AND
THE
EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY
BY
PAUL MONROE
AUTHOR’S
PREFACE
The
Autobiography of Thomas Platter, written in 1572, but not published until the
eighteenth century, furnishes the best known account of the life of the
wandering student of the later middle ages. There is scarcely a phase of the
educational life of the sixteenth century that is not illumined by the concrete
details and enlivened by the personal touch found in this little narrative. The
crude and simple story, despite its awkward style, possesses a charm of
freshness and of frankness that has made it a tale of delight to children, and
may well make it one of instruction to adults. The translation is a faithful,
rendering and aims to preserve all the simplicity and naiveté of the original,
even though the results may at times be crude. No apology is needed for
presenting this story as a type of the great changes in education, in religion,
and in the thought life of the sixteenth century. The earnest life, so naively
depicted, furnishes a splendid example in the concrete of the momentous changes
of that time.
More is to be
learned from this humble toiler in the ranks concerning the educational
aspirations, the details of school life, and the work of instruction than from
the weighty treatises of the famous leaders of the times or from the work of
modern scholars.
The
autobiography is not wholly unknown in English, but has never been completely
translated. As early as 1839 an incomplete version by “ the translator of
Lavater’s Maxima ” was published in London by Wertheim. The translator,
however, could not resist drawing the moral in greater detail than Platter
himself had done, and the frequent religious disquisitions, interpolated for
the sake of the modern Sunday- school scholar, destroy some of the frankness
and realism of the story of the old school-master. Published as a story for
children, so much of the more important material from the educational point of
view was omitted that the volume was little more than an abstract. Selections
were also published in Barnard’s American Journal of Education, vol. v, p. 79;
while more recently briefer selections have appeared in Whitcomb’s Source Book
of the Renaissance (Philadelphia, 1900). The present translation is based
primarily on the modernized German edition of J. E. Eudolf Heman ((*ii-
tersloh, 1882). The author is indebted for assistance in the revision of the
manuscript to Prof. Jeannette Zeppenfeld, of Franklin College, and to Prof.
Franklin T. Baker, of Teachers’ College, Columbia University.
The appended
bibliography, composed for the most part of various editions of Platter’s life,
was compiled by Prof. Earl Barnes from the catalogue of the British Museum,
and was intended for a work similar to the present one, contemplated by Prof.
Will S. Monroe. This conjunction of plans did not become known until the final
proofs of the present volume had appeared. In availing himself of the generous
offer of the results of this research, the author desires to express his
indebtedness and his thanks to both of these gentlemen and, at the same time,
to indioate his regret that the issue of this volume has rendered useless some
exacting scholarly work upon their part.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Thomas Platter’s Leben. Wegen seiner Merkwiirdigkeit. Neu herausgegeben von
E. G. Baldinger. Pages xii, 244. 8vo. Marburg, 1793.
The
Autobiography oi Thomas Platter, a schoolmaster of the sixteenth century,
translated from the German by the translator of Lavater’s original maxims
(Elizabeth Anne McCaul, afterwards Finn). 12mo. London, 1839.
Thomas Platter und Felix Platter, zwei Autobiographien. Ein Beitrag zur
Sittengeschichte des XVI. Jahrhunderts, her- ausgegeben von Dr. D. A. Feehter.
8vo. Basel, 1840. La Vie de Thomar Platter, ficrite par lui-meme.
(Translated by E. Fick.) 8vo. Geneve, 1862.
Thomas und Felix Platter (Thomas Platter’s Selbstbiographie, 1499-1582. Das
Tagebuoh des Felix Platters). Zur Sit- tengeschichte des XVI. Jahrhunderts,
bearbeitet von H. Boos. Pages xvi, 272. 8vo. Leipzig, 1878.
Thomas und Felix Platter, zwei Lebensbildcr aus der Zeit der Reformation
und Renaissance, von ihnen selbst entworfen. Aus dem Schweizerdeutschen . . .
ub^rtragen von J. R. H. Ilf.man, etc. Part II. 8vo. (itltersloh, 1882.
Thomas Platter’s ruerkwnrdige Lebensgesehichte. Eine Er- zahlung ftlr
Christenkinder, von Christian Gottlob Barth. Yierte Auflage. etc. Page 120.
8vo. Stuttgart, 1886.
T. Platter’s Briefe aD seinen Hohn Felix. Herausgegeben von A. Burckhardt.
Pages vi, 106. 8vo. Basle, 1890.
The Educational Renaissance:
Significance
of Platter’s Autobiography
Existing
Types of Schools
The
Wandering Scholars
The
Revival of the Idea of the Liberal
Renaissance
Educational Ideas in Germany
Types
of Renaissance Schools iu Germany . .
The
School at Basel
The Autobiography of Thomas Platter:
CHAPTER
I.
Birth—Orphanage
II.
The Goatherd
III. The Schoolboy—The Wandering Scholar
IV. At Last a Student at Schlettstadt and a Visit Home
V. In
Zurich—Study or Die—Father Myconius . 121
VI. Zwintfli
and the Reformation Period
VII. The
Student, Teacher and Rope-maker.
VIII. The
First Kpppel War—.Tune, 152U
IX. Marriage—Srhool-master
at Home
X. In Zurich—In Basel
XI. With the
Doctor in Pruntrut—Death of the Children and of the Doctor .
XII. Zurich
War, October. 1531
XIII. To
Basel—Myconius also goes thither
XIV. Professor
in the Pedagogium—Reader—Call to Sitten—Journey through Switzerland
XV. The
Printer and Basel Burgher
XVI. Debt—Hickness—Purchase
of Houses
XVII. Rector
of the School at the Castle, 1541 .
XVIII. Purchase
of an Estate—Great Credit—Help from God and Man
XIX. Parents’
Sorrow and Parents' Joy—Son’s Doctorate and Marriage
XX. Pestilence
and Gracious Exemption—Retrospect—God Be Praised ..
THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE
SIGNIFICANCE
OF PLATTEE’S AUTOBIOGRAPHY
It is with
the greatest difficulty that one obtain? concrete information concerning
educational activities in the past, especially any connected and tolerably complete
account of the details of school life. In lieu of such knowledge the student of
the history of education accepts a very general view of educational development
drawn partially from inference or more largely by generalization from the work
or the writings of prominent men. Platter's Autobiography furnishes such concrete
information in regard to two phases of the education of the sixteenth century:
first, the life of the wandering scholar; and, second, the spread of the
humanistic ideas until they dominate the educational activities of the times.
This first phase was quite as characteristic of the fifteenth, and to some
extent of the fourteenth, as of the sixteenth century; while the second also
characterized the seventeenth, and to a large extent the eighteenth century.
Hence this little sketch, which gives the life of an educator just at the
turning- point in educational history between the medieval and the modern, in
which the life of the student is representative of the old, and the life of
the teacher is representative of the new, becomes a revelation in the concrete
of the educational characteristics of several centuries. The account of student
life gives to us not only the clearest picture that we possess of a very novel
phase of school life, that of the wandering student, but at the same time it
also indicates, though incidentally, the character of the typical schools. On
the other hand, Platter exemplifies in his own life not only the conversion to
the new educational ideals and the building up of a new type of schools
embodying this ideal, but also the close connection existing between this
educational reform and the broader religious reform, and, inadvertently, the
relation which it had to the spread of printed literature and to new industrial
and economic ideals of life. No account of theoretical educational discussions,
such as those of Erasmus, or Wimpheling; no practical treatises dealing with
school organization or method, as those of Melancthon, of Sturm, or of Ascham,
can give us such vitalized ideas of these educational activities as the
concrete, naive, and even crude account of the simple-hearted old man who mixes
up the account of his visit from the greatest scholar of the century, if not of
all modern times, with the account of his hard task-master who fed ham on sour
beer and spoiled cheese, and who interweaves the account of his founding of a
new humanistic school with his acquisition of a new stable lot, just because
such motives and such activities are found in juxtaposition in his life. Much
of its educational significance, however, is found rather by implication in
the narrative, and needs some further amplification by way of introduction.
EXISTING
TYPES OF SCHOOLS
Platter, in
his narrative, refers to cathedral schools, parish schools, burgher or city
schools, by inference to monastic schools, and to the universities. In addition
to these, which had existed as types for several centuries, and which were
quite numerous, he describes in the school which he himself establishes, or at
least reforms and conducts, the institution which resulted from the grafting of
the new renaissance spirit on the old burgher-school stem. This new school is
the classical gvrnna^iura, which remains the typical German school to this day.
As Platter refers to these existing schools merely incidentally and gives
details concerning the new gymnasia only, it may be helpful to notice these
other institutions somewhat more in detail in order to get from his narrative
the significance of the educational reform of the sixteenth century.
Monastic
Schools.—It is worthy of note that the Digitized by Microsoft®
monastic
schools, which were the dominant schools of Europe for bo many centuries, and were still a prominent type during
the sixteenth, have no direct mention in Platter’s narrative. It would seem
from his account that they had ceased to have any great importance or to offer
any great attractions to the wandering students of the times. This may be due
not less to the stricter supervision exercised hy the monastic orders over
their students, anil the ease with which a student could now have his material
wants supplied outside the monasteries through the tolerance of begging, than
to any superiority in character or quantity of instruction.
Monastic
education as well as monastic life first received a general organization under
the rules of St. Benedict, formulated in 529. Comparatively slight attention
was given to any intellectual training, hat enough was required to make the
Benedictines the guardians of education for many centuries. The rules provide
for the reading and study of the scriptures at certain hours of the day and the
writing and copying of manuscripts. The latter was introduced as a form of
manual laboui- more suitable to some than other forms of labour would be and
also more suitable for all in times of inclement weather. Some training,
chiefly of a religious character, was prescribed for the prospective members of
the order, and this training, together w:th the provisions for reading and
writing, constituted the scope of the educational activities of the
Benedictines.
Within a
century after the formulation of the rules, the rule respecting study was made
more definite by requiring the monks to continue such study until fifty years
of age; and the one respecting admission Into the order was modified so as to
require a novitiate of at least two years, and to permit no candidates to he
received into full membership under eighteen years of age. During both the
earlier and the later centuries, boys were received into training even as young
as six or eight years of age, and consequently a long schooling, some of which
was intellectual, was required. By the ninth century, partially through the
influence which Charlemagne brought to bear on monastic life and on education
in general, the monasteries began to make definite provision for the
rudimentary education of boys, not connected, actually or prospectively, with
the order, and also to make more specific provision for the work in the
monastic building by setting apart an nrmarium or writing-rooin for instruction
distinct from the scriptorium, the more general copying-room and library, and
by providing a school-room itself. Charlemagne’s capitulary of 789 in addition
to this requirement of elementary education (reading and writing) in connection
with every monastery, required that the larger and more wealthy monasteries
should give instruction in more advanced subjects. Tours in France, Fulda in
Germany, St. Gall in Switzerland—famous long before this time, however—were the
chief of these.
At St. Gall,
during the tenth century, instruction wap given in Quintilian, Cicero, Horace,
Terence, Juvenal, Persius, Ovid, and other authors, and, it is said, in the
Greek language as well. With the eleventh century came the multiplication of
monastic orders, many of them based upon the Benedictines’ rules, and all providing
for the education of their novitiates, though not all so broadly as the
Benedictines. Concerning the work of the monastic school we have some detailed
accounts. The school at St. Gall, previously referred to, was a famous one, and
in the writings of Eckehardus of the tenth century, and in the pseudo
autobiography of Walafred Strabo (ostensibly of the early ninth century, but in
reality now thought to be more than a century later) we have specific accounts
of such school-work n this monastery. Strabo gives the following account of hip
schooling, f
“The first thing that I had to do there was to learn by heart Latin
phrases in order to talk in Latin with my comrades. For most of my fellow
students were far advanced ; some in the second, some in the third, and some in
the fourth year of the grammar. Therefore, we were compelled to talk in Latin
except during rest and play hours. The beginners, however, were allowed to use
German with one another as far as it was necessary. After a
time Donatus was given to me and an older boy continually questioned me about
it, until 1 had memorized the eight parts of speech, and the inflections. For
the first two hours the teacher himself showed me how to memorize the words and
moods. In time, however, he called upon my master at the end of the recitation
and asked how I had done* my work. The pupil who taught me could only be
satisfied with my work in Donatus, though I had time enough for all kinds of
pranks, and to disturb my fellow students. For I knew that he was not allowed
to strike us, and that he was too fond of me to report me to the teacher. Every
afternoon we were taught to apply the rules we had studied in the morning. The
pupil, or the teacher, repeated sentences in German, which we had to write down
immediately on the wax tablets, in Latin. The vocabulary was generally taken
from Donatus or from our conversations. We were permitted to ask the teacher
that which we did not know. As we wrote by ear, without having seen the word,
the spelling was oftentimes very odd. Each evening some one narrated to us a
chapter from the Bible which we must reproduce the next morning. . . . The
following winter found us busy with the second part of the grammar and with
orthography. 'We had now always to converse in Latin. This often caused much
amusement both to our teachers and to ourselves. Every day a psalm was read,
which vre wrote down on our tablets. Each student corrected the mistakes of his
neighbour, and finally one of the pupils who had studied for four years
corrected our work. He went over it word for word and corrected every mistake.
The next morning we had to learn the whole chapter by heart. ... To complete
our grammatical studies, we were ordered during the winter to instruct the
newly entered students in speaking and writing as we had formerly been
instructed. At the same time the teacher of grammar acquainted us with tropes
and figures of speech ; at first these were pointed out to us in the Holy
Bible; later he asked us to show him similar examples in the poets which we had
read. Those neither desirous nor capable of teaching others busied themselves,
as ordered by the teachers, either with copying the grammar of Priseianus,
Yictorianus, or Cassiodorus, or exercising themselves in the construction of
Latin and German sentences. . . . Thus the time approached when those who went
from grammar to rhetoric must be tested by the final examination. Hence,
toward the end of the summer we reviewed the three divisions of grammar, that
is, etymology, orthography, and prosody, with the use of tropes and figures.
We commenced our study of rhetoric, using Cassiodorus' text-book, one well
known to most of us, since during the grammar years his writings had been given
us to read, etc.” Then follows a detailed account of the study of Cicero,
Quintilian, etc., referred to above. This, however, must be considered
exceptional. Wala-
fred gives
the number of students in this school at this time as one hundred in the “
inner school,” destined for the order, and four hundred in the school for
externs.
With the
thirteenth century came the friars and the universities, both indicating an
increasing interest in intellectual and educational affairs, and both
'ndicating a decline in the interest in the older types of mo- nasticism, in
their influence, and in the character of their educational efforts. The
intellectual life of the times centred largely in the school-men and in the
Dominican order of friars, and fuund its home for the most part in the
universities. From this time on education tends to become secular: at first by
falling more and more into the hands of the secular clergy. During the two
following centuries the monastic schools lost much of their prestige; and the
old cathedral schools, with new life and influence, the newer guild and city
schools, the schools established in connection with many collegiate and parish
churches and the schools of independent foundations, such as Winchester and
Eton in England, now tend to take the place once wholly occupied by the
monastic schools. True, the monastic schools yet exist in great numbers, and
the teachers of the new schools, most of whom were clerics, included many of the
regular orders, but the educational work of these institutions belonged rather
to the past. This Is evidenced by the fact that in 1538, when Platter had
become a teacher, a committee of cardinals recommended to Pope Paul IV that
these orders be suppressed.
The one of
these orders that was abreast of the times m educational matters was The
Brethren of the Common Life, organized by Gerard Groot, at Deventer, Holland,
n 1376. Platter speaks of visiting a famous school, dominated by the spirit,
though not officially controlled by this order, that at Schlettstadt; and here
he first bec ame inoculated with the spirit which wrought such a change in his
life and directed him into his future work.
Cathedral
Schools.—Among the other schools which Platter visited were those connected
with the cathedrals at Breslau, Zurich, Strassburg, Basel, and these for the
most part were the best of the schools with which he came in contact. This is
indicative of the character of these schools; for the best work during the
later middle ages, at least, was done in cathedral or canonical schools rather
than in the monastic or cloistral schools. The cathedral schools were older
than the monastic schools and were in closer contact with the people, though
designed primarily for the training of the clergy. From the earliest time each
bishop must provide a school for the training of his clergy; so that such
schools became a part of the episcopal organizations and were ordinarily
provided for either in the work of some definite officer of the establishment
or by some special foundation. During the1
later middle
ages this was ordinarily dune by chantry foundations, that is, by bequests for
the support of priests whose chief function was that of saying masses for
purposes designated by the founder; and as they were ordinarily relieved from
most of the routine duties of the secular priesthood, they could he assigned to
the work of teaching. This, though a frequent duty, was only one of the many
special duties to which the chantry priests might be assigned.
Dating from
the earliest period of the history of the Christian Church, the cathedral
schools were of great importance during the earlier centuries, but lost much of
their influence during the period of the migrations and of the dominance of the
monastic orders. A general revival dates from Gregory VII of the twelfth
century, who gave special injunctions to the bishops to strengthen these
schools. On account of their greater freedom, they offered a better soil for
the growing interest in learning, especially in its secular aspccts. It is
true, however, that in many regions, even during the centuries following this
time, the monastic orders controlled the cathedral schools and furnished the
teachers therein. Ordinarily, however, the teachers were drawn from the secular
clergy, and their students were designed for the same service. While these
chantry and special foundations were designed especially for priests as
teachers, many also were for the support of students who were in almost every
case prospective priests. The
instruction,
however, was often open to the laity, and in the later middle ages, when the
clergy did not absorb all learning, numerous lay scholars did attend. Platter’s
account of Breslau indicates how generous a provision was made for such
students. This is especially true of the wandering students when they come to
form a distinct class, and when the secular foundations give to them many of
the privileges that were furnished so lavishly by the monastic foundations for
the regulars.
One aspect of
the work of these schools did not vary from that found in connection with most
churches, even in the smaller parishes: that was the training of the
choristers, which necessitated some knowledge of the Latin, at least to the
degree of memorizing the church services. This work, assigned to some priest,
probably on a chantry foundation as well, was called the singing-school. But
the more advanced work was that of the grammar-school, which included, until
the founding of the universities, the most advanced study of the times. During
the later mediaeval centuries these schools were far more friendly to the new
spirit and the new learning than were the monastic schools, and were more closely
in touch with the economic and political aspirations of the cities, and hence
were more tolerant and more progressive in their work. Consequently, when
among the Germanic peoples the renaissance and the reformation movement fused,
these schools were often important sources of induence.
This is well
illustrated in Platter’s account of the cathedral school of Zurich under
Myconius.
Parish
Schools.—liecent investigations have, compelled the abandonment of the view so
commonly held among protestant peoples that there were few school privileges
previous to the reformation. It now seems that the number of schools and the
opportunity for schooling were considerably greater for one century, probably
two, before the, beginning of the reformation than for the same length of time
afterward. This is altogether aside from the question concerning the character
of that education and the number of people it reached. Previous to the
reformation it is probable that almost every parish had a school either in
connection with the church or supported by the guild or burgher organizations.
For the most part these schools in connection with the parish churches were of
the most elementary character. The parish priest found it necessary to train
the boys for the choral services and responses of the church, and gave in
connection with this some elementary religious and secular instruction. Such
training included not only those boys who were destined for the priesthood, but
necessarily many others as well. Connected with this would often be the rudimentary
religious instruction to all the boys of the parish. However, the “
singing-school ” was something more than the rudimentary Sunday-school. One
such school is the first which Platter attends, at Gasen, be
fore he
begins his peregrinations. Here the training in singing, the training connected
with the celebration of the mass, the begging and collecting of eggs from the
villagers, together with beatings so severe lhat the neighbours had to
interfere to save him from the cruelty of the priest, comprised his education;
and this was probably fairly representative of the work of such schools. Beyond
this, instruction does not penetrate into the rural and smaller town parishes.
In the larger
parishes of the cities, such as Halle, Dresden, Breslau, Tim, Munich,
Nuremberg, Naum- burg, etc., Platter found quite different schools. Supported
ordinarily by chantry or special foundations, cared for often by collegiate
organizations little less powerful and wealthy than the cathedral chapter, such
schools as these differed very little from those controlled directly by the
bishop. Ordinarily they were grammar- schools, doing the same kind of work and
in the same manner as the most advanced schools, however controlled. These,
through their greater number, were probably the most important type of all.
Collegiate schools, chantry schools, parish schools, even some of the guild and
burgher schools would thus be included in this group of parish schools. For
many of them were established in connection with the parish churches by the
town authorities. The scholaeticus, or cathedral authority, who had charge of
educational matters, usually opposed the establishment of these burgher
schools in
connection with parish churches, hut from the middle of the fourteenth century
on the tendency was too strong to be checked.
The account
which Platter gives indicates that the work of these parish schools was up to
the average; better in some places, Breslau for example, than that of the
cathedral school. The account which he gives of Breslau is quite remarkable.
This city, divided into seven parishes, supported a school of this higher type
in each parish. They were frequented by these wandering scholars, to the
number of 1,000 in all, for whom provision in the way of instruction, rooms,
and even food seems to have been provided gratis. Evidently in this city the
church before the reformation was not neglecting its educational duty. The work
of these schools, as indicated by Platter, does not vary from the usual accounts.
There were long, dreary months on Donatus, until it was learned by heart,
though with little understanding of its contents; further study of some later
texts for purpose of drill in the paradigms; the exposition of some text, such
as Terence, with “ determining ” and “ defining ; and finally some elementary
work in dialectics, with disputations. “ What one reads must first be dictated,
then defined, then construed, and only then could be explained,” is Platter’s
account of the work at Breslau. No wonder “ that the bacchants had to carry
away great miserable books ” when all this was written down.
Guild and
Burgher Schools.—Schools owing their origin to secular initiative, controlled
and supported by secular authorities, and often giving instruction in the
vernacular instead of, or in addition to, that in the Latin, became quite
common in German countries after the middle of the fourteenth century. Of
necessity, these were usually taught by secular priests, and the method and
much of the subject-matter were the fame as that of the ecclesiastically
controlled schools. As previously mentioned, many of these secular schools
sprang up, through the increase in size of the towns, and through the demands
for more practical education; the local authorities established them in
connection with parish churches, either with the consent of the cathedral
chapter or in defiance of it. Another influence contributing to the development
of secular schools was that of the merchants, craft, or “social” guilds. Sometimes
these “ social ” guilds were composed of priests or clerks, and are hardly to
be distinguished from ordinary parish schools. The mediaeval guilds ordinarily
supported in some church a priest or a chapel or an altar; if a priest, his
duties were manifold, including all those connected with the sacraments, and
the great occasions in life, and often in addition the schooling of the
children of the members of the guild. Wot infrequently the priest’s function in
this respect extended beyond the children of the membership. Such mention as
the following taken from the Report of the
Commissioner
of Edward VI (Toulmin Smith, Ordnances of English Guilds—in Old English Text
Society, p. 205) are very frequent.
Regarding the
Guild of St. Nicholas, of Worcester, it is stated: “there hath byn tyme owt of
mynde, a ffree scole kept within the said citie, in a grete halle belongvng to
the said Guylde, called Trynite Halle; the scolemaster whereof for the tyme
beyng hath hade yerely, for his stypend, ten pounds; whereof was paid, owt of
the revenues of the said landes, by the Master and Stewards of the said Guylde
for the tyme beyng, vj, li, xii j. s. iii j. d.; And the resydewe of the said
stypend was collected and gathered of the denocioun and benyvolence of the brothers
and systers of the said Guylde. . . . They prowyded and have founde an honest
and lernyed scolemaster, within the said halle, in lyke manner as they before
tyme dyd; that is to say, one John Obyner, bacheler of arts; who hath there, at
this present tyme, a. boue the number of a hundred seders.”
With the
coalescing of the guild organization and the early municipal government these
schools, along with many of the parish schools mentioned above, became the
burgher schools. Such schools were wholly controlled and supported by the
secular authorities, and in the content of the school-work better represented
the economic interests and demands of the citizens. They were often taught by
priests, though lay teachers be- Oigitized by Microsoft®
came more
numerous. Clerical inspection and supervision was yet universal both before
and after the reformation.
Yet one other
factor led to the development of these burgher schools, though it is of little
direct interest in this discussion: these were the private schools. With the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries greater freedom of initiative in school
matters was evident, and private schools became numerous. These were usually of
most elementary character, and giving a grade of work inferior to church
schools, though probably much of it was c>f more practical character. Hence
the ground of their support. They frequently escaped all ecclesiastical
supervision through the church authorities, though the scholasticus, or some
other episcopal officer or parish priest, sought to extend his jurisdiction
over them— often not without success. However irregular all this was, it yet
contributed to the development of independent town schools.
These private
schools do not figure in Platter’s account; but the school which Platter established,
and to which he gives the most of his life, the gymnasium, is one of the
earliest of the new type of schools. In time these came to be the highest type
of the German municipal school.
THE WANDERING
SCHOLARS
The wandering
life, often adopted by the students of the later middle ages, to an outgrowth of several phases of
earlier mediaeval life, sueh as the habits of the wandering priests, of the
pilgrims both clerical and lay, of the crusaders, and of the itinerant
merchants and craftsmen.
The wandering
priest appears quite early in the history of the Christian Church in the West.
According to Giesebrecht,* as early as the first- quarter of the fifth century
there are found complaints against this class of the clergy. There are also
regulations dating from this period that no bishop should consecrate a priest
that did not have the care of a congregation. Svnesius, bishop of Ptolemais
(from 410 to 431), makes complaint of such priests as prefer the wandering
life to the settled living, calling them bahantiboi> a term practically the
same as that applied in later centuries to the wandering scholars. By the time
of the crusades this class of the clergy, derici vaganUs, was recognised as a
permanent body, though the popes had repeatedly issued injunctions and decrees
to the effect that bishops consecrating priests without parishes should be
personally responsible for the maintenance of sueh priests. These wandering
priests are familiar through mediaeval tale or modern story of media?val
* Quoted in
Schmid, Encyclopedia des Erzeihun^s-und Unter- riohtswesens, vol. i, p. 338 tl
seq.
life as
chaplains and companions of knight and baron and all classes of the nobility
and gentry. The pilgrimage and, later, the crusades gave a moral approval to
the wandering life as followed temporarily by both clergy and laity, and led to
its wide-spread adoption, especially among the lower orders of the clergy. Not
only among those moved especially by religious motives, but also among all
classes of society, the feeling of unrest grew out of the crusades and became
established as a permanent feature of the life of the late mediaeval centuries.
As a characteristic of the chivalric orders, this trait is familiar to all. It
spread widely also among the commercial and industrial classes. Here again one
phase of media-val life that is sufficiently familiar may be recalled: that of
the wandering salesman as well as that of the travelling merchant. Rut not so
well known is a similar custom among craftsmen for the purpose of improving
their skill and of discovering new methods and new wares. The traditional
visits of the apprentices of South Germany to Nuremberg, tested by the
knowledge of the hidden movable ring—in the Schonne Brunnen— furnishes a
general illustration. But the mere desire for travel and for the relaxation of
rather rigid moral and religious ideals, if not of practices, prompted many to
adopt, for a time at least, a similar mode of life. To this was frequently,
perhaps usually, joined a similar motive, namely, curiosity, or even the love
of knowl- Digitized by Microsoft ®
edge.
Undoubtedly this custom as well as this motive were important factors in
building up the early universities in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
The migration of students, which yet remains a university tradition among the
Teutonic nations, was then a matter of necessity owing to the specialization
of the early universities. Each was strong in some one line, even where the
four faculties and the school of art? were all represented. The reputation of
individual teachers also did much to encourage this migration, since the
special student in any given department could only by such means acquire the
knowledge desired. Much later, during the renaissance period of the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries, these tendencies were perpetuated, and for the time
being accentuated both by the great influence exerted by a few scholars of
reputation, and also by the fact that but few universities were wholly
hospitable towards the new learning.
The
traditions of the wandering scholars were formed during the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries. During that time also the wandering clergy seem to have
become identified with the wandering scholars. A common meeting-place and
centre of attraction was furnished by the new institutions of learning—the universities.
To these the younger clergy, or those in the minor orders, flocked in great
numbers; this was the same class from which had been drawn for the most part
the elerici, vagantes, who now became the scholares
vagantes.
They still claimed all the privileges of the clergy, but accepted few of their
responsibilities. They boasted of their freedom, even of their license; and entertained
a scorn, born of this license, for the vows assumed by the regular and the
secular clergy. On the other hand, they assumed all the superiority over the
laity that was the privilege of the clergy, and showed frequently a contempt
for them that could be accounted for only by a total lack of any feeling of
obligation to them. They became a characteristic feature of the life of the
country as do the students now in the university towns, and came in for some
severe criticism on account of their freer life and more liberal thought.
Giesebrecht * quotes the contemporary Monk Helinaud as follows: “ The scholars
are accustomed to wander throughout the whole world and visit all the cities;
and their many studies bring them understanding; for in Paris they seek a
knowledge of the liberal arts; of the ancient writers at Orleans; of medicine
at Salernum; of the black art at Toledo; and in no place decent maimers.” This
last charaeterizalion seems to have been well deserved, for it is this trait
which finally gave them their class name. As a result of these well-developed
class traits and class feeling, they begin to appear as a clearly defined body,
a sort of corporation.
This
tradition of the wandering scholar was simply
* Allgemeine
Monatschrift fur Wissenschaft und Literature, 1851.
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one aspect of
the universal mediaeval tendency towards the organization of special interests
and special classes. The students in permanent residence incorporated
themselves into the Nations, the constituent units of the early universities.
The very much smaller number who accepted the wandering custom as a permanent
mode of life strengthened the bond of their fraternal life by giving adherence
to a titular Magister or patron saint, one Oulias or OoUas Episcopus, from whom
they were called goliardi or goliardemes. In all probability Golias and the
succeeding masters of the order were hypothetical personages; but certainly the
rule of his customs was more than shadow, and so also was the brotherhood. The
term goliardus, which in this earlier period is synonymous with wandering
student, is to be connected, according to Wright, with gula, and indicates
their gluttonous and intemperate habits. When it comes to be used in this
definite sense the group it includes is a much narrower one than that of all
wandering students, and the term indicates more particularly that group which
had accepted this type of life as a permanent calling, much after the manner of
the minstrels among the laity. The typical goliards were the more riotous,
unthrifty, unambitious students who were hangers on of the higher clergy or who
wandered from palace to palace of the. ecclesiastical lords. Nevertheless, it
is probable that their pleasures and their vices
as well as
their songs and literature were those common
to all the
wandering students, and that the line between the wandering student and the
locati, or those with permanent abode, was a vague one.
From the
middle of the twelfth to the middle of the thirteenth centuries the goliards
produced a body of literature, chiefly in the form of songs.*
Host of these
songs relate to the pleasures and incidents of the vagabond life. There is
very little of high moral sentiment in them; many of them are quite the
reverse. They do not possess the charm furnished by the heroic element in the
poems of chivalry. A few refer to the more serious aspects of life, and these
particularly to its brevity. Many are satires on the clergy, so that Golias
seems to become a representative through which the vices of the clergy are
satirized in a true Rabelaisian form. As a representative of unrestrained
indulgence Golias may at times serve rather as a foil to attack the clergy than
to represent the wandering student. In this connection Wright calls attention
to the significance of the vernacular translations of several of these
satirical poems of the goliards daring the sixteenth century reformation.
('* An
edition entitled Carmina Burana was published in 1847 at Stuttgart from a
thirteenth century majuncript that had been discovered in a Benedictine
Convent in Southern Bavaria. An edition of a collection of these from various
English sources was issued by Thomas Wright in 1841, under the title “Latin
Poems Commonly Attributed to Walter Mapes.’/' An English translation of several
of these poems has been made by John Addington Symonds under the title
"Wine, Women and Song,” with an American reprint, in
1899.) Digitized
by Microsoft ®
Most of them,
however, are frank presentations of the pleasures of drinking and of gaming.
Many also relate to “ love in many phases and for divers kinds of women.” This
euphemism conceals a frankness present in the poems that would not now be
tolerated. One of the longer poems, popular during the thirteenth century, and
reappearing in vernacular form in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, is the
Apocalypsis Guliae, or ‘‘The Revelation of Golias, the Bishop,” a parody upon
the Apocalypse of St. John. Unto Golias appeared Pythagoras among the golden
candlesticks:
“ Upon his
forehead fair Astrologie did shine—
And Gramer at
ode alonge his teethe am we,
And
Retheroick did springe within his holluwe eyen,
And in his
troublinge lippes did all of Logick Howe,
And in his
fingers eke did Arithmetik lie,
Within his
hollow pulse did Musick finelie place,
And in both
his eien stode pale (xeometrie;
Thus eehe
.one of these Arte& in his own place did staire.”
Thus
equipped, Pythagoras leads his pupil through a world peopled with strange
things; Aristotle fighting against the air, Tullius scanning words, Ptolemy gazing
at the stars and the entire galaxy of ancient lights that appeared dimly to the
mediaeval vision. The seven books with seven seals that are opened unto him
contain the deeds of the bishops and the great churchmen. The four beasts are:
the lion which represents the pope, “ accustomed to devour ”; a calf, like
unto the bishop, “ that
{maws and
chews and thus fills himself with goods of other men”; an eagle, who is the
archdeacon, “that sees afar its prey”; and the fourth, like unto a man,
represents the dean, “ who hides as best he can the guile with which he is
tilled.”
The satire of
the former is a typical representative of the bitter attacks upon the sins of
the clergy of all ranks, and incidentally upon the formalism in learning and
the false value attributed to it by the clergy. The archdeacon? are represented
as sparing some time from their concubines and their harlotries in order to
“ Comruande
the deane, if any priest be known,
A datyve ease
to make, by anie gendringe state,
That then the
plaiutyve shall him call and bring full down,
To save his
brethren’s lyves, and keepe them from hell gate.”
While this
poem is indicative of the attitude of these students towards the church, or
rather towards the practices of many of the clergy of this time, the practices
of the students themselves are evidently not much better, save that there is
less pretence and less violence. More indicative of the life of the order than
these long satires are the briefer songs which bespeak the real inward life of
its members. The most important of these is the titular song of the order. This
is a sort of commission to the members of the order that they go forth with
their message of life to all communities, Digitized by Microsoft®
to lure
adherents from among all the various grade of the clergy. Among the classes
that made up the order, the one enumerated that is of special importance for
its bearing upon our general subjects, is that composed of “ masters with their
bands of boys ” who find a place among the monks, parish priest, higher clergy,
scholars, and other recruits.
After
indicating that the other classes in society are their fair prey, the poem
relates the joys of the vagabond life, that possesses all the freedom from
cares of personal possession that a member of the clergy has without the disadvantage
of his corresponding obligations. The entire song as given in modem form by
Air. Symonds is worth presenting as an index of their ideals of life.
ON THE ORDER
OF WANDERING STUDENTS
At the
mandate, Go ye forth,
Through the
whole world hurry!
IMests tramp
out toward south and north,
Monks and
hermits skurry,
Levites
smooth the gospel leave,
Bent on
ambulation;
Each and all
to our sect cleave,
Which is
life’s salvation.
In this sect
of ours ’tis writ:
Prove all
things in season;
Weigh this
life and judge of it By your riper reason;
’Gainst all
evil clerks be you Steadfast in resistance,
Who refuse
large tithe and due Unto your subsistence.
Marquesses,
Bavarians,
Austrian? and
h axons.
Noblemen and
chiefs of clans, Glorious by your actions!
Listen,
comrades all, I pray,
To these new
decretals:
Misers they
must meet decay, Niggardly gold-ljeetles.
We the laws
of charity Found, nor let them crumble;
For into our
order we Take both high and humble;
Rich and poor
men we receive,
In our bosom
cherish;
Welcome those
the shaveling? leave At their doors to perish.
We receive
the tonsured monk,
Let him take
hip pittance;
And the
parson with his punk.
If he craves
admittance;
Masters with
their bands of boys. Priests with high dominion;
But the
scholar who enjoys Just one coat’s our minion! Digitized by Microsoft®
This our sect
doth entertain Just men and unjust ones;
Halt, lame,
weak of limb or brain, Strong men and robust ones;
Those who
flourish in their pride, Those whom age makes stupid.
Frigid folk
and hot folk fried In the fires of Cupid.
Tranquil
souls and bellicose, Peacemaker and foeman;
Czech and
Hun, and mixed with those (-rerman, Slav, anil Roman;
Men of
middling size and -weight, Dwarfs and giants mighty;
Men of modest
heart and state,
Vain men,
proud and flighty.
Of the
Wanderers’ order I Tell the Legislature—
They whose
life is free and high, Gentle too their nature—
They who
rather scrape a fat Dish in gravy swimming,
Than in sooth
to marvel at Barns with barley brimming.
Now this
order, as I ken,
Is called
sect or section,
Since its
sectaries are men Divers in complexion;
Therefore hie
and haec and hoe Suit it in declension,
Since so
multitorm a flock Here finds comprehension.
This our
order hath decried Matins with a warning:
For that
certain phantom* glide In the early morning,
Whereby pass
into man’s brain Visions of vain folly;
Early risers
are insane,
Racked by
melancholy.
This our
order doth proscribe All the year round matins;
When they’ve
left their beds, our tribe In the tap sing latins;
There they
call for wine for all, Roasted fowl and chicken;
Hazard’s
threats no hearts appal, Though his strokes still thicken.
This our
order doth forbid Double clothes with loathing;
He whose
nakedness is hid With one vest hath clothing;
Soon one
throws his cloak aside At the dice-box’ calling;
Next bis
girdle is untied,
While the
cards are falling.
What I've
said of upper clothes To the nether reaches;
Th^y who own
a shirt, let those Think no more of breeches;
If one boasts
big boots to use,
Let him leave
his gaiters;
They who this
firm law refuse Shall be counted traitors.
No one, none
shall wander forth Fasting from the table;
If thou’rt
poor, from south and north Beg as thou are able!
Hath it not
been often seen That one coin brings many,
When a
gamester on the green Stakes his lucky penny?
No one on the
road should walk ’Gainst the wind—’tis madness;
Nor in
poverty shall stalk With a face of sadness;
Let him bear
him bravely then,
Hope sustain
his spirit;
After heavy
trials men Better luck inherit!
While
throughout the world you rove, Thus uphold your banner;
Give these
reasons why you prove
Hearts of men
and manners:
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“To reprove
the reprobate,
Probity
approving,
Improbate
from approbate To remove, I’m moving.”
Altogether
their songs possess many striking resemblances to the songs of modern college
students, which are not to be taken too seriously as representative of their
lives. The same regard for form and sound rather than sense, of delight in scholastic
quibbling, is found. This, however, can also be best stated in the words of
Symonds, who sums up his study of these poems as follows:
“ A large
portion of these pieces, including a majority of the satires and longer
descriptive poems, are composed in measures borrowed from hymnology, following
the diction of the church, and imitate the double-rhyming rhythms of her
sequences. It is not unnatural, this being the case, that parodies of hymns
should be comparatively common. . . . Those which do not exhibit popular hymn
measures are clearly written for melodies, some of thorn very complicated in
structure, suggesting part songs and madrigals, with curious interlacing of
long and short lines, double and single rhymes, recurrent ritournelles, aud so
forth. The ingenuity with which these poets adapted their language to
exigencies of the tune, taxing the fertility of Latin rhymes, and setting off
the long sonorous words to great advantage, deserves admiring comment. At
their worst
these Latin lyrics, moulded on a tune, degenerate into disjointed verbiage,
sound and adaptation to song prevailing over sense and satisfaction to the
mind.”
During the
latter half of the thirteenth century a decided opposition to the goliards grew
up among the clergy, and then decrees were issued by bishops and synods
forbidding priests to ally themselves with the order. So while they were
separated from the laity by the immunities of the clergy, they yet became distinguished
from the clergy. Their character, at least in France, sunk even below that of
the minstrels of the secular nobility, and they fell in dignity until they were
classed with or probably included the multitude of wandering quacks, wizards,
and sharps. While they yet possessed this function of minstrelsy to the clergy,
many of them more commonly frequented the homes of the peasantry, and they led
in the incipient peasant revolts against the clergy. Frequent complaints were
made of their entering churches and singing parodies on the hymns of the
church.*
With the
disappearance of the goliards a new type of wandering scholars became
prominent, the type already partially indicated by the line from the song of
the order—“ Masters with their bands of boys.” The founding of the many chantry
schools, and guild or
* Schmid, Encyclopedia dpn Erzeihungs-und
UnterrichtswesenH, vol. i, p. 338
municipal
schools previously mentioned, was responsible for this custom. Students now of
much greater youth than the university students, or the typical goli- ards of
the preceding centuries, adopted the migratory life. Many of these were
students of the rudiments of grammar and dialectic; and, on the other hand,
there were many among them who were wandering teachers of these rudiments, at
the same time that they pursued higher studies. Drawn both by the love of
book-learning and the desire for that knowledge of the world which come from
contact with the chief cities of Europe, or at least of some one country, and
by the easy living made possible by the many religious foundations and by the
toleration of begging, there came to be a vast army of these wandering students
during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Platter mentions that there were
more than a thousand in Breslau at one time. His statement that there were some
hundreds of bed-chambers or cells in the one school of St. Elizabeth in the
same city indicates how these students were eared for.
The term
bacchant* (baccantes) was now definitely applied to these wandering scholars
(scholares vagan- tes). Different derivations are given for the word. It is
possible that; in its present application various influences contributed to the
adoption of the term. The simplest derivation is that from Bacchus, since the
general use of the word designates a follower of Digitized by Microsoft®
the god of
wine. Again, it may be found, in the transition, common in mediaeval times
from v to b, and from g to k or to cc in the form vagantes, and hence may
merely indicate those leading the wandering life. Or, in this particular
application of the sixteenth century, it may have some reference to the method
* by which these roving boys supplied the wants of their master students,
since the pilfering of farm products was generally adopted by the students and
tolerated by the people, and termed by them “ shooting.” However, since the
term was used, as previously noted, in the fifth century, to indicate the
wandering priests, the same meaning is probably the primary one also at the
close of the middle ages. These students not only frequented the town schools,
but they often taught in private families for brief periods, and frequently
some took charge of young boys—not yet in their teens—ostensibly in order to
give them the rudiments of knowledge, really in order that the boys might
provide their bacchants with food from day to day. These boys form, at least in
Germany, f an additional class of wandering scholars quite distinct and quite
numerous, called ABC shooters
* Schmid derives tlie term from Baccanfice,
to shoot: but I find no etymological authority for such a derivation.
+ From
Platter’s own account it appears that the wandering student^ were not numerous
in Switzerland, and that the custom of student-begging was not tolerated there.
Jusserand, in his Eng li.“h Waj faring Life in the Middle Ages, makes no
mention whatever of the wandering students.
(schiitzen).
This term is derived from the two-fold reference to their elementary studies
and to their method of gaining a living, sinee they indulged in the halfauthorized,
or at least tolerated, custom just mentioned. These thefts often took the form
of securing domestic fowls by throwing, and the entire custom was termed “
shooting.” The significance of Platter’s story is that he gives us in greater
detail than is to be found anywhere; else an account of the lives of these
bacchants and shooters. Hence even so trivial a thing as the throwing at the
goose and the subsequent chase become full of meaning in the light it throws
upon the typical life of a student of the fifteenth century, and upon the use
of terms that persist to the present time. For there probably exists some
connection between the sixteenth-cels* tury use of the term and our expression
“ teaching the young idea how to shoot.” The life of the bacchants and shooters
is given in detail by Platter, and is supplemented by Butzbaeh * and other
more fragmentary evidence. How little these students studied is indicated bv
Platter’s confession, after nine years of wandering, that “ had my life
depended on it, I could not have declined a noun of the first declension.” That
he was not alone in this condition is seen from the comparison he makes with
his fellow-students in the school at Schlettstadt; and upon the part of his
bacchants there is little or ro
* Johannes Butzhach, Hodoporioon, or Little
Book of Wandering; see Whiteomb, Source Book of the Renaissance, p. KO. Also
Bntz bach, Chronica, Regenshnrg. 1879.
Digitized oy M'crosoft®
interest
shown in learning, but solely in an easy living gained through the begging
abilities of the shooters. The extreme to which this form of charity on the
part of the people and of mendicancy on the part of the students was carried
seems hardly credible. At Breslau, so numerous were these students or beggars
that the city was divided into sections, each assigned to students that had
attached themselves to given schools. At Nu- , remberg a similar division was
made, and each school divided up its pupils into groups of ten, each successive
grouji being assigned in turn to do the daily begging. Two of each group carried
huge baskets, holding two or three bushels, each basket adorned with the
picture of the patron saint of the school. When full, these were carried to the
school, where the spoils were divided by the rectors of the school.
Illustrations of these begging students with their huge baskets are still preserved.*
The custom of taking the entire schools upon a singing lour throughout the city
on certain evenings usually preceding feasts was another profitable source of
income. Where such large numbers of students were in constant residence, the
city council, as at Nuremberg, controlled their customs by ordinances.
Students thus
attached permanently to given schools were termed locati in distinction to the
vug antes. This
* Emil Reioke,
Monographien 7ur deutschen Kulturgcsohiolite, Band 9. Der Lehrer. Many
additional details concerning this phase of student life are given in thin
volume.
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was the stage
presumably striven for and reached by each of the older bacchants as they
became able to teach, especially in the numerous municipal and guild schools.
However, it is evident from Platter’s narrative that the pleasures and the easy
life of the vagantes often furnished greater attractions than did the honours
and responsibilities of a fixed position in a school. After the separation from
the Church of Eome was accomplished. Luther, in one of his admonitions concerning
the establishment of schools, refers to the old schools as follows: “ Such
towns as will not have good teachers, now that they can be gotten, ought, as
formerly, to have locati and 'bacchantes—stupid asses who cost money enough
and yet teach their pupils nothing but to become asses like themselves.”
The many
changes in the school system wrought by the reformation and the renaissance put
an end to the life of the wandering scholars, at least of the grade of
bacchants and shooters, in the Teutonic countries. Owing to the great diversity
in the attitudes of the old institutions to the new learning, many students continued
to adopt the wandering life. The term bacchant is soon restricted to the
students entering upon a university course, the beani* or “foxes,” around whom
centres so much that is objectionable in the university life of the times. The
deposition of these students,
* Ranhdall, University of the Middle Ages, yoI. ii, part ii, chapter xiv, Student
Life and Customs.
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similar to
modern hazing of freshmen, finally took such extreme form as to require the
action of national legislation to bring the students under control. By this
time, however, the wandering student, in the mediaeval sense, had almost ceased
to exist, and the term was applied to a different type.
THE REVIVAL
OF THE IDEA OF THE LIBERAL EDUCATION
Platter’s
experience furnishes one of the clearest concrete instances of the close
connection between the general movement in humanism and the more definite
changes in educational and religious practices during the sixteenth century.
His educational conversion is little less striking, certainly no less decided
and sharp, than his conversion to the protestant beliefs and practices.
Platter himself says nothing of this broader relationship of his work and
little to show that he appreciated the broader aspects of the humanistic movement.
In fact, he reveals the rather common sixteenth- century belief, the prevailing
North European conception of the humanistic movement, that it concerned two
things, namely, a broader and more intimate knowledge of the classical
languages and literature and a reformation in the Church. Consequently, it may
be well to call attention to the more fundamental aspects Digitized by Microsoft ®
of this
movement not clearly indicated in Platter’s narrative.
While the
most striking objective feature of the renaissance was the desire to master
the language of the Greeks and of the Classical Latinists, a devotion to their
literature and a passion for the possession of manuscripts and books, the all
too rare palla'lium of these treasures, yet a far more significant characteristic
lay beneath all these, namely, a desire to rediscover and to re-create the
ideals and practices of life as well as the language of these masters of the
ancient days. Educationally, there was the attempt to re-establisli the liberal
education existent in the writings, if not in reality, in the times of Plato,
of Cicero, and of Quintilian. The ideal of a liberal education finds many
followers and some exemplars, especially among the Latin peoples, though with
the Teutonic peoples and the sixteenth century the broader ideal had narrowed
down to that conception which is found embodied in the latter work of Platter,
who found no more place for the physical and social element in education, and
but little more for the aesthetic, than did that scheme of education revealed
in the account of his early life. The change to him meant little more than a
devotion to the language and some portions of the literature of the Romans and
Greeks, and, when the new literary motive is combined with the religious, to
the Hebrew language and biblical literature as well.
Writing in
1392 on Liberal Education, Vergerius, one of the early renaissance educators of
Italy, defines the meaning of education in the following terms: “ We call those
studies liberal which are worthy of a free man; those studies by which we
attain and practise virtue and wisdom: that education which calls forth,
trains, and develops those highest gifts of body and of mind which ennoble men
and which are rightly judged to rank next in dignity to virtue only.” * It is
in this spirit that many of the early renaissance educators worked, a spirit,
it must be confessed, that was unexpressed, probably wholly unrecognised by
Platter and by most of his contemporaries. Erasmus, wriiing about that time,
makes the following statement about the purpose and content of studies: “
Knowledge seems to be of two kinds: that of things and that of words. That of
words comes first, that of things is the more important. . . . So, then, having
acquired the ability to speak, if not volubly, certainly with correctness, next
the mind must be directed to a knowledge of things.” Rabelais, a contemporary
of Platter, writes, in the words of a father to his son, in the same spirit: “
There should be enkindled in thee the qualities of the soul, by which alone
shalt thou be judged as the guardian and keeper of the immortality of our name;
and my pleasure in seeing this would be small if that the least
*De
Ingenuis Moribus in Woodward’s Vitterino de Feltra, pp. 102, et seq. ,
5
part in me,
which is the body, should remain, and the best, which is the soul, and through
which alone our name may be a blessing to men, should be degenerate and
bastard. The which I say through no distrust of thy virtue, which hay been
already proven to me, but the rather to encourage thee to strive on from good
to better. And what I herein write is not so much that thou shouldst live in
this thy virtuous course, but that thou shouldst rejoice in so living and in so
having lived, refreshing thyself thereby with courage for the future. To
perfect and consummate which end, I may remind thee how I have spared nothing;
but so have propped thee up as if I had no other treasure in the world save in
the seeing of thee, during my life, whole and perfect, equally in virtue, honesty,
and valour, as in all liberal and right knowledge; and so to leave thee after
my death, as a mirror reflecting me thy father, and if non to bring thee to
such a point of excellence as I might wish, still to inspire the thirst for its
attainment.” This conception of the educated man is to be worked out, according
to Rabelais, through a scheme of education as broad as the renaissance
movement itself, and yet it is not so much the scheme of studies that is
broader than that of Platter and the humanistic schoolmen as it is the
conception of the aim and meaning of it all. The scheme of studies follows: “ I
expect and desire that thou shouldst learn perfectly the languages. First
Greek, as Quintilian advises; secondly, Latin;
and then
Hebrew, because of the noly Scriptures. Likewise Chaldee and Arabic; and form
thy style, as to Greek, after Plato; as to Latin, after Cicero. Let there be no
history which is not firm in thy memory, to which end cosmography will help
thee. Of the liberal arts, I gave thee a taste of geometry, arithmetic, and
music when thou wast still little, no older than five or six; pursue the rest
and search out all the laws of astronomy. As to astrology and the Lullian art,
leave them; they are abuses and vanities. Know by heart the texts of civil law
and compare them with the teachings of philosophy. Now, as to the facts of
nature, addict thyself studiously to the learning of them, so that there be no
sea, river, or lake of which thou knowest not the fish; so that all the birds
of the air, all the plants and fruits of the forest, all the flowers of the
soil, all the metals hid in the bowels of the earth, all the gems of the Bast
and South, none shall be foreign to thee. Most carefully pursue the writings of
physicians, Greek, Arab, Latin, despising not even the Talmudists and
Cabalists; and by frequent searching gain perfect knowledge of the microcosm,
man. And at certain hours of the day, turn to the Holy Scriptures. First to the
New Testament and Epistles, in Greek, then to the Old Testament, in Hebrew. In
short, let me behold in thee an abyss of learning; for, as thou becomest a man
and great, thou must come out from this tranquility and calm of study,
learning chivalry and arms, Digitized
by Microsoft ®
wherewith to
defend my house and to succour our dear friends from hurt of evildoers. I would
that thou shnuldst shortly learn how much thou hast profited, the which thou
canst no more easily do than by maintaining theses, publicly against all
comers, frequenting, too, the company of the learned.”
Pope Leo X
gives expression to a similar conception of the meaning of humanism: “We have
been accustomed even from our youth, to think that nothing more excellent or
more useful to mankind has been given by the Creator to mankind, if we except
only the •knowledge and true worship of Himself, than these studies, which not
only lead to the ornament and guidance of human life, but are applicable and
useful to every particular situation; in adversity consolatory; in prosperity
pleasing and honourable; insomuch that without them we should be deprived of
all the grace of life and all the polish of social intercourse:" *
Previous to
this (1475) Pius II had written a treatise, Concerning a Liberal Education^
embodying a conception as broad as that of the Greeks, from whom it was drawn.
Physical training, diet, behaviour, social forms, religion, eloquence,
a?sthetics, besides the ordinary routine of gram mar, rhetoric, literature,
mathematics, and philosophy, are all given place.
* Jebl), in Humanism in Education, pp. 8-9.
■f
iEnf'as Sylvius, de Liberorum Educatione in 'Woodward's Vit- terino de Feltra,
pp. 136-160.
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But it was
not to this class that Platter belonged. He presents a typical case of the
humanistic educator of the Teutonic countries in that he accepts fully the
formal means of education in which the humanists all agree; that is a thorough
mastery of the forms of the Latin language, the use of a wide selection of the
best classics of that language with some familiarity with the Greek, and
possibly the Hebrew language, all culminating in a dialectic which was a
combination of the mediaeval dialectic with the Roman ideal of oratory. The
dialectical and oratorical ideals fused, as is seen even earlier in the much
broader conception of Yitterino de Feltra,* and later in the work of Sturm,
Trotzen- dorf. and others to be mentioned. But Platter is also typical, in that
while he adopts these educational means he substitutes for the broad conception
of a liberal education one “that gives to a man all the perfection of body,
miDd, and soul of which he is capable,” a much narrower one derived from the
dominant humanistic and religious motive of the north European education of the
sixteenth century. This new education of which Platter is a representative is
but little broader in its purpose than was the mediaeval scholastic education
which preceded it, though much higher in the material which it used and broader
in its application to the masses of the people, and hence more potent in its
* Sen Woodward. Yitterino dp Feltra and other
Humanistic Educators, pp. 1-93; Symonds, Revival of Learning, p. 297; The
Cambridge Modern History, -vol. i, pp. .">56 -557.
results. This
education is humanistic only in the narrower sense, humanities conceived as
language and literature, and is controlled by a narrow dogmatic spirit foreign
to the liberalism of the Greeks and of the early renaissance.
The change in
the character of the renaissance movement had been spoken nf as a narrowing
process, since the movement in the early period, and particularly in Italy, was
broader, in the sense that its ideal was one of personal development, of
personal achievement, of broad self-realization, of attainment to the Greek
idea of freedom or of education. It was in that sense, and so as bearing
particularly upon the conception of education from the point of view of the
school, that the contrast is unfavourable to the German humanists of whom
Platter was a very minor representative. But in another and quite as important
sense the German movement was broader even in its educational bearing; that is,
classical study, learning, education, were to be encouraged as a whole and were
to be directed towards a social, that is a religious, reform. It was an aftergrowth
that the humanistic study came to be directed ohiefly to theological
formulations; primarily it was towards reform in religious and soc ial
practices. Here again the evidence which Platter furnishes being merely
incidental and personal, is, though of importance, yet of much less interest
than the work of his contemporaries, so far as it goes.
RENAISSANCE
EDUCATIONAL IDEAS IN GERMANY
The
dissemination of the humanistic ideas of education throughout the German
countries—in fact, throughout northern Europe—occurred during the latter part
of the fifteenth century and the first half of the sixteenth. Their conquest of
the German burgher schools might be said to have occurred within the first
quarter of the sixteenth century. Before that time the leading universities,
such as Heidelberg, Erfurt, and Leipzig, had accepted the new learning and,
after Wittenberg was founded in 1502 as a humanistic institution, were
shortly thereafter reorganized along the same lines. It was under the leadership
of such men as Agricola, Erasmus, and Melancthon that the transition was made,
and the sehool-masters who were the immediate instruments of this change,
though men of minor importance, were pupils of these great leaders.
The Order of
Brethren of the Common Life to which most of these leaders belonged, either as
members or as pupils, has already been mentioned. Among these were Agricola
(1443-1.485), Hegius (1433-1498), Murmil- lius (1479-1517), Reuchlein
(1455-1522). But before all of these in importance stands the work of a pupil
of the school at Deventer, Desdderius Erasmus (1466-1536). To him more than to
any of these was due the introduction of the humanistic spirit iD nortli- Digitzed
by Microsoft®
crn
Europe—for he was a cosmopolitan in his life as well as in his writings, living
in Holland, England, France, Germany, and Switzerland. This educational
leadership of Erasmus was exercised in a great variety of ways, though of a
most general kind, for he did not come into immediate contact with the humanistic
schools of the burgher type, and only for brief periods with the universities,
of England, France, Germany, and Italy. His influence, while not exercised
directly through schools, was yet profound; he translated and annotated the
Scriptures, some of the patristic writings, especially Jerome; he edited many
of the Latin classics, such as Cicero, Lucian, Suetonius, Plautus, Seneca,
Terence, and published Latin translations of selected works of Aristotle,
Euripides, Lucian, Plutarch, and Libianus. He translated and wrote grammars
of the Greek and Latin tongues; he made familiar through his Adages the sayings
of many of the ancients with applications to contemporary religious and educational
conditions; he prepared Colloquies or dialogues which came into universal use
in the schools and served not orly as models of Latin style, but, from their
satire on educational, religious, and social abuses, also as tremendous
instruments of reform. Through such works as the Praise of Folly he led in the
work of reform in these abuses. But besides these things, which give Erasmus
the leadership in this educational reform of the sixteenth century, he wrote
directly upon the subDigitized by
Microsoft®
ject of
education. In his Order of Studies * he gives his ideas as to the authors and
texts to bo studied and the method? to be followed. But he emphasizes also his
belief that things as well as words should be studied, and that this study
should go along with the study of words. In fact, he holds that the knowledge
of reality is more important than the study of words or of literature, and in
this puts himself beyond the narrower tendency of sixteenth-century humanism.
He admits that the study of words must come first, and holds that our chief
knowledge of reality comes from the ancients, but at the same time there should
be an independent study of things if for no other reason at least because such
a knowledge assists in the interpretation of passages from the classical
authors, nence his text-books and writings have a most immediate and practical
bearing on life. True, his position in regard to the reform movement in the
Church was unsatisfactory to both parties, and consequently he has been
accused of cowardice; yet, notwithstanding this, his influence was the most
important force in the general movement in social reform in the sixteenth
century, and especially in the educational aspect of it. Others of his writings
that bear directly upon education are those connected with the controversy with
the “ Cice- ronians,” and gave rise to his dialogue bearing that
* Dp Katione Studii in OreniusV Concilia et
Methodi A.uri'se Studiorum Optime Institucndorum.
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title. The
design of this dialogue and of the controversial writings preceding it, is to ridicule
the extremely narrow conception of those humanists of the times who considered
the sole aim of education to be the development of the ability to use the
Ciceronian Latin. Not only was the power of written and spoken language to be
determined by the usage of Tully, but no subject was of sufficient interest to
be studied or noticed if not originally found in the Ciceronian writings. No
Latin texts were to be used except those allied in style to Cicero, or such as
would give opportunity for practical conversational use. Erasmus accepted the
Ciceronian conception of the educated man, that is, the orator, but he held the
doctrine enunciated in the work on that subject by the master, that the orator
must first of all be a man, and that education was directed primarily towards
the production of that result.
The
humanistic leader whose influence was of the same general nature as that of
Erasmus but worked directly upon the schools was Philip Melancthon (14971560).
Melancthon exerted a general influence through much the same channels as did
Erasmus, though restricted more to the German people. As a university
lecturer, throughout most of his long life, he was the greatest direct
inspiration of this half-century to humanistic study; as the translator or editor
of classical texts, he re-enforced this influence; as the author of Digitized by Microsof t®
grammars of
the Greek aud Latin languages and of various school-books, he made the approach
to these studies much easier for the youth. Among the textbooks are manuals of
logic, of rhetoric, of physics, and of ethics, llelancthon’s activity in
respect to organization of subjects for schools was little less comprehensive
than the scope of his university lectures, which covered almost every subject.
His many addresses—inaugural, dedicatory, etc.—giving his conception of the
humanistic education, are little more tha™ pleas for the study of philosophy
and of the Greek and Latin classics, and of the Hebrew language, as an
approach to the scriptures. In more direct ways than these, which are general
methods of influence on education exerted by the humanists, Melancthon gave
shape to the German system of education to such an extent that he was given
the title, “ Preceptor of Germany.” He drew up the plans of study for a great
number of the gvm- nasia, as the new humanistic schools came to be called by
this time, and was consulted by city magistrates and educators in the shaping
of many more. A second means of direct influence was through his pupils; it was
estimated that by the middle of the sixteenth century there weTe few if any of
these schools in Germany that had not at least one of Melancthon’s pupils as a
teacher. Among them were many of the most noted rectors of these schools, such
as Meander, Trotzendorf, and Camerarius. Finally, in the plan of Digitizsd by Microsoft ®
schools which
he drew up for the Elector of Saxony and which was published :‘.n 1528 a? a
part of the general laws of the duchy, he elaborated the general foundation
of the school system of Germany, since the general ideas of this were later
incorporated into the laws of many of the other German states. The schools as
outlined were strictly humanistic schools, even German being excluded from the
earlier plan, and were organized into three distinct groups or grades. The
details of this plan are given in comparison with the curriculum outlined by
Platter for his school (p. 61).
One other of
these early German university leaders deserves to be mentioned. Jacob
Wimpheling, of whom we hear very little, especially when compared with the two
educators previously mentioned, was from the more limited educational point of
view scarcely of less importance. He shared with Melancthon the title of “
Preceptor of Germany,” on account of his influence on schools; and his writings
on the general character and purpose of education, as well as on the method of
study and the curriculum, are quite as numerous and valuable a? those of
Erasmus.
Wimpheling
was born and died at Schlettstadt, a city of little less importance than
Heidelberg and Tubingen as a renaissance centre in southern Germany, though
much of his work was in connection with the University of Heidelberg, of which
he was at one time rector. He was allied with the older group of human- Digitized by Microsoft®
ists, and
held a somewhat broader view of education than that generally prevalent. He
asks: “ Of what use art' all the hooks iD the world, the most learned writings,
the profoundest researches, if they only minister to the vainglory of their authors,
and do not, or cannot, advance the good of mankind? Such barren, useless,
injurious learning as proceeds from pride and egotism serves to darken
understanding and to foster all evil passions and inclinations. What profits
all our learning if our character he not correspondingly noble, all our
industry without piety, all our knowing without love of our neighbour, all our
wisdom without humility, all our studying if we are not kind and charitable? ”
One of Wimpheling’s pupils was John Sturm, whose ideas of education, much
narrower and more intense than these, are to be given later. Two of
'Wimpheling’s works on education are of especial importance. The first is a
Guide to German Youth,* which gives a contrast of method and content between
the old education and the new humanistic education. The second work, published
in 1500, entitled Adolescentia, or Youth, is a treatise more on the moral and
religious aspect of education, as indicated in the quotation above.
Wimpheling
was a pupil of the school at Sohlett- stadt, and did much through encouragement
and his
* Ramrrihing
padagogische Sohriften, vol. iii, edited by J. Freund gen.
f Freundgen, Sammlung, vol. iii.
own
reputation towards making that school one of the earliest and most advanced
humanistic schools of Germany.
TYPES OF
RENAISSANCE SCHOOLS IN GERMANY
The
Schlettstadt school was at once a type of these schools and one of the most
influential. It was founded by the burghers of the city about the middle of the
fifteenth century, and owes its superiority partly to the progressiveness of
the wealthy little city at that time, but more especially to its close
connection with the Brethren of the Common Life, who educated the earlier
rectors. Such school-men as Dringenberg, Crato, Sapidus, were among the rectors,
while more famous humanists, as Wimpheling, Sturm, Simler, Melanc- thon’s
teacher, Beatus Rhenanus, were among the pupils of these. This school is the
first to which Platter came in all his wanderings that gave him any insight
into the meaning of school-work, or any inspiration to effort and achievement
in study. Platter visited the school in 1517, at which time, with Sapidus as
rector, there were more than nine hundred pupils in the school. With the
progress of the reformation and the growth of the neighbouring school at
Strass- burg, the Schlettstadt school lost its reputation.
Mention has
been previously made of the schools of
the Brethren
of the Common Life as types of monastic schools. But they were rather
transitions between the old monastic education and the new humanistic. And it
is to the leaders and the schools of this order that the introduction into
north Europe of the humanistic idea of education is chiefly due.
When first
organized (1376) the educational activities of this order were confined within
very narrow lines. For though from the first they were active in copying
manuscripts, chiefly as a form of manual labour and as a source of income, yet
they were restricted in their studies to the Bible and the writings of the
Fathers. Soon after the death of Groot, however, their intellectual interests
were much broadened, and they became the leaders in the humanistic movement in
north Europe. They numbered among their early leaders Agricola, Hegius,
Reuehlra; they educated Thomas a Kempis, Erasmus, and the founder of the Jesuit
order. Their chief motive being always the moral and religious one, they aimed
to bring as much as possible of the truth and beauty of the scriptures and of
literature to the common people. Consequently they led in giving instruction in
the vernacular and in the translation of the Bible. Their great educational
influence was exerted, however, through the founding of their schools.
Throughout the low countries—the Rhine valley, the north of France, in north
Germany as far as Prussia—and in more remote regions, their
schools
flourished. Their schools were the most popular m all Europe; the numbers of
students were large, reaching more than two thousand at Deventer by the close
of the fifteenth century in the time of Hegius. By this time they had been
instrumental in introducing not only a purer Latin and the classics of that language
into the schools, but also the study of Greek and of Hebrew. Nor was their
influence limited to the members of their order and the scholars of their
schools, for many of the latter became teachers in the new burgher schools that
were now being established in great numbers. Platter’s brief mention of the
school at Schlettstadt is but a piece of circumstantial evidence typical of
the character of their work, for most of his wandeiings were outside the limits
reached bv the influence of that order. But slight as was his contact with the
school of the Brethren, it was the vitalizing touch so characteristic of their
work.
The typical
humanistic schools, at least until the development of the Jesuit schools '.n
the latter part of the sixteenth century, were those under control of the
reformation leaders and supported by reformation cities. It is true that this
movement had made great progress before the reformation and was one of the
chief causes of the reformation, but for the greater part of the sixteenth
century the two movements fused and the chief educative influence of the
reformation during that century was towards the founding of hu-
manistic
schools and universities controlled by the cities or states. The transition
within the universities was completed before the outbreak of the reformation,
and began with the burgher schools with Nuremberg before the close of the
fifteenth century. But it was not till the opening by Melanothon of the new
humanistic school in Nuremberg in 1526 that the reform could be said to be
complete. In a similar way Melano- thon was directly influential in the
establishment of such schools of the new learning all over Germany. There is
yet preserved correspondence between Melancthon and fifty-six cities in which
he gives counsel and direction concerning the foundation and the work of such
schools.* As additional types of these schools, under combined reformation and
renaissance influences, Goldberg and Strassburg may be noticed.
The school at
Goldberg was refounded by Trotzen- dorf in 1531, though he had previously been
rector of the school for a short time. The school curriculum was modelled
directly upon the line of Melancthon’s ideas, and the latter wrote
introductions to at least one of his pupil’s text-books designed for this
school. The great aim of the school, as with all of these, was to give a
speaking and writing knowledge of the Latin language. Hence grammar, rhetoric,
and dialectic, with the study of Terence, Plautus, Cicero, Virgil, and Ovid
constituted the major part of the work. Greek
* Hartfelder, Mplanrthunla Padagojrica.
and religious
instruction and music were included, but the addition of arithmetic and natural
philosophy, including some geography and astronomy, was a novelty. The details
of the curriculum and of method are similar to those to be given in connection
with the account of Sturm and of Platter. But the methods of organization and
government were quite unique. In instruction, Trotzendorf, whose school was
thronged with students from a very wide region on account of its excellent
work, adopted a scheme of tutorial instruction, by which the boys of the higher
classes gave tuition to the boys in the lower. Sturm employed a device somewhat
similar but not carried to the same extent. In almost every respect the English
monitorial system of the early nineteenth century was foreshadowed.
On the side
of organization Trotzendorf carried out the monitorial idea much as did
Lancaster and Bell, or as did the English public schools, or as is attempted in
some modern schemes of self-government. The purpose here was as much that of
instruction, both 'n- tellectual and moral, as it was that of discipline. Instead
of resorting to the reproduction of Latin and Greek plays, as did Sturm and,
later, the Jesuits in their schools, Trotzendorf organized his school on the
plan of a Roman republic. The school was divided into six classes, and each
class into tribes presided over by their own officers. There wa? a school
magistracy of twelve senators and two censors, who preserved or
der and
punished offences. There were questors, who secured prompt attendance on all
school exercises, and supervised a multitude- of similar affairs. The business
was conducted in Latin; in fact, this was the sole language of the school, and
the more important officers delivered formal Latin orations upon relinquishing
their offices. Trotzendorf’s plaD probably represents the extreme development
of the two renaissance tendencies as revealed in the schools and at the same
time their best harmonization, namely, the tendency to substitute the ideals,
methods, and control of civil government for the monastic and ecclesiastical
which had previously prevailed, and the substitution of a cdassical Latin as
the written and spoken word, with emphasis on the literary and rhetorical side
rather than as formerly on mere dialectic treatment of patristic and scholastic
treatises.
One minor
incident in Platter’s narrative becomes of great interest in that it furnishes
a concrete instance of yet another general educational tendency of the times;
this is his reference to the gymnasium at Strass- burg organized by John Sturm
in 1537. Thi* was the most influential of all the early renaissance schools,
not only in Germany but probably in all Europe, and its influence was largely
exerted in the manner seen in Platter’s case, through visits to the school by
masters of other schools and by approximate imitations of the model.
John Sturm
(1507-1589) wap called in 1537 to the rectorship of the gymnasium then founded
by the magistrates of the city of Strassburg. Sturm’s reputation as a
classicist, established by publications and by his work as lecturer at Louvain
and also at Paris, rendered most appropriate his selection to the headship of
the humanistic school of one of the most important cities of central Europe.
By his power of organization, of which he immediately gave evidence in the
organization of a curriculum, and in the grading of a school, as well as in
its general administration; by his*improved and systematized methods; by his
well-written text-books; by his correspondence with such men as Ascham in England
and Molancthon in Germany; by his well-trained pupils, whom he put in charge of
many schools throughout Europe; and by his personal example and counsel he
became the most influential school-master in Europe, as distinct from the
broader educationists such as Metenc- thon. As he often had an attendance of
several thousand students drawn from all parts of Europe, and usually including
some hundred of the nobility, the channels which he controlled for the
immediate communication of the influence of the school were very numerous.
Sturm presided over this school for forty-five years, though his work was
varied by the performance of many public duties for various sovereigns, for
which his ability and his influence well fitted him. It was Sturm's design, at
least in later years, to develop the school into Digitized by Microsoft®
a university,
and much of the literary and rhetorical work of the faculty of philosophy was
provided for. For this reason the curriculum of the school, as given later (p.
68), is somewfiat more than a mere standard of comparison for other gymnasia.
The
success of Sturm’s school is undoubtedly due to the fact that he possessed the
most definite conception of the purpose of schooling and that he organized a
system for the most rigid execution of this purpose. That the training given
was very narrow is to be admitted, and in this, as well, Sturm becomes one of
the best representatives of his times in the narrowed humanistic conception
characteristic of the later renaissance period. Conceiving the aim of
education in terms of piety, knowledge, and eloquence, hp provided for piety in
the study of the catechism, and of those portions of the Scriptures that
incidentally would give good practice in Greek and Latin. Knowledge to him was the
knowledge of the Latin language and literature, with some attention to the
Greek; eloquence consisted in the ability to use in writing and speaking the
Ciceronian Latin#1 The whole work of the school was devoted to
this latter end, for it included the others. Considering that the function of
the school was to supply to the youth of his times the two great advantages
possessed by the Roman boy, that of the use of Latin in his every-day
conversation and that of seeing and hearing many Latin plays, the work of the
school was . Digitized by Microsoft ®
directed
largely to these ends. The schoel-boys were required to familiarize themselves
with the names of all objects of every-day life, not for the purpose of
studying or understanding these things, but for the purpose of acquiring a
Latin vocabulary; they were required to make elaborate dictionaries of such
words and of phrases for common use. They were required to memorize a vast
number of Ciceronian phrases and expressions for use of ordinary conversation;
and finally, in the latter years of their schooling, all were required to
participate in the presentation of plays, especially those of Plautus and
Terence, so as to obtain a perfect mastery of the spoken Latin. In the higher
classes such plays were presented at least once a week. As a result of this
intensive devotion to the one ideal, Sturm’s curriculum excluded all other
subjects: even mathematics was given only a formal recognition, in the
statement that arithmetic and astrology were to be studied in the later years,
practically as a portion of university work. But it appears from accounts of
the actual work of the school, that no time was found for carrying out even
these meagre provisions. History likewise was given formal recognition by the
appointment of a professor of history for the university work, but this meant
lectures in Latin on Livy and Tacitus, authors that were excluded from the
gvmnasial work on account of their departure from Ciceronian standards.
Such was the
character of the school that was a model for Platter as well as for all Europe.
THE SCHOOL AT
BASEL
The Latin
burgher school of Basel which Platter reorganized into a humanistic school in
loll, and over which he presided for more than thirty years, was a typical
gymnasium, though not one of the earliest. The earliest of these among the
German schools was that of Nuremberg, ■where the study of Latin from
<he humanistic point of view began in 1496, and where by 1521 both Greek
and Hebrew bad been added. The ideas embodied in Platter’s curriculum were
drawn from Melancthon’s school-plan and from Sturm’s school at Strassburg,
which Platter visited upon his election to the office at Basel, and in which a
younger brother of his was a teacher.
The scheme of
the school, by daily recitations, for the six years is given in full, in the
rough notes of Platter, as follows:
First Class
The children
who come into this class are for the first time in school or first begin to
learn; they are divided into three groups. The first of these learn
the letters
on little tables or bloeks. The. others then read from bloeks and spell in
Donatus; they also begin to write. Every night the teacher gives to all these
two Latin words. The pupils must say these every morning, and on Saturday
morning the teacher examines the Latin of the whole week. (Repetitiones tu-
multuarife.) On this day also they are taught to pray, though they must pray
every day, morning and evening, in all the classes. When these pupils can read
tolerably well, they are put in the next class at the quarter day.
Second Class
In this class
they read in the morning, from T to 8, the sacred dialogues of Castello; on
Saturday morning the catechism, 9-10; for the first three days the shorter
colloquies of Erasmus; on the other three days, at the same hour, the teacher
examines them on Donatus by heart.
1-2. One
reads with them the shorter Epistles of Cicero. They are examined always on the
same lesson on the following day. They repeat rapidly the declensions of the
nouns and verbs in the paradigms of Donatus. They are drilled in the easiest
and commonest of grammatical rules.
3-1. Every
day they give the declensions and every hour one decurion must point out a
Scripta, so that every day each one points out a Scripta once.
When, now,
one has learned Donatus by heart and the commonest rules, he is put in the
third class at the next quarter day.
Thibd Class
7-8. The New
Testament is read.
9-10. On one
day they must learn by heart from the Latin grammar of Melancthon; on the next
day the formulas for speaking the proverbs and sayings are pointed out to them.
1-2. They are
given an assignment in the Eclogues and in Cicero anti the easiest figures of
prosody.
3-4. Select
fables of iEsop, with the elements of Greek, the declensions of the easiest
nouns and verbs; then in the fourth class they read the Greek grammar complete.
They were all reviewed on the above-mentioned lessons, on the following days;
and as often as they were exam:ned, they repeated the declensions together
with the easiest rules of construction.
In this class
they also read on Saturdays the catechism, and on Wednesday they were given
writing.; but on Thursday they were given the letters which they had made
according to the German outline, drawn from Cicero and given to them as a. task.
Those that
had mastered the Latin grammar, and had been over it at least once, and also
had made some beginning in Greek, were transferred into the fourth class.
Fourth Claps
7-8. In this
class they read on one day the Testament, yet with more explanation than In
the third class. On the next, hitherto, a beginning in dialectics; after that
the rhetoric of Philip (Melancthon); but now, when this is finished they read
the Officia of Cicero, until they can begin dialectic or perhaps devote
another hour to it.
9-10. They
read on one day the Epistles of Cicero, wherein they were shown the art of
dialectic and rhetoric, also the formulas for speaking, poetic metres, etc.
1-2.
In the Metamorphoses of Ovid, one pointed out most diligently among other
things the tropes and the metres of the poet, together with those other things
that were peculiar to the poets.
3—1. In
Terence, they studied the phrases, as also in other Latin readings. They read
Greek, always on the alternate days, when they had not read in Cicero from
9-10, that is they read the dialogues of Lucian. They examined on the other
day, from word to word, the declensions of nouns and verbs and of all parts of
the orations; they read the Greek grammer of Ceporlnus. But when they had
recited the Epistles of Cicero, they read in the same hour in the Latin grammer
of Melancthon, yet seldom therefrom, for they had been well drilled in it in
the third class. When
they recited
in Ovid, they gave the declensions, as also in rhe study of Cicero, yet only
that which was unusual and difficult, and in Cicero more than in Ovid; then as
poetry is full of ■figures, one pointed these out to them in advance. In
the same lesson that they studied Ovid, they examined beforehand the Schemata
of Siesen brothers. In the study of Terence, they used especially the
constructions of Erasmus, which they had also prepared for the same lesson.
On Friday,
from 3-4, all who were in the third and fourth classes were drilled in music,
and they sang some one or two psalms at times.
On Saturday,
about 9, they gave the letters which they themselves had written without any
prescribed argument, so that each one might select a theme for himself, wherein
he could use the rules of dialectic and rhetoric, or he could choose an
argument out of the Epistles of Cicero.
They were
also drilled in the Catechism at and before the quarterly fasts. Also when one
of the Evangels is finished, one reads sometimes between whiles the Catechism.
So that those who have lately arrived may also be instructed in one holy
religion.
Those in the
fourth class, if they are well drilled, in the grammar of both languages, Greek
and Latin, also in the beginning of dialectics and rhetoric; also were so well
versed in the authors that they immediately understand when one reads an
author no more in
German, but
in Latin exposition, may then be permitted to inscribe themselves as advanced
students. Such a one has also now the intelligence to control himself, as it is
beneficial and honourable to him, without the rod; he also has a desire and
taste for literature, so that he receives now with joy all that is read and
explained. They must all have experience.
While the
school was organized into four classes, the lowest one had three groups, so
that in reality there were six grades. This was the number in the Trotzendorf
school and also in the English public schools as organized about the same
period. Sturm’s school possessed nine, and later ten, grades; the Jesuit
schools nine, in five general divisions. Each class with Platter was organized
into groups of ten—derations—partially under charge of the brightest boys.
These groups were not all of the same stage of advancement, so that the
advantage of further grading was secured. Here, again, the practice was similar
to that at Strassburg, at Goldberg, and in the Jesuit schools.
From this
comparison it will be seen that Platter’s curriculum was not so detached as
that of Sturm’s, and was, in fact, but a slight expansion of that of
Melanchthon, which was the common basis of all German schools. The Basel
school is somewhat more highly graded than that provided for in the plan of
Melanchthon, consisting of six instead of three groups, though it falls short
of that of Sturm. The importance
10th Class.
Latin Alphabet ; Reading.
C3
<s
S’
(D
Q.
Cr
9th Class,
Declensions; Conjugations; Irregular forms; Vocabulary of common speech.
1st Class
(1st Part). Alphabet.
8th Class,
Latin syntax; Letters of Cicero with grammatical construction; Exercises In
style.
Tth Class.
Latin syntax; Epistles of Cicero; Exercises in
Translationof
Catechism into Latin.
6th Class,
Epistles of Cicero", Martial; Horace; Catechism; Hieronymous; Begin Greek.
5th Class.
4th Class.
Versification;
Cicero;
Virgil—Eclogues ;
Donatus translation (extempore) )
Pauline Epistles
;
Greek.
Cicero;
Horace; Greek; Panline Epistles.
3d Class.
Latin
treatises on rhetoric;
Demosthenes;
Homer;
Pauline Epistles
;
Double translations,
Greek and
Latin;
Terence and
Plautus to be acted.
2d Class.
Comparison of
Latin and Greek authors; Logic; Rhetoric; Epistle to Romans; Acting of
Aristophanes, Euripides ; Sophocles, Terence and Plautus.
1st Class.
Logic, Rhetoric
and Oratory in Latiu and Greek;
With more
intensive study of above authors.
PLATTER’S
CURRICULUM (1641).
(2d Part.)
Reading;
Writing;
Spelling in
Latin.
(3d Part.)
Reading; Donatus, etc.
7
2d Class.
Dialogues of Castili- anus;
Donatus by
heart; Colloquies of Erasmus ;
Epistles of Cicero;
Catechism.
3d Class.
New
Testament;
Latin grammar
of Me- lanchthon (by heart); Virgil, Eclogues; iEeop’s Fables (in Greek).
1st Class.
Alphabet,
Creed and prayers; Donatus;
Cato;
Music.
MELANCHTHON’S
CURRICULUM (152T).
2d Class.
Music;
Grammar;
Fables of
iEsop with grammatical exercises j Colloquies of Erasmus;
Terence and
Plautus;
Bible,
including Gospels, Epistles, Psalms and Proverbs.
4th Class.
New
Testament;
Dialectics;
Rhetoric;
Cicero, Ovid,
Terence; Greek grammar and texts; Music j Catechism,
3d Class.
Music; Virgil; Cicero; Ovid; Grammar; Logic; Rhetoric,
of this?
better grading is recognised bj Platter, as indi - cated in the letter given
below. The same letter indicates the spirit and motive with which Platter went
into the work and reveals the basis for some of the rather complicated and
indefinite relations existing between the city councillors, the university, the
church and private schools mentioned, and the burgher Grammar school under
Platter. The letter here appended is one from Platter to the city councillors,
written at their request, concerning the organization and work of the reformed
school which he thereafter took under his care. “ May the Almighty Eternal God
order our beginning according to his holy pleasure, and bring it to a good and
useful end. Amen. Since you, my gracious sirs, commanded me as your subject,
that I should show to you in writing my idea of the way in which I hope that
the school ‘ at the Castle ’ might be most usefully and orderly arranged; how
there the youths might be educated not only in the languages but also in good
morals; also what help was necessary for me; also what I required for a salary;
at last also concerning the Louse; I now give to you briefly, my gracious sirs,
my ideas—not to instruct such as you, since your honours know well what is
necessary to do and what is in your power to accomplish—hut that I may fzlfil
your will in this respect. I pray you for the honour of God and the common need
of our city to improve this through your honours.
“ In the
first place, according to the regulations, that one shall divide the boys and
arrange them into classes or groups in order that one may lose none of his
time, nor [place] too heavy a burden on the children; also in order that one
may perceive and understand, what help should be and must be there, this is to
be considered first. For, as every one has a desire to dwell in a city or town
where there are good laws, all things happen harmoniously in joy and pleasure
of a community, so also here, if your honours establish everything rightly,
the citizens will have a desire to educate their children and to have them
study, and literature and art will arise and increase.
“Now it is,
my gracious sirs, as I perceive, you probably remembered, how one has commanded
the university, that they should reform and examine the school, so that they
would get in line of progress, which now, as I perceive, you have commanded to
Mr. Grynaus and Mr. Myconius as a school-master; and thereafter have charged
Mr. Grynaus that he would be a faithful overseer, as also Dr. Oecolampadius, of
Christlike memory, is said to have done before, to specify what should be
read, also to look after and regulate the classes and other things; therefore I
will leave this to you, and willingly follow you as learned and wise men. I
pray you, therefore, that it may please you to charge Myco- nius, as my beloved
father and school-master at Zurich, and to remind him of his office that he
should have a
faithful
oversight over the school, and correct and punish me if I err, as the one who
used it with usefulness and understanding; I will willingly receive it at all
times from him. In order that you, however, may so much the better understand,
with regard to the help, how necessary this is and how little is accomplished
and may be accomplished by one or even by two, I will show to you and discuss
in brief the regulations.
“ Thus it may
be necessary to divide the whole number of the boys into four classes or
groups whereof every one will have his place, and in each one of which every
boy will have his seat, according as he succeeds in mounting up higher and
higher; so that the first begins at the lowest, those who learn the alphabet.
After these, those who learn to read, for these one instructs that they learn
Donatus by heart, then begin to decline.
“ These are
two classes; the lowest, with which one generally must have the most difficult
time, in order that one may lead them and teach them to walk like children. But
it is not enough to hear them, but if one is slow the teacher must sit by him
and instruct him individually. Those who learn the declensions and the grammar
perfectly may be able to learn to understand the Fables of iEsop, Cato and
others of the classics— they form the third class. In the fourth one may read
Terence, Virgil, Ovid, Ceesar, and other authors, as the school-master who
understands the thing may deem it best.
“ Thus it is
possible for you, my gracious sirs, to understand well from this, as you are
in other things wise, what is necessary in the way of help, if one is to do
this thing properly. There is none of these classes which one should not hear
four hours each day; also each one should have its own especial teacher. Yet
not that any class should be wholly intrusted to anyone, but from one to
another; especially the school-master should have a good oversight over the
lowest, how far it progresses daily or not.
“ Now I can
well believe that it troubles you that I ask so much help, as if I wished to
lighten my work thereby; but my work will not be lightened, but it will be of
advantage to the boys. As when one wishes to erect a building quickly, he must
have many people; then the labour of those who work there is not lessened, for
each one has his work, but the building w.ll be erected so much the more
advantageously. So also here, where there is only a little help, one does as
much as he can; when the hour is up, he must permit the children to go home.
Let one consider bow it is conducted in Other cities, as Zurich, Bern, and Strassburg.
In Zurich there are two schools and nine teachers. In Strass- burg every class
has its own teacher. (I write this not because you yourselves do not know what
is necessary to do here, but that you may see how elsewhere literature is
fostered.) I wish thus, my gracious sirs, to admonish you to consider the
affair faithfully, that we 7
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do not
neglect the youth, and to think also of our posterity, that we may leave to
them learned people, a? God has endowed us, in order that we may not fall again
into the old darkness, though the greatest means will not be able to help us,
but God through his aid. However, through means they are educated and supported,
but it is not necessary for me to relate this to you.
“
Here I can well believe that the other school-mas- ters will complain of it,
that they have not also been helped ; would to God we all had assistance, then
would we do more good in general; there phall, however, be the most help ‘ at
the Castle ’ as in the most important and largest parish, for it needs the
most help, since one has there the most boys.
“ in the
third place, concerning my necessary salary, I cannot say much; it remains with
you, my gracious sirs, as also the other things; and yet I would pray you, that
yon vrould consider the great labour and care that such a one must bear and the
heavy reckoning he must give to God, if he does not conduct it aright; that you
desire to show me good-will so that I may have the desire to do this thing and
do it for a long time, not as one commonly says: you must endure it until
something better comes to hand; who sets his heart on a better thing, never has
his mind and thoughts on his work.
“It is well
known to you, my gracious sirs, how
much good is
caused by having a new school-master every day or even every year. I pray you,
respectfully, that you will procure me a fixed amount in order that I need not
be a burden to you daily and beg. If you would let it remain, as it was
established at first, it would indeed not be too much. I know well what is
given elsewhere, but it is not necessary to tell it; you will conclude it for
the best.
“ In respect
to the house, it is my final request to you, my gracious sirs, that you will
leave me in this one. I have laboured much until it is become mine. I have
arranged it beautifully; it is convenient and well ordered. You desire also to
help me in this, then rent this and give me rent for my house, so then will I
give to you what remains over, in order that it may not be too expensive for
you; I pray you, if it may be, in order that I need not move again.
“ Thus, your
honours, you have my ideas in brief, as I understand the situation; may you
receive it from me for the best. I pray you, for the honour of God, your cummun
needs, and the furthering of my affairs, that you may cause it to be commanded
in order that I may know in what circumstances I am.”
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
THOMAS PLATTER
Since you, dear son Felix, as well as many famous and learned men, who for
many years in their youth have been my pupils, have frequently requested me to
describe my life from my youth up; for you, as well as they, have often heard
from me, in what great poverty I have been irom my birth, afterward in what
great peril of life and limb I have been, first wben I served in the terrible
mountains, and then when in my youth I followed after the wandering students;
also later how I, with my wife, have supported ray family with great care,
trouble, and labour—since, then, this story may be of value especially to you,
in order that you may consider how God has many times so wonderfully preserved
mo, and that you mayest thank the Lord in heaven therefor, that he so well
endowed and guarded you, descended from me, that you have not had to bear such
poverty ; therefore I cannot deny you, but will, as far as I remember, make
known all concerning my birth and education,
CHAPTER I
BIRTH—ORPHANAGE
And first, I know least the time when things have
occurred. When I thought and asked about the time of my birth, people always
said I came into the world on Shrove Tuesday, just as the bells were ringing
for mass. That. I know, because my friends have always hoped from this that I
would become a priest. I had a sister, who was alone with my mother when I was
born; she has also told me this.
My father was
called Antony Platter, of the old family of those who were called Platter;
they received their name from a house that is on a wide place (platte). It is a
rock on a very high mountain by a village called Grrenchen, belonging to the
district and the parish of Visp, which is a considerable village district in
Talais. My mother, however, was called Anna Maria Summermatter, of a very large
family, which was called the Summermatters. The father of this family became
one hundred and twenty-six years old. For six years before his death, I myself
have spoken with him, and he said that he knew ten other men in the parish of
80
Visp who were
all older than he was* then. When he was a hundred years old he married a woman
thirty years old, and they had one son. He left sons and daughters, some of
whom were white, some were gray, before he died. He was called old Hans Summer-
matter.
The house
wherein I was born is near Grenchen, and is called “ by the ditch ”; therein
you, Felix, yourself, have been. When my mother was recovered, she had sore
breasts, so that she could not nurse me, and I never once had any mother’s
milk, as my dear mother herself told me. That was the beginning of my misery. I
was therefore obliged to drink cow’s milk through a little horn, as is the
custom in that land. For, when they wean children, they give them nothing to
eat, but only cow’s milk to drink, until they are four or five years old.
My father
died so soon that I cannot remember even to have seen him. For, as it is the
custom in the land that almost all women weave and sew, the men before the
winter leave that district, going mostly into the region of Berne, to buy wool.
Then the women spin this and make peasant-cloth of it for coats and trousers
for the peasants. My father also had gone into the distict of Berne, at Thun,
to buy wool. There he was taken with the plague and died; he was buried m
StifEsburg, a village near Thun.
Soon
thereafter my mother married again, a man
called
Ileintzman, “ am Grand,” * between Yisp and Stalden. So the children were all separated
from her. I do not know how many of them there were. Of my brothers and sisters
I knew two sisters only. One, called Elizabeth, died in Entlebaeh, where she
had married. The other, called Christina, with eight others, died of a
pestilence near Byrgess, above Stalden. Of my brothers, I have known Simon,
Hans, and Yoder. Simon and Hans died in war. Yoder died at Oberhofen, on the
lake of Thun. For the usurers had ruined my father, so that my brothers and
sisters must all go to work as soon as they were able. And since I was the
youngest, my aunts, my father’s sisters, each kept me a little while.
Then I can
well remember that I was with one, called Margaret, who carried me into a
house, called “ In der Wilde,” near Grenchen; there, also, was one of my aunts,
who was making with the others I knew not what. Then the one who carried me
took a bundle of straw that accidentally lay in the room, laid me on the table,
and went to the other women. My aunts, after they had laid me down, had gone to
the light.f
* Surnames, or names of places in process of
formation. Many- such designations were considered later as surnames and are to
be met -with in these identical forms : e.g., Imboiert, Amgrund Consequently
it is almost impossible to give an adequate translation, since they are
practically proper names.
f“The light”
is an indefinite expression. By some it is suggested that mass is referred to;
bj others that it refers to a spin- ning-room or an adjoining room.
Then I got up
and ran through the snow into a house close by a fish-pond. When the women did
not find me, they were in distress, but they found me at last in the house,
lying between two men who warmed me, for I was frozen in the snow.
Afterward, a
while later, when I was with this aunt “in the wilderness/’ my brother came
home from the Savoy war and brought me a little wooden horse, that I drew by a
thread before the door, until finally I thought that the horse could really go;
therefore 1 can well understand how children often think that their dolls and
other playthings are living. My brother also strode over me with one leg and
said: “ 0 ho, Tommy, now you will never grow any more.” This worried me.
When I was
about three years old, the Cardinal Matthew Schinner travelled through the
land, in order to hold a visitation and confirm, as is the custom in the Pope’s
dominions. He came also to Grenchen. At that time there was a priest at
Grenchen, called Antony Platter. They brought me to him, that he might be my
godfather. But when the Cardinal (perhaps he was still bishop) had eaten his
luncheon and had gone again into the church, in order to confirm, I know not
what my unde Antony had to do, it happened that I ran into the church, that I
might be confirmed and that the godfather might give me a card,* as it is the
custom to give the children something. There sat the
* A religious picture or image.
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cardinal in a
chair, waiting until they brought the children to him. I yet remember very well
that I ran to him. He spoke to me because my godfather was not with me, saying,
“ What do you want, my child ? ” I replied, “ I want to be confirmed.” He said
to me, laughing, “What are you called?” I answered, “I am called Master
Thomas.” Then he laughed, murmured something, with one hand on my head, and
patted me on the cheek with the other hand. At this moment Mr. Antony came up,
and excused himself, saying that I had run away unknown to him. The cardinal
repeated what I had said, and said to him, “ Certainly this child will become
something wonderful, probably a priest.” And also because I came into this
world just as they were summoned to mass, many people said that I would become
a priest. Therefore they also sent me the earlier to school.
THE GOATHERD
Now, when I
was six years old, they took me to Eisten, a valley near Stalden. There my
deceased mother’s sister had a husband, called Thomas of Reid- gin, who lived
on a farm called “im Boden.” There for the first year I was obliged to herd the
little goats near the house. I can remember yet that I sometimes stuck in the
snow, so that I could scarcely get out; and often my little shoes remained
behind, and I came home barefooted and shivering. This peasant had about eighty
goats, which I was obliged to herd during my seventh and eighth year. And I was
yet so small, that when I opened the stable and did not quickly spring away,
the goats knocked me down, ran over me, trod on my bead, ears, and back, for I
usually fell forward. When I drove the goats over the bridge over the Visp (it
is a stream), the first ran into the green corn in the cornfield; when I drove
these out, then the others ran in. Then I wept and screamed, for I knew well
that in the evening I would be beaten. When, however, the other shepherds came
to me from other peasants, they helped me, especially one of the largest,
called Thomas
85
“im
Leidenbaeli ”; he pitied me, and did me much kindness.
Then we all
sat together, when we had driven the goats on the high and frightful mountains,
ate and drank together, for each had a little shepherd’s basket on his back,
with cheese and rye-bread therein. Once when we had eaten, we wanted to throw
at a mark. There was on a high precipice or rock, a level place. When now one
after another had thrown' at the mark, one stood before me, who was about to
throw, to whom I wished to give way backward in order that he should not strike
me on the head or in the face. In doing so I fell backward over the clitf. The
shepherds all cried, “Jesus! Jesus!” until they saw me no more. When I had
fallen down under the rock so that they could not see me, they fully believed
that I had fallen to my death. But soon I got up and climbed up the rock to
them again. Then first they wept for joy. Some six weeks later, one of the
goats of one of them fell down just where I had fallen, and was killed. So well
had God watched over me.
Perhaps a
half-year later I was driving my goats once more early in the morning, before
the other shepherds, for I was the nearest, upon a point called the White
Point. Then my goats went to the right, on a little rock, which was a good pace
wide, but thereunder terribly deep, certainly for more than a thousand fathoms,
nothing except rock. Prom the ledge one goat after another
THE
GOATHERD 87
I
went up over
a precipice, where they could scarcely place their hoofs on the little tufts of
grass, which grew on the rock. As they were now dl up, I also wanted to follow
after. But when I had drawn myself up by the grass not more than a
small stride, I could go no farther; neither was it possible to step back again
on the little precipice, and much less did I dare to spring backward. For I
feared, if I sprang back, I would jump too far and would fall over the terrible
precipice. I remained in this position for a good while, waiting for the help
of God; for I could help myself no more, except that I held on with both little
hands to a tuft of grass and supported myself by my great toe on a little iuft
of grass; and when I was tired, I drew myself up by the tuft and placed the
other toe thereon. In this need I suffered great anxiety because I feared the
great vultures, which flew about in the air under me; indeed, I feared that
they would carry me away, as sometimes does happen in the Alps, where the
vultures carry away children or lambs. While I remained thus and the wind blew
my coat about me, for I had on no trousers, then my comrade Thomas espied mo
from afar, but knew" not, however, what it was. As he saw my little coat
fluttering, he thought it was a bird. When, however, he recognised me he was so
terrified that he became quite pale, and said to me, “Now, Tommy, stand still.”
Then he went quickly on to the ledge of rock, took me up in his arms and
carried me back again.
where we
could come by another way up to the goats. Some years thereafter, when I came
home once from the schools in distant lands, when my former companion had
found it out, he came to me and reminded me how he had rescued me from death
(for it is, indeed, true, and yet I give God the glory), lie said, when I
became a priest I should remember him in the mass and pray God for him. During
the time I served this master I did iny best, so that thereafter, when I went
with my wife to Valais, towards Visp, this same peasant said to my wife that he
had never had a better little servant, though I was so small and yonng.
Among others
of my father’s sisters was one who was not married, and my father had
especially commended me to her because I was the youngest child; she was called
Frances. When, again and again, people came to her and told her what a dangerous
employment I was in, and that I would sometime fall to my death, she came to my
master, and declared to him that she would not leave me there any longer. He
was dissatisfied with this. Nevertheless, she took me back again to Grenchen,
where I was horn, put me out to a rich old peasant, called Hans “im Boden.” I
had to herd the goats for him also. There it once came to pass that I and his
young daughter, who also herded the goats of her father, had forgotten
ourselves in play by a water conduit, wherein the water was led along to the
farms. There we had made little meadows and watered them,
as children
do. Meanwhile the goats had gone up on the mountains, we knew not where.
Thereupon I left my little coat lying there, and went up to the very top of the
mountains. The little girl went home without the goats; hut I, who was a poor
servant boy, dared not come home until I had the goats. Very high up I found a
kid, which was like one of my goats. This I followed from afar, until the sun
went down. When 1 looked back towards the village, it was almost night at the
houses; I began to go downward, but it was soon dark. Then I climbed down the
ridge from one tree to another by the roots (the trees were larches, from
which the turpentine flows), for many of the roots were loosened because the
earth had been washed therefrom on the steep slope. When, however, it was quite
dark, and I noticed that it was very precipitous, I determined not to venture
farther, but held myself by a root with one hand, and with the other scratched
the earth away from under the tree and the roots, while I listened as the dirt
rattled below. I pressed myself partially under the roots. I had nothing on
except the little shirt, neither shoes nor hat: for the little coat I had left
lying by the water-pipes, in my anxiety at having lost the goats. As I now lay
under the tree, the ravens became aware of me, and croaked in the tree. Then I
became very anxious, for I feared that a bear was near. I crossed myself and
fell asleep, and I remained sleeping until
in the
morning, when the sun shone over all the moun-
8
tain*. But
when I awoke and saw where I was, I know not whether in all my life I have been
more terrified. For if I had gone even two fathoms farther to the right, then I
would have fallen down a fearfully high precipice many thousand fathoms high.
Then I was in the greatest anxiety, as to how I could get down from there. Yet
I drew myself farther upward from one root to another, until I came again to a
place, from where I could run down the mountains towards the houses. Just as I
was out of the woods, near the farms, the little girl met me with the goats,
which she was driving out again; for they had run home themselves when it was
night. On that account, the people whom I served were very much terrified that
I did not come home with the goats, thinking that I had fallen and killed
myself. They inquired of my aunt and the people who lived in the house where I
was bom, for it was near the house where I served, whether they knew anything
of me, since I had not come home with the goats. Then my aunt and my master’s
very old wife remained on their knees the whole night, praying God that he
would guard me, if I was yet alive. The aunt was my cousin’s mother, of whom
Johann Stumpf, who was the preceptor of the second class at Strassburg, wrote.
Thereafter, because they had been so terribly frightened, they would not let
me herd the goats any more.
While I wap
with this master, and herded the goats, I once fell into a kettle full of hot
milk, which was
over a fire,
and scalded myself so that the scars have been seen all my life long by you and
others. I was also, while with him, yet twice more in peril. Once two of us
little shepherds were in the forest, talking of many childish things; among other
things, we wished that we could fly; then we would fly over the mountains,
through the land to Germany— for so was the Confederacy called in Valais.
Thereupon came a terrible great bird, darting, 'whizzing down upon us, so that
we thought that it would carry one or both of us away. Then we both began to
shriek, to defend ourselves with our shepherd’s crooks, and to cross
ourselves, until the bird flew away. Then we said to each other: “We have done
wrong, in wishing that we could fly; God has not created us for flying, but for
walking.”
Another time
I was in the cleft of a very deep fissure in the rocks, looking for little
stars or crystals, many of which were found there. Then I saw far above a
stone, as large as a stove, falling down; and, because I could not get out of
the way, I stooped down on my face. Then the stone fell several fathoms down
above me, and then bounded out over me; for the stones often spring up many
spear-lengths high into the air.
I had much of
such happiness and joy with the goats on the mountains (of which I remember
little). This I know well, that I seldom liad whole toes, but have often cut
off great pieces, and had great cuts and severe falls. I was without shoes for
the most part in sum
mer, or
-wooden shoes, and often had great thirst. My food in the morning before day
was rye broth (made from rye meal); cheese and rye bread was given me in a
little basket to carry with me un my back; hut at night cooked cheese-milk; yet
of all these, enough. In summer, sleeping on hay, in winter on a straw sack
full of hugs and other vermin. The poor little shepherds who serve the
peasants in those desolate places usually sleep thus.
Since they
would no longer permit me to herd the goats, I came into the service of a
peasant, a fiery and passionate man, who had married one of my aunts, for whom
I had to herd cows. For in most places in Valais, they have no common herdsboy
for the cows; but he who has no place on the Alps, where he can send them in
summer, has his own little shepherd, who tends them on his ow n farm.
When I hail
boon with him a while, came one of my aunts, called Frances, who wish'd to send
me to my cousin, Mr. Anthony Platter, in order that I might learn writing. Thus
they say, when they would send one to school. He was at that time no more in
Gren- chen, but was now an old man at St. Nicholas, in a village called Gasen.
When the farmer, who was called Antony, “ an der Habtzucht,” heard of my aunt’s
intention, he was much dissatisfied, and said that 1 would learn nothing, and
placed the forefinger of his right hand in the palm of the left and said: “ The
boy will learn just as much as I can push my finger through here.” This I saw
and heard. My aunt said: “ Oh, who knows ? God has not refused him his gifts;
he may vet make a pious priest of himself.” She led me then to the gentleman; I
was, as near as I can remember, nine or nine and a half years old.
Then things
really went evilly with me; then it was that hard times really began, for he
was a passionate man, and I but an awkward peasant boy. He beat me very
severely, often took me by the ears and dragged
93
me on the
ground, so that I screamed like a goat that had been stuck with a knife, so
that frequently the neighbours cried to him, asking whether he wo aid kill me.
I was not
long with him. At that time there came a cousin of mine, who had travelled to
the schools at ITlm and Munich; he was a Summermatter, my old grandfather’s
son’s son. This student was called Paul Summermatter. My friends spoke to him
of me. He promised then that he would take me with him, and in Germany would
place me in a school. When I heard this. I fell on my knees and asked God, the
A1 mighty, that he would help me away from the priest, who taught me almost
nothiDg and even beat me without mercy. For I had learned to sing the Salve
just a little, and with other children who were also with the priest to sing
for eggs in the village. At one time we were about to celebrate the mass; the
other boys sent me into the church for a light; this I stuck, burning, into my
sleeve, and burned myself so that I yet have the scar from it. As Paul now
wished to travel again, I was to come to him in Stalden. In Stalden is a house
called “by the mill-brook.” There lived one, called Simon Summermatter, who was
iny mother’s brother; he was to be my guardian. He gave me a gold florin. I
carried this in my hand as far as Stalden, looked at it often on the way, to
see whether I yet had it, and then gave it to Paul. Thus wc went out of the
country.
On the way I
had to beg here and there for myself, and give also to my Bacchant,* Paul. For,
on account of my simplicity and country speech, they gave me much.
When we came
over the (irimsel mountain at night to an inn, 1 saw for the first time a tile
stove, and the moon shone on the tiles. Then I thought it was a very large
calf. For 1 saw only two white, shining tiles, which I thought were the eyes.
In the morning I saw geese, which I had never seen before. Therefore, when they
hissed at me, I thought it was the devil, and fled screaming. At Luzern I saw
the first tile roof, and I was much astonished at the red roofs. We came thence
to Zurich. There Paul awaited some companions, who wished to go with us to
Meissen. Meanwhile I went to beg, so that I almost supported Paul; for when I
came into an inn, the people gladly heard me talk the Valais dialect and gave
to me willingly.
At that time
there was one in Zurich, who was from Lenk, in Valais; he was a most deceitful
man, by the name of Carl; the people thought an exorcist, for he knew at all
times what happened before and afterward. The cardinal knew him well. This
Carl once came to me, for we lodged in the same house. He said that if I should
allow him to give me one blow on the bare back, he would give me a Zurich
sixpence. I permitted myself to be persuaded, so he seized hold of me
* See pp. 33-39.
very firmly,
laid me over a (hair, and beat me very severely. When 1 had borne that, he
asked me to lend him the sixer back again ; he wished to eat with the landlady
that night, and he had nothing for the reckoning. I gave him the sixer; it
never came back to me.
After we had
waited for the company now eight or nine weeks, we set out for Meissen. For me,
not accustomed to travel, it was a very long journey; besides, I had to procure
food on the way. Eight or nine of us travelled together—three little shooters,
the others great bacchants, as they were called, among which I was the smallest
and youngest of the shooters. When I could not go on rapidly, then my cousin
Paul went behind me with a rod or stick and beat me on the bare legs, for I had
on no trousers and but poor shoes.
And,
moreover, I no longer remember all the things that happened on the road, yet a
few I can recall. For example, as we were on the journey and were speaking of
all sorts of things, the bacchants said to one another that in Meissen and
Silesia it was the custom that scholars were allowed to steal geese and ducks
and other eatable things, and that no one would do anything on that acconnt,
if one could escape from the owner of the stolen things. One day we were not
far from a village ; there was a great flock of geese gathered together, and
the herdsman was not near; for every little village had its own goose-herd; he
was quite a distance off from the geese with the cow-herds. There
upon I asked
my companions, the shooters, “When shall we be in Meissen, that 1 maj be
allowed to throw and kill a goose?” They said, “We are now there." Then I
took a stone, threw it, and hit one on the leg. The others flew away, but the
lame one could not follow. Then I took another stone, hit it on the head, so
that it fell down. For with the goats I had learned to throw well, so that no
shepherd of my age could do better. Similarly I could blow the shepherd’s horn
and spring with a pole; for in such arts I had practised with my fellow
herdsmen. Then I ran forward, caught the goose by the* neck, and with it under
my coat went through the street of the village. Then the goose-herd came
running after us, crying in the village, “The boy has robbed me of my goose.” I
and my fellow shooters fled, and the feet of the goose hung out from under my
little coat. The peasants came out ^ith hatchets, which they could throw, and
ran after us. When I saw that I could not escape with the goose, I let it fall.
Beyond the village 1 sprang out of the road into the thicket. But my two
companions ran down the road, and were overtaken by the peasants. Then they
fell down on their knees, begged for mercy, saying they had done no WTong. And
when then the peasants saw that they were not the ones that had let the goose
fall, they returned to the village, taking the goose. I saw how they ran after
my companions, and I was in great trouble, and said to myself: “ Oh, God,
I believe I
have not crossed myself to-day.” For they had taught me that I should cross
myself each morning. When the peasants came again to the village, they found
our bacchants in the inn—for they had gone ahead to the inn. and we followed
after—and said that they should pay tor the goose, which they could have done
perhaps with two batz, but I know not whether they paid or not. When they came
up to us, they laughed and asked us how it happened. I excused myself with the
reason that it was the custom of the land. But they said it is not yet time.
At one time a
murderer met us in the forest, eleven miles this side nf N’aumburg. We were all
there together. Then at first he desired to play with our bacchants, only
that he might delay us until hi« companions had come together. We had at that
time a very brave companion, named Antony Schalbetter, from the Visper district
in Valais, who did not fear four or five, as he had already shown in Naumburg
and Munich, and in other places besides. He ordered the murderer with threats
that he should take himself away. This he did. Wow, it was so late that we
could barely come into the nearest village, and there were two inns there,
besides that a few houses only. When we entered one, there was the murderer
before us with one or two others, without doubt his companions. Then we would
not remain there, but went to the other inn. Soon also they came to this inn.
When, now, the supper
had been
eaten, every one was so busy in the house that they did not wish to give us
little boys anything. For we nowhere sat at the table at meals. Also, no one
wanted to give us a bed, but, on the contrary, we had to lie in the
horse-stalls. But 'when the older ones were shown to bed, Antony spoke to the
landlord: “Landlord, it seems that you have some odd guests, and you appear not
much better. I say to you, landlord, place us so that we are safe, or we will
create such a disturbance that this house will be too small for you.”
Thereupon the rascals asked to play chess at table with our company (for so
they called the game): this little word I had never heard. When they had
retired and I and the other little boys lay hungry in the horse-stall, in the
night several persons, perhaps the landlord himself among them, came to the
door of the room and would have unlocked it. Then Antony, from the inside,
screwed a screw in the lock, drew the bed before the door, and struck a light;
for he had. always with him wax tapers and a tinder-box; then he quickly awoke
the other comrades. When the rogues heard this, they quickly departed. In the morning
we found neither landlord nor servant. This they told to us boys. We were all
rejoiced that nothing had happened to us in the stable. After we had gone a
mile we met some people who, when they heard where we had spent the night, were
much astonished that we had not all been murdered; for almost all the villagers
were suspected
murderers.
About a quarter of a mile from Kaumburg our grown companions again remained
behind in the village; for when they would eat together, they sent us on. There
were five of us; in a broad field there came to meet us eight horsemen with
drawn eross-bows, who rode around us, demanded money from us, and turned their
arrows on us; for at that time people did not as yet carry guns on horses. One
said: “ Give us money! ” One of us, who was the largest, answered: “We have no
money; we are poor students.” Then he said the second time: “ Give us money! ”
Then answered our companion again: “We have no money, and we owe you nothing!
” Then the horseman drew his sword, raised it, so that it whizzed close by his
head, and cut in two the straps of his knapsack. Our companion was called John
of Schalen from St. Gall, from the village. They rode thereafter into the
woods, but we went on to Naumburg. Soon came the bacchants, who had seen the
knaves nowhere. We were often thus in danger on account of robbers and
murderers—in the Thuringian forest, in Frankland, and in Poland.
In Naumburg
we remained some weeks. Those of us shooters who could sing went in the city to
sing, but I went begging. But we did not go to school. This the others would
not permit, and threatened to drag us to the school. The school-master also
commanded our bacchants that they should come to school, or they would be
compelled. But Antony dared them to Digitized
by Microsoft®
come. And
because some other Swiss were also there, they permitted ns to know on what day
the authorities would come, so that they would not unexpectedly attack us. Then
we little shooters carried stones on the roof. But Antony and the others garrisoned
the door. Then came the school-master with the whole procession of his shooters
and bacchants. But we boys threw stones down upon them, so that they had to
give way. When now we understood that we were accused before the magistrate, we
had a neighbour who wished to marry his daughter. He had a stable full of fat
geese. One night we took from him three geese and withdrew to another part of
the city; it was a suburb, but near the city wall, as was also the place where
we had been till this time. Then the Swiss came to us, drank with one another,
and then our company withdrew to Halle, in Saxony, and went to the school at
St. Ulrich.
But when our
bacchants behaved towards us so rudely, some of us, with my cousin Paul,
resolved to run away from the bacchants and go to Dresden. But there was no
good school there, and the dwellings were full of vermin, so that we heard them
in the night crawling around in the straw.
We broke up
and went to Breslau. We suffered much hunger on the way, in that for several
days we ate only raw onions, with salt; some days roasted acorns, crab-apples,
and pears. Many a night we lay under the open sky, for no one would allow us in
the
house,
however pleasantly we asked for shelter; sometimes they set the dogs on us.
When,
however, we were to come to Breslau, in Silesia, there was great abundance; yea
so cheap, that the poor students overate themselves, and often made themselves
sick. There we first went to the school in the Cathedral of the Holy Cross. But
when we heard that in the principal parish of St. Elizabeth there were several
Swiss, we went there. Th^re were there two from Bremgarten, two from
llellingen, and others, besides many Sehwabians. There was no difference
between the Sehwabians and the Swiss; they spoke to one another as countrymen,
and protected each other.
The city of
Breslau had seven parishes, and each had a separate school. No student dared to
go into another parish to sing, else they cried: “Ad idem! ad idem! ” Then the
shooters ran together and beat one another very severely. Once there were in
the city, so it was said, several thousand bacchants and shooters, who
supported themselves ■wholly by alms. It was also said that some had been
there twenty or thirty years, or long'jt, witb their shooters, who had to wait
upon them. 1 have carried home to the school where they lived, to my bacchant,
often in one evening five or six loads. People gave to me very willingly,
benause I was so small and was Swiss—for the Swiss were much liked. People at
that time also had a great compassion for the Swiss, for they had suffered
severely
in the great
battle of Milan. So the common people said now the Swiss have lost their best
pater-nosier. For they thought that, before this, the Swiss were quite unci
mquerable.
One day I came
in the market-place to two gentlemen, or country squires. I heard afterward
that the one was a Benzeraur, the other a Fugger. They walked together. 1 asked
alms of them, as was there the custom with poor students. The Fugger spoke to
me: “From whence are you?” And when he heard that I was a Swiss, he conversed
with the Benzenaur, and thereupon said to me: “Are you really a Swiss? then I
will adopt you as a son. I will promise you that here, before the council, in
Breslau; but you must bind yourself to remain with me your entire life, and
where I am, there will you be expected also.” I said, “ I have been given into
the charge of one from my home; I will speak to him about it.” But when I asked
my cousin Paul concerning it, he said: “ I have taken you away from your home;
I will take you back to your friends again; what they say to you then, that
do.” I therefore refused the gentleman. But as often as I came before his
house, they did not permit me to go away empty.
I remained
thus a long time there; I was three times sick in one winter, so they had to
take me to the hospital. For the students had an especial hospital, and their
own physician. There was also paid from
the
town-house sixteen hellers for each sick person every week; with this, one
could be supported quite well; they had good attention, good beds, but there
was great vermin therein, as large as ripe hempseed, so that I, as others also,
preferred to lie on the ground in the room, rather than in the beds.
In winter the
shooters lie on the ground in the school, but the bacchants in the small
chambers, of which there were several hundred at St. Elizabeth. But in the
summer when it was hot, we lay in the churchyard, gathered grass together, such
as one in summer on Saturdays spreads in the gentlemen’s street before the
doors. We collected some in a little place in the churchyard, and lay therein
like pigs in the straw. But when it rained, we ran into the school; and 'when
there was a thunder-storm, we sang responses and other songs with the
sub-cantor almost the whole night.
Occasionally
in summer we went after supper to the beer-hall to beg for beer. Then the
drunken Polish peasants gave us so much, that I have often unawares become so
drunk that I could not return to the school again, though I was only a
stone’s-throw away from the school. To sum up, there was enough to eat, but one
did not study much.
In the school
of St. Elizabeth, indeed, at one time, nine Baccalaureates read at the same
hour, in the same room. The Greek language was not yet any
where in the
land. Similarly, no one yet had printed books; the preceptor alone had a
printed Terence. What one read must first be dictated, then defined, then
construed, and then only could he explain it; so that the bacchants had to
carry home great, miserable books when they went away.
Thence eight
of us betook ourselves to Dresden ; it happened again that we suffered much
hunger. Then we determined to separate for a day. Some went to look after
geese, some after turnips and onions, and one after a pot; but we little ones
went into the city of Neumarkt, which was not far from there on the road, and
were to look after bread and salt, and in the evening we were to come together
again outside the city. We intended to set up our camp there outside the city, and
cook what we might have then. A gunshot distance from the city there was a
spring, where we wished to remain for the night. But when those in the city saw
the lire, they shot at us, yet did not hit us. Then we betook ourselves behind
a ridge to a little brook and thicket; the older comrades cut down branches,
and made a hat; one part plucked the geese, of which we bad two; others cut up
the turnips into the pot, into which we put the head, feet and even the
entrails; others made two wooden spits and began to roast; and when it was a
little brown we cut off pieces and ate; so also of the turnips. In the night we
heard
something flapping; there was near us a weir,
9
from which
the water had been let off the day before, and the fish were springing up in
the mud. Then we took as many fish as we could carry in a shirt on a stick, and
went to a village; there we gave a peasant some fish, so that he would cook the
others for us in beer.
When we had
again returned to Dresden, the schoolmaster and our bacchants sent some of us
boys out to find some geese. Then we agreed that I should throw and kill the
geese, and they would take them and carry them away. Later, when we had found a
flock of geese, and they had observed us, they flew away. Then I took a little
cudgel, threw it among them in the air; I injured one so that it fell down. But
when my companions saw the goose-herd, they dared not run up to it, though they
could have Teached it before the herder. Then the others flew down again,
surrounded the goose, cackled as if to encourage it. Then it stood up again,
and went away with the others. I was much displeased with my companions, that
they had not fulfilled their promise. But they did better thereafter; for we
brought away two geese. The bacchants and the school-master ate the geese as a
farewell, and went from there to Nuremberg, and thence to Munich.
On the way,
not far from Dresden, it happened that 1 went to beg in a little village, and
came before a peasant’s house. The peasant asked me whence I
came. When he
heard that I was Swiss, he asked if I did not have any more companions. I
replied: “My companions wait for me outside the village.” He said: “ Call them
here.” He prepared for us a good meal, with plenty of beer to drink. There lay
his mother in bed in the room. Then the son said to her: “ Mother, I have often
heard you say that you would like to see a Swiss before your death. Then you
see several, for I have invited them, to please you.” Then the mother raised
herself up, thanked the son for the guests, and said: “ I have heard so much
good of the Swiss, that I have very much desired to see one. Now I think I will
die more willingly; therefore be merry.” And then she lay down again. We
thanked the peasant, and went on again.
When we came
to Munich, it was so late that we could not enter the city, but had to remain
overnight in the leper-house. When in the morning we came to the gate, they
would not let us in unless there was a burgher in the city whom we knew. But my
cousin Paul had been in Munich before. He was allowed to fetch the one with
whom he had lodged. He came, and spoke well of us, so that they let us in.
Then Paul and
I eame to a soap-boiler by the name of Hans Schrell. He was a Master of Arts,
of Vienna, but was an enemy of the Church. He married a beautiful girl, and
many years later he came with his wife from Vienna to Basel, and here also
carried on his
trade, as is
still known here to many people. For this master I helped to make soap more
than 1 went to the school, and went with him into the villages to buy ashes.
But Paul went to the school in the parish “ Our Lady,” and I also, but seldom.
I went merely that I could sing for bread on the streets and give it to my
bacchant, Paul; that is, carry food to him. The woman in the house loved me
very much, for she had an old black, blind dog which had no teeth, which I had
to feed, put to bed, and lead around in the yard. She said all the time:
“Tommy, take the very best care of my dog; you shall then be rewarded.”
When we were
there some time, Paul was enamoured of the maiden of the family. This the
master would not allow. At last, Paul determined that we would go home once
more, for we had not been home in five years.
So we went
home to Valais. There my friends could hardly understand me, and said: “ Our
Tommy speaks so profoundly, that almost no one can understand him.” For,
because 1 was young, I had learned something of almost every speech where I had
been some time. During this time my mother had once more married, for
Heintzmann, “am Grand,” was dead. After the period of mourning she haa married
one called Thomas, “ am Garsteren.” On this account I did not have much of a
visit wun her. I was for the most part with my aunts, and most of all with Digitized by Microsoft®
my cousin,
Simon Summermatter, and my aunt, Frances.
Soon
thereafter we set out again, towards Flm; then Paul took yet another hoy, who
was called Hildebrand Kalbermatter, the son of a priest. He also was very
young. They gave him cloth, such as is used in that country, for a little coat.
When we came
to Ulm, Paul told me to go around with the cloth to beg for money for the
making of it. By this I received much money, for I was accustomed to pleasant
manners and begging. For this the bacchants used me continually, though they brought
me not at all to the schools, and had not even taught me to read. While I so
seldom went into the school, and always, while I should have gone, went around
with the cloth, I had the greatest hunger. For all that I received I brought
to the bacchants. I would not have eaten the smallest morsel, for I feared a
beating. Paul had taken another bacchant to live with him, called Achacius,
from Mainz. I and my companion Hildebrand had to serve them both. But my companion
ate almost all; then they went on the street after him, so that they might find
him eating; or they commanded him to wash out his mouth with water, and to spit
in a dish with water, so that they saw whether he had eaten anything. Then they
threw him on the bed, and a pillow over his head, so that he could not scream;
then both bacchants beat him terribly, until
they could no
more. Thereafter I was so terrified that 1 brought home everything; they often
had so mueh bread that it became mouldy. They then cut off the mouldy outside,
and gave it to us to eat. "While there I often had the greatest hunger,
and was fearfully frost-bitten too. because I often went about in the dark
till midnight to sing for bread. Here I must not overlook, but must relate, how
at Ulm there was a pious widow, who had two grown-up daughters, yet unmarried,
also a son, called Paul Keling, also yet unmarried. Often in winter this widow
wrapped my feet up in warm fur, which she had laid behind the stove, so that
she could warm my feet when I came, and gave me a dish of vegetables and then
allowed me to go home. I have had such hunger that I drove the dogs on the
street from their bones, and then gnawed them. I have also searched at school
for the bread-crumbs in the cracks on the floor and eaten them.
Thereafter we
again went to Munich, where I had to also beg for money for making up the
cloth, which, however, was not mine. After a year we came once more to Om,
intending once more to go home. Once more I brought the cloth with me and
begged for money for making it up. I can well remember there, that several said
to me: “ Odds, torment, is the coat not yet made up? I believe that you are
deceiving me with tricks.” When we went from there, I do not know
what became
of the cloth, nor whether the coat was ever made up or not.
Once more we
came home, and from there again to Munich. When we came to Munich, on a Sunday,
the bacchants had lodging, but we three little shooters had none; when it was
night we intended to go in “ die Schrane "—that is, the corn-market— -to
lie on the com-sacks. There sat several women by the salt- house in the streei,
who asked us where we were going. And when they heard that we had no lodging,
there was a butcher’s widow with them. When she heard that we were Swiss, she
said to her house-maid: “ Eun, hang the kettle with soup and meat that is left
over the fire; they must remain with me for the night, for I am friendly with
all the Swiss. I served in an inn in Innsbruck, where Emperor Maximilian held
court; there the Swiss had much to do with him, and were so friendly that I
will be friendly to them all my life long.” She gave us enough to eat and drink
and a good place to sleep. In the morning she .said to us: “ If one of you will
remain with me, I will lodge him and give him to eat and to drink.” We were all
willing, and asked which she would have; and as she inspected us, I was more
pert than the others. I had had more experience than the others. Then she took
me, and I had nothing to do except to fetch the beer, and to fetch the hides
and the meat out of the butcher-shop; also to go with her in the fields; but I
still had to wait on
the
bacchants. This did not please the woman, and she said to me: “ Odds, torment,
leave the bacchants alone and stay with me; then you do not need to beg.” Then
for eight days I came neither to the bacchants or to the school. Then Paul came
and knocked on the butcher's door. Then she said to me: “Your bacchant is
there. Say you are sick! ” Then she let him in and said to him: “You are truly
a fine gentleman, and should have inquired how Thomas was! He has been sick,
and is yet.” He said: “I am very sorry, boy! When you get out again, then come
to me.”
Afterward, on
a Sunday, I went to Yespers, and he said to me after Vespers: ft You shooter,
if you do not come to me, 1 will trample on you with my feet some day.” Then I
determined that he should not oppress me any more; 1 thought I would run away.
On Monday I
said to the butcher’s widow: “ I want to go to the school to wash my shirt.” I
dared not say what was in my mind, for I. feared that she would tell on me. I
went away from Munich with sorrowful heart, partly because I was running away
from my cousin, with whom I had travelled so far, but who had been so severe
and unmerciful towards me; partly, also, I regretted on account of the
butcher’s widow, who had kept me so kindly. I withdrew, however, over the Iser
; for I feared if I went towards Switzerland that Paul would follow me; for he
had often threatened me snd the others if one of us ran away, that he
would follow
him, and whenever he found him. would beat him till both arms and legs were
off.
On the other
side of the Iser is a hill. There I sat down, looked at the city, and wept
bitterly, that I no longer had any one who would help me. I thought of going to
Salzburg, or to "Vienna, in Austria. As I sat there, there came a peasant
with a wagon; he had brought salt to Munich, and was already drunk, and yet the
sun had just risen. Then I asked him to allow me to get in. I rode with him
until he unharnessed in order to feed himself and the horses. Meanwhile I
begged in the village, and not far from the village waited for him and went to
sleep. When I awoke, I cried heartily, for I thought that the peasant had
driven by. 1 felt as though I had lost my father. However, he soon came, but
was drunk; told me again to get in, and a.sked me where I was going. I said: “
To Salzburg! ” Now, when it was evening, he drove from the road, and said:
“Jump down, there is the road to Salzburg.” We had driven eight miles that day.
I came to a village.
When I rose
np in the morning, a frost had fallen, as though it had snowed; and I had no
shoes, only torn stockings, no cap, and a little jacket without folds.
Then I went
to Passow, ami wished to sail on the Danube to Vienna. When I came to Passow
they would not let me in. Then I thought that I would go to Switzerland, and
asked the gate-keeper where I
should go for
the nearest road to Switzerland. He said: “To Munich.” I paid: “I will not go
to Munich; I would rather go around ten or more miles farther.” Then he
directed me to Friesing; there also is a high school.
There I found
Swiss, who asked me whence I came. In two or three days, Paul came with a halberd.
The shooters said to me: “Your bacchant is here from Munich, and seeks you.”
Then I ran out of the gate as if he had been behind me, and went to Ulm, and
came to my saddler’s widow who had formerly warmed my feet in the fur. She
received me. For her I was to guard the turnips in the field. That I did
instead of going to school. After some weeks, one came to me who had been a
companion of Paul’s, and said: “Your cousin Paul is here, and seeks you.” Then
he had followed me eighteen miles; for he had lost a good living in me, for I
had supported him for several years. When, however, I heard this, though it was
almost night, I ran out of the gate towards Constance, and wept once more
heartily; for I regretted very much on account of the good woman.
When I had
almost reached Marsburg, I came to a stone-mason who was a Turgauer. A young
peasant met us. The mason said to me: “ The peasant must give us money.” And
said to him: “Peasant, give us gold or, odds, crack!” The peasant was
terrified; I also was very much terrified, and wished that I was
not there.
The peasant began to pull out his purse. The mason said: “ Be quiet, I have
only joked.” Then I came over the sea to Constance. Then I went over the
bridge, and saw some Swiss peasant children in white jackets. Ah, my God, how
happy I was. I thought I was in heaven.
I came to
Zurich; there were people from St. Gall, great bacchants; to them.I offered
myself, as their servant, if they would teach me; but they did this as the
others also had done. At that time the Cardinal was also in Zurich. He was
trying to gain influence over the Zuriehers, that they would go with him to the
Pope, but, as it turned out afterward, he cared more for Milan. After some
months Paul sent his shooter, Hildebrand, from Munich, saying that if I would
come back, he would forgive me. But I would not, but remained in Zurich; but I
did not study.
There was
one, called Antony Benctz, from Visp, in Valais, who persuaded me that we
should go with one another to Strassburg. When we came to Strass- burg, there
were very many poor scholars there and, as was said, not one good school. But
at Sehletlstadt was a very good school. We went on the way to Schlettstadt. A
nobleman met us and asked: “ Where are you going?” When he heard that we wanted
to go to Schlettstadt, he dissuaded us, that there were there very many poor
scholars and no rich people. Then my companion began to weep bitterly. “ Where,
now can we
go?” I comforted him and said: “ Be of good courage! If there is one in
Schlettstadt who can support himself alone, then will I support both of us.”
When we were about a mile from Schlettstadt, and were stopping at a village, I
became sick so that I thought that I must choke, and could scarcely get any
breath. I hat] eaten many green nuts, for they fell about this time. Then my
companion wept once more, because he thought he would lose his companion. For
he knew not how to take care of himself; yet he had ten crowns hidden about
him, but I had not one heller.
Now, we were
come to the city, and found lodging with an aged couple; and the man was stone
blind. Then we went to my dear preceptor, now deceased, Mr. John Sapidus, and
asked him to receive us. He asked us whence we came. When we said, “ From
Switzerland, from Valais,” he said: "There, alas, are wicked peasants;
they drive their bishops out of the land. If you will study bravely, you need
not give me anything: if not, then you must pay me or I will pull your coat
from your back.” That was the first school where it seemed to me that things
went properly.
At that time
the studies and l&nguages came into vogue. It was in the year in which the
Diet of Worms was held. Sapidus had at one time 900 pupils, some tine learned
fellows. There were there at that time Dr. Hieronymus Gemaisaus, Dr. John
Huber, and many others, who afterward became doctors and famous
AT LAST A
STUDENT IN SCHLETTSTADT, AND A VISIT HOME
When I
entered the school, I could do nothing; not even read Donatus. I was then
already eighteen years old. I seated myself among the little children. It was
quite like a hen among the little chickens. One day Sapidus read the names of
his pupils, and said: “ I have many barbarous names; sometime 1 must latinize
them a little bit.” Afterward he read them again; then he had written mine, at
first, Thomas Platter, then my companion, Antoninus Benetz. He had translated
them * Thomas Platerus, Antonius Benetus, and said: “ Who are you two ? ” When
we stood up, he said: “ Pfaugh, you are two such mangy, raw shooters, and have
such beautiful names! ” And it was even true in part. Especially my companion
was so mangy that many mornings I must pull off the linen cloth from his body
as one would the hide from a goat. But I was more accustomed to the foreign air
and food.
When we had
been there from autumn till Whitsun
* A common custom at the period of the
renaissance: for example, Erasmus from Gerardi, and Melancthon from Swarizerd
117
tide, and yet
more students came in from all quarters, I could no longer support us both
well; then we went away to Solothurn. There was quite a good school, and also
better living. But one must so very frequently attend church, and lose so much
time, that we went home.
I remained at
home a little while, and went to the master iD the school, who taught me a
little writing, and other things I know not what more. There I had the chills
and fever, while I was in Grenchen with my aunt, Frances. During this time I
taught my aunt’s little boy, who was called Simon Steiner, the a, b, c’s in a
day. More than a year later he came to me in Zurich; he studied by degrees
until he came to Strass- burg; he became Dr. Bucer’s assistant; he studied so
that he became preceptor of the third class and afterward of the second class.
He was married twice. When he died, there was the greatest mourning in the
school at Strassburg.
In the
following spring I left with my two brothers for foreign lands. When we would
take leave from our mother, she wept and said: “May God have mercy on me, that
I must see three sons go to a foreign land.” Except then, I never saw my mother
cry, for she was a brave, courageous woman, though somewhat rough. When her
third husband also died, she remained a widow, and did all the work like a man
in order that the youngest children could be the better
brought up.
She hewed wood, thrashed grain, and did other work which belongs more to men
than to women. She also buried three of these children herself, when they died
in the time of a very great pestilence. For in the time of the pestilence it
cost a great deal to have one buried by the grave-diggers. Towards us, the
first children, she was very rough, so that we seldom came into the house. At
one time I had not been home, as I remember, for five years, and had travelled
far in distant lands. But when 1 came to her, the first words that she said to
me were: “ Has the devil once more brought you here?” I answered: “ Oh, no,
mother, the devil has not brought me here, but my feet; but I will not long be
troublesome to you.” She said: “You are not troublesome to me, but it grieves
me much that you go wandering here and there, and without doubt learning
nothing. Learn to work, as your father also did! You will become no priest. I
am not so fortunate that I should bring up a priest.” So I remained two or
three days with her. One morning a great frost had fallen on the grapes as one
was picking them. Therefore, I picked and ate of the frozen grapes, so that I
had the gripes; so that I was stretched out on all fours, thinking that I must
burst in pieces. Then she stood before me and said; “If you wish to, then
burst: Why have you eaten so much ? ” Many other examples of her coarseness 1
can recall. Otherwise she was a respectable, honest, ami
pious woman;
that every one had said of her and praised her.
When now I
went away with my two brothers, and went over the Letsehen mountains towards
Gastren, my two brothers sat down on the slope of the snow and slid down the
mountain. I also wished to do this, and as I did not quickly put my feet apart,
the snow threw me over, so that I fell down the mountain, head over heels. It
would have been no wonder if I had slid to my death, by striking my head on a
tree, for there were no rocks. This happened to me three times, so that I shot
down the comb of the ridge head foremost and the snow fell in heaps on my
face; for I always thought that I should be able to do it as well as my brothers,
but they were more accustomed to the mountains than I.
CHAPTER V
IN
ZURICH—STUDY OR DIE—FATHER MYCONIUS
So we
travelled together from there on, and they remained in Entlibuch; but I went on
to Zurich. There I was with the mother of the famous, pious, and learned man,
Rudolph Gualther, who is now the pastor of St. Peter’s, in Zurich; at that time
he lay in the cradle, so that I have often rocked him. And I attended the
school in Our Lady’s Cathedral. There was there a school-master, called Master
Wolfgang Knowell, from Barr, near Zug, was a Master of Arts from Paris, who had
been called at Paris Gran Dia- bell. He was a great, honest man, but did not
take much care of the school; he looked more where the beautiful maidens were,
from whom he could scarcely keep away. I should have liked to study, for I perceived
that it was time.
At that time
they said that there would come a school-master from Einsiedeln, who before
this had been in Luzern, who was a learned man and a good school-master, but
cruelly whimsical. So I made for myself a seat in a corner not far from the
schoolmaster’s chair, and thought: " In this corner you will
10 121
study or
die.” Now, when he came and entered upon his work (he went in to the school of
Our Lady’s Cathedral), he said: ‘‘This is a nice school”—for it was built only
a short time before—“but methinks there are stupid boys, but we shall see; only
apply yourself with industry.” This I know—that had my life depended upon it,
1 could not have declined a noun of the first declension. Yet I knew Donat * by
heart to a dot. When I was in Schlettstadt, Sapidus had a bachelor, called
Georgius “ ab Andlow,” unmarried, a very- learned fellow, who worried the
bacchants so grievously with Donat, that I thought: “ If this is such a good book,
then I w ill learn it by heart.” And when I learned to read it, I learned it
also by heart. This was fortunate for me with the good Father Myconius. For,
when he began, he read Terence with us; then we were compelled to decline and
conjugate all the words of the entire comedy. Then it was that he often
laboured with me so that my clothing became wet with perspiration, yes, even
my eyesight dim, and yet he gave me no beating, only once with the back of the
hand on the cheek. He also lectured upon the Holy Scriptures; so that many of
the laity attended these lectures. For it was just in the beginning of the
time that the light of the Holy Scriptures was beg'r.ning to arise and there
yet remained for a long time the mass and the images in the churches.
* The Latin grammar of Donatuft.
When he was
rough with me, then he took me to his home and gave me to cat; for he liked to
have me relate how 1 had travelled through all the countries of Germany, and
how I had fared everywhere, for at that time I remembered it well.
ZWINGLI AND
THE REFORMATION PERIOD
r
Myconius was
at that time already acquainted with the true religion; yet he must go with his
pupils to the church of Our Lady’s Cathedral to sing the vesper, matins, and
masses, and to direct the singing. One day he said to me: “Custos”—for I was
his Gustos—“I would much rather read four lectures than to sing a mass. Please
take my place occasionally, when there is a candle mass, as a requiem and the
like, to be sung; I will reward you for it.” That pleased me much; for I had
become accustomed to this not only in Zurich but also in Solothurn and
elsewhere. For everything was yet popish. There were many to be found, who
could chatter better than they could expound the gospels. It was to be seen
daily in the schools how wild bacchants went to the consecration, and were
ordained, if they could only sing a little, without either power of
interpretation or grammar.
When, now, I
was Custos, I often had no wood for heating; then I noted what laity came to
the school and had a wood-pile before their door, so that at midnight I have
gone here and there to carry wood. One
mnrning I had
no wood and Zwingli was to preach before day in Our Lady’s Cathedral, and when
they were ringing for the service I thought: “You have no wood, and there are
so jnany idols in the church.” And while yet no one was there, I went into the
church to the nearest altar, seized a St. John and took it into the school to
the stove. And said to him: “Johnny, now bend yourself, for you must into the
stove, even though you may be St. John.” When he began to burn, there were
great evil blisters out of the oil colors. I thought: “Now hold still; should
you stir yourself, which however you will not do, then I will shut the stove door;
then you dare not come out, unless the devil carry you out.” Meanwhile the wife
of Myco- nius came, since she wished to go to the preaching in the church, for
one went close by the door. She said: “ God give you a good morning, my child.
Have you built a fire?” I shut the stove door and said: “Yes, I already have a
fire.” For I would not yet tell it to her; she could have gossipped about, it;
if it had become known, it would at that time have cost me my life. During the
lecture, Myconius said: “ Gustos, you have surely had wood to-day.” I thought “
St. John has done his best.” When we were about to sing the mass, two priests
quarrelled with one another. The one to whom the St. John belonged said to the
other: “You Lutheran knave, you have stolen my St. John.’’ This they continued
for a good while. Myconius knew not
what it was.
But St. John was never found again. I told this to no man, until after some
years, after Myconius had become the preacher in Basel. He himself had
wondered concerning it, and remembered how the priests had quarrelled with one
another.
And although
it appeared to me that popery was knavery, I had it yet in mind, that I would
become a priest, would he pious, would attend to my office faithfully and
would adorn my altar finely. But when Master Ulrich preached against it so
strongly, the longer I doubted, the more I doubted. 1 prayed more, fasted more,
than was agreeable to me. 1 had also my paints and patrons, to whom 1 prayed;
to each one in particular so much; to Our Lady, that she would be intercessor
for me with her son; St. Catherine, that she would help me that I might become
learned; St. Barbara, that I might not die without the sacrament; St. Peter,
that he would open the heavens for me. And what I neglected, I wrote in a little
book. When there was a holiday in the school, for example, on Thursday and
Saturday, I went to the Cathedral, wrote all my offences on a chair, ard began
and atoned for one fault after another, then wiped it away and thought that I
had done all right. I went six times on a pilgrimage from Zurich to Einseideln.
and was diligent in confession. But in Silesia I unwittingly ate cheese during
Lent, as is the custom iD our country. Then T confessed it, but the priest
would not absolve me, unless
I would do public
penance. Then I thought that I must become the devil’s own. But as I mourned
that I dare not go with the other scholars to the Sacrament (one always gave
them something to eat when they went to the Sacrament—each burgher always something),
then a priest pitied me, and when he heard what troubled me, he absolved me and
I went then also to the meal. I often battled for the papacy with my companions
until one day M. Ulrich, at the Salnow Church consecration, at Salnow, preached
in the courtyard, from the Gospel of St. John, Chapter X: “ I am the good
shepherd, etc.” He expounded this so powerfully, that I felt as if one drew me
up by the hair; he also pointed out how God would require the blood of the lost
sheep from the hands of the shepherds, who wore guilty of their destruction.
TheD I thought, if that is the meaning, then farewell to the priest’s office; I
will never become a priest. Yet I carried on my studies, began thereupon to
dispute again with my companions, and went faithfully to the sermons. I heard
my preceptor, Myconius, very willingly. Yet they still had masses and images
at Zurich.
At that time
six of us wont home to Valais, and when we came, on a Saturday, to Glyss, we
heard the. priests singing vespers. After vespers, one came and asked: •“ From
where do you come ? ” I was the. boldest and answered: “ From Zurich.” Then the
priest said: “ What have you done in that heretical city ? ” Then
I was angry.
“Why a heretical city?” He answered: “ For this reason, that they have done
away with the mass, and have takeD the images ont of the churches.” Then I
answered: “That is not so, for they celebrate the mass there, and have also
images yet; why then are they heretics ? ” “ Because,” he said, “ they do not
consider the pope as the head of the Christian Church, and do not call upon the
saints.” I asked: “ Why is the pope the head of the Christian Church?” “For
this reason, that St. Peter was the pope at Rome, and has there given the
papacy over to his successors.” I said: “ St. Peter has never once been in
Rome,” and drew my Testament out of my little sack and showed him how in the
Epistle to the Romans, St. Paul sends greetings to so many, and does not think
of mentioning St. Peter, who, according to his own speech, was yet above them
all. He said: “ How could it be true then that Christ met St. Peter before
Rome, and had asked him where he would go, and Peter had answered: ‘ To Rome,
to allow myself to be crucified.’ ” 1 asked him: “ Where have you read this.”
He answered: “ I have often heard it from my grandmother.” I said: “ So I
perceive, truly, that your grandmother is your Bible.” “ Because,” he said, “
it stands written; (rod is wonderful in his works.” Then I stooped down, broke
off a little plant, and said: “ If all the world worked together, they could
not make a little plant like this.” Then he became angry, and oar dispute
ended. Then
we had to go on for more than an hour in the night.
On Sunday
morning we came to Visp. There a lazy, ignorant priest was about to celebrate
his first mass. Therefore many priests and scholars came thither and also a
great number of others. We students helped the priests to sing the mass. Then
one, who was said to be the most famous preacher, preached out through the
window. Among other things, he said to the young priest: “ Oh, thou noble
knight, thou holy knight, thou art holier than the Mother of God herself. For
she. bore Christ only once, but you will from now henceforth bear him every
day your life long.’5 Then one in the gallery said out loud: “ Priest,
thou liest like a knave.” He was from Sitten; a Master of Arts from Basel. The
priests all looked at me, and I knew not why, until I saw the priest, with whom
I had disputed the day before. He had complained of me to the other priests.
When now the mass was over, they asked all the priests and students to dinner,
but no one invited me. No one can believe how happy I was then, and how
willingly I would have fasted for Christ. But when my mother saw me, for she
had seen me in the gallery, she asked: “ How does it come that no one has
invited you?” Then she cut cheese and bread in a dish, and busied herself with
a soup for me.
A few days
thereafter I came to the priest, who had preached so prettily; for he was in
the village where Digitized by Microsoft®
my mother was
also. He invited me as a guest. Among other things, he said: “ If I were with
Zwingli I would controvert him with three words.” When 1 came again to Zurich,
I told it, at the request of my preceptor, Myconius, to Zwingli. He laughed,
and said: “When you go home again, then ask that he write the three word* for
me.” After about two years, I came again, and then informed him of Zwingli’s
desire, that he should write for him the three words, and others. He did it.
But when I brought them to Zwingli, and he read it, he laughed a little while.
When he had finished reading, he said: “ Oh, fool, he is indeed a poor man!
Take the letter to Myconius.” Then I called all my countrymen together and read
the letter. There was nothing therein except from the Decretals.
Once when I
was home with my uncle, mother's brother, who at that time was “ Castellan
’’—that is the head man of the Visper district—I said to him after supper:
“Uncle, I will start out again in the morning.” He said: “ Whither ? ” I said:
“ To Zurich.” “Do not do that at your peril,” he said, “for the confederates
will invade it, and have sent messengers from all places, called upon the
people, to draw together there; they would teach them, to give up their heretic
faith.” I said: “ And is no one here from Zurich ? ” He said: “ There is a
messenger here with a letter.” I said: “ Has any one read the letter before the
messengers and the people?” He answers:
“ Yes.” “ And
what did the letter contain ? ” I asked. Then lie said: “In the letter is the
declaration, that they have accepted a doctrine; by it they will abide; but
that if anyone can convince them of another out of the Old or New Testament,
then will they give it up.” I said: “ But is this not right ? ” Then he said,
with emphatic words: “ The devil take them with their New Testament.” I was
horrified, and said: “ Oh, God, how yon speak. It is no wonder, if God should
punish you in body and soul, for what is the New Testament? ” He said: “ It is
their new heretic doctrine, the deputies have so informed us, especially from
Bern.” Thereupon I said: “The New Testament is the new covenant, which Christ
established with the faithful, and sealed with his blood; that is written in
the four gospels and the epistles of the holy Apostles/-’ He said:
“Is that so?” 1 replied: “Yes; and if you are willing, I will go with you
to-morrow to Yisp, and if they will let me speak publicly, I will neither be
ashamed nor afraid concerning this.” Then he said: “ If it is thus, then I will
not be for this, that they shall go against them.”
On the
following day the people assembled themselves together, and determined upon
this answer: This affair was a religious matter, and because the Zuiichers
desired to be instructed in the Scriptures, they w'ould let the priests and the
learned men settle it among themselves.
So nothing
came of it, and I went again to Zurich, and continued in my studies in the
greatest poverty. For they did not yet give public alms, and I wap now quite
large, and was ashamed to Bing; the people also cried out to me, calling me a
priest, and other words. Then I had a companion, who was not without qualification,
who became dispenser at Uri. I followed him. Then things went worse than
before. When I sang for bread there, they were not accustomed to it. I had the
voice of a bacchant. I was not a month there, and I desired to go again to
Zurich. Then I had not more than three hellers. I came to the Urner Lake and I
went into aD inn at Fluelen, a little village on the lake. I asked the
innkeeper if she would give me a piece of bread for three hellers. She gave me
a large piece of cold boiled meat, and a large piece of bread, and would not
take the three hellers either. Then I went to the lake; there came a little
boat from Bmnnen, which is a little village on the lake, in the Swiss province.
I asked the boatman if he would ferry me over the lake, for God’s sake, because
he must otherwise go home empty. He said: “I will get my breakfast; wait here,
then I will carry you over.” At that time there was also a man at the
warehouse, whither they brought the merchandise. He said: " Comrade, I
have there some barrels of Yeltliner wine; guard this for me; then you can
drink as much as you like: but permit none else there.” He gave
me a little
reed and led me to the casks, and then went to eat. Then I ate the large piece
of bread and meat and drank enough of the wine. 1 did not know the kind of the
wine. Then the man came, and said: “Have you eared for it well?” I replied:
“Yes.” Soon the boatman came, and said: “Well, come on, comrade, do you wish to
cross the lake?” Then I staggered down to the boat, and the people laughed at
me. When I tried to step into the boat, I stepped beside it, and fell headlong
into it. The boatman laughed, and he to whom the wine belonged said that the
boatman had freighted himself with a good companion. But the wine went out of
my head, you may believe me, for there came on such a storm that even the
boatman thought that we must be drowned. The waves often covered the whole
boat, and this continued until we came to the shore at Brun- nen; then we were
both wet as water. Except this time I have never again crossed over the Urner
Lake, though often over the Lake of Lucerne; only when I wished once more to go
from Basel have 1 crossed over, as will hereafter be related in its place.
I earne then
again to Zurich, where I boarded with an old woman, called Adelheid
Hutmacherin. She commonly had five or six wenches in the house, who had
companions, who supported them. And though their evil conduct did not please
me, yet I had a good companion who was tolerably apt, and had a little Digitized by Microsoft &
room to
myself; we left the others undisturbed in their ways. Though God knows that I
have often had the greatest hunger, many days no mouthful of bread to eat ;
more than once have I put water in a pan, asked the woman for a little salt,
salted the water, and drunk it from hunger. I had to give the woman a Zurich
shilling each week for room rent. Then I sometimes carried messages for the
people over the country; they gave me a batz for each mile. With this I then
paid the woman. Also I helped to carry wood or other things; theD the people
gave me something to eat. Then I was pleased, and well satisfied. I was also
Gustos. For this I received every quarterly fast a Zurich angster* from each
boy. There were about sixty boys, rather more than less. Zwingli, Myeonius, and
others have also often used me to send me with letters to the five placesf that
were lovers of the truth, in which journeys 1 have often risked life and limb
with joy, in order that 1 might spread abroad the teachings of the truth.
Several times I have barely escaped.
About this
time was the disputation at Baden, where Doctors Eck, Faber, Murner, ami others
who were there, suppressed the truth, as they often before had done, and
continued even till the end. Then Zwingli also was to go thither (on account of
whom the matter
* About one cent.
f Luzern,
Zug, Scliwyz, Uri, and Unterwalden.
was so
planned that he was to bo condemned thereby), as thus became evident. Therefore
the people of Zurich did not wish him to go to the disputation. For the
Pensionaires* thought, if Zwingli was no more there, then would the people of
Zurich be easily persuaded, that they also should be French, and there would
be 50 many the more of them who would serve the King, for there were yet in the
city very many, who were good Frenehmen, who would have been wil ling that
Zwingli should be burned. As then it was clearly shown that they would murder
him in the night, when he was called out of the house to visit a rich person,
and when he would not go, had thrown at him with stones through the window, as
thereof it might be well to write. Another time. 500 crowns had been promised
if he was brought alive, or 400 crowns if a certain sign that he had been
killed. A party of three sought for him with the feet of their horses muffled
with felt. One of these had spied out where Zwirgli would eat as a guest, and
then sought to wait on him then, and has planned to stuff a gag in his mouth
and carry him away. Therefore he had often been in danger of his life in the
city of Zurich. But God has guarded him that he should not be murdered, but in
open battle, as a shepherd perishes with his sheep, as he had prophesied this
of himself, that I could tc
to with some
who are yet living.
* Bv the French ting
Digitized by Wlicrosbft®
Though now
they would not allow Zwingli to attend the disputation, yet the entire
disputation was conducted through him, namely thus, that. Ocolampadius, who
disputed against Eek tor the most part, should let him know always what
happened in the disputation. There was a young fellow from Yalais, Hieronymus
Walschen, who was ordered that he act as if there for the baths, and so far as
possible to write down everything of Bek’s argument. He attended the entire
disputation, carefully noted the arguments, then went back to the baths and wrote
down everything; for none dared write in the church except the four secretaries,
who were appointed for that purpose. For one dictated everything that was
written, and it was forbidden, on penalty of life and limb, to write anything
else whatever, anywhere during the disputation, or they were to be condemned
without any further ceremony—that is, one’s head was to be cut off on the
spot. Almost every day, I and another one, called Hieronymus Zimmerman, who was
from Winterthur, carried the writings of the student Walschen, and of I)r.
Ocolampadius, and of other friends to Zwingli. so that they might know in
Zurich what was done in Baden. And when one asked me: “ With what do you go
around?”—for at all the gates were watchmen, with arms—then I said: “I carry
fowls to sell.” For in Zurich they gave me fowls, which I carried to the baths,
and gave them to whom they told me. What my
companion
said, I know not. But the watchmen wondered where I so quickly obtained the
fowls.
Tt came to
pas? on the evening of Whitsuntide, that Eck desired to know when the
disputation was to be • finished, who then should judge, who should prevail.
Thereupon Ocolampadius consulted with his brethren, what answer should be made
to this. Would they agree on the next day that they would make answer to the
arguments? For Eck thought the messengers who were present should then judge;
they were almost all popish; and if one would not intrust them with this thing,
then they w'uuld be angry. On the evening, just before supper, I went to
Ocolampadius and asked whether he would not write to M. Ulrich. He answered: “I
would willingly write, and it would be necessary, but I fear that you are under
suspicion. If you have been to day in the disputation, then you have probably
heard whereto we should answer.” I said: “That I will relate to him carefully
by word of mouth.” Then he was well pleased. I had just time to go out of the
city gate, and ran almost uninterruptedly to Zurich. I went to the house of
Mvconius, who was already in bed, and showed to him what was at stake. Then he
said: “ Then go hence, and if M. Ulrich is in bed, do not cease to ring until
they let you in.” For I had thought that I need not announce it until the morn-
■ng. I began to ring; everyone was in bed. 1 rang the
bell so that
the watchman, standing opposite, said:
“ What devil
is making such a noise?” I said: “ Caspar, I am here.” lie recognised me by my
voice, and knew well that I came very often to M. Ulrich, and said: “Custos, is
it you?”—for almost every man called me Custos, because I had been Custos for
so long a time at the Cathedral of Our Lady—“ Ring again.” After a long time,
an old man, called Gervasius, came out. He had been a priest, and had been for
some years with Zwingli. He asked me who I was. I said: “ Mr. Gervasius, I am
here.” He let me in, and asked: “What do you want so late? Is it not possible
that M. Ulrich be permitted to rest for one night? He has not in six weeks gone
to bed—not so long as the disputation has lasted.” And we knocked on the door
a good while. He soon came out, when he heard that I was there, and rubbed his
eyes. “ Oh, you are a restless man. Tor six weeks I have not gone to bed. and
had thought, because to-morrow is Whitsuntide, that one could rest.” And he
went into the room and said: “What do you bring?” I told him orally of the
affairs, and why I had no letter. Then he said: “ Odds, is it only that? Then
Eck has worked one of his tricks. I will write. Do you know a boy who will
return ? ” I said: “ Yes.” Tht-n he said: “If you will eat, I will call the
maid, so she can cook you a supper.” I replied: “I would much rather sleep,”
and wished him good-night. I sent to him a boy, to whom he gave the letter, and
sent him on the way that night, and he
came before
day to Baden. A man with a wagon full of hay had been delayed until late in the
evening. The boy climbed up on the wagon, laid down on the hay, and went to
sleep. In the morning he drove the load of hay in the city to the market before
the boy awoke. Then he awakes, and looks around, sees the houses, and then
brings the letter to Ocolampadius. But what Zwingli had written, 1 do not know
exactly, but I can well imagine it from the words which he spoke to me in the
room. Then he said: “Who will teach the peasants to understand who is right or
not? They understand better the milking of cows. Why should one write down
everything, if not that one should allow the reader to judge? Poes not Eck know
how a council should be conducted?”
I remained thus in poverty in Zurich until
Master Henry Werdmiiller accepted me as a teacher for his two sons. There I had
my dinner every- day. The one son, called Otto Werdmiiller, thereafter became a
Master of Arts of Wittenberg, and the pastor of the church in Zurich; but the
other was killed at Kappel. There I had no more want, but I almost overworked
with study. I wished to study the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew languages at the
time. Many a night I slept only a little, but struggled grievously against
sleep. I have often taken cold water, raw turnips, or sand in my mouth in order
that, if I fell asleep, 1 might he awakened by my teeth grating together. On
this account, also, my dear father, Myconius, has. often warned me, and would
say nothing to me, if I sometimes fell asleep even during the lecture. And
though I could never arrange it, that I could take lectures in Latin, Greek, or
Hebrew grammar, I read them with others, in order that I might improve myself.
For Myconius, at first, only drilled us in frequent exercises in the Latin
language; he himself did not understand Greek no
very well.
For the Greek language was yet rare, and was only a little used. But privately,
I compared Lucian and Homer in translations with the texts. It happened also
that Father Myconius took me to live with him in his own house; he had several
boarders, among whom was also Doctor Gesnerus, with whom I was to study Donatus
and the declensions. This practice was exceedingly good for me. At this time,
Myconius had as assistant the learned gentleman Theodore Bibliandrus, who was
extraordinarily well versed in all the languages; above all in the Hebrew
language. He had written a Hebrew grammar. He also ate at the table of
Myconius. I asked him to teach me to read the Hebrew. He did this so that 1 could
read printing and writing. Then I arose every morning, built a fire in
Myconius’s little apartment, sat before the stove and copied the grammar while
he slept, so that he has never found it out.
In this year
Damien Irmi, of Basel, wrote to Pelli- canus in Zurich, asking if there were
now any poor fellows who would like Hebrew bibles ; he was going to Venice,
then he would bring some back as cheaply as possible. Dr. Pellieanus told him
to bring twelve. When they were brought, they sold them for a crown. I had yet
one crown from my father’s estate, which I had received not long before. I gave
it for one, and began to compare it. Then came one day a Mr. Conrad Pur, a
preacher at Matmanstetten in the Canton Digitized by Microsoft®
of Zurich.
When he saw mo with the Hebrew bible he asked: “Are you a Hebrew scholar? You
must also reach me1.” I said: “ I cannot.5’ But he would
not desist, until I promised him. I thought, “you are here with Myconius, and
he might perhaps become displeased.” 1 went with him to Matmanstetten, began
to read Dr. Munster’s grammar, to compare the original text with translations
and drilled myself. I had then also plenty of food and drink. I was there
twenty-seven weeks with him. Then I came to Hedigen to Mr. Hans Weber, also a
preacher, and was with him about ten weeks. After that I came to another pastor
in Biffelischwyl who was eighty years old, but desired even then to learn
Hebrew.
Then 1 came
again to Zurich. And because I had often heard preached: “ By the sweat of thy
brow shalt thou eat bread,” and how God had blessed labour, and bow one made
priests of all students and also M. Ulrich said, that one should teach boys to
work, there were anyway many priests—many everywhere were giving up their
studies. There came a fine scholarly young man from Luzern, called Bodolphus
Collin us, who wished to go to Constance to take orders. Zwingli and Myconius
persuaded him that he should learn the rope-making trade for this money. When
he married and became a master I asked him if he would teach me also the
rope-making trade. He said he had no hemp. There had come to me from my
deceased mother a little
inheritance:
therewith I bought the master a hundredweight of hemp, and learned with that
as much as possible, and yet all the time had a desire for study. When the
master imagined I slept, I rose up secretly, struck a light, and took a Homer
and secretly my master’s translation, wherewith I annotated my Homer.
Thereafter when I followed the handiwork I carried my Homer with me. When my
master found this out he said: “ Platere, pluribus intentus minor est ad
singula sensus; either study or follow the trade.” Once, when we. at night ate.
with a water flask, he said. “ Platter, how does Pindar begin?” I said: “
kpurrov (ih to vSvp.” He
laughed and said: “Then we will follow Pindar, and as we have no wine, will
drink water.”
Now, when I
had worked up my hundredweight, my year of service was up. I wished to go to
Basel; it was before Christmas. Then I took my farewell from the master as if I
would go away, and went, to my old lodging with Mother Adelheid, and remained
concealed with her, annotated Euripides, so that I might take it, as also my
Homer, with me on the road, when 1 wandered: for I had the intention of
continuing my studying.
When I wished
to depart I w<>nt the night before to the bath at the coach house, sat
down in a corner, so that no one could recognise me; and when it became too hot
for me, I feared that I would faint. I ran out and fell before the bath-room
door in the mire. When Digitizsd by Microsoft ®
I grew cold,
I went into the dressing-room and dressed. Then they saw how I had covered
myself with dirt, and the keeper of the bath said: “ He ha? bathed poorly.” But
I did not want to go again into the bathroom, for I feared that the master
would iind out that I had not gone away.
In the
morning I took my bundle, went out through the gate, went iD one day from
Zurich as far as Mut- tenz, from there to Basel. I sought a master, and came to
Master Hans Stahelin, who was called the red rope- makiT of the meat market. Of
him it was said that he was the roughest master that could be found on the
Rhine River. On this account, then, the rope-maker apprentices would not
willingly remain with him, aud I could so much the easier come to him. When he
employed me I could scarcely hang up the hemp strands, and could turn them only
a little. Then the master showed his disposition, and began to struggle and
curse: “ Go hence,” he said, “ gouge out the eyes of the master who has taught
you! What shall I do with you? You can do nothing.” But he knew not that I had
worked up no more than a hundredweight of hemp. I dared not tell it to him. For
he had a very wicked apprentice, who was from Altkirch, who is yet alive; he
could work better than I, and treated me very shamefully, called me a cowmouth
and other things. I dared not complain to the master, for he was also a rude
Schwabian. Yet I intended to re-
main. Then 1
tried it with the master eight days. Then I addressed the master in a friendly
way that he should bear with me, he should give me something or not anything
for wages, whichever of the two he wished. I would give him a true service, and
would write down everything industriously, for no one in the house could write.
I persuaded him, 1 said: “I have learned little, that I know; my master has had
for the most part no hemp.” He retained me and gave me during the week a batz.
Therewith I bought a light, and studied at night by it; although I had to work
every night until one blew the trumpet, and in the morning up again with the
trumpet. Yet I endured it willingly, in order that I could remain and learn
the trade. Then the apprentices of the journeyman found out, how I know not,
that without doubt I had not served out my time of apprenticeship. For it was
the custom for the most part that one must learn for two years; they thought
that the master should give me a furlough, or they would work no more in
Basel. Then I asked first the one of them and then the other that they would
permit me to remain; I was friendly with them; I could not give them much, for
I had nothing myself. I remained thus a half year. Then I could turn out a
day’s work, and could take a journeyman’s place, and oversee the workshop for
the master. Often I worked when we made the large cords or other ropes so that
the sweat came out on me; then the master laughed Digitized by Microsoft®
and said: “If
I had studied as much as you, and had such a love for it, I would rather that
the devil keep the rope-making.” For he saw well that 1 had especial love for
books.
I had an
acquaintance with the pious printer, Andres Cratander. whose son, Polycarpus,
was a boarder of my master Rudolph Collinus while I studied with him. Cratander
gave me a Plautus, which he had printed in octavo, which was not yet bound.
Then I took one leaf after another, stuck it in a little fork, and stuck the
fork in the hemp, which lay in a pile below. Then I read on my backward and
forward trips as I turned the rope. If then my master came, I would quickly
throw the hemp over it. One time he caught me, and then he behaved outrageously
and cursed. “ Odds, master, that 1 should abuse you as a priest. If you will
study, then go to that, or otherwise follow the trade. Is it not enough that I
permit you to study at night and on holidays? Must you also read during the
turning?” On holidays, as soon as I had eaten dinner, I took my little, book,
went with it somewhere into a little garden house, and read the whole day until
the watchman called out. For my master had no guest room in the meat market, as
did the rope-makers who dwelt in the suburb. By degrees I made the acquaintance
of some students, especially w:*h those of Dr. Beatus Rhenanus. These and
others often came before the shop and besought me that I should give up rope-
making, that
they would bring it about through their master’s acquaintance that he would
commend me to Erasmus Roterdamus. He would recommend me then perhaps to some
bishop, or some one else. But it was all in vain, although the two gentlemen
once came to me on St. Peter’s Place. There I was helping make a large rope.
The very famous Erasmus presented himself as the pupils had announced to me.
But I was yet willing to go on with the greatest toil ami labour, to freeze
during the winter cold, to eat poorly and not enough. For the master was a
deceptive Sehwabian, bought cheese that stunk so badly that no one could eat
it, so that the woman had to hold her nose and said to me that I should throw
it away when the master was not at home, it went very roughly and evilly with
me.
By degrees I
also became acquainted with Dr. Opo- rinus and others. He asked me that 1
should teach him Hebrew. I excused myself, I knew only a little and had no
time. Yet he kept at me so much that I said to the master that I would serve
him for nothing, or would take a little less for it; for he had increased my
wages. He allowed me each day an hour from four to five. Then Oporinus affixed
a notice in the church that there was one there who would teach the rudiments
of the Hebrew language on Mondays from four to live at St. Leonhardt’s.
Oporinus was at that time the schoolmaster. When I came there at the hour and
expected to find Oporinus alone there were eighteen Digitized by Microsoft®
of them
there, fine, learned fellows; for 1 had not seen the notice on the church door.
When I saw the fellows I would away. But Dr. Oporinus said: “ Do not go away!
these are also good fellows.” But 1 was ashamed in my rope-maker’s apron. Yet I
permitted myself to be persuaded. I began to read with them the grammar of Dr.
Munsterus. It had not come to Basel. I read to them also the prophet Jonah as
well as I was able.
In the same
year there came a Frenchman, sent out by the Queen of Navarre, who also entered
the school. When I entered in my poor clothes I sat down behind the stove,
where there was a fine little seat, and permitted the students to sit by the
table. Then the Frenchman asked: “ When comes our professor ? ” Oporinus
pointed to me. He looked at me and was much astonished: he thought, without
doubt, such a one should be better dressed. When the last ones were out, he
took me by the hand, led me out over the little bridge and asked me, as we
walked on, how T came to be so dressed. I said: “ Mea res ad restem rediit.”
Then he said, if I was willing, that he would vtrite to the queen for me in my
behalf. She would esteem me as a god if I would only follow him. But I would
not follow him. He attended my lectures until he went away. He was richly
dressed with a golden crest, had also his own servant, who carried after him a
mantle and hat, when it rained; I know not why. After nine
years the
same person came again into our country. When he saw me from afar with the
Augustins he cried out: “ 0 salve, prseceptor Platere! ” I asked him from where
he came. Then he said that he had been nine years in Crete, Asia, and Arabia
with the most learned Jewish rabbis, and that now the Hebrew language was as
well known to him in all its parts as his mother tongue, and that he wished now
to go home with joy: he came yet richly dressed.
I remained then with my red rope-maker until
they went for the first time against the Five Places. My master was also called
out. Then he wished to close the shop until he returned again. I thought that I
would like to go with him, especially since they would go towards Kappel, where
I formerly had taught Hebrew to the pastor of Matmansetten, and where all the
accommodations were known to me; and carry my master’s armour over the
Sc-hafmat and even as far as to Matmanstetten. There was the captain, squire,
Balthasar Hildebrand, with his lieutenant, Fandriek, and others, assigned to
him by the council in the preacher’s house. There I was known. They served
wine: the leaders from Basel with their people were there and in the next village:
on one day, I think it was St. John's evening, our captain went to the Zurich-
ers towards Kappel. For they had for some days treated of peace, but it was not
yet concluded up to one that afternoon. Then we heard fearful shooting, the
small cannons were being shot off, and our captain ordered that they should
permit the people to with- 150
draw; peace
was concluded, and for this reason they had shot off the salutes. It crackled
just as when one burned the juniper. Then they withdrew to Basel, but the captain
did not come. • This astonished the gentlemen of Matmanstetten, and they
decided, because I knew the way well, they would send me to Kappel to the
captain —for the soldiers were with the captain— and have me inquire what was
now the cause that he had commanded the people to go home, and why he did not
come, nor offered anything else. Then I went to Kappel, and as I came to the
cloister it was quite about the time that the captain could hardly know me; for
he was riding out of the cloister, and asked whether I wished to go. Then I
told him of the affairs. He said to me: ‘ Go into the cloister, ask for the
clerk Reinhart of Zurich, and say I have sent you to him to await for the
answer.” 1 went in. Then Reinhart called to them to give me to eat. About midnight
we lay down on the benches—that is, I and my companions. When it was about two
o’clock some one woke us up and said the messengers are here— that is, those
who were to bring the treaty which the Five Places had established with the
Roman King. There, in the articles of peace, it was agreed upon that the treaty
should be made public. But on the day that this should be done no one admitted
having the treaty, and indeed one place sent it on to the other. For the peace
was not complete until this was done. The treaty Digitized by Microsoft®
was brought
up in the night about two. When now everyone was up. they came together in a
hall and the sheriff of Glarus took the treaty, for he had always been the
leading arbiter. He gave the treaty to a clerk, who opened it; it was fearfully
wide and long, the like of which I had never seen, and I believe there were
nine seals thereon: a great one that was golden. Then the clerk began and read
a long preface with the title, as one reads at Basel on St. John’s day in the
square; thereafter also the Five Places, as these with these titles were called
in the treaty, that had made a confederacy, and so on. Then the sheriff struck
his hand on the treaty and said: “ It is enough! ” Then one behind me, who was
without doubt from Zurich, cried out: “ Eead the treaty out, so we can hear
with what kind of treachery they wished to deceive us! ” The sheriff turned
around to him and said: “ How, read it to an end? Before that you must hack me
into little pieces before I will permit it.” He put the treaty together again
and said: “ Alas, you are already too much embittered with one another.” He
took a little knife, first cut off the seals, cut up the treaty into long
strips and then into little pieces and gave them to the clerk in a little cap,
so that he might throw them in the fire; wrhither the seals went I
know not. As it was now almost day, Reinhart sent me to the captain, to bring
him the message that the peace was now established, the treaty given out and
burned. The captain
came to meet
me in the morning. I told to him what Reinhart had commanded. He gave me five
batz and then I went homeward with joy. I went again to Zurich, paw with what
groat triumph they marched in, how they drew all the artillery up to the
castle, and shot it off over the Limmat and the large city: it was sueh a
salute that great boughs fell from the linden, and on the other side of the
Limmat some windows were broken in. On the next Sunday Zwingli preached and
showed what kind of a peace had been made; this would bring about that in a
short time they would strike together their hands over their heads, as it
really came to pass in the second expedition.
After that I remained a while with Master My- eonius
and studied. Then he advised me, as also the mother, that I should marry their
maid, Anna, and wander no more. Then they would give us the inheritance. T
permitted myself to be persuaded, and Father Myconius presented us to each
other. But I was not with Myconius for lodging, but with the old hat-maker, Simon
Steiner, who then was studying in Zurich. He then had his support from the
priests. After some days we went to Dubendorf to Mr. My- conius’s
brother-indaw, who was a preacher, to the church and celebrated our marriage
with such splendor that the people who were with us at the table knew not that
it was a marriage. Thereafter we went again into the city, and I went to live
in my lodging, for we both wished to keep it secret.
For two days
I went home to Valais, told my friends that T had married. They were not
pleased, for they had hoped that I would become a priest. Then I resolved to
carry on the rope-maker’s trade, and besides to keep school. I went again to
Zurich, and was 154
six weeks
there. We were now resolved that we would both go home. Then Myconius was
indebted to the mother fourteen guilders for wages. He gave her two guilders.
With that we went from there on the first day to Matmanstetten to the gentleman
whom I had taught Hebrew. The next day we went to Luzern 1o my wife’s brother,
called Clami Dietschi, who supported himself by broom, basket, and
chair-making. The family of the Dietschen is from Wippschingen, a little
village below Zurich on the Limmat, belonging to the Zurich church. My wife on
her father’s side was descended from here, but her mother was from Merlin on
the Zurich lake. Her father and mother died early. On this account she was
brought up by friends until she was able to go away into service. Then she
served, and usually long in a service, and then also at last with Father Myconius,
with whom she was serving in her seventeenth year; many nights has not slept
much, but has spun alone in her room, so that the wife, whom she called mother,
could so much the better support herself with Father Myconius. She also often
spun for herself on a holiday, and then sold the cotton yarn. That earned her
much. For she could spin well, and while I was with Myconius she has frequently
spun late in the night, so that I sat by the table and studied, while neither
of us had thought that we would become man and wife. It brought her little
wages, as was the custom at that time; in three years scarcely Digitized by Microsoft®
as much as
one gives one maiden now in a year. Yet she made quite good clothing for
herself.
From Luzern
we went to Sarnen in TJnterwalden, came to a landlord and landlady, who were
both so drunk that they did not know one another, but remained lying on
benches in the room. And if my wife and the landlady had not prepared the bed
before supper we would not have known where we should sleep, and it was on
Saturday. The landlord could play the lute with a spring and sang then with
great noise, so that I said: “ Do not scream so, or the people will beat us
well.” “No! much more/’ said the landlord, “if the sheriff knew it, even if he
were already asleep, he would get up again.” For in TJnterwalden they often do
not go to bed when they come to drinking. Therefore people say: “ Shall we
have an TJnterwalden night ? ” and although they lay on the benches, yet they
could well make out the reckoning in the morning, so that J and my wife had but
to pay.
From there we
went to Hasli, from there to the Grimsel mountain. It had already snowed, and
was yet before St. Gall’s day, for on St. Leodogar’s day we were in Luzern.
Then it began to dawn upon my -wife it would go roughly, for we were compelled
to eat very coarse bread. There were also some men who wished to cross the
mountains on the next day who spoke to me: “ You dare not take the woman over
the mountain.” There my wife had good living! She must lie
in the straw,
to which she was not accustomed. On the next day we arose and God helped us
over the mountain, although her clothing •was frozen to her body. We came to
Minster in Gomss in Valais, four miles above Visp, whither we wished to go.
There also it had snowed. And because they heard that we came from Zurich we
were not treated in a friendly manner. Then we had just enough for a day’s
lodging and one thick pfennig. Therewith my wife bought flax, for she could
spin well the yarn for cloth. We came on the next day to the Bridger bath.
There we found a countrywoman, and the landlord was also from Zurich, and the
keeper at the bath. The woman was Master Schwitzer’s daughter in Kenweg, who
afterward became banneret and perished at Kappel. The daughter had perhaps run
away from the father. Such Zurich maidens one has too often found in Valais;
for they go the more willingly from the sour Zurich wine to the sweet Valais
wine. She comforted my wife. “There were good people in Valais, it would go
well with her.” From the bath we went up a very high mountain to Burgen to my
sister Christine. She had a husband and nine children; the husband had two
aunts, who were so old that they knew not how old they were; also no one else.
With her we remained until St. Gall’s day. There I had inherited some household
goods that my sister had kept for me; she loaned me their ass, therewith I
carried them to Visp into a house for the use of Digitized by Microsoft®
which I (lid
not have to pay anything; there was a bed therein which no one used; they
loaned that to us also without charge. It was about the most pleasant house in
the village, with fine pane-glass windows. Then things began to go well.
Once an aunt
saw me who came to my house in Visp, bid me welcome, and asked: “Thomas, when
will you hold a mass for us?” A noble young woman, who was the aunt of the
Bishop I)r. Adriani of Riedmat- ten, heard this and said: “ lie has brought
with him a long mass.” At another time my cousin, Mr. Anthony Hatter, of St. Martin,
came to Visp to me in the church after mass; he said, “ They say you have
brought a wife with you.” I answered: “ Yes.” He said: “ The devil orders
that.” I said: “ Sir, you do not find that in the Bible.” Thereupon he became
so angry that he for a long time thereafter would not speak to me. He had the
nami- in the whole country that he was a good Bible student, for he read much
in the Bible, but understood only a little, only made the pages red with red
chalk.
Then I began
to prepare for rope-making and to hold school. I began to make rope; I received
thirty-one scholars; most in winter, but in summer scarcely six. One of them
gave me on the four past weeks a thick pfennig: and wo had with that a good
thing, for the people gave us much. I had several aunts. One brought eggs, the
other a cheese, this one a ball of
butter;
similarly also the others, w hose children went to school to me, brought such
things; some a quarter of a sheep. Those who were at home in the village gave
milk, vegetables, came with wine, and so on, so that seldom a day went by
without that something was sent to us. We have sometimes at night reckoned up
that eight or nine kinds of things had been presented to us in the day.
A few weeks
previously, before I came with my wife, the women were with one another in the
Eister valley in a room, and spoke about me—what a lordly first mass I would
have, what a great offering would be made to me; for of my mother’s friends
alone, the Summermatters, there were seventy-two cousins and aunts who were as
yet unmarried, and could themselves carry the offering to the altar. Then they
understood that I had come with a wife!
When we began
to keep house I borrowed from my Uncle Anthony Summerinatter, whom people
usually called Antony, “zum Lichtenbuhl.” thirty great—that is, fifteen Switz
batz. With that we began to keep house; began to purchase wine; sold it by the
measure; bought also apples; my wife sold them to the boys that wanted them.
Things now
went well with us, and with the help of pious people we got along, so that we
had no wants, and my wife was much pleased then. But the priests were not ail
friendly to me, though they also did me good, Digitized by Microsoft®
and also
often invited me as a guest, so that I might not lean to Lutherism too much.
But as 1 must go to the church to help sing mass it was troublesome to me to
help in the idolatry against my conscience, to be there and not to dare at all
times to speak freely what was in my heart. I thought what should I do that I
could escape from it; I went over to Zurich to counsel with my Father Myconius;
he advised me that I should leave this place, lor 1 had also some hope to be appointed
at Basel.
As I went
home again I had with me one of my pupils who could not follow me very well on
the Griin- sel mountain. It began to snow and rain. It was so cold that it
lacked only a little that we were both frozen. Yet because I knew the mountain
ways I said to the boy that he should not sit down, but should go on and on. I
went a piece farther, so that I warmed myself, and ran hack again to the boy,
until we thus, with the help of God, came to the hospice. This is a monastic
inn on the' mountain; there one finds good eating and drinking. This was the
middle of August.
Another time,
also, I had gone over the same mountain, and, as I was alone, and as yet knew
not the character of the mountain, I became weary and tired, and sat dowD and
wished to rest. Then a pleasant warmth came and I slept with my arms folded on
my knees. Then a man came to me, placed a hand on each of my shoulders, woke me
up. and said: “ So, why do
you sit here
? Stand up and go! ” Where the man then went I know not; I looked far up and
down, but I saw the man no more. Then I stood np, took out of mv little sack a
piece of bread and ate. Now when I related this to some people, who understood
the ways of the mountains, they said that I had been as good as dead. For when
one becomes fearfully cold on the mountains and sits down out of weakness, then
he becomes warm; for the blood runs from his heart to his face and
extremities, which before was at the heart, while he was so cold. For when one
sits down, the blood runs from the hi'art and the mar dies. And I can think
nothing else but that God has preserved my life, as also people said to me. For
there is no more painless death than freezing. On this account people are often
found sitting on the mountain, as if they were sleeping, and are dead.
Therefore, when the night overtakes some on the mountain, and they know this
danger, they take one another by the hand and go around in a ring the whole
night, even if it is dark, until it becomes day again.
When now I
came home to my wife she was rejoiced. For a pestilence had attacked the
priest. The people showed such unfriendliness towards him that; only a young
fellow was with him; no one else would take care of him, so that she had
anxiety about what would happen to her if she became sick. 1 also had experienced
this some years before. Then, as I went to the.
school in
Zurich, there was there a fearful pestilence, so that they buried in one grave
by the great cathedral nine hundred men and in another seven hundred. Then I
went away from home with the other country people. Then I had a boil on one
leg; I thought that it was also the pestilence. Then the people would receive
us scarcely anywhere. I went to Grenchen to my Aunt Frances. Then from
Galpentran—it is a little village below the mountain—even to Grenchen, I fell
asleep eighteen times in half a day. Then my aunt bound eabbage-leaves on the
boil, and with the help of God it became well, and nothing happened to any one
else. But neither I nor my aunt dared in six weeks to come to any one. I have
also been in a pestilence at Zurich, while I boarded with the mother of Dr.
Rudolph Gualterus, who, because she did not have many beds, had to give me a
bed with two little girls; the pestilence attacked both; they died beside me,
but it. did not attack me.
And, although
my wife liked Valais, I thought of getting away from there as soon as possible.
Yet before that our first child was born. The little child was christened and
called Margaret; two very noble women were godmothers, and a very pious lover
of the truth, Egidus Meier, who had also studied, was godfather. Some one said
to me a few days thereafter some people had thought that my wife would not recover
as a punishment for my not becoming a priest.
Then I said
in a public place: “ Before I would become a priest ”—for they had hoped for
that—•“ I would be a player or a hangman.” That offended many most seriously.
Hereafter,
when I already had it in mind to leave the country, and the Bishop, Mr. Adrian
von der Eeid- matten, heard it, he sent his cousin, Jonas Eeidmatten, to me at
Visp, requested me that T should become the school-master of the whole land,
and they would give me a good living. I thanked his grace, and asked for
indulgence for yet a few years; I was yet young and unlearned ; and would like
to study some more. Then he shook his finger at me and said: “ 0 Platter, you
are old and learned enough; you have some other reason; if yet we call you into
a position in the future you will serve your fatherland rather than
foreigners.”
Thereupon I
took my child in a carrying-chair, with the cradle on my back, and went away.
And one of the godmothers gave the little child a double ducat.
IN ZURICH—IN
BABEL
We went away together; we had then twelve or fourteen
gold pieces, some household goods, and the child, which I carried, and the
mother followed along behind as a cow a little calf. We came to Zurich to
Father Myconius. Before this 1 had made known to them there by letter, through
Dr. Oporinus Henricus, deceased, whom they called Billing, the stepson of the
mayor in the suburb of Asehen, called “ Zum Hirsch- en,” that they should
assist me perhaps to some small service. Then we tied our household goods and
clothing together in a bundle and sent it to Bern, and from there to Basel.
But when I went away to Valais I had had a good school companion in Valais
called Thomas Koran, who carried my goods and my books from Zurich to Valais.
When 1 went away a?ain many people were displeased, especially my sister; every
one thought that my wife led me again out of the country. They did her an
injustice; for she would have dwelt in that country willingly enough. But the
priests were willing for me to leave.
From Zurich
we went to Basel. I carried the child, 161
which was not
yet six months old. There went with us a student, who helped the mother carry
the goods. And when we looked around for an inn, and could scarcely find one,
we took at last a. little house, at St. Ulrich, which was called “at the Lion’s
Head.” Dr. Oporinus was there in the great courtyard at the Bishop’s mansion,
where afterward Frau von Seho- nau was, and was at that time school-master at
the castle. Then I became dispenser for Dr. Oporinus, through the claims of
pious people, and the Sir Deputies gave me a salary of one hundred mark. They
said they had never given so much to any one before. Out of that 1 must give
twenty-five mark for house rent, and that was at that time very dear; for one
gave a fourth of corn for fifteen mark and a measure of wine for eight raps.
But the scarcity did not continue. I went to the market and bought a little
cask of wine; I think it was an Ahm. I carried it home on my shoulder. Then I
and my wife drank wine with much wrangling. For ai first we had no drinking
vessel, only a narrow-necked bottle. We went with the bottle into the cellar.
Thereupon we argued with one another. 1 said: “You drink, you must nourish the
babe.” Then my wife said: “You drink, you must study, and have a hard time in
the school.” Afterward my good friend, Henry Billing, bought us a glass; it was
shaped like a boot; with this we went into the cellar when we had been in the
hath; in this
we put a
little more than in the bottle. The little cask lasted a long time. When it was
empty, Henry Billing bought us another. I had to pay him for that when I
angered him, when I no more wished to remain as assistant, and went away to
Pruntrut. I went to the inn and bought a little kettle and a little
water-kettle, both of which had holes. I also bought a chair. At that time I
also had bought a good bed in the Aschen suburb for twelve and a half mark; we
had not much house furniture besides. God be praised, however poor we had been
at first, I no more remember that after we had begun to keep house that we ever
ate without bread and wine. I studied industriously, arose early, and went to
bed late. So that 1 have often had a headache, and had such a terrible
dizziness that I often have had to hold myself up by the benches. The physician
would gladly have helped me with blood-letting and mixed drugs for the stomach,
hut all was in vain.
WITH THE
DOCTOR IN PRUNTRUT—DEATH OF THE LITTLE CHILD AND OF THE DOCTOR
At this time
there came a famous doctor there called John Epiphanius, who was the physician
of the Grand Duke of Bavaria, a Venetian. When at Munich, some citizens had
eaten meat on a day when it was prohibited, and he with them, and they all
were forced to run away. They were learned men, and thought that no one would
do anything with them. The duke caused them to be beheaded. But Epiphanius ran
away with his wife, whom he had married in Munich, and came to Zurich. There I
became acquainted with him. When he came to Basel I asked him also for counsel
concerning the dizziness. He examined me, and wondered whence I had the
dizziness. Soon he said: “If you were with me I would soon drive it away from
you; ” for he thought that I ate not the best things or not enough; also that I
studied too much and slept too little. Then I and my wife agreed, if they would
receive us as servants, then we would go to him. He went to Pruntrut and
became the physician of the Bishop, Mr. Philip von Gundolzheim. Then I gave up
the Digitized by Microsoft ® 167
assistantship,
and went with my wile and child to Pruntrut. Then the deputy was not well
pleased with me and also my best friends, Dr. Oporinus and Henry Billing, the
mayor’s stepson. But I had especial desire for the medicine, with which the
doctor had promised to help inc. Again I took the child on my back and went
away. I left my household goods at Basel.
Now when I
came to him I said: “ Doctor, now I am with you, help me against this dizziness.”
Then he turned to my wife and said: “There is your physician ” and said: “ Go
early to bed when you think that no one else will knock, and sleep in the
morning as long as you think that no one comes and knocks.” ■Which,
however, my wife did not do; for she rose up early, looked after the child and
the other affairs that belonged to her service and housekeeping. But I did not
sleep too long, but more than I had been accustomed to hitherto. When I then
arose, she was accustomed to cook for me a good broth. That also the doctor
had commanded her. When I now had assumed this manner of living, I can say with
truth that after three days I did not have the dizziness any more, but it left
me entirely. And since then I have had no more trouble from the dizziness,
except when I forgot myself occasionally to be with too little sleep or too
long fasting. This art, which is so easily practised, I have taught very many
who have complained of the dizziness, and have helped them; for example, Mr.
My-
conius, Dr.
Cellarius, and some others, who have thanked me for it; for it has helped them.
When now we
had been there twelve weeks and our little child on one evening had learned to
go five little steps, the pestilence attacked it, and it died on the third day.
And when the spasms had also attacked it, so that we must see it in the
greatest pain, we wept, when it died, from sorrow and also from joy, that it
has escaped from the suffering. Then the mother made for it a pretty wreath,
and the school-master at Pruntrut buried it behind St. Michael’s.
When now we
were both sad, and my wife was no more happy as before, and did not want to
sing, the master said: “ Your wife is no more joyous, and my wife fears that
because she is so sad that the pestilence, which then prevailed in Pruntrut,
will attack my wife or yours. I advise you to take her away.” I did so, took
her to Zurich, and spent on the way not more than five bats. But I went again
back to Pruntrut, and came on a Sunday evening again to the master, who sat alone
by a table, and was full to suffocation with wine and said: “ 0 Thomas, you
have done wrong that you have taken Ann away (and yet he had told me to) ; as
soon as you went away the pestilence attacked my wife, she. lies above and has
a great ulcer. Now the master was very much afraid, so that he drank himself
full all day, so that he would think about it so much the
less. He was
even before that for the most part drunk.
13
For when we
ate at the castle and had drunk enough, then the steward led him as he went
away to the cellar: the Bishop had commanded it. There he drank yet more wine.
When we then came home, the first thing he sent after more wine; for he had
none in the cellar, and he often sat in the garden in his shirt-sleeves until
after midnight and drank.
On Monday, as
I had returned on Sunday, the pestilence also attacked him. He said to me: “We
will go across the field.” As we came to the city gate he said: “We will go to
Delsberg,’’ for the Bishop had fled there from the pestilence. We went the same
day to the village next to Delsberg, it is a mile or an half from Pruntrut. We
remained there over night; he would eat nothing. He was very sick. He did not
tell his wife that he wished to go away, and I also did not know it, until we
came outside of the city gate. On the next day we rented a horse, and on the
road between Pruntrut and Delsberg he fell from the horse; for he was a large,
heavy man and sick. At the village next to Delsberg he sent the horse back
again and walked as far as the gate. Then they would not let him in until he
sent to the Bishop, telling him that he was there. Then the Bishop commanded
that they should let him in. We went to the Bishop’s house, they bid us
welcome, and placed him bv the Bishop’s side for supper. But he ate only a
little that night. The Bishop asked: “ Doctor, how is it that you are not so
cheerful as
usual?” He answered: “It was so hot yesterday on the street, I had drunk and it
made me sick.” When we wished to retire, the Bishop asked him whether he would
accompany him on a hunt in the morning. The doctor answered: “Yes, sir; if I am
better, as I hope.” Thereupon they conducted us to a great room, where the
master slept in one bed, but I in another one. In the night he was very sick
and vomited. They had placed for us on a table two great beakers, one with wine
and the other with water. In the morning the doctor arose in a most miserable
condition. I washed the bedding as well as possible with wine and water, so
that they would not see it so. The Bishop rode to the hunt and came home early.
When he dismounted, he called to me and said: “Tell me, Thomas, did your child
die at Pruntrut, and is the doctor’s wife sick of the pestilence?” (He had
heard this while on the hunt.) I said: “Yes, worthy master.” “ Why has the
doctor come to me. Tell me, has he also the plague?” I said: “I know not; he
has not told me.” “ Then do this one thing,” he said, “and take your master
quickly and immediately away from the castle.” Then I went around the little
city, iso one wished to receive him, and asked me what kind of a sickness my
master had. I said, as he also had told the Bishop, that he had drunk too much
in the heat, and had become sick. There was an innkeeper, I think at the
White Cross,
who told me that I could bring him. She
bedded him
clean and properly, as was due to such a man. Then the master said to me: “
Thomas, go to my wife and say, if she wishes to see me alive, then she must
come quickly/’ When I came to the wife in Pruntrut and announced it, she was
very angry. “The rascal,” she said, “ he does as all Italians. He ran away
from me in my need; neither will 1 go, nor can I go, nor do I want to go; may
it go with him as God wills.” I said: “ Woman,I believe that he will die; then
you are here and in Basel heavily in debt, and they will take from you
everything that you have. Give me what is the most valuable to you, then I will
carry it to Basel, and deliver it to you, if he dies.” She gave me the master’s
experiment book, which he at all times valued most highly, and three shirts,
which were very fine, also a pure silver spoon, handkerchiefs, and I know not
what besides. The book was the most valuable to me, for I intended to copy it.
With these things I went back again to Delsberg. In the meantime the Bishop had
sent him away with a horse and a servant to Munster, and no one would let me
in. Then I put the household goods in the little guardhouse of the gate-keeper
at the Basel side and went to Munster. There I found him very sick, and he had
again on the way fallen from the horse. I announced to him what I had
performed. Thither when it became night, the landlord came, who, as I think,
had been in Delsberg and had heard all things, and said to the landlady:
“ Whom have
you for guests ? ” When he heard he became terribly angrv, swore evilly, and
said to me, because I was his servant, that I should take him out of the house
or he would throw us both down the steps. Then I said: “If you throw him down,
then will he die so much the sooner, and you will be guilty of his death.”
Thereupon he left us there for the night. And since there were no more papists
there, there came a preacher from another village, who was to preach on the
morrow in Munster, He slept in the inn in our room; he comforted the master in
a Christian manner. I asked the preacher, for God’s sake, that he should
assemble the people after the sermon and exhort them, for God’s sake, to
consent to give him a house for recompense, even if it was empty; yes, even a
pig’s sty, that he might have some place where he might die. All this was
refused him. After the luncheon, I went almost from one house to another, asked
only for a little stall, where he could die, for I knew well he would not live
long. At last I found a woman. The woman wept, she so pitied the gentleman, for
whom I had asked the people in such a friendly manner, and besides I had
promised to give reward enough. She said to me: “ Go in, my good friend, and
bring the gentleman to me.” The woman was a native of Basel. Then I went in,
hired a woman who was to help me carry him out of the inn, perhaps quite a
stone’s throw away. I
must give her
half a guilder. As we carried him to the
house the
peasants stood on both sides and looked at us. To them I spoke extremely
severely, and reproached them for their godless heart and no faith. When I had
brought him to the house, the woman had prepared a chair, wherein we sat him
before the door, so that he slept a little. I gave him a little broth, perhaps
two spoons full. Then the woman kissed him and wept out of pity; for he was a
fine, large man, well dressed. Then we led him into a little room, wherein
there was a good bed prepared. Then she gave him broth again, and kissed him
again, weeping. And though she said we will let him sleep, I remained with him.
Then he said to me: “ Abi! Abi! Go away, go away to Basel! ” When I w'ould not
do it, he became angry and ordered me that I should go away. Then I feared he
would be so angry that convulsions would attack him. Then he drew the cord from
his neck, whereon were two or three rings, a golden toothpick, and other
things, which one gathers together and strings, and also drew off a thumb ring
with a seal. He gave all these to me, that I should carry them to Basel, give
them to his wife, and go soon, for he feared that they would detain me, and
that these would be taken from the woman. I know not what I pretended to the
woman, but took my departure, and said 1 would soon come back again. He had
with him clothing, so that his expenses would be well repaid to her.
I went to
Delsberg, took the stuff from the gate-
!
keeper, ami
went quickly away, for I regretted only on account of the hook if I should be
arrested; for I had it in mind to copy it. 1 came thus on the next day to Basel
to Oporinus. He advised rae that I should go to Zurich with the things. Then I
heard here that he had died on the very day that 1 hail gone away from him.
Epiphanius was buried at Munster with the honours of a doctor. God had indeed
taken away from the man all worldly help, so that he had with him neither baths
nor medicines, though he had plenty of these at Pruntrut. For there he had for
himself an apothecary shop. So he often sent me to Basel to procure all sorts
of things.
When now the
debtors—namely, Kunz “ ziim Storchen,” Niclaus the Apothecary, and the old
ltei- men—knew that he was dead, and that I was from there with some things;
also that he had had a servant before me, who said: “The doctor had a hook
that wan worth sixty crowns ”; they caused the report to be spread that I had
run away as a rascal. This Dr. Oporinus wrote to me. Then I took all the things
and brought them again and let myself be seen; but then no one would call me a
knave, hut in haste caused me to be served with an attachment, and said that I
should give them what I had. I said: “The master was indebted to me some
shillings and six florins; if you give me this, and it is acknowledged, then I
will give it, otherwise not.” Then the mayor, “ zum Hirsehen,” advised Digitized by Microsoft®
my attorney
that he should say I had the assured pledge they should pay me. The case lasted
about six weeks, for they thought that 1 could not wait until the end, ami that
I would rather give them all things out of hand.
In the
meantime I and Oporinus copied off each in turn a half page of the book, and
intended then to copy from each other, which afterward was done. Thus we
succeeded in copying the book. When now they paid me, the judgment was
pronounced that I should surrender all things. This I did and went again back
to Zurich. The wife of the doctor, recovered again, came to me a tolerably
long time thereafter to Basel, and asked me, since all things had been taken
from her, and I perhaps in that time had copied the book, that I should not
begrudge her just the remedy of purgation of the currants; therewith she knew
how to support herself. But where she went then I do not know. She was very
pretty.
ZURICH WAR,
OCTOBER, 153J
Not long
thereafter the Zurichers and the Five Places went against one another again.
Then things went badly again; for many honest, noble men perished; among
others also Zuingli. When the battle had been fought and the clamour came back
to Zurich, they rang the alarm with the great Cathedral bell. It was just at
the time when the lights were being lit. Then many people ran out of the city
to the bridge over the Syll under the Albis. I caught up a halberd and a sword
in the house of Myconius and ran out also with the others. Rut when we had gone
out quite a distance, then met us what caused me to wish that I had remained in
the city. For nome came who had only one hand, some held their head between
their hands, mournfully wounded and bloody. One met us also whose intestines
were hanging out, so that he carried them in his hands; and people went with
them who lighted the way; for it was dark. When we came to the bridge, they
permitted every man to go over the bridge, but they would allow no man to come
back towards Zurich. For meD stood on the bridge with
* yjrj
weapons to
defend it. I believe that otherwise the majority would have fled to the city.
Then people admonished one another that they should not despair. There was one
out of the Zurich district, who was a brave fellow, spoke with a loud voice, so
that every one could hear h:m, and called to their minds how it very often went
badly in the beginning and thereafter well. He counselled that in the night the
people should go over the. Albis, so that they could surprise the enemy when
they came in the morning. When we came there no captain was to be found, for
they were all shot in the night. It was very cold, for in the morning a great
frost fell. Then we made fires. I also sat thus by a fire, drew off my shoes,
so that I might warm myself thoroughly. At my side was also a Fuchsberger. He
was at that time the trumpeter in Zurich; he had neither shoes nor cap, and
also no more a sword. And as we sat thus the alarm was sounded, so that they
mipht see how the people would behave. And as I drew on my shoes the trumpeter
seized my halberd, and wished to stand with it in rank and file. Then I said to
him: “ Hold, companion, leave me my weapons! ” Then he gave it back to me again
and said: “ Odds, five wounds already! They have treated me so evilly in the
battle to-night, they must kill me completely today.” Then he seized a great
hedge pole and placed himself in the ranks directly before me. Then I thought:
“ Alas, here is such a fine man, and he stands
so
defenseless/’ And I regretted immediately that I had not let him have my
halberd. Then I had already become resigned and thought, “ Now it must be.” And
was not at all terrified, and thought I would defend myself bravely with the
halberd, and if I were deprived of the halberd then 1 would also defend myself
bravely with the sword.
But when one
saw that the enemy was not at hand, then I was much rejoiced, as many others
also. For I knew many who went about arrogantly in Zurich, but trembled then
like an aspen leaf. Then I heard of a brave man who stood on a high place and cried
aloud: “Where are our leaders? Oh, heavens, is there no one here to counsel us
how we should act?” And though some thousands were there assembled no one knew
how it would have gone if the enemy had come.
When, as I
remember, it was almost nine o’clock in the morning, the first leader, Lavater,
was seen below, coming hither over a path; he had disgraced himself in the
flight. The other leader, William “ of the Eed House,” was killed. The third,
George Goldlin, had so conducted himself that later he was convicted in Zurich
of having betrayed the Zurichers.
What there
was done further I know not. For as I was not provided as many others, I had
nothing to eat, and went back again to Zurich. Then my preceptor Myconius
asked me: “IIow has it gone? Is
Mr. Ulrich
killed?” When I answered, “Yes, alas!”
he said with
sorrowful heart, “ then must God comfort me ! Now I can no longer live in
Zurich !” For Zwingli and Myconius had been for many years very good friends.
After they had given me to eat, we went with one another out into a room.
Myconius said: “Where will I go now? I can stay here no more.” Some days
thereafter I learned that the preacher at St. Alban in Basel had been killed as
he wras climbing over the mountains. When Myconius said again, “
Where shall I go ? ” 1 said: “ Go to Basel and become a preacher.” He said:
“What preacher will give way to me and let me have his place.” I related to him
how one called Hieronymus Bodan, preacher at St. Alban—was dead. I believed
that he would be received there. Then nothing further was said, and also no
order was given me by Myconius. When peace was made there came about four
hundred from the province of Schwitz, from Lachen, and other places around who
wished to spend the night in the city. Then there was a great running to and
fro of burghers who thought that they would cause a night of murder; for
traitors were only too numerous in the city who could specify who should be
murdered. Then the gates were closed and the whole Eennway became full of
people. The traitorous Ohlotzascher, who had become city mayor in place of
Lavater, rode out to the Syll to the Switzers and gave them lodging. He broke
open the door of those who were not willing to admit
them and was
altogether friendly with them. When now even’ one had gone home from the
Rennway, Dr. Jacob Ammianus, who now for a long time had been professor, came
to Myconius and said to him: “Mr. Myconius, I do not want you to remain in your
house to-night. No one knows what will happen. They will certainly not spare
you. Come with me! ” There were some of his pupils who accompanied him to the
house of Dr. Ammianus, and I with them. Then Myconius said: “ Thomas, sleep
to-night with me.” We lay in one bed, and each of us had a halberd beside himself
in the bed. On the following day the Swiss went home over the Zurich Lake.
TO
BASEL—MYCONIUS ALSO GOES THITHER
When now peace had come, and I had lost much time, I
wished to go again back to Basel to the studies. I studied in the college, and
lay on my bed, and went to the Pilgrim’s Staff for meals. I have often eaten
there for three pfennigs. One can well imagine how much I ate! In time I told
to Henry Billing, the burgomaster’s son, that I had heard from Myconius that he
no longer wished to stay in Zurich, since Mr. Ulrich was dead. He said: “Do you
think he could be persuaded to come to us ? ” I told him what I had spoken to
him concerning the position of preacher at St. Alban. He told it to the
burgomaster, his father. He told it to the deputies; they sent for me in the
Augustine’s Cloister. When now they had heard me, they sent me to Zurich, and I
brought Myconius away with me. But I had to bear the expense of it myself.
As we went
on, four fellows on horseback appeared in a field beyond Mumpf, and because
they were not in the confederacy Myconius said: “ How would it be if they
caught us and led us to Ensisheim.” I said, as they now c-ame up to us, “ Fear
not, they are from 182
Basel.” For
it wan Squire Wolfgang von Landenberg, Squire Offenberg, the Landenberg’a son,
and a knight. When they came up I said: “ ] know that they are from Basel, for
I have often seen them at the preaching of Ocolampadius.” They put up at Mumpf
at the “ Bell ” as night fell. We also put up there. When we came into the room
Squire Wolfgang asked: ‘‘Whence do you come ? ” Myconius said: “ From Zurich.”
Then the squire asked: “What do they say in Zurich?” Myconius answered: “
People are mournful because Mr. Ulrich Zvringli is dead.” Squire Wolfgang
asked: “ Who are you ? ” Myconius answered: “ I am Oswald Myconius, and am the
school-master in Zurich at Our Lady’s Cathedral.” Then Myconius also asked: “
Who are you?” He said: “I am Wolf von Landenburg.” After a while Myconius took
me by the coat, led me out, and said: “ I see now clearly how industriously you
have gone to church in Basel. I believe the nobleman has not very often pressed
the seats in the church.” For Myconius had heard much said of him. When now we
sat at the table Squire Eglin also came in the room and the other two. They sat
at the top of the table and began to drink. Then the knight brought a beaker of
liquor to Myconius. Myconius took a little drink out of the beaker which they
had sent him. Then the knight said: “ 0 sir, you must drink more! ” And when he
urged him to it forcibly, then Myconius became angry and said: “ Fellow, I
could drink Digitized fey Microsoft®
before you
could have carried a little (hip,” and other words. Squire Eglin heard this and
asked: “ What is it ? ” Myconius said: “ He presumes to force mo to drink.”
Then was Squire Eglin fearfully angry at the knight, so that we thought he
would strike him, and spoke to him very evilly: “You villain, would you force
an old man to drink?” And asked Myconius : “ Dear sir, who are you ? ”
Myconius said: “ I am called Oswald Myconius.” The squire said: “ Have you not
once been school-master at St. Peter’s in Basel ? ” He said: “ Yes.” The squire
said: “ Dear sir, you have been my teacher also. If I had followed you, then I
would have been an honourable man. 1 know almost nothing as I am.” Then they
went on with their drinking—that is, the four. When Squire Wolfgang’s son was
drunk he lay partially down, with his elbows on the table. Then the squire, his
father, began to chide him mournfully, as though he had committed a terrible
vice. When he had supped, I and Myconius went to bed, but they really began to
take a sleeping-cup; they sang and shouted in a horrible manner. Afterward we
discovered that they had indeed been fourteen days in Zurich, that they had
with one another celebrated the funeral of Zwingli and others who were killed
with those who had found more joy than sorrow therein. When we on the morrow
went over Melifeld Myconius said to me: “How did the behaviour of the nobility
yesterday please you?
To fill one
another full to suffocation is no shame, but to lean a little bit with one’s
elbows on the table that is such a shame and deserved curses! ”
After we came
to Basel, Myconius stopped with Oporinus, but I went to the college. After some
days Myconius was to make the “ Six ”—or the council sermon. I know not
whether one had asked him or not. I came to him. There he lay yet. I said to
him: “ Father, get up, you must preach.” He said: “ What, must I preach ? ” And
he rose up quickly and said to me: “What shall I preach? Tell me.” I said: “I
know not.” He said: “ I wish to know from you! ” Then I said: “ Explain to us,
whence and why, the misfortune has come which now has befallen us.” He said:
“Write it for me on a little piece of paper! ” Thai I did anti gave him my
Testament, wherein he laid the little piece of paper, went out to the chapel,
treated of the question before learned people, who had come thither to hear
him, as they would one who was preaching for the first time. Thereupon they wondered,
so that I have heard say after the sermon, among others J)r. Sulterus to I)r.
Simon Grynaus, who was at that time a student, “ 0 Simon, let us pray God, that
this man remain here, for he can teach.” Then was he chosen at St. Albans. Then
I accompanied him aga’n back to Zurich, and went again to Basel to my studies.
But he, when lie was dismissed in honour, came with his wife to Basel and my
wife
came with
him. Ho began to preach at St. Albans. So many people went to hear him that it
was concluded to take him in Dr. Ocolampadius’s place. Until this time Mr.
Thomas Gyrenfalk had administered the office.
PROFESSOR IN
THE PEDAGOGIUM—READER-CALL TO SITTEN-JOURNEY THROUGH SWITZERLAND —BATH CURE
Thereupon I took Greek lectures in the
Pedagogium and read the grammar of Oaporinus and dialogues of Lucian. But
Oporinus was appointed that he should read the poets. But not long thereafter a
pestilence broke out, and Jacob Ruberus, reader to Dr. Hervagius, and the most
loved companion of Oporinus and myself, died. Then Dr. Sulterus came for a
while in his place in service to Dr. Hervagius. But when he saw that this
employment rather hindered than assisted him in his studies, he advised me
that. I should accept it. I feared the business was too difficult for me, but
Dr. Hervagius would not desist until I had accepted it. I carried this on for
four years with the greatest labour and care.
Thereafter it
happened that in the council at Sitten at Christmas they decided to appoint me
as schoolmaster, and the head councillor, Simon Alben, was commanded to write
to me and bid me come. This was delayed until Shrove Tuesday, also because I
was to overlook the printing-press for Hervagius,
187
while he was
at the fair at Frankfort. There was a little provost in another college by the
name nf Christian Ilerbort, who had formerly been in Basel, then later had
gone to Freiburg, there he pretended he would no longer be in Basel on account
of the heresy; thereafter he came again to Basel. There they would not receive
him unless he swore an oath that he was of our religion. This he swore, and
said he would not remain at Freiburg in the idolatry. The same had table
companions from Valais, one of whom had heard how they sought after me. Then he
went away to Mitte- fasten, came to the Bishop, announced to him, but with
lies, that 1 would not come, for I had said I did not wish to go into the
idolatrous place ; that I ate meat on the forbidden days, and other things
more. Then the Bishop believed it willingly. For before this I was already
suspected by him on account of religion. Then the little man was accepted. When
he came again to Basel, T went to him in the college, asked him where he had
been. He said: “In Valais.” I said: “What have you done there?” He had had some
business, he said. Then I said: u You have had business as a
knave and a rascal, as you art! You have lied about me. Bat I will also go
thither, and if I hear that you have lied about me, then I will prepare a good
time for you and show that you are a mameluke.” I went thither, for I had
especial business in my home.
When I came
to Visp the Bishop was just there and
was
confirming. Captain Simon was also there; he had a house there. I went to him.
He was at first very much dissatisfied that I had not come 'ii time; they had
already chosen another, and showed to me with what tricks he had deceived the
Bishop; “ and only yesterday he sent a messenger here and wrote that you would
(tome, but that one should not believe your word.” This the Bishop had told
him. Now, therefore, said the councillor, the priests have chosen a
school-master themselves, now let them have him. I would have gone willingly to
the Bishop, but it was in vain until he came to Gasen. Then he permitted me to
be admitted, and when he saw me he said: “Thomas, while Esau was on the hunt
Jacob took the blessing away from him.” I said: “ But has your princely grace
only one blessing.” Then he bid me welcome, and said they had said to him that
F would not come. I was suspected on account of the faith, for at Basel I had
eaten meat at all times on forbidden days, and other things as well. Then I
said: “ Yes, worthy sir, and he that has said this of me has also many times
eaten meat on such days.” That is indeed true; for we both very often with Dr.
Paul Phrygionus have eaten with one another when the doctor invited me and the
little man came to sponge. At this speech there were present three canons and
the land councillor, Antonius Venetz; and they gave me to understand, since the
little man had this character, Digitized
by Microsoft ®
they would
let him go and take me. But I said: “ No; he would sit down between two stools;
I had already had a good place, ami so forth.” I went again to Basel.
/ Before this
time, it had once happened, when I had no position, that my true and dear
companion, Henry Billing, asked me that I should make a journey with him within
the confederacy, and said he would then go with me to Yalais. Thus we went
first to Schaffhausen, Constance, thereafter to Linden; there he had business.
From there to St. Gall. Toggenburg, Rapperswyl, to Zug, Schwitz, to Uri. They
did us all honour, because they heard that we were from Basel. Thence we went
in the TTrsern Valley to Realp. But when Henry saw the mountain, he was so afraid
in the night that he was doubtful whether he wished to go over the mountain on
the morrow; he was timid, so that the landlady said: “ If all from Basel are so
timid, they will not conquer those of Valais. I am a poor, weak woman, or 1
would take the child ”—this she had with her—“by the hand to-morrow and cross
over.” Henry did not sleep well that night. We employed a strong Alpine guide,
who should go with us to show us the way; he took a staff over his shoulder,
went ahead in the snow and sang, so that it echoed in the mountains. He slipped
a little and fell in a low place; for it was yet tolerably dark and before day.
When Henry saw him fall he would not go ahead one
step ami said
to me: “You go to Valais, I will go back to Basel.” But I would not go from him
in the wilderness, but accompanied him back again. Then I was so gloomy that we
did not speak much with one another for a day. We came again to Uri and then on
the Lake. Then came a wind, so that Henry was very much terrified, and said to
the boatman: “Kow to the land, I will not travel farther.” He said: “ There is
no danger.” But he behave.d so troublesomely that he had to row to the land not
far from the place where William Tell sprang out of the boat. We came to a
little village. At night when we wished to go to bed we had to lie in the
straw. In the morning we went to Beckenreid, thence to Fnterwalden, thence over
the Brunig to Ilasli. TheD I said: “ Now you have a good road to Thun, then to
Bern, and then to Basel.” Then we parted, and I went over the (irimsel mountain
to Valais.
Captain Simon
who was favourable to me was there. He was master of colonies, had read in the
Academy of Basel the Offices of Cicero, thereafter at Rome had for ten years
conducted affairs before the pope for Georgius of “auf der Flue,” and on
account of the province against Cardinal Matthew Schinner. He was well trained
in the Latin language. He said to me: “ I wish to undertake a journey to the
Brieger baths for the gout; bathe with me, and I will pay for the journey.”
Then I journeyed with him, for the bath is Digitized by Microsoft®
not a
half-mile from Visp. The baths affected him, so that pome of tit* had to carry
him to the bath, he bathed two hours, and then came away on two crutches. There
came thither also the Duke of Milan, captain of the mercenary guards; he had
spent nine hundred ducats on physicians (for his thigh), and nothing helped
him. He bathed there also. His thigh was cured in three days, and so remained.
I have seen this and other things which were wonderful to hear.
I had a very
good journey to the baths, only that the eating did not please me, so that 1
could eat almost none of the rye bread and drink no wine, for it was too strong
for me. I complained to the landlord. He was called Captain Peter Owling, a
very fine man; he had also studied well in Milan. 1 said to him, “ Oh, that you
had sour wine! ” He ordered me wine from Morill; it was terribly sour, for it
is there very wild, and is the highest wine that grows in the land. When the
wine came he said: “ Platter, I wish to give you the wine.” There were three
hundred litres. He gave me a beautiful crystal glass which would hold quite a
quantity. With this I went to the cellar and took the greatest drink that I, I
believe, have taken in my whole life; for I had had for a long time the
greatest thirst, and had a bad breaking out ; I drank nothing except warm
spring water. When I had taken the drink I cared for the wine no more, and came
then again to the eating and drinking. To Captain
Simon very
many things wore given at the bath; among other things more than seventy
pheasants were given to him; I brought some feathers from them to Basel. As I
had sent no message and had been away nine weeks they said I was- certainly
killed on the mountains.
But now when
the visit to the baths- was over I went again to Basel and became first
corrector to Hervagius, as hitherto has been stated, similarly a'so professor
in the Pedagog.um. But when I saw how Hervagius and other printers had a good
business, and with little work made good profit, I thought: “I should like also
to become a printer! ” So also thought Dr. Oporinus, who also assisted much in
the publishing house. There was also a very good type-setter of the guild “at
the bench,” Balthasar Ruch, who had a good disposition and who was very
ambitious, who was a good companion of Oporinus and myself. Our plan was well
arranged, hut nowhere any money. There was Ru- precht Winter, the
brother-in-law of Oporinus, who had a wife, who would gladly have been a
publisher’s wife, for she saw the printer’s women live in such splendour, for
which she was well fitted; for she had enough property; of spirit only too
much. She counselled her husband, Ruprecht, that he should become a printer
with his brother-in-law Oporinus. Then we four became partners: Oporinus,
Ruprecht, Balthasar, 134
and I; we
purchased the outfit of Mr. Andrew Cra- tauder. For he and his son Polycarp had
become book-dealers, because bis wife, as she said, would no longer occupy
herself with the daubing. We gave him eight hundred florins for the printing
outfit, to be paid within a certain time.
At the time
that I was proof-reader, my second child, little Margaret, was born. She was
born in the house that for a long time was in the possession of the school-master
of St. Peter’s, and is even yet. The school-master at that time* was Anthony
Wild; he had been a monk. Then I moved to the next house. There was born
another child, called Urseli. One day she would have fallen out of the window
had not Max Wolf, who was a boarder and had the child by the window, caught her
by her little feet.
Thus we began
the printing together. I became a burgher, and was incorporated 'n the guild “
Of the Bears,” where Balthasar and Ruprecht had already been incorporated. But
Oporinus belonged to his father’s guild, “ Zum Himmel,” for he himself was a
famous painter. We immediately borrowed money, as it was necessary to the
business. But Ruprecht pawned to-day the one, on the morrow another thing. Then
I thought each of us should go alternately to each fair. However, it did not
happen, but always two of us went to Frankfort, then the women desired that one
should
purchase
much. They wished beautiful cushions and
tin utensils.
I bought iron utensils. We brought sometimes an entire barrilful of gifts, but
little money. I thought thin will not end well. We had also each week our
support out of it, two florins to each one, except Ruprecht; for he did not
work, except that he pawned things for money. As now that was not pleasing to
me and I said: “We will ruin the man”; then Balthasar Ruch became hostile to me
and thought to disgrace me. Once when it was near to the time of the fair, and
we could not finish printing the work, unless we-also printed on a holiday, then
one Sunday we printed the whole day. Then we must give the journeymen to eat
and also more wages. In the night, about eleven o’clock, I was correcting a
proof ; then Balthasar began to be out of sorts, at last also to curse, and
said: “I scarcely know, you Walliser, what is the matter with you, whatever one
does, it is never right.” He had been steward in the printing establishment, “
Of the Bears ” ; we had rented the house from Cratander. I gave him an answer
to the evil words. Then he remained silent, seized a heavy pine board, came
from behind, while I was correcting the proof, and wished to strike me with it
on the head with both hands. Then I glanced thither and saw the blow, stood up
and warded off the stroke with my arm. We came at one another with rushes and
blows. He scratched me very badly on the face, anil tried to gouge out an eye
with his fingers. When I noticed this, I doubled my
fist and
struck him on the nose, so that he fell on his back, and lay there a good
while, so that his wife stood over him and screamed: “ Oh woe, you have killed
my husband.” With that the journeymen printers who had just gone to bod rose up
quickly and came down. He lay there yet, ami my face was very bloody from the
scratches. Soon thereafter he rose up and wished to eome at me again. I said: “
Let him come now, and I will give him a better one yet.” Then the printers
pushed me out of the door. I went with a light home to the house behind the
school-m aster’s house. My wife, when she saw me, cried out: “ Oh, you have
certainly fought one another.”
On the
following day our partners came and were much displeased, as were also the
journeymen, that we should be their masters and yet fight with one another.
Then two of my partners, Balthasar and Oporinus, went to Frankfort. When he
came back again he had yet a scar on the nose in the place between the eyes,
which he carried for eight week?, but 1 on the middle finger, on the knuckle
also, had a scar for four weeks.
When now they
came again they were determined to fix me in the guild. Then Cod gave me my
dear son Feb'x; T do not think that I could have had greater joy. Then I)r.
Paul Phrvgius. pastor of St. Peter’s, christened him; but Master Simon Grynaus
and John Walterus, printers, were godfathers, and Mrs. Macha- rius Nussbaum,
godmother. When Dr. Grynaus Digitized
by Microsoft S>
went with me
out of the church he said to me: “ You have properly called him Felix, for he
will be a joy, or all my mind deceives me.”
Now when 1
had been there a long time, the business pleased me the less the longer I
stayed. For we yet continued to borrow and paid off nothing. We were now
indebted almost two thousand guilders. Then I said: “I will no longer be in the
partnership, we will completely ruin Rupreeht.” This did not please some of them,
especially Ruch. But I desired one should take stock of all the books at
Frankfort, then I would take stock of all the books at home. Likewise with what
others were indebted to us and we to other people. Thus it came to pass. Then T
found we were indebted over twq thousand florins. Then we had books and
obligations therefor, so that to each of us there belonged yet one hundred
florins. Then we divided the manuscripts and all the working materials. Then
Rupreeht said: “Who now wishes to reserve his part, let him give me security,
so that mine will be secured.” Then Balthasar gave Mr. Cratander as security,
but Oporinus and Rupreeht remained partners; but 1 said: “ If you will trust
me, 1 will pay you honestly.” Ru- precht would not willingly do this. Then I
did not wish to approach any one for security, and gave over everything to
Rupreeht, also the one hundred florins, so that, however hereafter it might
happen to him. I would not have a share in it. For at that time he could have
come out of
it without any disadvantage. For Bebelius wished to take all things together
and cancel his mortgage. But perhaps he was destined to be ruined, foi it
happened so hereafter. For a long time Oporinus and he printed with one
another, and they also separated. Iiuprecht went on alone, against my advice,
until he had spent all; for he did not himself understand the trade. Balthasar
also was ruined, so that they lost by him some thousand guilders. Oporinus held
out for the longest time; but they at last lost much through him also. Almost
all the three died in the distress of debt. But I, since I had given up my
part to Ruprecht—he left me an Ttalic writing and a few others—that I afterward
paid off by printing.
At that time
there was a very fine craftsman in printing, Peter Schaffer, by whose family
the printing establishment in Mainz was founded. He had type punches for almost
all writings. He gave me the matrices for a very little money; some of these he
adjusted for me and cast for me; some Master Martin cast for me, some he, who
was called Utz, an engraver, so that now I was quite well supplied with all
styles of types and presses. Then some gentlemen gave me to print; as
Mr.Wattenschnee, Frobenius, Episkopius, Her- vagius, Michael Isengrinius. From
this contract I made some profit; I also received apprentices; I taught them
myself with industry. That was profitable for me, for in a short time they set
for me the daily task Digitized by
Microsoft ®
in Greek and
Latin. I lived in a house on Eisengaspe; there I had a shop, and also had books
tor sale. But I did not make much thereby, but got into debt. But I soon ceased
to sell books, supported myself with the printing, contract work, and also my
own work; therewith I went to Frankfort.
DEBT—SICKNESS—PURCHASE
OF HOUSES
The dear old gentlemen, Conrad Rosch, now deceased,
and Cratander, saw clearly that I would get myself heavily in debt, and that I
was even already in debt. Mr. Conrad said: “ Thomas, watch yourself, and give
heed, that you shun the little creditors the most, for it is much easier to
become indebted to one for a thousand guilders than for ten or twenty. For the
little dogs always make such very great outcry that one can scarcely trust
them. The large dogs one can much better keep silent.” But Cratander gave me
the advice that among them to whom I was indebted I should always consider that
one to be the best who applied to me the most frequently to pay. For these
would be much more useful to me, and would hold me up; for the others, who
demanded nothing of me, made me negligent. “ They have harmed me most, who have
loaned me the more, the longer 1 borrowed, so that I at last have come into the
greatest debt. I little know how things will go after my death.” This he said
to me on his deathbed, for he died soon thereafter. And if
Bebelius and
Frobenius had not done the best to con-
15 Digitized
by Mi
duct his
affairs, them would it have gone most evilly with his heirs.
Wlnlo I was
in this house 1 was sick unto death, lay fully eight weeks, and became indebted
1,400 guilders, when God raised me up again. I wished to take another house,
for I desired to leave the bookseller’s business, and hence I did not need the
shop. Also my printing room was small and dark. Thereupon T eame in possession
of the house wherein I am yet from Mr. John Kachtler, the secretary of the
Cathedral. I had to pay sixteen florins yearly for the two houses. Yet he kept
for himself a closet in Felix’s room. Herein he kept his possessions. Here I
first prepared a paper-printing establishment, so that 1 could print with three
presses, aBd carry on printing for Dr. Hervagius, Frobenius, Isengrinius, and
others, who gave to me; likewise for myself. Then I also had more than twenty
boarders, so that I made much thereby and gradually paid off my debt.
Immediately after I had bought the houses, 1 also made my well. Without the
chimney this cost me 100 florins. For when I had been in the house two or three
years, and had paid large rent and yet had no property, God gave me the idea I
should buy the house. Also other honest people—namely, the burgermeister, “ zum
nirsohen,” also Mr. Maeharius Nuszbaum counselled me. Both directed me that I
should go to Freiburg to Kachtler, and request him that he should come to
Schliugen.
Then they would in person ride after me to Schlingen, and help me. make the
purchase. But when I came to Freiburg to Kachtler, and told it to him, he said
he would permit no man on that account to ride thither, but would close the
sale with me, so that he himself would not blush, but whoever would hear of it
would say it was a good sale; and he would give me an entire year for the time
of payment; but he wished no right of redemption. He sold me the two houses,
the Weissenburg and the next one, for 750 florins; then I was to ask for some
house furniture, which he yet had in the house. Of these, I wished some pieces,
which he thought were worth 50 florins. But the sale of the mentioned pieces
and the two houses was made for 750 florins. Then he asked: “How much I would
give of ready money.” I answered: “ Nothing; I wished to pay interest.” He
asked what I would deposit, and whom I would give as security. I said: “ I
will give you no securities, for I w ill afflict no one therewith, but I will
mortgage to you the house and what 1 have therein, my household furniture and
printing establishment.” He said: “ Whoever loans money on a house or accepts
it as a mortgage, lends on a tub of ashes.” Then I said: “Trust me, and I will
act honestly towards you.” He believed me; for I thmk the Father in Heaven,
who was on my side, persuaded him; for otherwise he scarcely would have trusted
me without
securities.
Then it was his opinion that I should pay
Digitized by Microsoft ®
interest on
the 500 florins, each year 25 florins, the remaining 250 florins I should pay
as follows: The first year, with the interest, 150 florins; the following year,
with the interest, 100 florins. That was also determined upon, and I gave the
wife a gold guilder.
When I showed
my good patrons in Basel the sale, they were astonished over the bargain, and
said I should write him that I would annul the redemption, and thus close the
sale. 1 think, Kachtler thought that I would pay much of the sum and then get
stuck, so that I could not pay any more, and the house would come back to him,
as it had also occurred previously with another house, which he had sold, and
after the greater part was paid, the purchaser was killed, and the house came
back to him again. The third house he did not wish to sell at first, but kept
it for himself, so that, if the canons came back again, he would have one house
of his own. But before the year was over he wrote to me that T should also buy
the third house from him, on account of the space before the houses. He wished
to sell it, for he did not think that he would come back again to Basel;
perhaps one might buy it who would occupy the place with a stable or something
else that would be a nuisance to me. Therefore, since he had trusted me with
the two houses, he would also trust me with the third, and sell the same for
200 florins in gold. I asked the burgomaster for advice. lie said: “ Buy it;
God, vrho will help you pay
for the two,
wiD also help you pay for the third.” But, in regard to the gold guilders, 1
should write to him that I did not agree in regard to them; that he should let
me have it for 200 in small coin. For some time he refused this through
letters; at last he wished me fortune therewith, and allowed it to me for 200
florins, on this account, so that if the houses should come hack to him again,
they would not he separated. Therefore I was now indebted to him 950 florins,
and was obliged to pay interest to him on 500 florins; the remaining to be
paid the first year 200 florins, the next 200 florins, the third 50 florins,
every year with the interest on 500 florins. And if I should desire to redeem
it, I should pay 200 florins at a time. Therefore I paid him the 450 florins in
the three years as had been agreed upon. And when I brought to him at the time
of redemption the first 200 florins, I asked that hereafter, instead of that,
he would take for each further year 100 florins, together with the interest, as
it was too difficult for me to give 200 florins. He would not do this. I then
went home again in anger, and looked after money, that I might pay in the next
year 300 florins, and really paid him all in five years. This was arranged for
the most part through Spirer, who executed the sale for me, but I always paid
the money there to Zacheus, but Kachtler gave me a receipt. He has often
praised me, as I have been told, and said he had never had a better debtor than
me, and the houses Digitized by
Microsoft® '
belonged to
me by right. For Squire Petti‘man von Otfenburg had desired to purchase them,
and to give 600 florins in cash; yet he would rather let me have them.
Thereafter I also perceived that 1 had made no bad purchase, for our
mint-master said: fi Had he known that the houses had been for sale, then they
would not have become mine; he would give me 1,200 florins for the one.”
Therefore I must justly praisf God, and give him the honour before all, and
afterward the good people, who have helped me therewith and have counselled
me.
Not long
thereafter a pestilence broke out, and because I had many table boarders the
deputies desired not that I should send them from me, but that I should retreat
with them to Liestal and write thither that they should assist me in finding a
dwelling. Then CTi Wantz received me, and there were of us, I and the boarders,
about thirty-five. They gave me here some rooms and some furniture. I gave him
two and a half mark each week for house-rent. After sixteen weeks 1 went again
into the city, began to carry on my business and to print. My dear child,
little Margaret, died of the pestilence, of whom they said, she was a very
pretty child; she was, as I remember, about six years old.
«
It had even
before that come to pass when Oporinus ami I were professors, and the city
clerk, at that time councillor, had asked me in his house how it yet hep-
poned that
the University did not prosper—after many words I said: “It seems to me the
professors are far too many, for there are often almost more professors than
students. If there were four famous men, which one could easily find, for at
that time there was much unrest in Germany, which one ought to pay well, and
then four more which could be paid less; that would be eight persons. If each
one read each day one lecture with industry, or if one would take yet fewer
and each read every day two lectures, then would students enough come thither.”
Then he said: “J5ut what would we do with fellow townsmen ? ” Then I said: “If
he desired to look at that, and not to care much more for the youth, then I
would counsel him no more. I am also of the opinion at all times that one
should favour the people of Basel, if one finds them; if not, one should take
the best, so that the youth will be helped.”
I know not
what or where this was decided, because Oporinus and I had undertaken the
printing business, we should either give it up and apply ourselves to the
profession alone; if not, then we should give up the profession; this happened.
For we had gone so far in tbe business that we could not leave off from the
prini- ing. Then they gave us a furlough, and began with us to do what I had
counselled; but that they looked around for other people, I have not yet seen.
After I had
purchased the houses, and had paid for Digitized by Microsoft®
them, I went od with the printing and had a bad time,
also my wife and children, for the children often rubbed the paper so that
their lingers bled. But it went well with me financially. For with the printing
alone I was able to make each year 200 florins to improve my printing
establishment and household furniture. Also I borrowed money and paid it, and
always found people who would loan it to me. But when unrest, warlike
activities, and even war arose in every land, printers became unwilling to
print much, and carry the stock of books, and the journeymen were so unprepared
that I had almost an aversion to print more.
Thus the deputies, Dr. Grynaus, Mr. Yoder Brant, the
mayor, and others often advised me that I should leave off from printing and
become school-master. For they had had several school-masters in a few years,
and the school “ at the Castle ” had almost come to an end. One day I came to
Mr. Rudolph Fry, who was the head deputy and forester to the Castle, and asked
him whether he would sell a parchment book; for I saw him sell these large,
beautiful books, and indeed very cheap. Since I had continually many boarders,
I had purchased the parchment willingly, to give to them, wherewith to bind
little books. He said there wa> no more to sell. Among other things he asked
me again if I would cease to print. I said it had begun to be almost
disagreeable to me. He said: £‘ Dear sir, become a school-master.
Thereby you will do my master a service, will serve God and the world.” Then he
related it to our gracious masters. They sent the city clerk to me, also Dr.
Grynaus. Dr. Grynaus said to me: “Become a school-master, there is no more godlike
office. There is nothing I would rather be, if only
209
I did not
have to repeat things.” They incited Dr. Myconius also, for they thought that I
could not refuse him. Myconius told me how they had advised with him on my
account. I asked him what, he advised. He paid: “ I would prefer you to any one
else in the city. But I will not advise you at all; you will not be able to
reconcile yourself with the University; I know you, you will desire to follow
your own ideas. They will not permit that.” They counselled with me so much
that I agreed. Then our deputies invited me to the Council House; it was
arranged with me. Then I desired first, if they desired to intrust the school
to me, they must prepare ar.d support it, similarly three assistants and a
salary wherewith I could support myself; then I would accept it. If not, then I
did not know how to direct a school with advantage and honour. This was all
granted to me. The salary was difficult to arrange; I asked 200 florins, 100
for myself and 100 for the assistants. They promised this to me and asked me
that I should not tell it to any one; for they had never given any one so much,
and would never again give one so much. This was all agreed upon; the
University was not consulted concerning it, which vexed them not a little. For
they would have arranged otherwise with me, and especially would have
inculcated that I should make myself subject to the University, do what they
told me, adjust their regulations to the school, that I should read what they
pre-
scribed me,
and above all, that I should become a master, and many other things that
occurred to them just at that time.
After this I
went away to Strassburg, wished to investigate their order of studies and to
confer with my brother Lithonius, who was preceptor of the third class, and to
arrange as much as was appropriate for my school. Thereupon I returned,
established my four classes; for before this all the pupils were in the lower
room; up to this time also they heated only the lower room; for at that time
there were only a few pupils. Now when 1 began to hold school, I had to deliver
in writing to those of the University my Order of Classes, and what I read for
every hour of the entire week. That did not please them at all. I read higher
authors than they in the Pedagogium And above all they would not permit that I
should read dialectic. They complained of me so often that the councillors
began to wonder what dialectic might be, concerning which one wrangled so and
had for so !ong. Thereupon I explained to the burgomaster, Mr. Yoder Brant, who
had asked me what dialectic was, he wondered why they wished to forbid me. When
they had a convocation on 'Whitsuntide, they again passed the unanimous
judgment that I should not teach dialectic. But I diil not worry myself about
it, went ahead, because I had the pupils that could hear it with profit. For
the other Faculties were not altogether against it; only the Digitized by Microsoft ®
Faculty of
Arts was against it; they said it brought the University the greatest reproach
that so few boys should be matriculated. This was of great importance to them.
This quarrel continued for six years, until a pestilence so diminished my
school that I had no pupils who desired to study dialectic. After this they
began to vex me that I should become a Master of Arts; that also continued for
a long time. The deputies also agreed in this. When now I would not do t his, I
was accused before my gracious sirs; they gave me to understand that it did not
become the city well to have a schoolmaster who was not a Master of Arts. But
they did not call me before the council. The substance of the matter was that
they wanted to obtain power over the school. They were envious of this ; but
from whom and through whom I know well; for the honourable council has never
complained concerning my school. They not only received the power over my school,
but also over the church, under this pretence—that it would be well if school
and church were united into one body. This had then a fine appearance; but what
came out of it one sees daily; how officiously all things are supervised. For
as every professor received also an appointment as a preacher, on this account
neither this nor that was better conducted and administered.
When now they
had acquired authority over my school, they made regulations also concerning
the entrance and examinations. But when 1 was not pleased
with all, as
not profitable to the school, and some even harmful, it was decided by the
authorities of the University that they should hear me concerning it; I should
choose for myself one or two from the University Faculty of Arts, and they
also should select as many; they should reconcile us with one another. This
came to pass, and I was well pleased with the result, for they did not alter in
the least my previously used Regulations. But when the affair was not settled
according to their desire, they complained once more, for they were always too
few who desired to enter; and it came from this that I read what one should
read in the University. The struggle had such an appearance that the deputies
themselves were compelled to interfere; they examined me and those from the
Faculty of Arts; thus it was settled.
Again they
wished that I should bring my pupils twice a year to the College, and there
present them to be examined. I was not willing to do that, but desired that
they should come to the school as often as they wished, arid there examine
them, or listen when some one examined them. But when I was not willing to do
what they wished I was strongly condemned; then the deputies came to me very
much displeased. I said, “ I see well that there will be no end to the
complaints, I would rather that one should take a school-master who will do
everything that they wish.” When now this had lasted some years, the
burgomaster. Mr. Yoder Digitized by Microsoft®
Brant,
summoned me to him and counselled with me a long time, desiring that I should
obey him in this, and permit my pupils to he examined once in the college.
Then if it did not please me, I could another time hold it in the school. I
said: “ Sir, the only thing that they want is that they also can assert to my
gracious sirs that they care for the schools, and they will then continue to
make arrangements constantly as it pleases now this one and now that one, and
there is the school at an end. Therefore I cannot agree to that.” Then he said:
" Then you will be left undisturbed no more, and will see yourself accused
before the council ; for I will not hide it from you that you are accused
before the council for the ninth time.” I said: “ Why have they not then
allowed mi; to come at least for a defence ? ” He said: “ Our gracious sirs
have not yet judged of it for good, but hold out with lances and poles that it
may not yet come to pass. For what do you think that many of the councillors’
friends would think if so many powerful men, doctors and others, who are all
from Basel, would stand against yon there; and you a foreigner, who have no
degree, were against them? How will you act then?” I answered: “ If then no one
will support me, yet I know that I have a just cause; I will testify to that and
prove to all impartial scholars. Then I will ask the dear God that he will
support me, and then await to see how well it will go.” Then the man
laughed,
offered me his hand, and .said: “ Go ahead.” When I went away he said once more
to me: “ Please, sir, do what J have counselled you; with that you will do an
honourable council a favour.” Then 1 agreed to it; he thanked me with the
promise if he could serve me then he would spare nothing. Afterward when he had
reported it to the council, some of the gentlemen came to me, praised me on
this account, also informed me how it had pleased my gracious sirs that we had
agreed.
At the next
quarterly feast I led my class thither; I permitted them to be examined. Then
they went about the matter and vexed one another for quite a while because
somewhat divided over it, and therefore called me to conduct the examination. I
said they should do it; that I examined them every day in the school; yet I
permitted myself to be persuaded, and conducted it even to this time. I had
thought that the examinations were planned for this season, that one could see
whether things were progressing much, but those who should listen sat there and
chattered. Examinations are good for nothing, for one can explain scarcely a
line, and then one calls go on; it is only for this reason that one should
think they apply themselves with the greatest industry. Thus I alone brought
the classes out of my school thither for some years. I asked why should not the
other school-mas-
ters bring
their pupils also. Then it was declared that
they should
bring theirs also. They also ordered that always two of the magistrates should
visit the schools once every quarter. Perhaps they came once, perhaps not; they
began then to chat a little with the schoolmaster and went away again. Of what
value was it ?
After I had
become school-master I went to Frankfort, sold my books there to Bartlus
Vogel, of Wittenberg, so that scarcely the price of the paper was paid me.
Those which I yet had in Basel, Jacob de Puys, of Paris, bought from me. But I
sold the printing establishment to Peter Berirn cheap.
PURCHASE OF
AN ESTATE—GRKAT CREDIT— HELP FROM GOD AND MAN
Whes it was 1549 on the eighteenth day of June I
bought the estate of Hugwalders for 660 florins. I had no ready money to giro
him, hut I desired to pay him interest; with this he was well pleased. But when
I desired to complete the bill of purchase he demanded a mortgage and sureties.
I said: “I will mortgage to you the estate which I have bought from you and my
houses.” With that I borrowed 200 florins from Mr. Frobenius, which I gave him
in ready money; and yet he would not receive the mortgage without a surety. I
said: “ I have made greater purchases than this, and they have trusted me without
sureties; I will pay you interest on nothing.” I looked after money. Then the
gentleman of “ the White Dove ” loaned me 500 florins. With this money I paid
Hugwalders. I also received 200 florins from Dr. Frobenius’s son-in-law, called
Kannengiesser. 1 was also yet indebted to Dr. Isengerius for 200 florins, which
had been inherited by him from Dominus Bebelius. At that time I was indebted
to Dr. Hervagius for 100 sun crowns, which I had
16 Digitized by Microsoft^
promised to
pay on St. John the Baptist’s day of the same year that he had loaned it to me.
But when it was St. John’s eve 1 did not have the money. I went at eight
o’clock in the morning to Hervagius and told him that I could not keep my word;
for I did not have the money. Then he said to me with some anger: “ I am sorry
for that, for with my good deed I change a friend into an enemy, for I must
have the money.” I said: “ No, if God wills, I will not become your enemy, 1
will see what I can do in this matter.” I went to the shop of Mr. Balthasar
Jlanus, and was sad. Then Bebelius came to me and said: “Why are you so sad,
countryman?” So he always called me, for he said that the Kochensbergers, from
where he was, and the Wallisians were fellow countrymen. I said: “ I should
have money, and I have none.” He said: “ Odds! is it only about money ? To whom
are you indebted ? ” I said: “ I am indebted to Hervagius for 100 crowns, and
ought to give it to him to-morrow, and I nave not got it.” He said: f Has he
much need of it ? If you want money, all good and genuine, I will give it to
you.” I said: “ He wishes to have the crowns again.” Then said Mr. Balthasar
Hanus: “ Mr. Bebelius, I have here upstairs 600 crowns which belong to the
Count von Gryers. If you will give me the crowns again when the Count comes,
then I will give the 100 crowns to Thomas.” Bebelius said: “Yes.” Then he gave
me in the name of Ilorr Bebelius the 100 crowns, and I Digitized by Microsoft®
gave him a
little note which he gave to Dr. Bebelius. I took the money, concerning which I
knew nothing an hour before, and gave it to Hervagius. He was almost angry, and
thought that I had deceived him. But when I told him how it had come about he
thanked me with the offer that if I needed money hereafter, and I should come,
he would not leave me in the lurch. He ought to do me a little good justly,
since I have merited from him manifold ones for this reason: I had come into
the disfavour of I)r. Frobenius and Nicolaus Episcopius, who wished to give me
to print with three presses during ten years from Erasmus Frobenius; but when
they learned that I concerned myself so much in regard to the business with Hervagius
in order to appease him, then they took it away from me again. I would have
been in the ten years quite a rich man. For the 100 crowns Bebelius demanded
nothing of me, no interest even, until he came to his death-bed, and lived not
three days more; he summoned me through Mr. Bonaventur, of Brun. now mayor.
When I came he said to me alone: “Thomas, do you know for what you are indebted
to me?” I said: “ Yes, sir, 100 crowns.” He said: “If I depart at this time I
will place you in the hands of a man who will not oppress you.” Now when he
died, Isen- grinius brought my note. T said: “I have it not now, but 1 will pay
you honestly.” He said: “If you desire yet more with it, I will give it to
you.” I said: Digitized by Microsoft
w
“ Give me yet
enough to make it 200 florins.” He gave it to me, and then I had to pay
interest on it. Thus I was without any sureties indebted for so much money that
some years I had to give 60 florin* interest; but I discharged it by degrees.
So that no money collector has ever come to my house, God be praised!
PARENTS’
SORROW AND PARENTS' JOY— SON’S DOCTORATE AND MARRIAGE
Not long thereafter a pestilence once more broke
out, and since I had mam boarders all the time they did not wish to go away
from me, but asked that I go with them to the country estate. I did this in the
week before Whitsuntide. On Whitsuntide we went in to church. Then this evil
thing befell my dear daughter Ursela who died on Thursday in the country. On
Friday my neighbours took her away; she. was buried at St. Elizabeth’s; she
was seventeen years old. Then all of my boarders left me except the son of Mr. von
Rollen, who remained with me quite alone. On this account, and because of his
other virtues, 1 would have received him as a son, to have raised him up to
study, until he had received his doctor's degree; but his father, now deceased,
would not permit him. At the time of the pestilence my son Felix was with the
clerk of the court of the province, Dr. Peter (lawiler, at Roteln.
When I had
purchased the estate of Hugwalders and had paid for it, 1 began to build; first
the spring, the house, the bam and stable, the vineyard and other Digitized by Microsoft @ 221
things, which
seemed necessary to me. Then 1 had great expense and not less work, for all the
time I gave the work-people from the city their wages and meals. I also
purchased from Lux Dechem three acres of meadow for 130 florins. Now, after 1
had built, and went out each day several times, my gracious sirs thought that
it was not possible. that I could attend to the estate and the school; there
were very many speeches before the council and on the street, especially with
the University men; on this account I had many overseers. But when one could
not notice that I neglected anything they left me in peace, and now for some
years unsuspected.
After my son
Felix bad returned from Roteln, and had studied literature for a long time, he
had a desire to study medicine, and to that I desired very willingly to help
him. I had received an exchange student fmm Montpelier, and sent lr'm thither,
where he then applied his time well, and because my dear daughter Ursela was
dead I desired to have another daughter. So I thought where can I find a wife
for my son. And because the time had not arrived, so that he could marry,
especially because he wished first to go to France, I wished in my heart to
choose one with whom I could make myself happy, with the hope of the future,
and pretend to myself that I already had another daughter with whom I could
gradually become acquainted. Then no one pleased me better than the
daughter of
Master Jecklemann, the councillor; and that for many reasons not necessary to
relate here. Therefore I spoke to him concerning his daughter. He met me with a
friendly answer; that my son was now going to France; they were both quite
young; when he came again, and it pleased them both, then he would meet me in a
friendly way. And it was not his intention meanwhile to find her a husband.
When Felix had cost me quite a little, and had returned home, I spoke again to
the father. He answered: “When he has become a doctor, we will see.” When now
he became a doctor with honour I again applied to the father. Then he could no
longer well delay the matter, although it appeared to me that he was not very
willing, for he feared that I was much in debt. But I said no one need worry
himself on account of my debts, I would, with God's help, pay them without any
one’s assistance, as also I have done, God be praised. Thereafter a day was
chosen and settled upon and we thereafter held the marriage, and the
wedding-feast with honour. The father, Franz, has aided my son to the sum of
six florins in the expense of his doct or’s degree; otherwise no one has had
any expense on account of my son; and although the custom is that the gracious
masters should give a new Doctor, Master, or Baccalaureate something as a contribution,
my son has received nothing. Perhaps it is thus ordered from God, in order that
no one might be ahle to upbraid him; one has Digitized by Microsoft®
had no
expense with him, on which account he would be bound to serve this one or that
one.
When now my
son and his wife had been with me three years they longed to dwell alone, to
keep house for themselves, and to obtain some property, for, God be praised
they were fortunate then, and are yet; and what the departed Grynaus wisely
said at the christening of Felix became true. Concerning his happiness and
welfare in his housekeeping it is not necessary to say much. May it please God,
that he and his wife recognise this, and give to their Lord praise and thanks
therefor. Amen.
PESTILENCE
AND GRACIOUS EXEMPTION— RETROSPECT—GOD BE PRAISED
Some years after this time a terrible pestilence broke
out, which respected no age, in which God also seized, me, thereafter also my
wife; yet our dear Father in Heaven wished to let us live longer here on earth.
The Lord showed us grace, so that it redounds to the glory of God, our Saviour,
Amen. And to the praise of God I cannot overlook it, that in all the sickness I
felt do pain, although my wife,
and also other people have suffered great pain. This I also ascribe to the
mercy of God, who will save us all from eternal pain through his son Jesus
Christ. Amen, Amen.
Now I have
written for you according to your request, my dear son Felix, of the beginning
and the continuation of my life even to the present time, as much as I have
been able to remember after so long a time; yet not all, for who would be able
to do this? For besides I have been many times in the greatest danger on the
mountains, on the water, on the Bodensee, on the Lake of Luzern and other
lakes, also on the Rhine; similarly on the land, as in Poland, Hungaria, Digitized by Microsoft® 225
Silesia,
Saxonv, Schwabia, and Bavaria, so much have I suffered in my youth besides
that, which is revealed in this book, that I have often thought, is it possible
that I yet live, can stand or walk so long a time and neither have broken a
limb nor received a permanent injury? for God has protected me through his
angels. And as thou seest how poor my beginning and how perilously my life has
been spent, I am come nevertheless into considerable fortune and honour, though
I received almost nothing from my parents, and my wife nothing at all from
hers. Nevertheless we have come to this, that I at one time have come into
possession in the lovely city of Basel of four houses with considerable
furniture. This through the greatest labour both of mypelf and my wife;
similarly I have acquired a house and eourt-yard, also a farm, through the
grace of God; with this also a houpe in the school; as in the beginning I could
not even call a little hut in Basel my own. And, however humble my origin, God
has granted me the honour, so that in so widely famous a city as Basel I have
taught school according to my power now for thirty-one years in the next
highest school to the University, wherein many noblemen’s sons have been
instructed, in which now many doctors or otherwise learned men have been; some,
and not a few, from the nobility, who now possess and rule land and people, and
others who sit in the courts and councils; also at all times have had many
boarders who have
spoken and
shown me all honour, they ami their families; that the lovely city of Zurich,
similarly, also the famous city of Bern has given me its wine of honour, on
account of the city; and other places besides have honoured me through their
honoured and learned people; thus also at Strassburg eleven doctors appeared to
honour me, because I had taught at the beginning of his studies my dear
departed brother, Simon Lithonius, preceptor of the second class; at Sitten,
when they sent me the wine from the city, the captain said: “ This wine of
honour the city of Sitten gives to our dear fellow countryman, Thomas Platter,
as to a father of the children of the common land of Valais.” What shall I say
also of you, dear son Felix, of your honour and position, that God has given
you the honour, that you have become known to princes and gentlemen, noble and
commoners? All these things, dear son Felix, recognise and acknowledge;
ascribe nothing to yourself, but your life long adjudge to God alone the praise
and the glory, then will you attain to eternal life. Amen.
Written by
Thomas Platter, 1572, on the 12th day of February, in the seventy-third year of
his age on the Lord’s Shrovetide, which at that time was on the 17th day of
February. God grant me a happy end through Jesus Christ. Amen.
THE END.