, vol. iii.
own reputation
towards making that school one of the earliest and most advanced humanistic
schools of Germany.
TYPES OF RENAISSANCE
SCHOOLS IN GERMANY
The Schlettstadt
school was at once a type of these schools and one of the most influential. It
was founded by the burghers of the city about the middle of the fifteenth
century, and owes its superiority partly to the progressiveness of the wealthy
little city at that time, but more especially to its close connection with the
Brethren of the Common Life, who educated the earlier rectors. Such school-men
as Dringenberg, Crato, Sapidus, were among the rectors, while more famous
humanists, as Wimpheling, Sturm, Simler, Melanc- thon’s teacher, Beatus
Rhenanus, were among the pupils of these. This school is the first to which
Platter came in all his wanderings that gave him any insight into the meaning
of school-work, or any inspiration to effort and achievement in study. Platter
visited the school in 1517, at which time, with Sapidus as rector, there were
more than nine hundred pupils in the school. With the progress of the
reformation and the growth of the neighbouring school at Strass- burg, the
Schlettstadt school lost its reputation.
Mention has been
previously made of the schools of
the Brethren of the
Common Life as types of monastic schools. But they were rather transitions
between the old monastic education and the new humanistic. And it is to the
leaders and the schools of this order that the introduction into north Europe
of the humanistic idea of education is chiefly due.
When first organized
(1376) the educational activities of this order were confined within very
narrow lines. For though from the first they were active in copying
manuscripts, chiefly as a form of manual labour and as a source of income, yet
they were restricted in their studies to the Bible and the writings of the
Fathers. Soon after the death of Groot, however, their intellectual interests
were much broadened, and they became the leaders in the humanistic movement in
north Europe. They numbered among their early leaders Agricola, Hegius,
Reuehlra; they educated Thomas a Kempis, Erasmus, and the founder of the Jesuit
order. Their chief motive being always the moral and religious one, they aimed
to bring as much as possible of the truth and beauty of the scriptures and of
literature to the common people. Consequently they led in giving instruction in
the vernacular and in the translation of the Bible. Their great educational
influence was exerted, however, through the founding of their schools.
Throughout the low countries—the Rhine valley, the north of France, in north
Germany as far as Prussia—and in more remote regions, their
schools flourished.
Their schools were the most popular m all Europe; the numbers of students were
large, reaching more than two thousand at Deventer by the close of the
fifteenth century in the time of Hegius. By this time they had been
instrumental in introducing not only a purer Latin and the classics of that language
into the schools, but also the study of Greek and of Hebrew. Nor was their
influence limited to the members of their order and the scholars of their
schools, for many of the latter became teachers in the new burgher schools that
were now being established in great numbers. Platter’s brief mention of the
school at Schlettstadt is but a piece of circumstantial evidence typical of
the character of their work, for most of his wandeiings were outside the limits
reached bv the influence of that order. But slight as was his contact with the
school of the Brethren, it was the vitalizing touch so characteristic of their
work.
The typical
humanistic schools, at least until the development of the Jesuit schools '.n
the latter part of the sixteenth century, were those under control of the
reformation leaders and supported by reformation cities. It is true that this
movement had made great progress before the reformation and was one of the
chief causes of the reformation, but for the greater part of the sixteenth
century the two movements fused and the chief educative influence of the
reformation during that century was towards the founding of hu-
manistic schools and
universities controlled by the cities or states. The transition within the
universities was completed before the outbreak of the reformation, and began
with the burgher schools with Nuremberg before the close of the fifteenth
century. But it was not till the opening by Melanothon of the new humanistic
school in Nuremberg in 1526 that the reform could be said to be complete. In a
similar way Melano- thon was directly influential in the establishment of such
schools of the new learning all over Germany. There is yet preserved
correspondence between Melancthon and fifty-six cities in which he gives
counsel and direction concerning the foundation and the work of such schools.*
As additional types of these schools, under combined reformation and
renaissance influences, Goldberg and Strassburg may be noticed.
The school at
Goldberg was refounded by Trotzen- dorf in 1531, though he had previously been
rector of the school for a short time. The school curriculum was modelled
directly upon the line of Melancthon’s ideas, and the latter wrote
introductions to at least one of his pupil’s text-books designed for this
school. The great aim of the school, as with all of these, was to give a
speaking and writing knowledge of the Latin language. Hence grammar, rhetoric,
and dialectic, with the study of Terence, Plautus, Cicero, Virgil, and Ovid
constituted the major part of the work. Greek
and religious
instruction and music were included, but the addition of arithmetic and natural
philosophy, including some geography and astronomy, was a novelty. The details
of the curriculum and of method are similar to those to be given in connection
with the account of Sturm and of Platter. But the methods of organization and
government were quite unique. In instruction, Trotzendorf, whose school was
thronged with students from a very wide region on account of its excellent
work, adopted a scheme of tutorial instruction, by which the boys of the higher
classes gave tuition to the boys in the lower. Sturm employed a device somewhat
similar but not carried to the same extent. In almost every respect the English
monitorial system of the early nineteenth century was foreshadowed.
On the side of
organization Trotzendorf carried out the monitorial idea much as did Lancaster
and Bell, or as did the English public schools, or as is attempted in some
modern schemes of self-government. The purpose here was as much that of
instruction, both 'n- tellectual and moral, as it was that of discipline. Instead
of resorting to the reproduction of Latin and Greek plays, as did Sturm and,
later, the Jesuits in their schools, Trotzendorf organized his school on the
plan of a Roman republic. The school was divided into six classes, and each
class into tribes presided over by their own officers. There wa? a school
magistracy of twelve senators and two censors, who preserved or
der and punished
offences. There were questors, who secured prompt attendance on all school
exercises, and supervised a multitude- of similar affairs. The business was
conducted in Latin; in fact, this was the sole language of the school, and the
more important officers delivered formal Latin orations upon relinquishing
their offices. Trotzendorf’s plaD probably represents the extreme development
of the two renaissance tendencies as revealed in the schools and at the same
time their best harmonization, namely, the tendency to substitute the ideals,
methods, and control of civil government for the monastic and ecclesiastical
which had previously prevailed, and the substitution of a cdassical Latin as
the written and spoken word, with emphasis on the literary and rhetorical side
rather than as formerly on mere dialectic treatment of patristic and scholastic
treatises.
One minor incident in
Platter’s narrative becomes of great interest in that it furnishes a concrete
instance of yet another general educational tendency of the times; this is his
reference to the gymnasium at Strass- burg organized by John Sturm in 1537.
Thi* was the most influential of all the early renaissance schools, not only in
Germany but probably in all Europe, and its influence was largely exerted in
the manner seen in Platter’s case, through visits to the school by masters of
other schools and by approximate imitations of the model.
John Sturm
(1507-1589) wap called in 1537 to the rectorship of the gymnasium then founded
by the magistrates of the city of Strassburg. Sturm’s reputation as a
classicist, established by publications and by his work as lecturer at Louvain
and also at Paris, rendered most appropriate his selection to the headship of
the humanistic school of one of the most important cities of central Europe.
By his power of organization, of which he immediately gave evidence in the
organization of a curriculum, and in the grading of a school, as well as in
its general administration; by his*improved and systematized methods; by his
well-written text-books; by his correspondence with such men as Ascham in England
and Molancthon in Germany; by his well-trained pupils, whom he put in charge of
many schools throughout Europe; and by his personal example and counsel he
became the most influential school-master in Europe, as distinct from the
broader educationists such as Metenc- thon. As he often had an attendance of
several thousand students drawn from all parts of Europe, and usually including
some hundred of the nobility, the channels which he controlled for the
immediate communication of the influence of the school were very numerous.
Sturm presided over this school for forty-five years, though his work was
varied by the performance of many public duties for various sovereigns, for
which his ability and his influence well fitted him. It was Sturm's design, at
least in later years, to develop the school into Digitized by Microsoft®
a university, and
much of the literary and rhetorical work of the faculty of philosophy was
provided for. For this reason the curriculum of the school, as given later (p.
68), is somewfiat more than a mere standard of comparison for other gymnasia.
The success of Sturm’s school is undoubtedly due to the fact that he possessed the most definite conception of the purpose of schooling and that he organized a system for the most rigid execution of this purpose. That the training given was very narrow is to be admitted, and in this, as well, Sturm becomes one of the best representatives of his times in the narrowed humanistic conception characteristic of the later renaissance period. Conceiving the aim of education in terms of piety, knowledge, and eloquence, hp provided for piety in the study of the catechism, and of those portions of the Scriptures that incidentally would give good practice in Greek and Latin. Knowledge to him was the knowledge of the Latin language and literature, with some attention to the Greek; eloquence consisted in the ability to use in writing and speaking the Ciceronian Latin#1 The whole work of the school was devoted to this latter end, for it included the others. Considering that the function of the school was to supply to the youth of his times the two great advantages possessed by the Roman boy, that of the use of Latin in his every-day conversation and that of seeing and hearing many Latin plays, the work of the school was
directed largely to
these ends. The schoel-boys were required to familiarize themselves with the
names of all objects of every-day life, not for the purpose of studying or
understanding these things, but for the purpose of acquiring a Latin
vocabulary; they were required to make elaborate dictionaries of such words and
of phrases for common use. They were required to memorize a vast number of
Ciceronian phrases and expressions for use of ordinary conversation; and finally,
in the latter years of their schooling, all were required to participate in
the presentation of plays, especially those of Plautus and Terence, so as to
obtain a perfect mastery of the spoken Latin. In the higher classes such plays
were presented at least once a week. As a result of this intensive devotion to
the one ideal, Sturm’s curriculum excluded all other subjects: even mathematics
was given only a formal recognition, in the statement that arithmetic and
astrology were to be studied in the later years, practically as a portion of
university work. But it appears from accounts of the actual work of the school,
that no time was found for carrying out even these meagre provisions. History
likewise was given formal recognition by the appointment of a professor of
history for the university work, but this meant lectures in Latin on Livy and
Tacitus, authors that were excluded from the gvmnasial work on account of their
departure from Ciceronian standards.
Such was the
character of the school that was a model for Platter as well as for all Europe.
THE SCHOOL AT BASEL
The Latin burgher
school of Basel which Platter reorganized into a humanistic school in loll, and
over which he presided for more than thirty years, was a typical gymnasium,
though not one of the earliest. The earliest of these among the German schools
was that of Nuremberg, where the study of
Latin from <he humanistic point of view began in 1496, and where by 1521
both Greek and Hebrew bad been added. The ideas embodied in Platter’s
curriculum were drawn from Melancthon’s
school-plan and from Sturm’s school
at Strassburg, which Platter visited upon his election to the office at Basel,
and in which a younger brother of his was a teacher.
The scheme of the
school, by daily recitations, for the six years is given in full, in the rough
notes of Platter, as follows:
First
Class
The children who come
into this class are for the first time in school or first begin to learn; they
are divided into three groups. The first of these learn
the letters on little
tables or bloeks. The. others then read from bloeks and spell in Donatus; they
also begin to write. Every night the teacher gives to all these two Latin
words. The pupils must say these every morning, and on Saturday morning the
teacher examines the Latin of the whole week. (Repetitiones tu- multuarife.)
On this day also they are taught to pray, though they must pray every day,
morning and evening, in all the classes. When these pupils can read tolerably
well, they are put in the next class at the quarter day.
Second
Class
In this class they
read in the morning, from T to 8, the sacred dialogues of Castello; on Saturday
morning the catechism, 9-10; for the first three days the shorter colloquies of
Erasmus; on the other three days, at the same hour, the teacher examines them
on Donatus by heart.
1-2. One reads with
them the shorter Epistles of Cicero. They are examined always on the same
lesson on the following day. They repeat rapidly the declensions of the nouns
and verbs in the paradigms of Donatus. They are drilled in the easiest and commonest
of grammatical rules.
3-1. Every day they
give the declensions and every hour one decurion must point out a Scripta, so
that every day each one points out a Scripta once.
When, now, one has
learned Donatus by heart and the commonest rules, he is put in the third class
at the next quarter day.
Thibd
Class
7-8. The New
Testament is read.
9-10. On one day they
must learn by heart from the Latin grammar of Melancthon; on the next day the
formulas for speaking the proverbs and sayings are pointed out to them.
1-2. They are given
an assignment in the Eclogues and in Cicero anti the easiest figures of
prosody.
3-4. Select fables of
iEsop, with the elements of Greek, the declensions of the easiest nouns and
verbs; then in the fourth class they read the Greek grammar complete. They were
all reviewed on the above-mentioned lessons, on the following days; and as
often as they were exam:ned, they repeated the declensions together
with the easiest rules of construction.
In this class they
also read on Saturdays the catechism, and on Wednesday they were given
writing.; but on Thursday they were given the letters which they had made
according to the German outline, drawn from Cicero and given to them as a.
task.
Those that had
mastered the Latin grammar, and had been over it at least once, and also had
made some beginning in Greek, were transferred into the fourth class.
Fourth
Claps
7-8. In this class
they read on one day the Testament, yet with more explanation than In the
third class. On the next, hitherto, a beginning in dialectics; after that the
rhetoric of Philip (Melancthon); but now, when this is finished they read the
Officia of Cicero, until they can begin dialectic or perhaps devote another
hour to it.
9-10. They read on
one day the Epistles of Cicero, wherein they were shown the art of dialectic
and rhetoric, also the formulas for speaking, poetic metres, etc.
1-2. In the Metamorphoses of Ovid, one pointed out most diligently
among other things the tropes and the metres of the poet, together with those
other things that were peculiar to the poets.
3—1. In Terence, they
studied the phrases, as also in other Latin readings. They read Greek, always
on the alternate days, when they had not read in Cicero from 9-10, that is they
read the dialogues of Lucian. They examined on the other day, from word to
word, the declensions of nouns and verbs and of all parts of the orations; they
read the Greek grammer of Ceporlnus. But when they had recited the Epistles of
Cicero, they read in the same hour in the Latin grammer of Melancthon, yet
seldom therefrom, for they had been well drilled in it in the third class. When
they recited in Ovid,
they gave the declensions, as also in rhe study of Cicero, yet only that which
was unusual and difficult, and in Cicero more than in Ovid; then as poetry is
full of figures,
one pointed these out to them in advance. In the same lesson that they studied
Ovid, they examined beforehand the Schemata of Siesen brothers. In the study of
Terence, they used especially the constructions of Erasmus, which they had
also prepared for the same lesson.
On Friday, from 3-4,
all who were in the third and fourth classes were drilled in music, and they
sang some one or two psalms at times.
On Saturday, about 9,
they gave the letters which they themselves had written without any prescribed
argument, so that each one might select a theme for himself, wherein he could
use the rules of dialectic and rhetoric, or he could choose an argument out of
the Epistles of Cicero.
They were also
drilled in the Catechism at and before the quarterly fasts. Also when one of
the Evangels is finished, one reads sometimes between whiles the Catechism. So
that those who have lately arrived may also be instructed in one holy religion.
Those in the fourth
class, if they are well drilled, in the grammar of both languages, Greek and
Latin, also in the beginning of dialectics and rhetoric; also were so well
versed in the authors that they immediately understand when one reads an
author no more in
German, but in Latin
exposition, may then be permitted to inscribe themselves as advanced students.
Such a one has also now the intelligence to control himself, as it is
beneficial and honourable to him, without the rod; he also has a desire and
taste for literature, so that he receives now with joy all that is read and
explained. They must all have experience.
While the school was
organized into four classes, the lowest one had three groups, so that in
reality there were six grades. This was the number in the Trotzendorf school
and also in the English public schools as organized about the same period.
Sturm’s school possessed nine, and later ten, grades; the Jesuit schools nine,
in five general divisions. Each class with Platter was organized into groups of
ten—derations—partially under charge of the brightest boys. These groups were
not all of the same stage of advancement, so that the advantage of further
grading was secured. Here, again, the practice was similar to that at
Strassburg, at Goldberg, and in the Jesuit schools.
From this comparison
it will be seen that Platter’s curriculum was not so detached as that of
Sturm’s, and was, in fact, but a slight expansion of that of Melanchthon, which
was the common basis of all German schools. The Basel school is somewhat more
highly graded than that provided for in the plan of Melanchthon, consisting of
six instead of three groups, though it falls short of that of Sturm. The
importance
“ In the first place,
according to the regulations, that one shall divide the boys and arrange them
into classes or groups in order that one may lose none of his time, nor [place]
too heavy a burden on the children; also in order that one may perceive and understand,
what help should be and must be there, this is to be considered first. For, as
every one has a desire to dwell in a city or town where there are good laws,
all things happen harmoniously in joy and pleasure of a community, so also
here, if your honours establish everything rightly, the citizens will have a
desire to educate their children and to have them study, and literature and art
will arise and increase.
“Now it is, my
gracious sirs, as I perceive, you probably remembered, how one has commanded
the university, that they should reform and examine the school, so that they
would get in line of progress, which now, as I perceive, you have commanded to
Mr. Grynaus and Mr. Myconius as a school-master; and thereafter have charged
Mr. Grynaus that he would be a faithful overseer, as also Dr. Oecolampadius, of
Christlike memory, is said to have done before, to specify what should be
read, also to look after and regulate the classes and other things; therefore I
will leave this to you, and willingly follow you as learned and wise men. I
pray you, therefore, that it may please you to charge Myco- nius, as my beloved
father and school-master at Zurich, and to remind him of his office that he
should have a
faithful oversight
over the school, and correct and punish me if I err, as the one who used it
with usefulness and understanding; I will willingly receive it at all times
from him. In order that you, however, may so much the better understand, with
regard to the help, how necessary this is and how little is accomplished and
may be accomplished by one or even by two, I will show to you and discuss in
brief the regulations.
“ Thus it may be
necessary to divide the whole number of the boys into four classes or groups
whereof every one will have his place, and in each one of which every boy will
have his seat, according as he succeeds in mounting up higher and higher; so
that the first begins at the lowest, those who learn the alphabet. After these,
those who learn to read, for these one instructs that they learn Donatus by
heart, then begin to decline.
“ These are two
classes; the lowest, with which one generally must have the most difficult
time, in order that one may lead them and teach them to walk like children. But
it is not enough to hear them, but if one is slow the teacher must sit by him
and instruct him individually. Those who learn the declensions and the grammar
perfectly may be able to learn to understand the Fables of iEsop, Cato and
others of the classics— they form the third class. In the fourth one may read
Terence, Virgil, Ovid, Ceesar, and other authors, as the school-master who
understands the thing may deem it best.
“ Thus it is possible
for you, my gracious sirs, to understand well from this, as you are in other
things wise, what is necessary in the way of help, if one is to do this thing
properly. There is none of these classes which one should not hear four hours
each day; also each one should have its own especial teacher. Yet not that any
class should be wholly intrusted to anyone, but from one to another; especially
the school-master should have a good oversight over the lowest, how far it
progresses daily or not.
“ Now I can well
believe that it troubles you that I ask so much help, as if I wished to lighten
my work thereby; but my work will not be lightened, but it will be of advantage
to the boys. As when one wishes to erect a building quickly, he must have many
people; then the labour of those who work there is not lessened, for each one
has his work, but the building w.ll be erected so much the more advantageously.
So also here, where there is only a little help, one does as much as he can;
when the hour is up, he must permit the children to go home. Let one consider
bow it is conducted in Other cities, as Zurich, Bern, and Strassburg. In Zurich
there are two schools and nine teachers. In Strass- burg every class has its
own teacher. (I write this not because you yourselves do not know what is
necessary to do here, but that you may see how elsewhere literature is
fostered.) I wish thus, my gracious sirs, to admonish you to consider the
affair faithfully, that we 7 Digitized by Microsoft ®
do not neglect the
youth, and to think also of our posterity, that we may leave to them learned
people, a? God has endowed us, in order that we may not fall again into the old
darkness, though the greatest means will not be able to help us, but God
through his aid. However, through means they are educated and supported, but
it is not necessary for me to relate this to you.
“ Here I can well believe that the other school-mas- ters will complain
of it, that they have not also been helped ; would to God we all had
assistance, then would we do more good in general; there phall, however, be the
most help ‘ at the Castle ’ as in the most important and largest parish, for
it needs the most help, since one has there the most boys.
“ in the third place,
concerning my necessary salary, I cannot say much; it remains with you, my
gracious sirs, as also the other things; and yet I would pray you, that yon vrould
consider the great labour and care that such a one must bear and the heavy
reckoning he must give to God, if he does not conduct it aright; that you
desire to show me good-will so that I may have the desire to do this thing and
do it for a long time, not as one commonly says: you must endure it until
something better comes to hand; who sets his heart on a better thing, never has
his mind and thoughts on his work.
“It is well known to
you, my gracious sirs, how
much good is caused
by having a new school-master every day or even every year. I pray you,
respectfully, that you will procure me a fixed amount in order that I need not
be a burden to you daily and beg. If you would let it remain, as it was
established at first, it would indeed not be too much. I know well what is
given elsewhere, but it is not necessary to tell it; you will conclude it for
the best.
“ In respect to the
house, it is my final request to you, my gracious sirs, that you will leave me
in this one. I have laboured much until it is become mine. I have arranged it
beautifully; it is convenient and well ordered. You desire also to help me in
this, then rent this and give me rent for my house, so then will I give to you
what remains over, in order that it may not be too expensive for you; I pray
you, if it may be, in order that I need not move again.
“ Thus, your honours,
you have my ideas in brief, as I understand the situation; may you receive it
from me for the best. I pray you, for the honour of God, your cummun needs, and
the furthering of my affairs, that you may cause it to be commanded in order
that I may know in what circumstances I am.”
THE
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER
Since you, dear son Felix, as well as many famous and learned men, who for many years in their youth have been my pupils, have frequently requested me to describe my life from my youth up; for you, as well as they, have often heard from me, in what great poverty I have been irom my birth, afterward in what great peril of life and limb I have been, first wben I served in the terrible mountains, and then when in my youth I followed after the wandering students; also later how I, with my wife, have supported ray family with great care, trouble, and labour—since, then, this story may be of value especially to you, in order that you may consider how God has many times so wonderfully preserved mo, and that you mayest thank the Lord in heaven therefor, that he so well endowed and guarded you, descended from me, that you have not had to bear such poverty ; therefore I cannot deny you, but will, as far as I remember, make known all concerning my birth and education,
CHAPTER I
BIRTH—ORPHANAGE
And
first,
I know least the time when things have occurred. When I thought and asked about
the time of my birth, people always said I came into the world on Shrove
Tuesday, just as the bells were ringing for mass. That. I know, because my
friends have always hoped from this that I would become a priest. I had a
sister, who was alone with my mother when I was born; she has also told me
this.
My father was called
Antony Platter, of the old family of those who were called Platter; they
received their name from a house that is on a wide place (platte). It is a rock
on a very high mountain by a village called Grrenchen, belonging to the
district and the parish of Visp, which is a considerable village district in
Talais. My mother, however, was called Anna Maria Summermatter, of a very large
family, which was called the Summermatters. The father of this family became
one hundred and twenty-six years old. For six years before his death, I myself
have spoken with him, and he said that he knew ten other men in the parish of
80
Visp who were all
older than he was* then. When he was a hundred years old he married a woman
thirty years old, and they had one son. He left sons and daughters, some of
whom were white, some were gray, before he died. He was called old Hans Summer-
matter.
The house wherein I
was born is near Grenchen, and is called “ by the ditch ”; therein you, Felix,
yourself, have been. When my mother was recovered, she had sore breasts, so
that she could not nurse me, and I never once had any mother’s milk, as my dear
mother herself told me. That was the beginning of my misery. I was therefore
obliged to drink cow’s milk through a little horn, as is the custom in that
land. For, when they wean children, they give them nothing to eat, but only
cow’s milk to drink, until they are four or five years old.
My father died so
soon that I cannot remember even to have seen him. For, as it is the custom in
the land that almost all women weave and sew, the men before the winter leave
that district, going mostly into the region of Berne, to buy wool. Then the
women spin this and make peasant-cloth of it for coats and trousers for the
peasants. My father also had gone into the distict of Berne, at Thun, to buy
wool. There he was taken with the plague and died; he was buried m StifEsburg,
a village near Thun.
Soon thereafter my
mother married again, a man
called Ileintzman, “
am Grand,” * between Yisp and Stalden. So the children were all separated from
her. I do not know how many of them there were. Of my brothers and sisters I
knew two sisters only. One, called Elizabeth, died in Entlebaeh, where she had
married. The other, called Christina, with eight others, died of a pestilence
near Byrgess, above Stalden. Of my brothers, I have known Simon, Hans, and
Yoder. Simon and Hans died in war. Yoder died at Oberhofen, on the lake of
Thun. For the usurers had ruined my father, so that my brothers and sisters
must all go to work as soon as they were able. And since I was the youngest, my
aunts, my father’s sisters, each kept me a little while.
Then I can well
remember that I was with one, called Margaret, who carried me into a house,
called “ In der Wilde,” near Grenchen; there, also, was one of my aunts, who
was making with the others I knew not what. Then the one who carried me took a
bundle of straw that accidentally lay in the room, laid me on the table, and
went to the other women. My aunts, after they had laid me down, had gone to the
light.f
* Surnames, or names of places in process
of formation. Many- such designations were considered later as surnames and are
to be met -with in these identical forms : e.g., Imboiert, Amgrund Consequently
it is almost impossible to give an adequate translation, since they are
practically proper names.
f“The light” is an
indefinite expression. By some it is suggested that mass is referred to; bj
others that it refers to a spin- ning-room or an adjoining room.
Then I got up and ran
through the snow into a house close by a fish-pond. When the women did not find
me, they were in distress, but they found me at last in the house, lying
between two men who warmed me, for I was frozen in the snow.
Afterward, a while
later, when I was with this aunt “in the wilderness/’ my brother came home from
the Savoy war and brought me a little wooden horse, that I drew by a thread
before the door, until finally I thought that the horse could really go;
therefore 1 can well understand how children often think that their dolls and
other playthings are living. My brother also strode over me with one leg and
said: “ 0 ho, Tommy, now you will never grow any more.” This worried me.
When I was about
three years old, the Cardinal Matthew Schinner travelled through the land, in
order to hold a visitation and confirm, as is the custom in the Pope’s
dominions. He came also to Grenchen. At that time there was a priest at
Grenchen, called Antony Platter. They brought me to him, that he might be my
godfather. But when the Cardinal (perhaps he was still bishop) had eaten his
luncheon and had gone again into the church, in order to confirm, I know not
what my unde Antony had to do, it happened that I ran into the church, that I
might be confirmed and that the godfather might give me a card,* as it is the
custom to give the children something. There sat the
cardinal in a chair,
waiting until they brought the children to him. I yet remember very well that I
ran to him. He spoke to me because my godfather was not with me, saying, “ What
do you want, my child ? ” I replied, “ I want to be confirmed.” He said to me,
laughing, “What are you called?” I answered, “I am called Master Thomas.” Then
he laughed, murmured something, with one hand on my head, and patted me on the
cheek with the other hand. At this moment Mr. Antony came up, and excused
himself, saying that I had run away unknown to him. The cardinal repeated what
I had said, and said to him, “ Certainly this child will become something
wonderful, probably a priest.” And also because I came into this world just as
they were summoned to mass, many people said that I would become a priest.
Therefore they also sent me the earlier to school.
THE GOATHERD
Now, when I was six
years old, they took me to Eisten, a valley near Stalden. There my deceased
mother’s sister had a husband, called Thomas of Reid- gin, who lived on a farm
called “im Boden.” There for the first year I was obliged to herd the little
goats near the house. I can remember yet that I sometimes stuck in the snow, so
that I could scarcely get out; and often my little shoes remained behind, and I
came home barefooted and shivering. This peasant had about eighty goats, which
I was obliged to herd during my seventh and eighth year. And I was yet so
small, that when I opened the stable and did not quickly spring away, the goats
knocked me down, ran over me, trod on my bead, ears, and back, for I usually
fell forward. When I drove the goats over the bridge over the Visp (it is a
stream), the first ran into the green corn in the cornfield; when I drove these
out, then the others ran in. Then I wept and screamed, for I knew well that in
the evening I would be beaten. When, however, the other shepherds came to me
from other peasants, they helped me, especially one of the largest, called
Thomas
“im Leidenbaeli ”; he
pitied me, and did me much kindness.
Then we all sat
together, when we had driven the goats on the high and frightful mountains, ate
and drank together, for each had a little shepherd’s basket on his back, with
cheese and rye-bread therein. Once when we had eaten, we wanted to throw at a
mark. There was on a high precipice or rock, a level place. When now one after
another had thrown' at the mark, one stood before me, who was about to throw,
to whom I wished to give way backward in order that he should not strike me on
the head or in the face. In doing so I fell backward over the clitf. The
shepherds all cried, “Jesus! Jesus!” until they saw me no more. When I had
fallen down under the rock so that they could not see me, they fully believed
that I had fallen to my death. But soon I got up and climbed up the rock to
them again. Then first they wept for joy. Some six weeks later, one of the
goats of one of them fell down just where I had fallen, and was killed. So well
had God watched over me.
Perhaps a half-year
later I was driving my goats once more early in the morning, before the other
shepherds, for I was the nearest, upon a point called the White Point. Then my
goats went to the right, on a little rock, which was a good pace wide, but
thereunder terribly deep, certainly for more than a thousand fathoms, nothing
except rock. Prom the ledge one goat after another
THE GOATHERD
I
where we could come
by another way up to the goats. Some years thereafter, when I came home once
from the schools in distant lands, when my former companion had found it out,
he came to me and reminded me how he had rescued me from death (for it is,
indeed, true, and yet I give God the glory), lie said, when I became a priest I
should remember him in the mass and pray God for him. During the time I served
this master I did iny best, so that thereafter, when I went with my wife to
Valais, towards Visp, this same peasant said to my wife that he had never had a
better little servant, though I was so small and yonng.
Among others of my
father’s sisters was one who was not married, and my father had especially
commended me to her because I was the youngest child; she was called Frances.
When, again and again, people came to her and told her what a dangerous
employment I was in, and that I would sometime fall to my death, she came to my
master, and declared to him that she would not leave me there any longer. He
was dissatisfied with this. Nevertheless, she took me back again to Grenchen,
where I was horn, put me out to a rich old peasant, called Hans “im Boden.” I
had to herd the goats for him also. There it once came to pass that I and his
young daughter, who also herded the goats of her father, had forgotten
ourselves in play by a water conduit, wherein the water was led along to the
farms. There we had made little meadows and watered them,
as children do.
Meanwhile the goats had gone up on the mountains, we knew not where. Thereupon
I left my little coat lying there, and went up to the very top of the
mountains. The little girl went home without the goats; hut I, who was a poor
servant boy, dared not come home until I had the goats. Very high up I found a
kid, which was like one of my goats. This I followed from afar, until the sun
went down. When 1 looked back towards the village, it was almost night at the
houses; I began to go downward, but it was soon dark. Then I climbed down the
ridge from one tree to another by the roots (the trees were larches, from
which the turpentine flows), for many of the roots were loosened because the
earth had been washed therefrom on the steep slope. When, however, it was quite
dark, and I noticed that it was very precipitous, I determined not to venture
farther, but held myself by a root with one hand, and with the other scratched
the earth away from under the tree and the roots, while I listened as the dirt
rattled below. I pressed myself partially under the roots. I had nothing on
except the little shirt, neither shoes nor hat: for the little coat I had left
lying by the water-pipes, in my anxiety at having lost the goats. As I now lay
under the tree, the ravens became aware of me, and croaked in the tree. Then I
became very anxious, for I feared that a bear was near. I crossed myself and
fell asleep, and I remained sleeping until
tain*. But when I awoke
and saw where I was, I know not whether in all my life I have been more
terrified. For if I had gone even two fathoms farther to the right, then I
would have fallen down a fearfully high precipice many thousand fathoms high.
Then I was in the greatest anxiety, as to how I could get down from there. Yet
I drew myself farther upward from one root to another, until I came again to a
place, from where I could run down the mountains towards the houses. Just as I
was out of the woods, near the farms, the little girl met me with the goats,
which she was driving out again; for they had run home themselves when it was
night. On that account, the people whom I served were very much terrified that
I did not come home with the goats, thinking that I had fallen and killed
myself. They inquired of my aunt and the people who lived in the house where I
was bom, for it was near the house where I served, whether they knew anything
of me, since I had not come home with the goats. Then my aunt and my master’s
very old wife remained on their knees the whole night, praying God that he
would guard me, if I was yet alive. The aunt was my cousin’s mother, of whom
Johann Stumpf, who was the preceptor of the second class at Strassburg, wrote.
Thereafter, because they had been so terribly frightened, they would not let
me herd the goats any more.
While I wap with this
master, and herded the goats, I once fell into a kettle full of hot milk, which
was
over a fire, and
scalded myself so that the scars have been seen all my life long by you and
others. I was also, while with him, yet twice more in peril. Once two of us
little shepherds were in the forest, talking of many childish things; among
other things, we wished that we could fly; then we would fly over the mountains,
through the land to Germany— for so was the Confederacy called in Valais.
Thereupon came a terrible great bird, darting, 'whizzing down upon us, so that
we thought that it would carry one or both of us away. Then we both began to
shriek, to defend ourselves with our shepherd’s crooks, and to cross
ourselves, until the bird flew away. Then we said to each other: “We have done
wrong, in wishing that we could fly; God has not created us for flying, but for
walking.”
Another time I was in
the cleft of a very deep fissure in the rocks, looking for little stars or
crystals, many of which were found there. Then I saw far above a stone, as
large as a stove, falling down; and, because I could not get out of the way, I
stooped down on my face. Then the stone fell several fathoms down above me, and
then bounded out over me; for the stones often spring up many spear-lengths
high into the air.
I had much of such
happiness and joy with the goats on the mountains (of which I remember little).
This I know well, that I seldom liad whole toes, but have often cut off great
pieces, and had great cuts and severe falls. I was without shoes for the most
part in sum
mer, or -wooden
shoes, and often had great thirst. My food in the morning before day was rye
broth (made from rye meal); cheese and rye bread was given me in a little
basket to carry with me un my back; hut at night cooked cheese-milk; yet of all
these, enough. In summer, sleeping on hay, in winter on a straw sack full of
hugs and other vermin. The poor little shepherds who serve the peasants in
those desolate places usually sleep thus.
Since they would no
longer permit me to herd the goats, I came into the service of a peasant, a
fiery and passionate man, who had married one of my aunts, for whom I had to
herd cows. For in most places in Valais, they have no common herdsboy for the
cows; but he who has no place on the Alps, where he can send them in summer,
has his own little shepherd, who tends them on his ow n farm.
When I hail boon with
him a while, came one of my aunts, called Frances, who wish'd to send me to my
cousin, Mr. Anthony Platter, in order that I might learn writing. Thus they
say, when they would send one to school. He was at that time no more in Gren-
chen, but was now an old man at St. Nicholas, in a village called Gasen. When
the farmer, who was called Antony, “ an der Habtzucht,” heard of my aunt’s intention,
he was much dissatisfied, and said that 1 would learn nothing, and placed the
forefinger of his right hand in the palm of the left and said: “ The boy will
learn just as much as I can push my finger through here.” This I saw and heard.
My aunt said: “ Oh, who knows ? God has not refused him his gifts; he may vet
make a pious priest of himself.” She led me then to the gentleman; I was, as
near as I can remember, nine or nine and a half years old.
Then things really
went evilly with me; then it was that hard times really began, for he was a
passionate man, and I but an awkward peasant boy. He beat me very severely,
often took me by the ears and dragged
me on the ground, so
that I screamed like a goat that had been stuck with a knife, so that
frequently the neighbours cried to him, asking whether he wo aid kill me.
I was not long with
him. At that time there came a cousin of mine, who had travelled to the schools
at ITlm and Munich; he was a Summermatter, my old grandfather’s son’s son. This
student was called Paul Summermatter. My friends spoke to him of me. He
promised then that he would take me with him, and in Germany would place me in
a school. When I heard this. I fell on my knees and asked God, the A1 mighty,
that he would help me away from the priest, who taught me almost nothiDg and
even beat me without mercy. For I had learned to sing the Salve just a little,
and with other children who were also with the priest to sing for eggs in the
village. At one time we were about to celebrate the mass; the other boys sent
me into the church for a light; this I stuck, burning, into my sleeve, and
burned myself so that I yet have the scar from it. As Paul now wished to travel
again, I was to come to him in Stalden. In Stalden is a house called “by the
mill-brook.” There lived one, called Simon Summermatter, who was iny mother’s
brother; he was to be my guardian. He gave me a gold florin. I carried this in
my hand as far as Stalden, looked at it often on the way, to see whether I yet
had it, and then gave it to Paul. Thus wc went out of the country.
On the way I had to
beg here and there for myself, and give also to my Bacchant,* Paul. For, on
account of my simplicity and country speech, they gave me much.
When we came over the
(irimsel mountain at night to an inn, 1 saw for the first time a tile stove,
and the moon shone on the tiles. Then I thought it was a very large calf. For 1
saw only two white, shining tiles, which I thought were the eyes. In the
morning I saw geese, which I had never seen before. Therefore, when they hissed
at me, I thought it was the devil, and fled screaming. At Luzern I saw the
first tile roof, and I was much astonished at the red roofs. We came thence to
Zurich. There Paul awaited some companions, who wished to go with us to
Meissen. Meanwhile I went to beg, so that I almost supported Paul; for when I
came into an inn, the people gladly heard me talk the Valais dialect and gave
to me willingly.
At that time there
was one in Zurich, who was from Lenk, in Valais; he was a most deceitful man,
by the name of Carl; the people thought an exorcist, for he knew at all times
what happened before and afterward. The cardinal knew him well. This Carl once
came to me, for we lodged in the same house. He said that if I should allow him
to give me one blow on the bare back, he would give me a Zurich sixpence. I permitted
myself to be persuaded, so he seized hold of me
very firmly, laid me
over a (hair, and beat me very severely. When 1 had borne that, he asked me to
lend him the sixer back again ; he wished to eat with the landlady that night,
and he had nothing for the reckoning. I gave him the sixer; it never came back
to me.
After we had waited
for the company now eight or nine weeks, we set out for Meissen. For me, not accustomed
to travel, it was a very long journey; besides, I had to procure food on the
way. Eight or nine of us travelled together—three little shooters, the others great
bacchants, as they were called, among which I was the smallest and youngest of
the shooters. When I could not go on rapidly, then my cousin Paul went behind
me with a rod or stick and beat me on the bare legs, for I had on no trousers
and but poor shoes.
And, moreover, I no
longer remember all the things that happened on the road, yet a few I can
recall. For example, as we were on the journey and were speaking of all sorts
of things, the bacchants said to one another that in Meissen and Silesia it was
the custom that scholars were allowed to steal geese and ducks and other
eatable things, and that no one would do anything on that acconnt, if one
could escape from the owner of the stolen things. One day we were not far from
a village ; there was a great flock of geese gathered together, and the
herdsman was not near; for every little village had its own goose-herd; he was
quite a distance off from the geese with the cow-herds. There
At one time a
murderer met us in the forest, eleven miles this side nf N’aumburg. We were all
there together. Then at first he desired to play with our bacchants, only
that he might delay us until hi« companions had come together. We had at that
time a very brave companion, named Antony Schalbetter, from the Visper district
in Valais, who did not fear four or five, as he had already shown in Naumburg
and Munich, and in other places besides. He ordered the murderer with threats
that he should take himself away. This he did. Wow, it was so late that we
could barely come into the nearest village, and there were two inns there,
besides that a few houses only. When we entered one, there was the murderer
before us with one or two others, without doubt his companions. Then we would
not remain there, but went to the other inn. Soon also they came to this inn.
When, now, the supper
In Naumburg we
remained some weeks. Those of us shooters who could sing went in the city to
sing, but I went begging. But we did not go to school. This the others would
not permit, and threatened to drag us to the school. The school-master also
commanded our bacchants that they should come to school, or they would be
compelled. But Antony dared them to come. And because
some other Swiss were also there, they permitted ns to know on what day the
authorities would come, so that they would not unexpectedly attack us. Then we
little shooters carried stones on the roof. But Antony and the others
garrisoned the door. Then came the school-master with the whole procession of
his shooters and bacchants. But we boys threw stones down upon them, so that
they had to give way. When now we understood that we were accused before the
magistrate, we had a neighbour who wished to marry his daughter. He had a
stable full of fat geese. One night we took from him three geese and withdrew
to another part of the city; it was a suburb, but near the city wall, as was
also the place where we had been till this time. Then the Swiss came to us,
drank with one another, and then our company withdrew to Halle, in Saxony, and
went to the school at St. Ulrich.
But when our
bacchants behaved towards us so rudely, some of us, with my cousin Paul,
resolved to run away from the bacchants and go to Dresden. But there was no
good school there, and the dwellings were full of vermin, so that we heard them
in the night crawling around in the straw.
We broke up and went
to Breslau. We suffered much hunger on the way, in that for several days we ate
only raw onions, with salt; some days roasted acorns, crab-apples, and pears.
Many a night we lay under the open sky, for no one would allow us in the
When, however, we
were to come to Breslau, in Silesia, there was great abundance; yea so cheap,
that the poor students overate themselves, and often made themselves sick.
There we first went to the school in the Cathedral of the Holy Cross. But when
we heard that in the principal parish of St. Elizabeth there were several
Swiss, we went there. Th^re were there two from Bremgarten, two from
llellingen, and others, besides many Sehwabians. There was no difference
between the Sehwabians and the Swiss; they spoke to one another as countrymen,
and protected each other.
The city of Breslau
had seven parishes, and each had a separate school. No student dared to go into
another parish to sing, else they cried: “Ad idem! ad idem! ” Then the shooters
ran together and beat one another very severely. Once there were in the city,
so it was said, several thousand bacchants and shooters, who supported
themselves wholly by
alms. It was also said that some had been there twenty or thirty years, or
long'jt, witb their shooters, who had to wait upon them. 1 have carried home to
the school where they lived, to my bacchant, often in one evening five or six
loads. People gave to me very willingly, benause I was so small and was
Swiss—for the Swiss were much liked. People at that time also had a great compassion
for the Swiss, for they had suffered severely
One day I came in the
market-place to two gentlemen, or country squires. I heard afterward that the
one was a Benzeraur, the other a Fugger. They walked together. 1 asked alms of
them, as was there the custom with poor students. The Fugger spoke to me: “From
whence are you?” And when he heard that I was a Swiss, he conversed with the
Benzenaur, and thereupon said to me: “Are you really a Swiss? then I will adopt
you as a son. I will promise you that here, before the council, in Breslau; but
you must bind yourself to remain with me your entire life, and where I am,
there will you be expected also.” I said, “ I have been given into the charge
of one from my home; I will speak to him about it.” But when I asked my cousin
Paul concerning it, he said: “ I have taken you away from your home; I will
take you back to your friends again; what they say to you then, that do.” I
therefore refused the gentleman. But as often as I came before his house, they
did not permit me to go away empty.
I remained thus a
long time there; I was three times sick in one winter, so they had to take me
to the hospital. For the students had an especial hospital, and their own
physician. There was also paid from
In winter the
shooters lie on the ground in the school, but the bacchants in the small
chambers, of which there were several hundred at St. Elizabeth. But in the
summer when it was hot, we lay in the churchyard, gathered grass together, such
as one in summer on Saturdays spreads in the gentlemen’s street before the
doors. We collected some in a little place in the churchyard, and lay therein
like pigs in the straw. But when it rained, we ran into the school; and 'when
there was a thunder-storm, we sang responses and other songs with the
sub-cantor almost the whole night.
Occasionally in
summer we went after supper to the beer-hall to beg for beer. Then the drunken
Polish peasants gave us so much, that I have often unawares become so drunk
that I could not return to the school again, though I was only a stone’s-throw
away from the school. To sum up, there was enough to eat, but one did not study
much.
In the school of St.
Elizabeth, indeed, at one time, nine Baccalaureates read at the same hour, in
the same room. The Greek language was not yet any
Thence eight of us
betook ourselves to Dresden ; it happened again that we suffered much hunger.
Then we determined to separate for a day. Some went to look after geese, some
after turnips and onions, and one after a pot; but we little ones went into the
city of Neumarkt, which was not far from there on the road, and were to look
after bread and salt, and in the evening we were to come together again outside
the city. We intended to set up our camp there outside the city, and cook what
we might have then. A gunshot distance from the city there was a spring, where
we wished to remain for the night. But when those in the city saw the lire,
they shot at us, yet did not hit us. Then we betook ourselves behind a ridge to
a little brook and thicket; the older comrades cut down branches, and made a
hat; one part plucked the geese, of which we bad two; others cut up the turnips
into the pot, into which we put the head, feet and even the entrails; others
made two wooden spits and began to roast; and when it was a little brown we cut
off pieces and ate; so also of the turnips. In the night we
When we had again
returned to Dresden, the schoolmaster and our bacchants sent some of us boys
out to find some geese. Then we agreed that I should throw and kill the geese,
and they would take them and carry them away. Later, when we had found a flock
of geese, and they had observed us, they flew away. Then I took a little
cudgel, threw it among them in the air; I injured one so that it fell down. But
when my companions saw the goose-herd, they dared not run up to it, though they
could have Teached it before the herder. Then the others flew down again,
surrounded the goose, cackled as if to encourage it. Then it stood up again,
and went away with the others. I was much displeased with my companions, that
they had not fulfilled their promise. But they did better thereafter; for we
brought away two geese. The bacchants and the school-master ate the geese as a
farewell, and went from there to Nuremberg, and thence to Munich.
On the way, not far
from Dresden, it happened that 1 went to beg in a little village, and came
before a peasant’s house. The peasant asked me whence I
came. When he heard
that I was Swiss, he asked if I did not have any more companions. I replied: “My
companions wait for me outside the village.” He said: “ Call them here.” He
prepared for us a good meal, with plenty of beer to drink. There lay his mother
in bed in the room. Then the son said to her: “ Mother, I have often heard you
say that you would like to see a Swiss before your death. Then you see several,
for I have invited them, to please you.” Then the mother raised herself up,
thanked the son for the guests, and said: “ I have heard so much good of the
Swiss, that I have very much desired to see one. Now I think I will die more
willingly; therefore be merry.” And then she lay down again. We thanked the
peasant, and went on again.
When we came to
Munich, it was so late that we could not enter the city, but had to remain
overnight in the leper-house. When in the morning we came to the gate, they
would not let us in unless there was a burgher in the city whom we knew. But my
cousin Paul had been in Munich before. He was allowed to fetch the one with
whom he had lodged. He came, and spoke well of us, so that they let us in.
Then Paul and I eame
to a soap-boiler by the name of Hans Schrell. He was a Master of Arts, of
Vienna, but was an enemy of the Church. He married a beautiful girl, and many
years later he came with his wife from Vienna to Basel, and here also carried
on his
trade, as is still
known here to many people. For this master I helped to make soap more than 1
went to the school, and went with him into the villages to buy ashes. But Paul
went to the school in the parish “ Our Lady,” and I also, but seldom. I went
merely that I could sing for bread on the streets and give it to my bacchant,
Paul; that is, carry food to him. The woman in the house loved me very much,
for she had an old black, blind dog which had no teeth, which I had to feed,
put to bed, and lead around in the yard. She said all the time: “Tommy, take
the very best care of my dog; you shall then be rewarded.”
When we were there
some time, Paul was enamoured of the maiden of the family. This the master
would not allow. At last, Paul determined that we would go home once more, for
we had not been home in five years.
So we went home to
Valais. There my friends could hardly understand me, and said: “ Our Tommy
speaks so profoundly, that almost no one can understand him.” For, because 1
was young, I had learned something of almost every speech where I had been some
time. During this time my mother had once more married, for Heintzmann, “am
Grand,” was dead. After the period of mourning she haa married one called
Thomas, “ am Garsteren.” On this account I did not have much of a visit wun
her. I was for the most part with my aunts, and most of all with my cousin, Simon
Summermatter, and my aunt, Frances.
Soon thereafter we
set out again, towards Flm; then Paul took yet another hoy, who was called
Hildebrand Kalbermatter, the son of a priest. He also was very young. They
gave him cloth, such as is used in that country, for a little coat.
When we came to Ulm,
Paul told me to go around with the cloth to beg for money for the making of it.
By this I received much money, for I was accustomed to pleasant manners and
begging. For this the bacchants used me continually, though they brought me
not at all to the schools, and had not even taught me to read. While I so seldom
went into the school, and always, while I should have gone, went around with
the cloth, I had the greatest hunger. For all that I received I brought to the
bacchants. I would not have eaten the smallest morsel, for I feared a beating.
Paul had taken another bacchant to live with him, called Achacius, from Mainz.
I and my companion Hildebrand had to serve them both. But my companion ate
almost all; then they went on the street after him, so that they might find him
eating; or they commanded him to wash out his mouth with water, and to spit in
a dish with water, so that they saw whether he had eaten anything. Then they
threw him on the bed, and a pillow over his head, so that he could not scream;
then both bacchants beat him terribly, until
they could no more.
Thereafter I was so terrified that 1 brought home everything; they often had so
mueh bread that it became mouldy. They then cut off the mouldy outside, and
gave it to us to eat. "While there I often had the greatest hunger, and
was fearfully frost-bitten too. because I often went about in the dark till
midnight to sing for bread. Here I must not overlook, but must relate, how at
Ulm there was a pious widow, who had two grown-up daughters, yet unmarried,
also a son, called Paul Keling, also yet unmarried. Often in winter this widow
wrapped my feet up in warm fur, which she had laid behind the stove, so that
she could warm my feet when I came, and gave me a dish of vegetables and then
allowed me to go home. I have had such hunger that I drove the dogs on the
street from their bones, and then gnawed them. I have also searched at school
for the bread-crumbs in the cracks on the floor and eaten them.
Thereafter we again
went to Munich, where I had to also beg for money for making up the cloth,
which, however, was not mine. After a year we came once more to Om, intending
once more to go home. Once more I brought the cloth with me and begged for
money for making it up. I can well remember there, that several said to me: “
Odds, torment, is the coat not yet made up? I believe that you are deceiving me
with tricks.” When we went from there, I do not know
what became of the
cloth, nor whether the coat was ever made up or not.
Once more we came
home, and from there again to Munich. When we came to Munich, on a Sunday, the
bacchants had lodging, but we three little shooters had none; when it was night
we intended to go in “ die Schrane "—that is, the corn-market— -to lie on
the com-sacks. There sat several women by the salt- house in the streei, who
asked us where we were going. And when they heard that we had no lodging, there
was a butcher’s widow with them. When she heard that we were Swiss, she said to
her house-maid: “ Eun, hang the kettle with soup and meat that is left over the
fire; they must remain with me for the night, for I am friendly with all the
Swiss. I served in an inn in Innsbruck, where Emperor Maximilian held court;
there the Swiss had much to do with him, and were so friendly that I will be
friendly to them all my life long.” She gave us enough to eat and drink and a
good place to sleep. In the morning she .said to us: “ If one of you will
remain with me, I will lodge him and give him to eat and to drink.” We were all
willing, and asked which she would have; and as she inspected us, I was more pert
than the others. I had had more experience than the others. Then she took me,
and I had nothing to do except to fetch the beer, and to fetch the hides and
the meat out of the butcher-shop; also to go with her in the fields; but I
still had to wait on
the bacchants. This
did not please the woman, and she said to me: “ Odds, torment, leave the
bacchants alone and stay with me; then you do not need to beg.” Then for eight
days I came neither to the bacchants or to the school. Then Paul came and
knocked on the butcher's door. Then she said to me: “Your bacchant is there.
Say you are sick! ” Then she let him in and said to him: “You are truly a fine
gentleman, and should have inquired how Thomas was! He has been sick, and is
yet.” He said: “I am very sorry, boy! When you get out again, then come to me.”
Afterward, on a
Sunday, I went to Yespers, and he said to me after Vespers: ft You shooter, if
you do not come to me, 1 will trample on you with my feet some day.” Then I
determined that he should not oppress me any more; 1 thought I would run away.
On Monday I said to
the butcher’s widow: “ I want to go to the school to wash my shirt.” I dared
not say what was in my mind, for I. feared that she would tell on me. I went
away from Munich with sorrowful heart, partly because I was running away from
my cousin, with whom I had travelled so far, but who had been so severe and
unmerciful towards me; partly, also, I regretted on account of the butcher’s
widow, who had kept me so kindly. I withdrew, however, over the Iser ; for I
feared if I went towards Switzerland that Paul would follow me; for he had
often threatened me snd the others if one of us ran away, that he
would follow him, and
whenever he found him. would beat him till both arms and legs were off.
On the other side of
the Iser is a hill. There I sat down, looked at the city, and wept bitterly,
that I no longer had any one who would help me. I thought of going to Salzburg,
or to "Vienna, in Austria. As I sat there, there came a peasant with a
wagon; he had brought salt to Munich, and was already drunk, and yet the sun
had just risen. Then I asked him to allow me to get in. I rode with him until
he unharnessed in order to feed himself and the horses. Meanwhile I begged in
the village, and not far from the village waited for him and went to sleep.
When I awoke, I cried heartily, for I thought that the peasant had driven by. 1
felt as though I had lost my father. However, he soon came, but was drunk; told
me again to get in, and a.sked me where I was going. I said: “ To Salzburg! ”
Now, when it was evening, he drove from the road, and said: “Jump down, there
is the road to Salzburg.” We had driven eight miles that day. I came to a
village.
When I rose np in the
morning, a frost had fallen, as though it had snowed; and I had no shoes, only
torn stockings, no cap, and a little jacket without folds.
Then I went to
Passow, ami wished to sail on the Danube to Vienna. When I came to Passow they
would not let me in. Then I thought that I would go to Switzerland, and asked the
gate-keeper where I
should go for the
nearest road to Switzerland. He said: “To Munich.” I paid: “I will not go to Munich;
I would rather go around ten or more miles farther.” Then he directed me to
Friesing; there also is a high school.
There I found Swiss,
who asked me whence I came. In two or three days, Paul came with a halberd.
The shooters said to me: “Your bacchant is here from Munich, and seeks you.”
Then I ran out of the gate as if he had been behind me, and went to Ulm, and
came to my saddler’s widow who had formerly warmed my feet in the fur. She
received me. For her I was to guard the turnips in the field. That I did
instead of going to school. After some weeks, one came to me who had been a
companion of Paul’s, and said: “Your cousin Paul is here, and seeks you.” Then
he had followed me eighteen miles; for he had lost a good living in me, for I
had supported him for several years. When, however, I heard this, though it was
almost night, I ran out of the gate towards Constance, and wept once more
heartily; for I regretted very much on account of the good woman.
When I had almost
reached Marsburg, I came to a stone-mason who was a Turgauer. A young peasant
met us. The mason said to me: “ The peasant must give us money.” And said to
him: “Peasant, give us gold or, odds, crack!” The peasant was terrified; I also
was very much terrified, and wished that I was
not there. The
peasant began to pull out his purse. The mason said: “ Be quiet, I have only
joked.” Then I came over the sea to Constance. Then I went over the bridge, and
saw some Swiss peasant children in white jackets. Ah, my God, how happy I was.
I thought I was in heaven.
I came to Zurich;
there were people from St. Gall, great bacchants; to them.I offered myself, as
their servant, if they would teach me; but they did this as the others also had
done. At that time the Cardinal was also in Zurich. He was trying to gain
influence over the Zuriehers, that they would go with him to the Pope, but, as
it turned out afterward, he cared more for Milan. After some months Paul sent
his shooter, Hildebrand, from Munich, saying that if I would come back, he
would forgive me. But I would not, but remained in Zurich; but I did not
study.
There was one, called
Antony Benctz, from Visp, in Valais, who persuaded me that we should go with
one another to Strassburg. When we came to Strass- burg, there were very many
poor scholars there and, as was said, not one good school. But at Sehletlstadt
was a very good school. We went on the way to Schlettstadt. A nobleman met us
and asked: “ Where are you going?” When he heard that we wanted to go to
Schlettstadt, he dissuaded us, that there were there very many poor scholars
and no rich people. Then my companion began to weep bitterly. “ Where,
now can we go?” I comforted
him and said: “ Be of good courage! If there is one in Schlettstadt who can
support himself alone, then will I support both of us.” When we were about a
mile from Schlettstadt, and were stopping at a village, I became sick so that I
thought that I must choke, and could scarcely get any breath. I hat] eaten many
green nuts, for they fell about this time. Then my companion wept once more,
because he thought he would lose his companion. For he knew not how to take
care of himself; yet he had ten crowns hidden about him, but I had not one
heller.
Now, we were come to
the city, and found lodging with an aged couple; and the man was stone blind.
Then we went to my dear preceptor, now deceased, Mr. John Sapidus, and asked
him to receive us. He asked us whence we came. When we said, “ From
Switzerland, from Valais,” he said: "There, alas, are wicked peasants;
they drive their bishops out of the land. If you will study bravely, you need
not give me anything: if not, then you must pay me or I will pull your coat
from your back.” That was the first school where it seemed to me that things
went properly.
At that time the
studies and l&nguages came into vogue. It was in the year in which the Diet
of Worms was held. Sapidus had at one time 900 pupils, some tine learned
fellows. There were there at that time Dr. Hieronymus Gemaisaus, Dr. John
Huber, and many others, who afterward became doctors and famous
AT LAST A STUDENT IN
SCHLETTSTADT, AND A VISIT HOME
When I entered the
school, I could do nothing; not even read Donatus. I was then already eighteen
years old. I seated myself among the little children. It was quite like a hen
among the little chickens. One day Sapidus read the names of his pupils, and
said: “ I have many barbarous names; sometime 1 must latinize them a little
bit.” Afterward he read them again; then he had written mine, at first, Thomas
Platter, then my companion, Antoninus Benetz. He had translated them * Thomas
Platerus, Antonius Benetus, and said: “ Who are you two ? ” When we stood up,
he said: “ Pfaugh, you are two such mangy, raw shooters, and have such
beautiful names! ” And it was even true in part. Especially my companion was so
mangy that many mornings I must pull off the linen cloth from his body as one
would the hide from a goat. But I was more accustomed to the foreign air and
food.
When we had been
there from autumn till Whitsuntide, and yet more
students came in from all quarters, I could no longer support us both well;
then we went away to Solothurn. There was quite a good school, and also better
living. But one must so very frequently attend church, and lose so much time,
that we went home.
I remained at home a
little while, and went to the master iD the school, who taught me a little
writing, and other things I know not what more. There I had the chills and
fever, while I was in Grenchen with my aunt, Frances. During this time I taught
my aunt’s little boy, who was called Simon Steiner, the a, b, c’s in a day.
More than a year later he came to me in Zurich; he studied by degrees until he
came to Strass- burg; he became Dr. Bucer’s assistant; he studied so that he
became preceptor of the third class and afterward of the second class. He was
married twice. When he died, there was the greatest mourning in the school at
Strassburg.
In the following
spring I left with my two brothers for foreign lands. When we would take leave
from our mother, she wept and said: “May God have mercy on me, that I must see
three sons go to a foreign land.” Except then, I never saw my mother cry, for
she was a brave, courageous woman, though somewhat rough. When her third
husband also died, she remained a widow, and did all the work like a man in
order that the youngest children could be the better
brought up. She hewed
wood, thrashed grain, and did other work which belongs more to men than to
women. She also buried three of these children herself, when they died in the
time of a very great pestilence. For in the time of the pestilence it cost a
great deal to have one buried by the grave-diggers. Towards us, the first
children, she was very rough, so that we seldom came into the house. At one
time I had not been home, as I remember, for five years, and had travelled far
in distant lands. But when 1 came to her, the first words that she said to me
were: “ Has the devil once more brought you here?” I answered: “ Oh, no,
mother, the devil has not brought me here, but my feet; but I will not long be
troublesome to you.” She said: “You are not troublesome to me, but it grieves
me much that you go wandering here and there, and without doubt learning
nothing. Learn to work, as your father also did! You will become no priest. I
am not so fortunate that I should bring up a priest.” So I remained two or
three days with her. One morning a great frost had fallen on the grapes as one
was picking them. Therefore, I picked and ate of the frozen grapes, so that I
had the gripes; so that I was stretched out on all fours, thinking that I must
burst in pieces. Then she stood before me and said; “If you wish to, then
burst: Why have you eaten so much ? ” Many other examples of her coarseness 1
can recall. Otherwise she was a respectable, honest, and
When now I went away
with my two brothers, and went over the Letsehen mountains towards Gastren, my
two brothers sat down on the slope of the snow and slid down the mountain. I
also wished to do this, and as I did not quickly put my feet apart, the snow
threw me over, so that I fell down the mountain, head over heels. It would have
been no wonder if I had slid to my death, by striking my head on a tree, for
there were no rocks. This happened to me three times, so that I shot down the
comb of the ridge head foremost and the snow fell in heaps on my face; for I
always thought that I should be able to do it as well as my brothers, but they
were more accustomed to the mountains than I.
CHAPTER V
IN ZURICH—STUDY OR
DIE—FATHER MYCONIUS
So we travelled
together from there on, and they remained in Entlibuch; but I went on to
Zurich. There I was with the mother of the famous, pious, and learned man,
Rudolph Gualther, who is now the pastor of St. Peter’s, in Zurich; at that time
he lay in the cradle, so that I have often rocked him. And I attended the
school in Our Lady’s Cathedral. There was there a school-master, called Master
Wolfgang Knowell, from Barr, near Zug, was a Master of Arts from Paris, who had
been called at Paris Gran Dia- bell. He was a great, honest man, but did not
take much care of the school; he looked more where the beautiful maidens were,
from whom he could scarcely keep away. I should have liked to study, for I perceived
that it was time.
At that time they
said that there would come a school-master from Einsiedeln, who before this had
been in Luzern, who was a learned man and a good school-master, but cruelly
whimsical. So I made for myself a seat in a corner not far from the schoolmaster’s
chair, and thought: " In this corner you will
When he was rough
with me, then he took me to his home and gave me to cat; for he liked to have
me relate how 1 had travelled through all the countries of Germany, and how I
had fared everywhere, for at that time I remembered it well.
ZWINGLI AND THE
REFORMATION PERIOD
Myconius was at that
time already acquainted with the true religion; yet he must go with his pupils
to the church of Our Lady’s Cathedral to sing the vesper, matins, and masses,
and to direct the singing. One day he said to me: “Custos”—for I was his
Gustos—“I would much rather read four lectures than to sing a mass. Please take
my place occasionally, when there is a candle mass, as a requiem and the like,
to be sung; I will reward you for it.” That pleased me much; for I had become
accustomed to this not only in Zurich but also in Solothurn and elsewhere. For
everything was yet popish. There were many to be found, who could chatter
better than they could expound the gospels. It was to be seen daily in the
schools how wild bacchants went to the consecration, and were ordained, if they
could only sing a little, without either power of interpretation or grammar.
When, now, I was
Custos, I often had no wood for heating; then I noted what laity came to the
school and had a wood-pile before their door, so that at midnight I have gone
here and there to carry wood. One
And although it
appeared to me that popery was knavery, I had it yet in mind, that I would
become a priest, would he pious, would attend to my office faithfully and
would adorn my altar finely. But when Master Ulrich preached against it so
strongly, the longer I doubted, the more I doubted. 1 prayed more, fasted more,
than was agreeable to me. 1 had also my paints and patrons, to whom 1 prayed;
to each one in particular so much; to Our Lady, that she would be intercessor
for me with her son; St. Catherine, that she would help me that I might become
learned; St. Barbara, that I might not die without the sacrament; St. Peter,
that he would open the heavens for me. And what I neglected, I wrote in a
little book. When there was a holiday in the school, for example, on Thursday
and Saturday, I went to the Cathedral, wrote all my offences on a chair, ard
began and atoned for one fault after another, then wiped it away and thought
that I had done all right. I went six times on a pilgrimage from Zurich to
Einseideln. and was diligent in confession. But in Silesia I unwittingly ate
cheese during Lent, as is the custom iD our country. Then T confessed it, but
the priest would not absolve me, unless
I would do public
penance. Then I thought that I must become the devil’s own. But as I mourned that
I dare not go with the other scholars to the Sacrament (one always gave them
something to eat when they went to the Sacrament—each burgher always something),
then a priest pitied me, and when he heard what troubled me, he absolved me and
I went then also to the meal. I often battled for the papacy with my companions
until one day M. Ulrich, at the Salnow Church consecration, at Salnow, preached
in the courtyard, from the Gospel of St. John, Chapter X: “ I am the good
shepherd, etc.” He expounded this so powerfully, that I felt as if one drew me
up by the hair; he also pointed out how God would require the blood of the lost
sheep from the hands of the shepherds, who wore guilty of their destruction.
TheD I thought, if that is the meaning, then farewell to the priest’s office; I
will never become a priest. Yet I carried on my studies, began thereupon to
dispute again with my companions, and went faithfully to the sermons. I heard
my preceptor, Myconius, very willingly. Yet they still had masses and images
at Zurich.
At that time six of
us wont home to Valais, and when we came, on a Saturday, to Glyss, we heard
the. priests singing vespers. After vespers, one came and asked: •“ From where
do you come ? ” I was the. boldest and answered: “ From Zurich.” Then the
priest said: “ What have you done in that heretical city ? ” Then
On Sunday morning we
came to Visp. There a lazy, ignorant priest was about to celebrate his first
mass. Therefore many priests and scholars came thither and also a great number
of others. We students helped the priests to sing the mass. Then one, who was
said to be the most famous preacher, preached out through the window. Among
other things, he said to the young priest: “ Oh, thou noble knight, thou holy
knight, thou art holier than the Mother of God herself. For she. bore Christ
only once, but you will from now henceforth bear him every day your life
long.’5 Then one in the gallery said out loud: “ Priest, thou liest
like a knave.” He was from Sitten; a Master of Arts from Basel. The priests all
looked at me, and I knew not why, until I saw the priest, with whom I had disputed
the day before. He had complained of me to the other priests. When now the mass
was over, they asked all the priests and students to dinner, but no one invited
me. No one can believe how happy I was then, and how willingly I would have
fasted for Christ. But when my mother saw me, for she had seen me in the
gallery, she asked: “ How does it come that no one has invited you?” Then she
cut cheese and bread in a dish, and busied herself with a soup for me.
A few days thereafter
I came to the priest, who had preached so prettily; for he was in the village
where my mother was also.
He invited me as a guest. Among other things, he said: “ If I were with Zwingli
I would controvert him with three words.” When 1 came again to Zurich, I told
it, at the request of my preceptor, Myconius, to Zwingli. He laughed, and said:
“When you go home again, then ask that he write the three word* for me.” After about
two years, I came again, and then informed him of Zwingli’s desire, that he
should write for him the three words, and others. He did it. But when I brought
them to Zwingli, and he read it, he laughed a little while. When he had
finished reading, he said: “ Oh, fool, he is indeed a poor man! Take the letter
to Myconius.” Then I called all my countrymen together and read the letter.
There was nothing therein except from the Decretals.
Once when I was home
with my uncle, mother's brother, who at that time was “ Castellan ’’—that is
the head man of the Visper district—I said to him after supper: “Uncle, I will
start out again in the morning.” He said: “ Whither ? ” I said: “ To Zurich.”
“Do not do that at your peril,” he said, “for the confederates will invade it,
and have sent messengers from all places, called upon the people, to draw
together there; they would teach them, to give up their heretic faith.” I said:
“ And is no one here from Zurich ? ” He said: “ There is a messenger here with
a letter.” I said: “ Has any one read the letter before the messengers and the
people?” He answers:
“ Yes.” “ And what
did the letter contain ? ” I asked. Then lie said: “In the letter is the
declaration, that they have accepted a doctrine; by it they will abide; but
that if anyone can convince them of another out of the Old or New Testament,
then will they give it up.” I said: “ But is this not right ? ” Then he said,
with emphatic words: “ The devil take them with their New Testament.” I was
horrified, and said: “ Oh, God, how yon speak. It is no wonder, if God should
punish you in body and soul, for what is the New Testament? ” He said: “ It is
their new heretic doctrine, the deputies have so informed us, especially from
Bern.” Thereupon I said: “The New Testament is the new covenant, which Christ
established with the faithful, and sealed with his blood; that is written in
the four gospels and the epistles of the holy Apostles/-’ He said:
“Is that so?” 1 replied: “Yes; and if you are willing, I will go with you
to-morrow to Yisp, and if they will let me speak publicly, I will neither be
ashamed nor afraid concerning this.” Then he said: “ If it is thus, then I will
not be for this, that they shall go against them.”
On the following day
the people assembled themselves together, and determined upon this answer:
This affair was a religious matter, and because the Zuiichers desired to be
instructed in the Scriptures, they w'ould let the priests and the learned men
settle it among themselves.
So nothing came of
it, and I went again to Zurich, and continued in my studies in the greatest
poverty. For they did not yet give public alms, and I wap now quite large, and
was ashamed to Bing; the people also cried out to me, calling me a priest, and
other words. Then I had a companion, who was not without qualification, who
became dispenser at Uri. I followed him. Then things went worse than before.
When I sang for bread there, they were not accustomed to it. I had the voice of
a bacchant. I was not a month there, and I desired to go again to Zurich. Then
I had not more than three hellers. I came to the Urner Lake and I went into aD
inn at Fluelen, a little village on the lake. I asked the innkeeper if she
would give me a piece of bread for three hellers. She gave me a large piece of
cold boiled meat, and a large piece of bread, and would not take the three
hellers either. Then I went to the lake; there came a little boat from Bmnnen,
which is a little village on the lake, in the Swiss province. I asked the boatman
if he would ferry me over the lake, for God’s sake, because he must otherwise
go home empty. He said: “I will get my breakfast; wait here, then I will carry
you over.” At that time there was also a man at the warehouse, whither they
brought the merchandise. He said: " Comrade, I have there some barrels of
Yeltliner wine; guard this for me; then you can drink as much as you like: but
permit none else there.” He gave
me a little reed and
led me to the casks, and then went to eat. Then I ate the large piece of bread
and meat and drank enough of the wine. 1 did not know the kind of the wine.
Then the man came, and said: “Have you eared for it well?” I replied: “Yes.”
Soon the boatman came, and said: “Well, come on, comrade, do you wish to cross
the lake?” Then I staggered down to the boat, and the people laughed at me.
When I tried to step into the boat, I stepped beside it, and fell headlong into
it. The boatman laughed, and he to whom the wine belonged said that the
boatman had freighted himself with a good companion. But the wine went out of
my head, you may believe me, for there came on such a storm that even the
boatman thought that we must be drowned. The waves often covered the whole
boat, and this continued until we came to the shore at Brun- nen; then we were
both wet as water. Except this time I have never again crossed over the Urner
Lake, though often over the Lake of Lucerne; only when I wished once more to go
from Basel have 1 crossed over, as will hereafter be related in its place.
I earne then again to
Zurich, where I boarded with an old woman, called Adelheid Hutmacherin. She
commonly had five or six wenches in the house, who had companions, who
supported them. And though their evil conduct did not please me, yet I had a
good companion who was tolerably apt, and had a little room to myself; we
left the others undisturbed in their ways. Though God knows that I have often
had the greatest hunger, many days no mouthful of bread to eat ; more than once
have I put water in a pan, asked the woman for a little salt, salted the water,
and drunk it from hunger. I had to give the woman a Zurich shilling each week
for room rent. Then I sometimes carried messages for the people over the
country; they gave me a batz for each mile. With this I then paid the woman.
Also I helped to carry wood or other things; theD the people gave me something
to eat. Then I was pleased, and well satisfied. I was also Gustos. For this I
received every quarterly fast a Zurich angster* from each boy. There were about
sixty boys, rather more than less. Zwingli, Myeonius, and others have also
often used me to send me with letters to the five placesf that were lovers of
the truth, in which journeys 1 have often risked life and limb with joy, in
order that 1 might spread abroad the teachings of the truth. Several times I
have barely escaped.
About this time was
the disputation at Baden, where Doctors Eck, Faber, Murner, ami others who were
there, suppressed the truth, as they often before had done, and continued even
till the end. Then Zwingli also was to go thither (on account of whom the
matter
Tt came to pas? on
the evening of Whitsuntide, that Eck desired to know when the disputation was
to be • finished, who then should judge, who should prevail. Thereupon
Ocolampadius consulted with his brethren, what answer should be made to this.
Would they agree on the next day that they would make answer to the arguments?
For Eck thought the messengers who were present should then judge; they were
almost all popish; and if one would not intrust them with this thing, then they
w'uuld be angry. On the evening, just before supper, I went to Ocolampadius and
asked whether he would not write to M. Ulrich. He answered: “I would willingly
write, and it would be necessary, but I fear that you are under suspicion. If
you have been to day in the disputation, then you have probably heard whereto we
should answer.” I said: “That I will relate to him carefully by word of mouth.”
Then he was well pleased. I had just time to go out of the city gate, and ran
almost uninterruptedly to Zurich. I went to the house of Mvconius, who was
already in bed, and showed to him what was at stake. Then he said: “ Then go
hence, and if M. Ulrich is in bed, do not cease to ring until they let you in.”
For I had thought that I need not announce it until the morning. I
began to ring; everyone was in bed. I rang the
“ What devil is
making such a noise?” I said: “ Caspar, I am here.” lie recognised me by my
voice, and knew well that I came very often to M. Ulrich, and said: “Custos, is
it you?”—for almost every man called me Custos, because I had been Custos for
so long a time at the Cathedral of Our Lady—“ Ring again.” After a long time,
an old man, called Gervasius, came out. He had been a priest, and had been for
some years with Zwingli. He asked me who I was. I said: “ Mr. Gervasius, I am
here.” He let me in, and asked: “What do you want so late? Is it not possible
that M. Ulrich be permitted to rest for one night? He has not in six weeks gone
to bed—not so long as the disputation has lasted.” And we knocked on the door
a good while. He soon came out, when he heard that I was there, and rubbed his
eyes. “ Oh, you are a restless man. Tor six weeks I have not gone to bed. and
had thought, because to-morrow is Whitsuntide, that one could rest.” And he
went into the room and said: “What do you bring?” I told him orally of the
affairs, and why I had no letter. Then he said: “ Odds, is it only that? Then
Eck has worked one of his tricks. I will write. Do you know a boy who will
return ? ” I said: “ Yes.” Tht-n he said: “If you will eat, I will call the
maid, so she can cook you a supper.” I replied: “I would much rather sleep,”
and wished him good-night. I sent to him a boy, to whom he gave the letter, and
sent him on the way that night, and he
came before day to
Baden. A man with a wagon full of hay had been delayed until late in the
evening. The boy climbed up on the wagon, laid down on the hay, and went to
sleep. In the morning he drove the load of hay in the city to the market before
the boy awoke. Then he awakes, and looks around, sees the houses, and then
brings the letter to Ocolampadius. But what Zwingli had written, 1 do not know
exactly, but I can well imagine it from the words which he spoke to me in the
room. Then he said: “Who will teach the peasants to understand who is right or
not? They understand better the milking of cows. Why should one write down
everything, if not that one should allow the reader to judge? Poes not Eck know
how a council should be conducted?”
I
remained
thus in poverty in Zurich until Master Henry Werdmiiller accepted me as a
teacher for his two sons. There I had my dinner every- day. The one son, called
Otto Werdmiiller, thereafter became a Master of Arts of Wittenberg, and the
pastor of the church in Zurich; but the other was killed at Kappel. There I had
no more want, but I almost overworked with study. I wished to study the Latin,
Greek, and Hebrew languages at the time. Many a night I slept only a little,
but struggled grievously against sleep. I have often taken cold water, raw
turnips, or sand in my mouth in order that, if I fell asleep, 1 might he
awakened by my teeth grating together. On this account, also, my dear father,
Myconius, has. often warned me, and would say nothing to me, if I sometimes
fell asleep even during the lecture. And though I could never arrange it, that
I could take lectures in Latin, Greek, or Hebrew grammar, I read them with
others, in order that I might improve myself. For Myconius, at first, only
drilled us in frequent exercises in the Latin language; he himself did not
understand Greek no
In this year Damien
Irmi, of Basel, wrote to Pelli- canus in Zurich, asking if there were now any
poor fellows who would like Hebrew bibles ; he was going to Venice, then he
would bring some back as cheaply as possible. Dr. Pellieanus told him to bring
twelve. When they were brought, they sold them for a crown. I had yet one crown
from my father’s estate, which I had received not long before. I gave it for
one, and began to compare it. Then came one day a Mr. Conrad Pur, a preacher
at Matmanstetten in the Canton of Zurich. When he
saw mo with the Hebrew bible he asked: “Are you a Hebrew scholar? You must also
reach me1.” I said: “ I cannot.5’ But he would not
desist, until I promised him. I thought, “you are here with Myconius, and he
might perhaps become displeased.” 1 went with him to Matmanstetten, began to
read Dr. Munster’s grammar, to compare the original text with translations and
drilled myself. I had then also plenty of food and drink. I was there
twenty-seven weeks with him. Then I came to Hedigen to Mr. Hans Weber, also a
preacher, and was with him about ten weeks. After that I came to another pastor
in Biffelischwyl who was eighty years old, but desired even then to learn
Hebrew.
Then 1 came again to
Zurich. And because I had often heard preached: “ By the sweat of thy brow
shalt thou eat bread,” and how God had blessed labour, and bow one made priests
of all students and also M. Ulrich said, that one should teach boys to work,
there were anyway many priests—many everywhere were giving up their studies.
There came a fine scholarly young man from Luzern, called Bodolphus Collin us,
who wished to go to Constance to take orders. Zwingli and Myconius persuaded
him that he should learn the rope-making trade for this money. When he married
and became a master I asked him if he would teach me also the rope-making
trade. He said he had no hemp. There had come to me from my deceased mother a
little
inheritance:
therewith I bought the master a hundredweight of hemp, and learned with that
as much as possible, and yet all the time had a desire for study. When the
master imagined I slept, I rose up secretly, struck a light, and took a Homer
and secretly my master’s translation, wherewith I annotated my Homer.
Thereafter when I followed the handiwork I carried my Homer with me. When my
master found this out he said: “ Platere, pluribus intentus minor est ad
singula sensus; either study or follow the trade.” Once, when we. at night ate.
with a water flask, he said. “ Platter, how does Pindar begin?” I said: “
kpurrov (ih to vSvp.” He laughed and said: “Then we will
follow Pindar, and as we have no wine, will drink water.”
Now, when I had
worked up my hundredweight, my year of service was up. I wished to go to Basel;
it was before Christmas. Then I took my farewell from the master as if I would
go away, and went, to my old lodging with Mother Adelheid, and remained concealed
with her, annotated Euripides, so that I might take it, as also my Homer, with
me on the road, when 1 wandered: for I had the intention of continuing my
studying.
When I wished to
depart I w<>nt the night before to the bath at the coach house, sat down
in a corner, so that no one could recognise me; and when it became too hot for
me, I feared that I would faint. I ran out and fell before the bath-room door
in the mire. When I grew cold, I went
into the dressing-room and dressed. Then they saw how I had covered myself with
dirt, and the keeper of the bath said: “ He ha? bathed poorly.” But I did not
want to go again into the bathroom, for I feared that the master would iind
out that I had not gone away.
In the morning I took
my bundle, went out through the gate, went iD one day from Zurich as far as
Muttenz, from there to Basel. I sought a master, and came to Master Hans
Stahelin, who was called the red rope- makiT of the meat market. Of him it was
said that he was the roughest master that could be found on the Rhine River. On
this account, then, the rope-maker apprentices would not willingly remain with
him, aud I could so much the easier come to him. When he employed me I could
scarcely hang up the hemp strands, and could turn them only a little. Then the
master showed his disposition, and began to struggle and curse: “ Go hence,” he
said, “ gouge out the eyes of the master who has taught you! What shall I do
with you? You can do nothing.” But he knew not that I had worked up no more
than a hundredweight of hemp. I dared not tell it to him. For he had a very
wicked apprentice, who was from Altkirch, who is yet alive; he could work
better than I, and treated me very shamefully, called me a cowmouth and other
things. I dared not complain to the master, for he was also a rude Schwabian.
Yet I intended to remain. Then 1 tried it
with the master eight days. Then I addressed the master in a friendly way that he
should bear with me, he should give me something or not anything for wages,
whichever of the two he wished. I would give him a true service, and would
write down everything industriously, for no one in the house could write. I
persuaded him, 1 said: “I have learned little, that I know; my master has had
for the most part no hemp.” He retained me and gave me during the week a batz.
Therewith I bought a light, and studied at night by it; although I had to work
every night until one blew the trumpet, and in the morning up again with the
trumpet. Yet I endured it willingly, in order that I could remain and learn
the trade. Then the apprentices of the journeyman found out, how I know not,
that without doubt I had not served out my time of apprenticeship. For it was
the custom for the most part that one must learn for two years; they thought
that the master should give me a furlough, or they would work no more in
Basel. Then I asked first the one of them and then the other that they would
permit me to remain; I was friendly with them; I could not give them much, for
I had nothing myself. I remained thus a half year. Then I could turn out a
day’s work, and could take a journeyman’s place, and oversee the workshop for
the master. Often I worked when we made the large cords or other ropes so that
the sweat came out on me; then the master laughed and said: “If I had
studied as much as you, and had such a love for it, I would rather that the
devil keep the rope-making.” For he saw well that 1 had especial love for
books.
I had an acquaintance
with the pious printer, Andres Cratander. whose son, Polycarpus, was a boarder
of my master Rudolph Collinus while I studied with him. Cratander gave me a
Plautus, which he had printed in octavo, which was not yet bound. Then I took
one leaf after another, stuck it in a little fork, and stuck the fork in the
hemp, which lay in a pile below. Then I read on my backward and forward trips
as I turned the rope. If then my master came, I would quickly throw the hemp
over it. One time he caught me, and then he behaved outrageously and cursed. “
Odds, master, that 1 should abuse you as a priest. If you will study, then go
to that, or otherwise follow the trade. Is it not enough that I permit you to
study at night and on holidays? Must you also read during the turning?” On
holidays, as soon as I had eaten dinner, I took my little, book, went with it
somewhere into a little garden house, and read the whole day until the watchman
called out. For my master had no guest room in the meat market, as did the
rope-makers who dwelt in the suburb. By degrees I made the acquaintance of
some students, especially w:*h those of Dr. Beatus Rhenanus. These and others
often came before the shop and besought me that I should give up rope-
making, that they
would bring it about through their master’s acquaintance that he would commend
me to Erasmus Roterdamus. He would recommend me then perhaps to some bishop, or
some one else. But it was all in vain, although the two gentlemen once came to
me on St. Peter’s Place. There I was helping make a large rope. The very famous
Erasmus presented himself as the pupils had announced to me. But I was yet
willing to go on with the greatest toil ami labour, to freeze during the winter
cold, to eat poorly and not enough. For the master was a deceptive Sehwabian,
bought cheese that stunk so badly that no one could eat it, so that the woman
had to hold her nose and said to me that I should throw it away when the master
was not at home, it went very roughly and evilly with me.
By degrees I also
became acquainted with Dr. Opo- rinus and others. He asked me that 1 should
teach him Hebrew. I excused myself, I knew only a little and had no time. Yet
he kept at me so much that I said to the master that I would serve him for
nothing, or would take a little less for it; for he had increased my wages. He
allowed me each day an hour from four to five. Then Oporinus affixed a notice
in the church that there was one there who would teach the rudiments of the
Hebrew language on Mondays from four to live at St. Leonhardt’s. Oporinus was
at that time the schoolmaster. When I came there at the hour and expected to
find Oporinus alone there were eighteen of them there, fine,
learned fellows; for 1 had not seen the notice on the church door. When I saw
the fellows I would away. But Dr. Oporinus said: “ Do not go away! these are
also good fellows.” But I was ashamed in my rope-maker’s apron. Yet I permitted
myself to be persuaded. I began to read with them the grammar of Dr. Munsterus.
It had not come to Basel. I read to them also the prophet Jonah as well as I
was able.
In the same year
there came a Frenchman, sent out by the Queen of Navarre, who also entered the
school. When I entered in my poor clothes I sat down behind the stove, where
there was a fine little seat, and permitted the students to sit by the table.
Then the Frenchman asked: “ When comes our professor ? ” Oporinus pointed to
me. He looked at me and was much astonished: he thought, without doubt, such a
one should be better dressed. When the last ones were out, he took me by the
hand, led me out over the little bridge and asked me, as we walked on, how T
came to be so dressed. I said: “ Mea res ad restem rediit.” Then he said, if I
was willing, that he would vtrite to the queen for me in my behalf. She would
esteem me as a god if I would only follow him. But I would not follow him. He
attended my lectures until he went away. He was richly dressed with a golden
crest, had also his own servant, who carried after him a mantle and hat, when
it rained; I know not why. After nine
I
remained then
with my red rope-maker until they went for the first time against the Five
Places. My master was also called out. Then he wished to close the shop until
he returned again. I thought that I would like to go with him, especially since
they would go towards Kappel, where I formerly had taught Hebrew to the pastor
of Matmansetten, and where all the accommodations were known to me; and carry
my master’s armour over the Sc-hafmat and even as far as to Matmanstetten.
There was the captain, squire, Balthasar Hildebrand, with his lieutenant,
Fandriek, and others, assigned to him by the council in the preacher’s house.
There I was known. They served wine: the leaders from Basel with their people
were there and in the next village: on one day, I think it was St. John's
evening, our captain went to the Zurich- ers towards Kappel. For they had for
some days treated of peace, but it was not yet concluded up to one that
afternoon. Then we heard fearful shooting, the small cannons were being shot
off, and our captain ordered that they should permit the people to withdraw; peace was
concluded, and for this reason they had shot off the salutes. It crackled just
as when one burned the juniper. Then they withdrew to Basel, but the captain
did not come. • This astonished the gentlemen of Matmanstetten, and they
decided, because I knew the way well, they would send me to Kappel to the
captain —for the soldiers were with the captain— and have me inquire what was
now the cause that he had commanded the people to go home, and why he did not
come, nor offered anything else. Then I went to Kappel, and as I came to the
cloister it was quite about the time that the captain could hardly know me; for
he was riding out of the cloister, and asked whether I wished to go. Then I
told him of the affairs. He said to me: ‘ Go into the cloister, ask for the
clerk Reinhart of Zurich, and say I have sent you to him to await for the
answer.” 1 went in. Then Reinhart called to them to give me to eat. About midnight
we lay down on the benches—that is, I and my companions. When it was about two
o’clock some one woke us up and said the messengers are here— that is, those
who were to bring the treaty which the Five Places had established with the
Roman King. There, in the articles of peace, it was agreed upon that the treaty
should be made public. But on the day that this should be done no one admitted
having the treaty, and indeed one place sent it on to the other. For the peace
was not complete until this was done. The treaty was brought up in the
night about two. When now everyone was up. they came together in a hall and the
sheriff of Glarus took the treaty, for he had always been the leading arbiter.
He gave the treaty to a clerk, who opened it; it was fearfully wide and long,
the like of which I had never seen, and I believe there were nine seals
thereon: a great one that was golden. Then the clerk began and read a long
preface with the title, as one reads at Basel on St. John’s day in the square;
thereafter also the Five Places, as these with these titles were called in the
treaty, that had made a confederacy, and so on. Then the sheriff struck his
hand on the treaty and said: “ It is enough! ” Then one behind me, who was
without doubt from Zurich, cried out: “ Eead the treaty out, so we can hear
with what kind of treachery they wished to deceive us! ” The sheriff turned
around to him and said: “ How, read it to an end? Before that you must hack me
into little pieces before I will permit it.” He put the treaty together again
and said: “ Alas, you are already too much embittered with one another.” He
took a little knife, first cut off the seals, cut up the treaty into long
strips and then into little pieces and gave them to the clerk in a little cap,
so that he might throw them in the fire; wrhither the seals went I
know not. As it was now almost day, Reinhart sent me to the captain, to bring
him the message that the peace was now established, the treaty given out and
burned. The captain
After
that
I remained a while with Master My- eonius and studied. Then he advised me, as
also the mother, that I should marry their maid, Anna, and wander no more. Then
they would give us the inheritance. T permitted myself to be persuaded, and
Father Myconius presented us to each other. But I was not with Myconius for
lodging, but with the old hat-maker, Simon Steiner, who then was studying in
Zurich. He then had his support from the priests. After some days we went to
Dubendorf to Mr. My- conius’s brother-indaw, who was a preacher, to the church
and celebrated our marriage with such splendor that the people who were with
us at the table knew not that it was a marriage. Thereafter we went again into
the city, and I went to live in my lodging, for we both wished to keep it
secret.
For two days I went
home to Valais, told my friends that T had married. They were not pleased, for
they had hoped that I would become a priest. Then I resolved to carry on the
rope-maker’s trade, and besides to keep school. I went again to Zurich, and
was
From Luzern we went
to Sarnen in TJnterwalden, came to a landlord and landlady, who were both so
drunk that they did not know one another, but remained lying on benches in the
room. And if my wife and the landlady had not prepared the bed before supper
we would not have known where we should sleep, and it was on Saturday. The
landlord could play the lute with a spring and sang then with great noise, so
that I said: “ Do not scream so, or the people will beat us well.” “No! much
more/’ said the landlord, “if the sheriff knew it, even if he were already
asleep, he would get up again.” For in TJnterwalden they often do not go to bed
when they come to drinking. Therefore people say: “ Shall we have an
TJnterwalden night ? ” and although they lay on the benches, yet they could
well make out the reckoning in the morning, so that J and my wife had but to
pay.
From there we went to
Hasli, from there to the Grimsel mountain. It had already snowed, and was yet
before St. Gall’s day, for on St. Leodogar’s day we were in Luzern. Then it
began to dawn upon my -wife it would go roughly, for we were compelled to eat
very coarse bread. There were also some men who wished to cross the mountains
on the next day who spoke to me: “ You dare not take the woman over the mountain.”
There my wife had good living! She must lie
Once an aunt saw me
who came to my house in Visp, bid me welcome, and asked: “Thomas, when will you
hold a mass for us?” A noble young woman, who was the aunt of the Bishop I)r.
Adriani of Riedmat- ten, heard this and said: “ lie has brought with him a long
mass.” At another time my cousin, Mr. Anthony Hatter, of St. Martin, came to
Visp to me in the church after mass; he said, “ They say you have brought a
wife with you.” I answered: “ Yes.” He said: “ The devil orders that.” I said:
“ Sir, you do not find that in the Bible.” Thereupon he became so angry that he
for a long time thereafter would not speak to me. He had the nami- in the whole
country that he was a good Bible student, for he read much in the Bible, but
understood only a little, only made the pages red with red chalk.
Then I began to
prepare for rope-making and to hold school. I began to make rope; I received
thirty-one scholars; most in winter, but in summer scarcely six. One of them
gave me on the four past weeks a thick pfennig: and wo had with that a good
thing, for the people gave us much. I had several aunts. One brought eggs, the
other a cheese, this one a ball of
A few weeks
previously, before I came with my wife, the women were with one another in the
Eister valley in a room, and spoke about me—what a lordly first mass I would
have, what a great offering would be made to me; for of my mother’s friends
alone, the Summermatters, there were seventy-two cousins and aunts who were as
yet unmarried, and could themselves carry the offering to the altar. Then they
understood that I had come with a wife!
When we began to keep
house I borrowed from my Uncle Anthony Summerinatter, whom people usually
called Antony, “zum Lichtenbuhl.” thirty great—that is, fifteen Switz batz.
With that we began to keep house; began to purchase wine; sold it by the
measure; bought also apples; my wife sold them to the boys that wanted them.
Things now went well
with us, and with the help of pious people we got along, so that we had no
wants, and my wife was much pleased then. But the priests were not ail friendly
to me, though they also did me good,and also often
invited me as a guest, so that I might not lean to Lutherism too much. But as 1
must go to the church to help sing mass it was troublesome to me to help in the
idolatry against my conscience, to be there and not to dare at all times to
speak freely what was in my heart. I thought what should I do that I could
escape from it; I went over to Zurich to counsel with my Father Myconius; he
advised me that I should leave this place, lor 1 had also some hope to be appointed
at Basel.
As I went home again
I had with me one of my pupils who could not follow me very well on the Griin-
sel mountain. It began to snow and rain. It was so cold that it lacked only a
little that we were both frozen. Yet because I knew the mountain ways I said to
the boy that he should not sit down, but should go on and on. I went a piece
farther, so that I warmed myself, and ran hack again to the boy, until we thus,
with the help of God, came to the hospice. This is a monastic inn on the'
mountain; there one finds good eating and drinking. This was the middle of
August.
Another time, also, I
had gone over the same mountain, and, as I was alone, and as yet knew not the
character of the mountain, I became weary and tired, and sat dowD and wished
to rest. Then a pleasant warmth came and I slept with my arms folded on my
knees. Then a man came to me, placed a hand on each of my shoulders, woke me
up. and said: “ So, why do
When now I came home
to my wife she was rejoiced. For a pestilence had attacked the priest. The
people showed such unfriendliness towards him that; only a young fellow was
with him; no one else would take care of him, so that she had anxiety about
what would happen to her if she became sick. 1 also had experienced this some
years before. Then, as I went to the
And, although my wife
liked Valais, I thought of getting away from there as soon as possible. Yet before
that our first child was born. The little child was christened and called
Margaret; two very noble women were godmothers, and a very pious lover of the
truth, Egidus Meier, who had also studied, was godfather. Some one said to me
a few days thereafter some people had thought that my wife would not recover
as a punishment for my not becoming a priest.
Then I said in a
public place: “ Before I would become a priest ”—for they had hoped for that—•“
I would be a player or a hangman.” That offended many most seriously.
Hereafter, when I
already had it in mind to leave the country, and the Bishop, Mr. Adrian von der
Eeid- matten, heard it, he sent his cousin, Jonas Eeidmatten, to me at Visp,
requested me that T should become the school-master of the whole land, and they
would give me a good living. I thanked his grace, and asked for indulgence for
yet a few years; I was yet young and unlearned ; and would like to study some
more. Then he shook his finger at me and said: “ 0 Platter, you are old and
learned enough; you have some other reason; if yet we call you into a position
in the future you will serve your fatherland rather than foreigners.”
Thereupon I took my
child in a carrying-chair, with the cradle on my back, and went away. And one
of the godmothers gave the little child a double ducat.
IN ZURICH—IN BABEL
We
went
away together; we had then twelve or fourteen gold pieces, some household
goods, and the child, which I carried, and the mother followed along behind as a
cow a little calf. We came to Zurich to Father Myconius. Before this 1 had made
known to them there by letter, through Dr. Oporinus Henricus, deceased, whom
they called Billing, the stepson of the mayor in the suburb of Asehen, called “
Zum Hirsch- en,” that they should assist me perhaps to some small service. Then
we tied our household goods and clothing together in a bundle and sent it to
Bern, and from there to Basel. But when I went away to Valais I had had a good
school companion in Valais called Thomas Koran, who carried my goods and my
books from Zurich to Valais. When 1 went away a?ain many people were
displeased, especially my sister; every one thought that my wife led me again
out of the country. They did her an injustice; for she would have dwelt in that
country willingly enough. But the priests were willing for me to leave.
From Zurich we went
to Basel. I carried the child,
WITH THE DOCTOR IN
PRUNTRUT—DEATH OF THE LITTLE CHILD AND OF THE DOCTOR
At this time there
came a famous doctor there called John Epiphanius, who was the physician of the
Grand Duke of Bavaria, a Venetian. When at Munich, some citizens had eaten meat
on a day when it was prohibited, and he with them, and they all were forced to
run away. They were learned men, and thought that no one would do anything with
them. The duke caused them to be beheaded. But Epiphanius ran away with his
wife, whom he had married in Munich, and came to Zurich. There I became
acquainted with him. When he came to Basel I asked him also for counsel
concerning the dizziness. He examined me, and wondered whence I had the
dizziness. Soon he said: “If you were with me I would soon drive it away from
you; ” for he thought that I ate not the best things or not enough; also that I
studied too much and slept too little. Then I and my wife agreed, if they would
receive us as servants, then we would go to him. He went to Pruntrut and
became the physician of the Bishop, Mr. Philip von Gundolzheim. Then I gave up
the assistantship, and
went with my wile and child to Pruntrut. Then the deputy was not well pleased
with me and also my best friends, Dr. Oporinus and Henry Billing, the mayor’s
stepson. But I had especial desire for the medicine, with which the doctor had
promised to help inc. Again I took the child on my back and went away. I left
my household goods at Basel.
Now when I came to
him I said: “ Doctor, now I am with you, help me against this dizziness.” Then
he turned to my wife and said: “There is your physician ” and said: “ Go early
to bed when you think that no one else will knock, and sleep in the morning as
long as you think that no one comes and knocks.” Which,
however, my wife did not do; for she rose up early, looked after the child and
the other affairs that belonged to her service and housekeeping. But I did not
sleep too long, but more than I had been accustomed to hitherto. When I then
arose, she was accustomed to cook for me a good broth. That also the doctor
had commanded her. When I now had assumed this manner of living, I can say with
truth that after three days I did not have the dizziness any more, but it left
me entirely. And since then I have had no more trouble from the dizziness,
except when I forgot myself occasionally to be with too little sleep or too
long fasting. This art, which is so easily practised, I have taught very many
who have complained of the dizziness, and have helped them; for example, Mr.
Myconius, Dr.
Cellarius, and some others, who have thanked me for it; for it has helped them.
When now we had been
there twelve weeks and our little child on one evening had learned to go five
little steps, the pestilence attacked it, and it died on the third day. And
when the spasms had also attacked it, so that we must see it in the greatest
pain, we wept, when it died, from sorrow and also from joy, that it has escaped
from the suffering. Then the mother made for it a pretty wreath, and the
school-master at Pruntrut buried it behind St. Michael’s.
When now we were both
sad, and my wife was no more happy as before, and did not want to sing, the
master said: “ Your wife is no more joyous, and my wife fears that because she
is so sad that the pestilence, which then prevailed in Pruntrut, will attack my
wife or yours. I advise you to take her away.” I did so, took her to Zurich,
and spent on the way not more than five bats. But I went again back to
Pruntrut, and came on a Sunday evening again to the master, who sat alone by a
table, and was full to suffocation with wine and said: “ 0 Thomas, you have
done wrong that you have taken Ann away (and yet he had told me to) ; as soon
as you went away the pestilence attacked my wife, she. lies above and has a
great ulcer. Now the master was very much afraid, so that he drank himself
full all day, so that he would think about it so much the
less. He was even
before that for the most part drunk.
For when we ate at
the castle and had drunk enough, then the steward led him as he went away to
the cellar: the Bishop had commanded it. There he drank yet more wine. When we
then came home, the first thing he sent after more wine; for he had none in the
cellar, and he often sat in the garden in his shirt-sleeves until after
midnight and drank.
On Monday, as I had
returned on Sunday, the pestilence also attacked him. He said to me: “We will
go across the field.” As we came to the city gate he said: “We will go to
Delsberg,’’ for the Bishop had fled there from the pestilence. We went the same
day to the village next to Delsberg, it is a mile or an half from Pruntrut. We
remained there over night; he would eat nothing. He was very sick. He did not
tell his wife that he wished to go away, and I also did not know it, until we
came outside of the city gate. On the next day we rented a horse, and on the
road between Pruntrut and Delsberg he fell from the horse; for he was a large,
heavy man and sick. At the village next to Delsberg he sent the horse back
again and walked as far as the gate. Then they would not let him in until he
sent to the Bishop, telling him that he was there. Then the Bishop commanded
that they should let him in. We went to the Bishop’s house, they bid us
welcome, and placed him bv the Bishop’s side for supper. But he ate only a
little that night. The Bishop asked: “ Doctor, how is it that you are not so
White Cross, who told
me that I could bring him. She
“ Whom have you for
guests ? ” When he heard he became terribly angrv, swore evilly, and said to
me, because I was his servant, that I should take him out of the house or he
would throw us both down the steps. Then I said: “If you throw him down, then
will he die so much the sooner, and you will be guilty of his death.” Thereupon
he left us there for the night. And since there were no more papists there,
there came a preacher from another village, who was to preach on the morrow in
Munster, He slept in the inn in our room; he comforted the master in a
Christian manner. I asked the preacher, for God’s sake, that he should assemble
the people after the sermon and exhort them, for God’s sake, to consent to give
him a house for recompense, even if it was empty; yes, even a pig’s sty, that he
might have some place where he might die. All this was refused him. After the
luncheon, I went almost from one house to another, asked only for a little
stall, where he could die, for I knew well he would not live long. At last I
found a woman. The woman wept, she so pitied the gentleman, for whom I had
asked the people in such a friendly manner, and besides I had promised to give
reward enough. She said to me: “ Go in, my good friend, and bring the gentleman
to me.” The woman was a native of Basel. Then I went in, hired a woman who was
to help me carry him out of the inn, perhaps quite a stone’s throw away. I
I went to Delsberg,
took the stuff from the gate-
When now the debtors—namely,
Kunz “ ziim Storchen,” Niclaus the Apothecary, and the old ltei- men—knew that
he was dead, and that I was from there with some things; also that he had had a
servant before me, who said: “The doctor had a hook that wan worth sixty
crowns ”; they caused the report to be spread that I had run away as a rascal.
This Dr. Oporinus wrote to me. Then I took all the things and brought them
again and let myself be seen; but then no one would call me a knave, hut in
haste caused me to be served with an attachment, and said that I should give
them what I had. I said: “The master was indebted to me some shillings and six
florins; if you give me this, and it is acknowledged, then I will give it,
otherwise not.” Then the mayor, “ zum Hirsehen,” advised my attorney that he
should say I had the assured pledge they should pay me. The case lasted about
six weeks, for they thought that 1 could not wait until the end, ami that I
would rather give them all things out of hand.
In the meantime I and
Oporinus copied off each in turn a half page of the book, and intended then to
copy from each other, which afterward was done. Thus we succeeded in copying
the book. When now they paid me, the judgment was pronounced that I should
surrender all things. This I did and went again back to Zurich. The wife of the
doctor, recovered again, came to me a tolerably long time thereafter to
Basel, and asked me, since all things had been taken from her, and I perhaps in
that time had copied the book, that I should not begrudge her just the remedy
of purgation of the currants; therewith she knew how to support herself. But
where she went then I do not know. She was very pretty.
ZURICH WAR, OCTOBER,
153J
Not long thereafter the Zurichers and the Five Places went against
one another again. Then things went badly again; for many honest, noble men perished;
among others also Zuingli. When the battle had been fought and the clamour came
back to Zurich, they rang the alarm with the great Cathedral bell. It was just
at the time when the lights were being lit. Then many people ran out of the
city to the bridge over the Syll under the Albis. I caught up a halberd and a
sword in the house of Myconius and ran out also with the others. Rut when we
had gone out quite a distance, then met us what caused me to wish that I had
remained in the city. For nome came who had only one hand, some held their head
between their hands, mournfully wounded and bloody. One met us also whose
intestines were hanging out, so that he carried them in his hands; and people
went with them who lighted the way; for it was dark. When we came to the
bridge, they permitted every man to go over the bridge, but they would allow no
man to come back towards Zurich. For meD stood on the bridge with
But when one saw that
the enemy was not at hand, then I was much rejoiced, as many others also. For I
knew many who went about arrogantly in Zurich, but trembled then like an aspen
leaf. Then I heard of a brave man who stood on a high place and cried aloud:
“Where are our leaders? Oh, heavens, is there no one here to counsel us how we
should act?” And though some thousands were there assembled no one knew how it
would have gone if the enemy had come.
When, as I remember,
it was almost nine o’clock in the morning, the first leader, Lavater, was seen
below, coming hither over a path; he had disgraced himself in the flight. The
other leader, William “ of the Eed House,” was killed. The third, George
Goldlin, had so conducted himself that later he was convicted in Zurich of
having betrayed the Zurichers.
What there was done
further I know not. For as I was not provided as many others, I had nothing to
eat, and went back again to Zurich. Then my preceptor Myconius asked me: “IIow
has it gone? Is
Mr. Ulrich killed?”
When I answered, “Yes, alas!”
TO BASEL—MYCONIUS
ALSO GOES THITHER
When
now
peace had come, and I had lost much time, I wished to go again back to Basel to
the studies. I studied in the college, and lay on my bed, and went to the
Pilgrim’s Staff for meals. I have often eaten there for three pfennigs. One can
well imagine how much I ate! In time I told to Henry Billing, the burgomaster’s
son, that I had heard from Myconius that he no longer wished to stay in Zurich,
since Mr. Ulrich was dead. He said: “Do you think he could be persuaded to come
to us ? ” I told him what I had spoken to him concerning the position of
preacher at St. Alban. He told it to the burgomaster, his father. He told it to
the deputies; they sent for me in the Augustine’s Cloister. When now they had
heard me, they sent me to Zurich, and I brought Myconius away with me. But I
had to bear the expense of it myself.
As we went on, four
fellows on horseback appeared in a field beyond Mumpf, and because they were
not in the confederacy Myconius said: “ How would it be if they caught us and
led us to Ensisheim.” I said, as they now c-ame up to us, “ Fear not, they are
from Basel.” For it wan
Squire Wolfgang von Landenberg, Squire Offenberg, the Landenberg’a son, and a
knight. When they came up I said: “ ] know that they are from Basel, for I have
often seen them at the preaching of Ocolampadius.” They put up at Mumpf at the
“ Bell ” as night fell. We also put up there. When we came into the room Squire
Wolfgang asked: ‘‘Whence do you come ? ” Myconius said: “ From Zurich.” Then
the squire asked: “What do they say in Zurich?” Myconius answered: “ People are
mournful because Mr. Ulrich Zvringli is dead.” Squire Wolfgang asked: “ Who are
you ? ” Myconius answered: “ I am Oswald Myconius, and am the school-master in
Zurich at Our Lady’s Cathedral.” Then Myconius also asked: “ Who are you?” He
said: “I am Wolf von Landenburg.” After a while Myconius took me by the coat,
led me out, and said: “ I see now clearly how industriously you have gone to
church in Basel. I believe the nobleman has not very often pressed the seats in
the church.” For Myconius had heard much said of him. When now we sat at the
table Squire Eglin also came in the room and the other two. They sat at the top
of the table and began to drink. Then the knight brought a beaker of liquor to
Myconius. Myconius took a little drink out of the beaker which they had sent
him. Then the knight said: “ 0 sir, you must drink more! ” And when he urged him
to it forcibly, then Myconius became angry and said: “ Fellow, I could drink before you could have
carried a little (hip,” and other words. Squire Eglin heard this and asked: “
What is it ? ” Myconius said: “ He presumes to force mo to drink.” Then was
Squire Eglin fearfully angry at the knight, so that we thought he would strike
him, and spoke to him very evilly: “You villain, would you force an old man to
drink?” And asked Myconius : “ Dear sir, who are you ? ” Myconius said: “ I am
called Oswald Myconius.” The squire said: “ Have you not once been
school-master at St. Peter’s in Basel ? ” He said: “ Yes.” The squire said: “
Dear sir, you have been my teacher also. If I had followed you, then I would
have been an honourable man. 1 know almost nothing as I am.” Then they went on
with their drinking—that is, the four. When Squire Wolfgang’s son was drunk he
lay partially down, with his elbows on the table. Then the squire, his father,
began to chide him mournfully, as though he had committed a terrible vice.
When he had supped, I and Myconius went to bed, but they really began to take a
sleeping-cup; they sang and shouted in a horrible manner. Afterward we
discovered that they had indeed been fourteen days in Zurich, that they had
with one another celebrated the funeral of Zwingli and others who were killed
with those who had found more joy than sorrow therein. When we on the morrow
went over Melifeld Myconius said to me: “How did the behaviour of the nobility
yesterday please you?
To fill one another
full to suffocation is no shame, but to lean a little bit with one’s elbows on
the table that is such a shame and deserved curses! ”
After we came to
Basel, Myconius stopped with Oporinus, but I went to the college. After some
days Myconius was to make the “ Six ”—or the council sermon. I know not
whether one had asked him or not. I came to him. There he lay yet. I said to
him: “ Father, get up, you must preach.” He said: “ What, must I preach ? ” And
he rose up quickly and said to me: “What shall I preach? Tell me.” I said: “I
know not.” He said: “ I wish to know from you! ” Then I said: “ Explain to us,
whence and why, the misfortune has come which now has befallen us.” He said:
“Write it for me on a little piece of paper! ” Thai I did anti gave him my
Testament, wherein he laid the little piece of paper, went out to the chapel,
treated of the question before learned people, who had come thither to hear
him, as they would one who was preaching for the first time. Thereupon they wondered,
so that I have heard say after the sermon, among others J)r. Sulterus to I)r.
Simon Grynaus, who was at that time a student, “ 0 Simon, let us pray God, that
this man remain here, for he can teach.” Then was he chosen at St. Albans. Then
I accompanied him aga’n back to Zurich, and went again to Basel to my studies.
But he, when lie was dismissed in honour, came with his wife to Basel and my
wife
PROFESSOR IN THE
PEDAGOGIUM—READER-CALL TO SITTEN-JOURNEY THROUGH SWITZERLAND —BATH CURE
Thereupon
I
took Greek lectures in the Pedagogium and read the grammar of Oaporinus and
dialogues of Lucian. But Oporinus was appointed that he should read the poets.
But not long thereafter a pestilence broke out, and Jacob Ruberus, reader to
Dr. Hervagius, and the most loved companion of Oporinus and myself, died. Then
Dr. Sulterus came for a while in his place in service to Dr. Hervagius. But
when he saw that this employment rather hindered than assisted him in his
studies, he advised me that. I should accept it. I feared the business was too
difficult for me, but Dr. Hervagius would not desist until I had accepted it. I
carried this on for four years with the greatest labour and care.
Thereafter it
happened that in the council at Sitten at Christmas they decided to appoint me
as schoolmaster, and the head councillor, Simon Alben, was commanded to write
to me and bid me come. This was delayed until Shrove Tuesday, also because I
was to overlook the printing-press for Hervagius,
When I came to Visp
the Bishop was just there and
/ Before this time,
it had once happened, when I had no position, that my true and dear companion,
Henry Billing, asked me that I should make a journey with him within the
confederacy, and said he would then go with me to Yalais. Thus we went first to
Schaffhausen, Constance, thereafter to Linden; there he had business. From
there to St. Gall. Toggenburg, Rapperswyl, to Zug, Schwitz, to Uri. They did us
all honour, because they heard that we were from Basel. Thence we went in the
TTrsern Valley to Realp. But when Henry saw the mountain, he was so afraid in
the night that he was doubtful whether he wished to go over the mountain on the
morrow; he was timid, so that the landlady said: “ If all from Basel are so
timid, they will not conquer those of Valais. I am a poor, weak woman, or 1
would take the child ”—this she had with her—“by the hand to-morrow and cross
over.” Henry did not sleep well that night. We employed a strong Alpine guide,
who should go with us to show us the way; he took a staff over his shoulder,
went ahead in the snow and sang, so that it echoed in the mountains. He slipped
a little and fell in a low place; for it was yet tolerably dark and before day.
When Henry saw him fall he would not go ahead one
Captain Simon who was
favourable to me was there. He was master of colonies, had read in the Academy
of Basel the Offices of Cicero, thereafter at Rome had for ten years conducted
affairs before the pope for Georgius of “auf der Flue,” and on account of the
province against Cardinal Matthew Schinner. He was well trained in the Latin
language. He said to me: “ I wish to undertake a journey to the Brieger baths
for the gout; bathe with me, and I will pay for the journey.” Then I journeyed
with him, for the bath is not a half-mile from
Visp. The baths affected him, so that pome of tit* had to carry him to the
bath, he bathed two hours, and then came away on two crutches. There came
thither also the Duke of Milan, captain of the mercenary guards; he had spent
nine hundred ducats on physicians (for his thigh), and nothing helped him. He
bathed there also. His thigh was cured in three days, and so remained. I have
seen this and other things which were wonderful to hear.
I had a very good
journey to the baths, only that the eating did not please me, so that 1 could
eat almost none of the rye bread and drink no wine, for it was too strong for
me. I complained to the landlord. He was called Captain Peter Owling, a very
fine man; he had also studied well in Milan. 1 said to him, “ Oh, that you had
sour wine! ” He ordered me wine from Morill; it was terribly sour, for it is
there very wild, and is the highest wine that grows in the land. When the wine
came he said: “ Platter, I wish to give you the wine.” There were three hundred
litres. He gave me a beautiful crystal glass which would hold quite a quantity.
With this I went to the cellar and took the greatest drink that I, I believe,
have taken in my whole life; for I had had for a long time the greatest thirst,
and had a bad breaking out ; I drank nothing except warm spring water. When I
had taken the drink I cared for the wine no more, and came then again to the
eating and drinking. To Captain
But now when the
visit to the baths- was over I went again to Basel and became first corrector
to Hervagius, as hitherto has been stated, similarly a'so professor in the
Pedagog.um. But when I saw how Hervagius and other printers had a good
business, and with little work made good profit, I thought: “I should like also
to become a printer! ” So also thought Dr. Oporinus, who also assisted much in
the publishing house. There was also a very good type-setter of the guild “at
the bench,” Balthasar Ruch, who had a good disposition and who was very
ambitious, who was a good companion of Oporinus and myself. Our plan was well
arranged, hut nowhere any money. There was Ru- precht Winter, the
brother-in-law of Oporinus, who had a wife, who would gladly have been a
publisher’s wife, for she saw the printer’s women live in such splendour, for
which she was well fitted; for she had enough property; of spirit only too
much. She counselled her husband, Ruprecht, that he should become a printer
with his brother-in-law Oporinus. Then we four became partners: Oporinus,
Ruprecht, Balthasar, and I; we purchased
the outfit of Mr. Andrew Cra- tauder. For he and his son Polycarp had become
book-dealers, because bis wife, as she said, would no longer occupy herselfwith the daubing. We gave him eight hundred florins for the printing outfit, to
be paid within a certain time.
At the time that I
was proof-reader, my second child, little Margaret, was born. She was born in
the house that for a long time was in the possession of the school-master of
St. Peter’s, and is even yet. The school-master at that time* was Anthony Wild;
he had been a monk. Then I moved to the next house. There was born another
child, called Urseli. One day she would have fallen out of the window had not
Max Wolf, who was a boarder and had the child by the window, caught her by her
little feet.
Thus we began the
printing together. I became a burgher, and was incorporated 'n the guild “ Of
the Bears,” where Balthasar and Ruprecht had already been incorporated. But
Oporinus belonged to his father’s guild, “ Zum Himmel,” for he himself was a
famous painter. We immediately borrowed money, as it was necessary to the
business. But Ruprecht pawned to-day the one, on the morrow another thing. Then
I thought each of us should go alternately to each fair. However, it did not
happen, but always two of us went to Frankfort, then the women desired that one
should
fist and struck him
on the nose, so that he fell on his back, and lay there a good while, so that
his wife stood over him and screamed: “ Oh woe, you have killed my husband.”
With that the journeymen printers who had just gone to bod rose up quickly and
came down. He lay there yet, ami my face was very bloody from the scratches.
Soon thereafter he rose up and wished to eome at me again. I said: “ Let him
come now, and I will give him a better one yet.” Then the printers pushed me
out of the door. I went with a light home to the house behind the school-m
aster’s house. My wife, when she saw me, cried out: “ Oh, you have certainly
fought one another.”
On the following day
our partners came and were much displeased, as were also the journeymen, that
we should be their masters and yet fight with one another. Then two of my
partners, Balthasar and Oporinus, went to Frankfort. When he came back again he
had yet a scar on the nose in the place between the eyes, which he carried for
eight week?, but 1 on the middle finger, on the knuckle also, had a scar for
four weeks.
When now they came
again they were determined to fix me in the guild. Then Cod gave me my dear son
Feb'x; T do not think that I could have had greater joy. Then I)r. Paul
Phrvgius. pastor of St. Peter’s, christened him; but Master Simon Grynaus and
John Walterus, printers, were godfathers, and Mrs. Macha- rius Nussbaum,
godmother. When Dr. Grynaus went with me out of
the church he said to me: “ You have properly called him Felix, for he will be
a joy, or all my mind deceives me.”
Now when 1 had been
there a long time, the business pleased me the less the longer I stayed. For we
yet continued to borrow and paid off nothing. We were now indebted almost two
thousand guilders. Then I said: “I will no longer be in the partnership, we
will completely ruin Rupreeht.” This did not please some of them, especially
Ruch. But I desired one should take stock of all the books at Frankfort, then I
would take stock of all the books at home. Likewise with what others were
indebted to us and we to other people. Thus it came to pass. Then T found we
were indebted over twq thousand florins. Then we had books and obligations
therefor, so that to each of us there belonged yet one hundred florins. Then
we divided the manuscripts and all the working materials. Then Rupreeht said:
“Who now wishes to reserve his part, let him give me security, so that mine
will be secured.” Then Balthasar gave Mr. Cratander as security, but Oporinus
and Rupreeht remained partners; but 1 said: “ If you will trust me, 1 will pay
you honestly.” Ru- precht would not willingly do this. Then I did not wish to
approach any one for security, and gave over everything to Rupreeht, also the
one hundred florins, so that, however hereafter it might happen to him. I would
not have a share in it. For at that time he could have
come out of it
without any disadvantage. For Bebelius wished to take all things together and
cancel his mortgage. But perhaps he was destined to be ruined, foi it happened
so hereafter. For a long time Oporinus and he printed with one another, and
they also separated. Iiuprecht went on alone, against my advice, until he had
spent all; for he did not himself understand the trade. Balthasar also was
ruined, so that they lost by him some thousand guilders. Oporinus held out for
the longest time; but they at last lost much through him also. Almost all the
three died in the distress of debt. But I, since I had given up my part to
Ruprecht—he left me an Ttalic writing and a few others—that I afterward paid
off by printing.
At that time there
was a very fine craftsman in printing, Peter Schaffer, by whose family the
printing establishment in Mainz was founded. He had type punches for almost all
writings. He gave me the matrices for a very little money; some of these he adjusted
for me and cast for me; some Master Martin cast for me, some he, who was called
Utz, an engraver, so that now I was quite well supplied with all styles of
types and presses. Then some gentlemen gave me to print; as Mr.Wattenschnee,
Frobenius, Episkopius, Her- vagius, Michael Isengrinius. From this contract I made
some profit; I also received apprentices; I taught them myself with industry.
That was profitable for me, for in a short time they set for me the daily task in Greek and Latin. I
lived in a house on Eisengaspe; there I had a shop, and also had books tor
sale. But I did not make much thereby, but got into debt. But I soon ceased to
sell books, supported myself with the printing, contract work, and also my own
work; therewith I went to Frankfort.
DEBT—SICKNESS—PURCHASE
OF HOUSES
The
dear
old gentlemen, Conrad Rosch, now deceased, and Cratander, saw clearly that I
would get myself heavily in debt, and that I was even already in debt. Mr.
Conrad said: “ Thomas, watch yourself, and give heed, that you shun the little
creditors the most, for it is much easier to become indebted to one for a
thousand guilders than for ten or twenty. For the little dogs always make such
very great outcry that one can scarcely trust them. The large dogs one can much
better keep silent.” But Cratander gave me the advice that among them to whom I
was indebted I should always consider that one to be the best who applied to me
the most frequently to pay. For these would be much more useful to me, and
would hold me up; for the others, who demanded nothing of me, made me
negligent. “ They have harmed me most, who have loaned me the more, the longer
1 borrowed, so that I at last have come into the greatest debt. I little know
how things will go after my death.” This he said to me on his deathbed, for he
died soon thereafter. And if
Wlnlo I was in this
house was sick unto death, lay fully eight weeks, and became indebted 1,400
guilders, when God raised me up again. I wished to take another house, for I
desired to leave the bookseller’s business, and hence I did not need the shop.
Also my printing room was small and dark. Thereupon T eame in possession of
the house wherein I am yet from Mr. John Kachtler, the secretary of the
Cathedral. I had to pay sixteen florins yearly for the two houses. Yet he kept
for himself a closet in Felix’s room. Herein he kept his possessions. Here I
first prepared a paper-printing establishment, so that 1 could print with three
presses, aBd carry on printing for Dr. Hervagius, Frobenius, Isengrinius, and
others, who gave to me; likewise for myself. Then I also had more than twenty
boarders, so that I made much thereby and gradually paid off my debt.
Immediately after I had bought the houses, 1 also made my well. Without the
chimney this cost me 100 florins. For when I had been in the house two or three
years, and had paid large rent and yet had no property, God gave me the idea I
should buy the house. Also other honest people—namely, the burgermeister, “ zum
nirsohen,” also Mr. Maeharius Nuszbaum counselled me. Both directed me that I
should go to Freiburg to Kachtler, and request him that he should come to
Schliugen. Then they
would in person ride after me to Schlingen, and help me. make the purchase. But
when I came to Freiburg to Kachtler, and told it to him, he said he would
permit no man on that account to ride thither, but would close the sale with
me, so that he himself would not blush, but whoever would hear of it would say
it was a good sale; and he would give me an entire year for the time of
payment; but he wished no right of redemption. He sold me the two houses, the
Weissenburg and the next one, for 750 florins; then I was to ask for some
house furniture, which he yet had in the house. Of these, I wished some pieces,
which he thought were worth 50 florins. But the sale of the mentioned pieces
and the two houses was made for 750 florins. Then he asked: “How much I would
give of ready money.” I answered: “ Nothing; I wished to pay interest.” He
asked what I would deposit, and whom I would give as security. I said: “ I
will give you no securities, for I w ill afflict no one therewith, but I will
mortgage to you the house and what 1 have therein, my household furniture and
printing establishment.” He said: “ Whoever loans money on a house or accepts
it as a mortgage, lends on a tub of ashes.” Then I said: “Trust me, and I will
act honestly towards you.” He believed me; for I thmk the Father in Heaven,
who was on my side, persuaded him; for otherwise he scarcely would have trusted
me without
When I showed my good
patrons in Basel the sale, they were astonished over the bargain, and said I
should write him that I would annul the redemption, and thus close the sale. 1
think, Kachtler thought that I would pay much of the sum and then get stuck, so
that I could not pay any more, and the house would come back to him, as it had
also occurred previously with another house, which he had sold, and after the
greater part was paid, the purchaser was killed, and the house came back to him
again. The third house he did not wish to sell at first, but kept it for himself,
so that, if the canons came back again, he would have one house of his own. But
before the year was over he wrote to me that T should also buy the third house
from him, on account of the space before the houses. He wished to sell it, for
he did not think that he would come back again to Basel; perhaps one might buy
it who would occupy the place with a stable or something else that would be a
nuisance to me. Therefore, since he had trusted me with the two houses, he
would also trust me with the third, and sell the same for 200 florins in gold.
I asked the burgomaster for advice. lie said: “ Buy it; God, vrho will help you
pay
for the two, wiD also
help you pay for the third.” But, in regard to the gold guilders, 1 should
write to him that I did not agree in regard to them; that he should let me have
it for 200 in small coin. For some time he refused this through letters; at
last he wished me fortune therewith, and allowed it to me for 200 florins, on
this account, so that if the houses should come hack to him again, they would
not he separated. Therefore I was now indebted to him 950 florins, and was
obliged to pay interest to him on 500 florins; the remaining to be paid the
first year 200 florins, the next 200 florins, the third 50 florins, every year
with the interest on 500 florins. And if I should desire to redeem it, I
should pay 200 florins at a time. Therefore I paid him the 450 florins in the
three years as had been agreed upon. And when I brought to him at the time of
redemption the first 200 florins, I asked that hereafter, instead of that, he
would take for each further year 100 florins, together with the interest, as it
was too difficult for me to give 200 florins. He would not do this. I then went
home again in anger, and looked after money, that I might pay in the next year
300 florins, and really paid him all in five years. This was arranged for the
most part through Spirer, who executed the sale for me, but I always paid the
money there to Zacheus, but Kachtler gave me a receipt. He has often praised
me, as I have been told, and said he had never had a better debtor than me, and
the houses belonged to me by
right. For Squire Petti‘man von Otfenburg had desired to purchase them, and to
give 600 florins in cash; yet he would rather let me have them. Thereafter I
also perceived that 1 had made no bad purchase, for our mint-master said: fi
Had he known that the houses had been for sale, then they would not have become
mine; he would give me 1,200 florins for the one.” Therefore I must justly
praisf God, and give him the honour before all, and afterward the good people,
who have helped me therewith and have counselled me.
Not long thereafter a
pestilence broke out, and because I had many table boarders the deputies desired
not that I should send them from me, but that I should retreat with them to
Liestal and write thither that they should assist me in finding a dwelling.
Then CTi Wantz received me, and there were of us, I and the boarders, about
thirty-five. They gave me here some rooms and some furniture. I gave him two
and a half mark each week for house-rent. After sixteen weeks 1 went again into
the city, began to carry on my business and to print. My dear child, little
Margaret, died of the pestilence, of whom they said, she was a very pretty
child; she was, as I remember, about six years old.
It had even before
that come to pass when Oporinus ami I were professors, and the city clerk, at
that time councillor, had asked me in his house how it yet happened that the
University did not prosper—after many words I said: “It seems to me the
professors are far too many, for there are often almost more professors than
students. If there were four famous men, which one could easily find, for at
that time there was much unrest in Germany, which one ought to pay well, and
then four more which could be paid less; that would be eight persons. If each
one read each day one lecture with industry, or if one would take yet fewer
and each read every day two lectures, then would students enough come thither.”
Then he said: “J5ut what would we do with fellow townsmen ? ” Then I said: “If
he desired to look at that, and not to care much more for the youth, then I
would counsel him no more. I am also of the opinion at all times that one
should favour the people of Basel, if one finds them; if not, one should take
the best, so that the youth will be helped.”
I know not what or
where this was decided, because Oporinus and I had undertaken the printing
business, we should either give it up and apply ourselves to the profession
alone; if not, then we should give up the profession; this happened. For we had
gone so far in tbe business that we could not leave off from the prini- ing.
Then they gave us a furlough, and began with us to do what I had counselled;
but that they looked around for other people, I have not yet seen.
After I had purchased
the houses, and had paid forthem, I went od with the printing and had a bad time,
also my wife and children, for the children often rubbed the paper so that
their lingers bled. But it went well with me financially. For with the printing
alone I was able to make each year 200 florins to improve my printing
establishment and household furniture. Also I borrowed money and paid it, and
always found people who would loan it to me. But when unrest, warlike
activities, and even war arose in every land, printers became unwilling to
print much, and carry the stock of books, and the journeymen were so unprepared
that I had almost an aversion to print more.
Thus
the
deputies, Dr. Grynaus, Mr. Yoder Brant, the mayor, and others often advised me
that I should leave off from printing and become school-master. For they had
had several school-masters in a few years, and the school “ at the Castle ” had
almost come to an end. One day I came to Mr. Rudolph Fry, who was the head
deputy and forester to the Castle, and asked him whether he would sell a
parchment book; for I saw him sell these large, beautiful books, and indeed
very cheap. Since I had continually many boarders, I had purchased the
parchment willingly, to give to them, wherewith to bind little books. He said
there wa> no more to sell. Among other things he asked me again if I would
cease to print. I said it had begun to be almost disagreeable to me. He said: £‘
Dear sir, become a school-master. Thereby you will do my master a service,
will serve God and the world.” Then he related it to our gracious masters.
They sent the city clerk to me, also Dr. Grynaus. Dr. Grynaus said to me:
“Become a school-master, there is no more godlike office. There is nothing I
would rather be, if only
After this I went
away to Strassburg, wished to investigate their order of studies and to confer
with my brother Lithonius, who was preceptor of the third class, and to arrange
as much as was appropriate for my school. Thereupon I returned, established my
four classes; for before this all the pupils were in the lower room; up to this
time also they heated only the lower room; for at that time there were only a
few pupils. Now when 1 began to hold school, I had to deliver in writing to
those of the University my Order of Classes, and what I read for every hour of
the entire week. That did not please them at all. I read higher authors than
they in the Pedagogium And above all they would not permit that I should read
dialectic. They complained of me so often that the councillors began to wonder
what dialectic might be, concerning which one wrangled so and had for so !ong.
Thereupon I explained to the burgomaster, Mr. Yoder Brant, who had asked me
what dialectic was, he wondered why they wished to forbid me. When they had a
convocation on 'Whitsuntide, they again passed the unanimous judgment that I
should not teach dialectic. But I diil not worry myself about it, went ahead,
because I had the pupils that could hear it with profit. For the other
Faculties were not altogether against it; only the Faculty of Arts was
against it; they said it brought the University the greatest reproach that so
few boys should be matriculated. This was of great importance to them. This
quarrel continued for six years, until a pestilence so diminished my school
that I had no pupils who desired to study dialectic. After this they began to
vex me that I should become a Master of Arts; that also continued for a long
time. The deputies also agreed in this. When now I would not do t his, I was
accused before my gracious sirs; they gave me to understand that it did not
become the city well to have a schoolmaster who was not a Master of Arts. But
they did not call me before the council. The substance of the matter was that
they wanted to obtain power over the school. They were envious of this ; but
from whom and through whom I know well; for the honourable council has never
complained concerning my school. They not only received the power over my
school, but also over the church, under this pretence—that it would be well if
school and church were united into one body. This had then a fine appearance;
but what came out of it one sees daily; how officiously all things are
supervised. For as every professor received also an appointment as a preacher,
on this account neither this nor that was better conducted and administered.
When now they had
acquired authority over my school, they made regulations also concerning the entrance
and examinations. But when 1 was not pleased
Again they wished
that I should bring my pupils twice a year to the College, and there present
them to be examined. I was not willing to do that, but desired that they should
come to the school as often as they wished, arid there examine them, or listen
when some one examined them. But when I was not willing to do what they wished
I was strongly condemned; then the deputies came to me very much displeased. I
said, “ I see well that there will be no end to the complaints, I would rather
that one should take a school-master who will do everything that they wish.”
When now this had lasted some years, the burgomaster. Mr. Yoder Brant, summoned me to
him and counselled with me a long time, desiring that I should obey him in
this, and permit my pupils to he examined once in the college. Then if it did
not please me, I could another time hold it in the school. I said: “ Sir, the
only thing that they want is that they also can assert to my gracious sirs that
they care for the schools, and they will then continue to make arrangements constantly
as it pleases now this one and now that one, and there is the school at an end.
Therefore I cannot agree to that.” Then he said: " Then you will be left
undisturbed no more, and will see yourself accused before the council ; for I
will not hide it from you that you are accused before the council for the ninth
time.” I said: “ Why have they not then allowed mi; to come at least for a
defence ? ” He said: “ Our gracious sirs have not yet judged of it for good,
but hold out with lances and poles that it may not yet come to pass. For what
do you think that many of the councillors’ friends would think if so many
powerful men, doctors and others, who are all from Basel, would stand against
yon there; and you a foreigner, who have no degree, were against them? How will
you act then?” I answered: “ If then no one will support me, yet I know that I
have a just cause; I will testify to that and prove to all impartial scholars.
Then I will ask the dear God that he will support me, and then await to see how
well it will go.” Then the man
At the next quarterly
feast I led my class thither; I permitted them to be examined. Then they went
about the matter and vexed one another for quite a while because somewhat
divided over it, and therefore called me to conduct the examination. I said
they should do it; that I examined them every day in the school; yet I
permitted myself to be persuaded, and conducted it even to this time. I had
thought that the examinations were planned for this season, that one could see
whether things were progressing much, but those who should listen sat there and
chattered. Examinations are good for nothing, for one can explain scarcely a
line, and then one calls go on; it is only for this reason that one should
think they apply themselves with the greatest industry. Thus I alone brought
the classes out of my school thither for some years. I asked why should not the
other school-mas
After I had become
school-master I went to Frankfort, sold my books there to Bartlus Vogel, of
Wittenberg, so that scarcely the price of the paper was paid me. Those which I
yet had in Basel, Jacob de Puys, of Paris, bought from me. But I sold the
printing establishment to Peter Berirn cheap.
PURCHASE OF AN
ESTATE—GRKAT CREDIT— HELP FROM GOD AND MAN
Whes
it
was 1549 on the eighteenth day of June I bought the estate of Hugwalders for
660 florins. I had no ready money to giro him, hut I desired to pay him
interest; with this he was well pleased. But when I desired to complete the
bill of purchase he demanded a mortgage and sureties. I said: “I will mortgage
to you the estate which I have bought from you and my houses.” With that I
borrowed 200 florins from Mr. Frobenius, which I gave him in ready money; and
yet he would not receive the mortgage without a surety. I said: “ I have made
greater purchases than this, and they have trusted me without sureties; I will
pay you interest on nothing.” I looked after money. Then the gentleman of “ the
White Dove ” loaned me 500 florins. With this money I paid Hugwalders. I also received
200 florins from Dr. Frobenius’s son-in-law, called Kannengiesser. 1 was also
yet indebted to Dr. Isengerius for 200 florins, which had been inherited by him
from Dominus Bebelius. At that time I was indebted to Dr. Hervagius for 100
sun crowns, which I had
PARENTS’ SORROW AND
PARENTS' JOY— SON’S DOCTORATE AND MARRIAGE
Not long
thereafter a pestilence once more broke out, and since I had mam boarders all
the time they did not wish to go away from me, but asked that I go with them to
the country estate. I did this in the week before Whitsuntide. On Whitsuntide
we went in to church. Then this evil thing befell my dear daughter Ursela who
died on Thursday in the country. On Friday my neighbours took her away; she.
was buried at St. Elizabeth’s; she was seventeen years old. Then all of my
boarders left me except the son of Mr. von Rollen, who remained with me quite
alone. On this account, and because of his other virtues, 1 would have received
him as a son, to have raised him up to study, until he had received his
doctor's degree; but his father, now deceased, would not permit him. At the
time of the pestilence my son Felix was with the clerk of the court of the
province, Dr. Peter (lawiler, at Roteln.
When I had purchased
the estate of Hugwalders and had paid for it, 1 began to build; first the
spring, the house, the bam and stable, the vineyard and other things, which seemed
necessary to me. Then 1 had great expense and not less work, for all the time I
gave the work-people from the city their wages and meals. I also purchased from
Lux Dechem three acres of meadow for 130 florins. Now, after 1 had built, and
went out each day several times, my gracious sirs thought that it was not
possible. that I could attend to the estate and the school; there were very
many speeches before the council and on the street, especially with the
University men; on this account I had many overseers. But when one could not
notice that I neglected anything they left me in peace, and now for some years
unsuspected.
After my son Felix
bad returned from Roteln, and had studied literature for a long time, he had a
desire to study medicine, and to that I desired very willingly to help him. I
had received an exchange student fmm Montpelier, and sent lr'm thither, where
he then applied his time well, and because my dear daughter Ursela was dead I
desired to have another daughter. So I thought where can I find a wife for my
son. And because the time had not arrived, so that he could marry, especially
because he wished first to go to France, I wished in my heart to choose one
with whom I could make myself happy, with the hope of the future, and pretend
to myself that I already had another daughter with whom I could gradually
become acquainted. Then no one pleased me better than the
daughter of Master
Jecklemann, the councillor; and that for many reasons not necessary to relate
here. Therefore I spoke to him concerning his daughter. He met me with a
friendly answer; that my son was now going to France; they were both quite
young; when he came again, and it pleased them both, then he would meet me in a
friendly way. And it was not his intention meanwhile to find her a husband.
When Felix had cost me quite a little, and had returned home, I spoke again to
the father. He answered: “When he has become a doctor, we will see.” When now
he became a doctor with honour I again applied to the father. Then he could no
longer well delay the matter, although it appeared to me that he was not very
willing, for he feared that I was much in debt. But I said no one need worry
himself on account of my debts, I would, with God's help, pay them without any
one’s assistance, as also I have done, God be praised. Thereafter a day was
chosen and settled upon and we thereafter held the marriage, and the
wedding-feast with honour. The father, Franz, has aided my son to the sum of
six florins in the expense of his doct or’s degree; otherwise no one has had
any expense on account of my son; and although the custom is that the gracious
masters should give a new Doctor, Master, or Baccalaureate something as a contribution,
my son has received nothing. Perhaps it is thus ordered from God, in order that
no one might be ahle to upbraid him; one has had no expense with
him, on which account he would be bound to serve this one or that one.
When now my son and
his wife had been with me tbree years they longed to dwell alone, to keep house
for themselves, and to obtain some property, for, God be praised they were
fortunate then, and are yet; and what the departed Grynaus wisely said at the
christening of Felix became true. Concerning his happiness and welfare in his
housekeeping it is not necessary to say much. May it please God, that he and
his wife recognise this, and give to their Lord praise and thanks therefor.
Amen.
PESTILENCE AND
GRACIOUS EXEMPTION— RETROSPECT—GOD BE PRAISED
Some
years
after this time a terrible pestilence broke out, which respected no age, in
which God also seized, me, thereafter also my wife; yet our dear Father in
Heaven wished to let us live longer here on earth. The Lord showed us grace, so
that it redounds to the glory of God, our Saviour, Amen. And to the praise of
God I cannot overlook it, that in all the sickness I felt do pain, although my wife, and also
other people have suffered great pain. This I also ascribe to the mercy of
God, who will save us all from eternal pain through his son Jesus Christ. Amen,
Amen.
Now I have written
for you according to your request, my dear son Felix, of the beginning and the
continuation of my life even to the present time, as much as I have been able
to remember after so long a time; yet not all, for who would be able to do
this? For besides I have been many times in the greatest danger on the
mountains, on the water, on the Bodensee, on the Lake of Luzern and other
lakes, also on the Rhine; similarly on the land, as in Poland, Hungaria,Silesia, Saxonv,
Schwabia, and Bavaria, so much have I suffered in my youth besides that, which
is revealed in this book, that I have often thought, is it possible that I yet
live, can stand or walk so long a time and neither have broken a limb nor
received a permanent injury? for God has protected me through his angels. And
as thou seest how poor my beginning and how perilously my life has been spent,
I am come nevertheless into considerable fortune and honour, though I received
almost nothing from my parents, and my wife nothing at all from hers.
Nevertheless we have come to this, that I at one time have come into possession
in the lovely city of Basel of four houses with considerable furniture. This
through the greatest labour both of mypelf and my wife; similarly I have
acquired a house and eourt-yard, also a farm, through the grace of God; with
this also a houpe in the school; as in the beginning I could not even call a
little hut in Basel my own. And, however humble my origin, God has granted me
the honour, so that in so widely famous a city as Basel I have taught school
according to my power now for thirty-one years in the next highest school to
the University, wherein many noblemen’s sons have been instructed, in which now
many doctors or otherwise learned men have been; some, and not a few, from the
nobility, who now possess and rule land and people, and others who sit in the
courts and councils; also at all times have had many boarders who have
spoken and shown me
all honour, they ami their families; that the lovely city of Zurich,
similarly, also the famous city of Bern has given me its wine of honour, on
account of the city; and other places besides have honoured me through their
honoured and learned people; thus also at Strassburg eleven doctors appeared to
honour me, because I had taught at the beginning of his studies my dear
departed brother, Simon Lithonius, preceptor of the second class; at Sitten,
when they sent me the wine from the city, the captain said: “ This wine of
honour the city of Sitten gives to our dear fellow countryman, Thomas Platter,
as to a father of the children of the common land of Valais.” What shall I say
also of you, dear son Felix, of your honour and position, that God has given
you the honour, that you have become known to princes and gentlemen, noble and
commoners? All these things, dear son Felix, recognise and acknowledge;
ascribe nothing to yourself, but your life long adjudge to God alone the praise
and the glory, then will you attain to eternal life. Amen.
Written by Thomas
Platter, 1572, on the 12th day of February, in the seventy-third year of his
age on the Lord’s Shrovetide, which at that time was on the 17th day of
February. God grant me a happy end through Jesus Christ. Amen.
THE END.